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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> transportation officials will begin taking aggressive steps to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">stop oversized vehicles from parking overnight\u003c/a> on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Municipal Transportation Authority’s board approved the policy change, which allows the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living inside them reject offers of shelter, housing or services. The Tuesday board meeting, which stretched into the night, was filled with residents united in their opposition to the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision is clearly an attack on our most vulnerable communities and is not a solution,” Yessica Hernandez, a housing justice organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said during public comment. “Hiding a problem doesn’t solve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed proposed the policy change. It comes as she and officials in other California cities crack down on encampments and unhoused people living on the streets. For years, vocal residents have urged officials to address blight and public safety issues sometimes caused by homeless encampments. Several San Francisco Supervisors, including Joel Engardio, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Dorsey and Catherine Stefani, support the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing state officials to dismantle homeless encampments in public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">RVs line Winston Drive in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023, near San Francisco State University. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, officials from the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing insisted the policy would only be used as a last resort when dealing with RV dwellers who refuse offers for shelter or services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to see anybody on the streets and everybody, whether they live in an RV or not, want safe and clean and well maintained streets,” Dominica Henderson, a board member, said. “Doing nothing is not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s current law does not allow RVs to park overnight on certain streets, while other streets allow it. More than 8,323 people are unhoused, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">the city’s 2024 count\u003c/a>. About 9% of the 4,354 people who are unsheltered in San Francisco live in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTA officials and the San Francisco Police Department will enforce the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006541 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-001-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City workers are out on the streets every day offering shelter and housing to people living in recreational vehicles,” Jeff Tumlin, SFMTA’s director of transportation, said in a statement. “This legislation will allow for parking enforcement if and when all those offers have been refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, city officials have already moved 50 households from vehicles on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965352/san-francisco-rv-community-fears-new-parking-rules-could-push-them-closer-to-homelessness\">Winston Drive near Stonestown Mall\u003c/a> and Zoo Road near Lake Merced into long-term housing since June after threatening to tow their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing activists and critics argue the proposed law does nothing to fix the lack of affordable housing in the city or access to safe parking sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the conversation was, ‘Give up your RV for permanent shelter,’ it would be a completely different conversation,” Lukas Illa, an organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said. “Shelter is so temporary. So many folks I have talked to desperately want permanent solutions. But that is not what’s being offered by the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The policy change to San Francisco’s code, introduced by Mayor London Breed, allows the city to tow RVs and other oversized vehicles parked on city streets. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> transportation officials will begin taking aggressive steps to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">stop oversized vehicles from parking overnight\u003c/a> on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Municipal Transportation Authority’s board approved the policy change, which allows the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living inside them reject offers of shelter, housing or services. The Tuesday board meeting, which stretched into the night, was filled with residents united in their opposition to the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision is clearly an attack on our most vulnerable communities and is not a solution,” Yessica Hernandez, a housing justice organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said during public comment. “Hiding a problem doesn’t solve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed proposed the policy change. It comes as she and officials in other California cities crack down on encampments and unhoused people living on the streets. For years, vocal residents have urged officials to address blight and public safety issues sometimes caused by homeless encampments. Several San Francisco Supervisors, including Joel Engardio, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Dorsey and Catherine Stefani, support the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing state officials to dismantle homeless encampments in public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">RVs line Winston Drive in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023, near San Francisco State University. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, officials from the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing insisted the policy would only be used as a last resort when dealing with RV dwellers who refuse offers for shelter or services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to see anybody on the streets and everybody, whether they live in an RV or not, want safe and clean and well maintained streets,” Dominica Henderson, a board member, said. “Doing nothing is not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s current law does not allow RVs to park overnight on certain streets, while other streets allow it. More than 8,323 people are unhoused, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">the city’s 2024 count\u003c/a>. About 9% of the 4,354 people who are unsheltered in San Francisco live in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTA officials and the San Francisco Police Department will enforce the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City workers are out on the streets every day offering shelter and housing to people living in recreational vehicles,” Jeff Tumlin, SFMTA’s director of transportation, said in a statement. “This legislation will allow for parking enforcement if and when all those offers have been refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, city officials have already moved 50 households from vehicles on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965352/san-francisco-rv-community-fears-new-parking-rules-could-push-them-closer-to-homelessness\">Winston Drive near Stonestown Mall\u003c/a> and Zoo Road near Lake Merced into long-term housing since June after threatening to tow their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing activists and critics argue the proposed law does nothing to fix the lack of affordable housing in the city or access to safe parking sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the conversation was, ‘Give up your RV for permanent shelter,’ it would be a completely different conversation,” Lukas Illa, an organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said. “Shelter is so temporary. So many folks I have talked to desperately want permanent solutions. But that is not what’s being offered by the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How Proposition 5 Would Impact Affordable Housing and Property Taxes",
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"content": "\u003cp>Proposition 5 is not the flashiest measure Californians will see in November, but both opponents and supporters say its impact shouldn’t be understated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, most bond measures need a two-thirds supermajority, or 66.67%, of voter approval to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55% for bond measures that are earmarked for affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents argue money unlocked through Proposition 5 could launch local governments into a future of fiscal agency, with voters able to approve funding more easily for much-needed affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, however, caution it will throw the state back to the bad old days of rapidly rising property taxes that once threatened to oust owners from their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are proponents saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing advocates want this proposition to pass so cities can raise more money to build or update badly needed housing and infrastructure. They point to past efforts that fell short despite earning more than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amie Fishman, Director of the Nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California, said cities often have to rely on state funding because bond measures are hard to get approved at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 5 is a crucial step to empowering local communities to address local affordable housing and infrastructure needs,” she said. “It allows local communities to take control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would mirror a similar one that California voters approved in 2000, which lowered the voter threshold needed to pass school bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are critics saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 5 worry that voters could be confused by the text of the measure, which reads, “Allows local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure with 55% voter approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say it lacks context because it doesn’t specify the current threshold for approval, which is 66.67%, and voters may think they are being asked to increase the threshold from 50% to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, like former San Jose City Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are also concerned about the potential increase in property taxes if the proposition passes and it becomes easier to pass bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he agreed that cities need to plan for more affordable housing and infrastructure, the burden to pay for that could fall on people like his mother, who is retired and living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area,” he said. “It actually reverses a lot of the protections we had under Prop. 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978 after property taxes rose so sharply that some people were priced out of their homes. Proposition 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/pdf/pub29.pdf\">amended California’s Constitution\u003c/a>, limiting the tax rate to 1% of the property’s assessed value and capping the yearly increase to no more than 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment also required a two-thirds supermajority to approve any local “special taxes,” which means taxes devoted specifically for one purpose, including the debt service needed to pay for bonds that can fund anything from homelessness services to infrastructure or schools.[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How is Proposition 5 related to Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 would remove that two-thirds supermajority requirement for bond measures specifically dealing with affordable housing and public infrastructure. However, ballot measures that chip away at Proposition 13 protections can be a hard sell for some voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after Proposition 13 passed, 65% of Californians still support it, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\">2018 study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. That same study found that 56% of likely voters oppose lowering the two-thirds threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, the author of that study, said it can be hard to convince people that something that was approved a long time ago, like Proposition 13, needs to be changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hurdle, particularly when it may impact their own taxes and ultimately the cost of living at a time when people are sensitive to their rising costs of living in California,” he said. “At the end of the day, it’s the arguments around needing to do more locally about affordable housing and infrastructure that will convince people that it’s important to make an exception in these two cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Proposition 5 is not the flashiest measure Californians will see in November, but both opponents and supporters say its impact shouldn’t be understated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, most bond measures need a two-thirds supermajority, or 66.67%, of voter approval to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55% for bond measures that are earmarked for affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents argue money unlocked through Proposition 5 could launch local governments into a future of fiscal agency, with voters able to approve funding more easily for much-needed affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, however, caution it will throw the state back to the bad old days of rapidly rising property taxes that once threatened to oust owners from their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are proponents saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing advocates want this proposition to pass so cities can raise more money to build or update badly needed housing and infrastructure. They point to past efforts that fell short despite earning more than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amie Fishman, Director of the Nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California, said cities often have to rely on state funding because bond measures are hard to get approved at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 5 is a crucial step to empowering local communities to address local affordable housing and infrastructure needs,” she said. “It allows local communities to take control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would mirror a similar one that California voters approved in 2000, which lowered the voter threshold needed to pass school bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are critics saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 5 worry that voters could be confused by the text of the measure, which reads, “Allows local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure with 55% voter approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say it lacks context because it doesn’t specify the current threshold for approval, which is 66.67%, and voters may think they are being asked to increase the threshold from 50% to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, like former San Jose City Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are also concerned about the potential increase in property taxes if the proposition passes and it becomes easier to pass bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he agreed that cities need to plan for more affordable housing and infrastructure, the burden to pay for that could fall on people like his mother, who is retired and living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area,” he said. “It actually reverses a lot of the protections we had under Prop. 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978 after property taxes rose so sharply that some people were priced out of their homes. Proposition 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/pdf/pub29.pdf\">amended California’s Constitution\u003c/a>, limiting the tax rate to 1% of the property’s assessed value and capping the yearly increase to no more than 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment also required a two-thirds supermajority to approve any local “special taxes,” which means taxes devoted specifically for one purpose, including the debt service needed to pay for bonds that can fund anything from homelessness services to infrastructure or schools.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How is Proposition 5 related to Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 would remove that two-thirds supermajority requirement for bond measures specifically dealing with affordable housing and public infrastructure. However, ballot measures that chip away at Proposition 13 protections can be a hard sell for some voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after Proposition 13 passed, 65% of Californians still support it, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\">2018 study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. That same study found that 56% of likely voters oppose lowering the two-thirds threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, the author of that study, said it can be hard to convince people that something that was approved a long time ago, like Proposition 13, needs to be changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hurdle, particularly when it may impact their own taxes and ultimately the cost of living at a time when people are sensitive to their rising costs of living in California,” he said. “At the end of the day, it’s the arguments around needing to do more locally about affordable housing and infrastructure that will convince people that it’s important to make an exception in these two cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "transcript-proposition-34-limits-how-prescription-drug-revenue-can-be-spent-by-certain-providers",
"title": "Proposition 34 Limits How Prescription Drug Revenue Can Be Spent By Certain Providers",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 34 Limits How Prescription Drug Revenue Can Be Spent By Certain Providers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Aaron Schrank and Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we take a closer look at Prop 34, which takes aim at how revenues earned through a federal drug pricing program are spent by a very specific number of providers. On the surface it seems like a healthcare prop, but underneath it all is a proxy war over rent control. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/people/aaron-schrank\">Aaron Schrank\u003c/a>, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, helps us understand what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5380710933&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Quite often there’s a prop or two on California’s ballot that seems like it’s about one thing, but it’s mostly about something else.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Meet Proposition 34. The \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> prop that’s drawing big spending from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlord\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> groups. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Behind it all is a proxy war over rent control, and likely how one organization is spending money made through a federal drug pricing program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Host of The Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, Host of Bay Curious. This is Prop Fest, our 10 part series that goes in deep on the propositions you’ll be voting on this November. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> All so you can vote smart. Today we’re getting into the weeds on what is going on in Proposition 34 – about prescription drug spending.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But also about rent control. We’ll explain why, right after this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[SPONSOR MESSAGE]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Proposition 34 is one of the trickier measures California voters must consider this year. Here’s about how it will read on your ballot…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>VO: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 34 is a statute that restricts spending of prescription drug revenues by certain health care providers. It also authorizes statewide negotiation of Medi-Cal drug prices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joining me today is Reporter Aaron Schrank, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station KCRW in Los Angeles. Welcome Aaron.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Shrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Happy to be here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get too far into the weeds on this one, broadly, what is Prop 34 aiming to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well it is hard to avoid weeds on this particular proposition but broadly, Prop 34 would place new restrictions on how certain\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare providers can use the revenue they earn through a federal drug discount program. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more to the point: the measure is aiming to limit the political spending of one particular health care provider called the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. That foundation (as listeners of the previous Propfest episode may recall) is the primary backer of another measure on this year’s ballot which would expand rent control in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s also another minor provision in Prop 34 that would permanently authorize a program called Medi-Cal Rx, which is already in place, and allows California to negotiate Medi-Cal drug prices on a statewide basis.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the heart of this is how funding is used that comes from a specific federal program. It’s called the 340B Drug Pricing Program. Can you explain what that is and how it works?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. 340B is a piece of federal legislation passed in the early 90s requiring pharmaceutical drug manufacturers to give significant discounts on the price of drugs to health care providers that focus on serving low-income and at-risk patients. Those discounts can be between 25 percent and about 50 percent off the retail price of the drugs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, if the health providers give the drugs to a patient who has insurance, those providers can bill the insurance company for reimbursement based on the full cost of the drug. This, in turn, creates a stream of revenue for these social safety net health providers, allowing them to basically make money which they can use to further their operations. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the intention of 340B was to help these providers stretch their resources in order to serve more patients and to provide more comprehensive services to disadvantaged communities. We’re talking about things like offering free care for uninsured patients or offering free vaccines. However, Congress didn’t actually specify any of that in the law, so there is currently no legal requirement for how this 340B revenue must be used.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what are the proponents of Prop 34 looking to change about that?\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well, they’re looking to establish a legal requirement for how that revenue can be used within the state of California –– or at least how some providers can use it. If approved, Prop 34 would require certain providers to spend 98 percent of those 340B revenues on “direct patient care.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We need real transparency on 340b dollars. And we need real guardrails on this program. Fundamentally our entire message is that uh, dollars meant for patients, should be spent on patients.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The measure’s definition of “direct patient care” includes medical, dental, pharmaceutical or behavioral health services directly administered to individual patients. It also specifies that they must be health care services that are regularly provided by other health providers in the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop 34 also establishes penalties. A provider that doesn’t comply with that 98 percent rule would have their healthcare license and tax exempt status permanently revoked. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it’s not \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care providers who would have to meet these new requirements, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s right, and that’s where this takes a bit of a turn. The law would only apply to 340B providers who meet some very specific conditions. First, they must have spent at least $100 million over a decade on purposes that do not qualify as direct patient care. Next, they must own –– or have previously owned –– one or more apartment buildings. And finally, the apartment buildings they own have to have been collectively cited for at least 500 health and safety violations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that narrows things down a bit. Now, I should say the backers of this proposal do claim to believe that their measure would apply to more than one health care provider, but there’s really only one entity that we can be fairly certain would be impacted by the passage of Prop 34, and that is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> Okay, so what is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and why are they seemingly being singled out with this Proposition?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, or AHF, is the largest AIDS organization in the world. It was founded in Los Angeles in 1987, initially to provide hospice care to people dying of AIDS. As treatments and life expectancy for AIDS patients improved, AHF began opening clinics and then expanded nationally and internationally over the years. Today, they serve 2 million patients across 17 states and 47 countries.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization has more recently also gotten into housing. Back in 2017, they launched the Healthy Housing Foundation, which purchases and renovates existing buildings, primarily here in Los Angeles, where it has about 1,400 apartment units. CEO Michael Weinstein told me he sees housing as an extension of the organization’s existing mission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our mission is both medicine and advocacy. And under medicine, we consider housing to be a component of that.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> He says that housing is the number one determinant of health, and that being unhoused is a huge health risk. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s worth mentioning that AHF has an annual budget of about 2.5 billion dollars. The vast majority of their revenue comes from their network of 62 pharmacies, which is largely a result of its participation in that 340B program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, as to why they seem to be in the cross-hairs of this ballot measure. The backers of Prop 34 don’t like how AHF uses that revenue, particularly when the organization spends money on political activity. Between 2015 and 2020, AHF spent more than $110 million on ballot measure campaigns in California, including two previous attempts to expand rent control. The California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents apartment landlords, spent many millions to help defeat those two previous rent control measures. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, again, this year, the AHF is the main sponsor of another rent control proposition – Prop 33. And the same landlord lobbying groups that have spent millions campaigning against AHF’s rent control measures are the ones sponsoring Proposition 34. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, is Prop 34 really about housing, and not that much about health care at all?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, if you look at who is spending money to convince voters to approve this measure, it’s clear that this does have a lot to do with housing, and with the politics of housing and rent control specifically. The measure’s impact on health care is mostly limited to the question of how this one healthcare provider can spend its money. And backers of the proposition would argue that AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s spending on things like apartment buildings and rent control campaigns comes at the expense of patient care.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has positioned themselves as a pro-tenant group, and a group trying to help people experiencing homelessness, but to further complicate things, they’ve been criticized for the conditions in some of their low-incoming housing facilities. Can you elaborate on that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sure, as I mentioned, AHF has purchased several old hotels and small apartment complexes, mostly in the Skid Row area of downtown Los Angeles. There have been lots of complaints and reports of squalid conditions at those sites. The Los Angeles Times reported that the rate of code enforcement and public health complaints at AHF buildings is three times higher than those at other Skid Row nonprofits. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AHF has also been criticized for evicting\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">tenants for unpaid rent, while simultaneously publicly advocating against evictions. Many tenants have filed lawsuits against the organization, citing substandard living conditions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, despite the controversy and criticism, CEO Michael Weinstein defends the organization’s approach to housing. He says many of the buildings AHF has purchased are a century-old and that previous owners are in some cases partly liable for their condition. He says his organization has spent millions on renovations, and he stresses that his tenants have some of the cheapest rents available in the city. The tenants I’ve spoken with were paying between $400 and $650 a month. Which is obviously well below the market average. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that certainly all contributes to the controversy around AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hm, if Prop 34 passes, what will happen to the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, if they don’t meet the spending requirements?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’ll note that it’s unclear exactly how much AHF spends on direct patient care right now, but it’s safe to say that it is certainly under that 98 percent threshold. So, if Prop 34 passes, it would likely mean that AHF would have to stop operating as a healthcare provider in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked CEO Michael Weinstein what would happen to his organization if voters approve Prop 34…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s 16, 000 patients that we serve across California who would have to look for another provider and retaining people with HIV in care is extremely important both in terms of breaking the chain of infection, but also for their health. There’s tens of thousands of more patients who go to our STD services, our free STD services. Yeah, so I mean, it would be very deleterious, and it would put an extra burden on the county and state who have to care for those patients.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s also worth mentioning that, if voters do approve Prop 34, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation will still have some legal recourse to challenge the law. The organization believes that the measure is unconstitutional, based on the Constitution’s Bill of Attainder Clauses, which prohibit state legislatures from passing targeted statutes imposing punishment on specific actors without trial. So, if passed, this is almost certain to end up before a judge. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This prop also has implications for Medi-Cal drug prices. Can you walk us through that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb> Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure, so Medi-Cal is the state’s Medicaid program; it’s a public insurance program that provides coverage to low-income Californians, including coverage for prescription drugs.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, Governor Gavin Newsom signed an executive order to save the state money on prescription drug purchases made through Medi-Cal. It did this basically by authorizing state agencies to negotiate with drug manufacturers together as a single entity for lower prices — and by requiring Medi-Cal to pay pharmacies directly for prescription drugs. This is known as the Medi-Cal Rx program. If passed, Prop 34 would enshrine that program into permanent law.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The campaign for Prop. 34 has been running a barrage of ads claiming that this particular provision would “drastically cut the costs of prescription drugs for Medi-Cal patients.” While that certainly sounds good, that claim is misleading, because again this is already happening and the measure is not proposing anything new in this regard, just more of an administrative update to keep it going. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click about this…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next governor, whoever that might be, could take this executive order off the books. The next governor will be able to do that with a stroke of a pen. It’s not in statute. It’s only by executive order. This would codify that executive order and make those important savings permanent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> If this prop fails, what would happen to Medi-cal Rx?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nothing. Newsom’s executive order is in place. But as Click points out, it would remain open to potentially being undone by a future governor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Who’s supporting prop 34 and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The primary supporter and financial backer of Proposition 34 is the California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents corporate rental property landlords. The top donors to the campaign for prop 34 are Equity Residential, which is the fifth largest owner of apartments in the country, and Essex Property Trust, which is the 11th largest. The Yes on 34 campaign has also been endorsed by the Republican Party of California, the ALS Association, the San Francisco Women’s Cancer Network, as well State Assemblyman Evan Low, a Democrat who represents Silicon Valley. These supporters all have issues with how the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has been operating, in one domain or another. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alright, and I can probably guess but, who opposes Prop 34 and why?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The main opposition to Prop 34, unsurprisingly, is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. They are saying they are being targeted and that the landlord lobby is using the guise of representing patients when this is really about stifling the movement for rent control. Here’s AIDS Healthcare Foundation CEO Michael Weinstein:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What you’ve seen this year that you’ve never seen before is, um, a moneyed interest putting an initiative on the ballot with the specific purpose of silencing and exacting revenge against their opponent. And that’s what 34 is. It seeks revenge. I mean, pure and simple. It does not pass the laugh test that the California Apartment Association is so concerned about patient care and access. I don’t know of any time they’ve ever taken any interest in that before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other groups opposing Prop 34 include Consumer Watchdog, the National Organization for Women, the Dolores Huerta Foundation and the League of Women Voters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It sounds like there are, kind of, a few ways voters could approach voting on Prop 34.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. There’s a lot to consider. If you have strong feelings one way or the other about the AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s rent control measure, Prop 33, you might also vote for or against 34 based on that. Or you might vote depending on how you think that 340B money should be spent. But there is also a question of: Do you think propositions should be used in this way? Essentially weaponized in disputes between various interest groups. We’ve seen a lot of this before when labor unions and companies are hashing things out, most recently on the ballot with dialysis clinics. I think some voters will be overwhelmed and frustrated being dragged into this one, and will vote accordingly.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What does funding look like on this prop?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As of late last month, the California Apartment Association and its supporters had spent $30 million in support of Proposition 34. Meanwhile, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation had spent just over $1 million fighting it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lot’s to consider on this one. Reporter Aaron Shrank, thank you so much for walking us through it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In review, a vote yes on prop 34 would limit how a small number of healthcare providers – potentially only one, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation – can spend their revenues from the 340B Drug Price Discount Program. It would also permanently authorize Medi-cal Rx. A vote no means these new rules would not go into effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We really hope you’ve been getting what you need out of Prop Fest so far. You can find transcripts for this episode, and past ones at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you value the work we’re doing here, please consider donating to KQED to support it! We’re a public media station that runs on listener donations to survive, and every contribution makes a difference. Learn more at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious. It’s made by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeida Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, and the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 35, which could change how we fund Medical – a lifeline for low income, disabled Californians. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Be sure you’re subscribed to The Bay and Bay Curious so you don’t miss out. We’ll see ya tomorrow.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Aaron Schrank and Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we take a closer look at Prop 34, which takes aim at how revenues earned through a federal drug pricing program are spent by a very specific number of providers. On the surface it seems like a healthcare prop, but underneath it all is a proxy war over rent control. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/people/aaron-schrank\">Aaron Schrank\u003c/a>, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, helps us understand what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5380710933&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Quite often there’s a prop or two on California’s ballot that seems like it’s about one thing, but it’s mostly about something else.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Meet Proposition 34. The \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> prop that’s drawing big spending from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlord\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> groups. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Behind it all is a proxy war over rent control, and likely how one organization is spending money made through a federal drug pricing program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Host of The Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, Host of Bay Curious. This is Prop Fest, our 10 part series that goes in deep on the propositions you’ll be voting on this November. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> All so you can vote smart. Today we’re getting into the weeds on what is going on in Proposition 34 – about prescription drug spending.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But also about rent control. We’ll explain why, right after this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[SPONSOR MESSAGE]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Proposition 34 is one of the trickier measures California voters must consider this year. Here’s about how it will read on your ballot…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>VO: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 34 is a statute that restricts spending of prescription drug revenues by certain health care providers. It also authorizes statewide negotiation of Medi-Cal drug prices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joining me today is Reporter Aaron Schrank, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station KCRW in Los Angeles. Welcome Aaron.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Shrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Happy to be here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get too far into the weeds on this one, broadly, what is Prop 34 aiming to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well it is hard to avoid weeds on this particular proposition but broadly, Prop 34 would place new restrictions on how certain\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare providers can use the revenue they earn through a federal drug discount program. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more to the point: the measure is aiming to limit the political spending of one particular health care provider called the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. That foundation (as listeners of the previous Propfest episode may recall) is the primary backer of another measure on this year’s ballot which would expand rent control in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s also another minor provision in Prop 34 that would permanently authorize a program called Medi-Cal Rx, which is already in place, and allows California to negotiate Medi-Cal drug prices on a statewide basis.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the heart of this is how funding is used that comes from a specific federal program. It’s called the 340B Drug Pricing Program. Can you explain what that is and how it works?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. 340B is a piece of federal legislation passed in the early 90s requiring pharmaceutical drug manufacturers to give significant discounts on the price of drugs to health care providers that focus on serving low-income and at-risk patients. Those discounts can be between 25 percent and about 50 percent off the retail price of the drugs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, if the health providers give the drugs to a patient who has insurance, those providers can bill the insurance company for reimbursement based on the full cost of the drug. This, in turn, creates a stream of revenue for these social safety net health providers, allowing them to basically make money which they can use to further their operations. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the intention of 340B was to help these providers stretch their resources in order to serve more patients and to provide more comprehensive services to disadvantaged communities. We’re talking about things like offering free care for uninsured patients or offering free vaccines. However, Congress didn’t actually specify any of that in the law, so there is currently no legal requirement for how this 340B revenue must be used.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what are the proponents of Prop 34 looking to change about that?\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well, they’re looking to establish a legal requirement for how that revenue can be used within the state of California –– or at least how some providers can use it. If approved, Prop 34 would require certain providers to spend 98 percent of those 340B revenues on “direct patient care.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We need real transparency on 340b dollars. And we need real guardrails on this program. Fundamentally our entire message is that uh, dollars meant for patients, should be spent on patients.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The measure’s definition of “direct patient care” includes medical, dental, pharmaceutical or behavioral health services directly administered to individual patients. It also specifies that they must be health care services that are regularly provided by other health providers in the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop 34 also establishes penalties. A provider that doesn’t comply with that 98 percent rule would have their healthcare license and tax exempt status permanently revoked. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it’s not \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care providers who would have to meet these new requirements, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s right, and that’s where this takes a bit of a turn. The law would only apply to 340B providers who meet some very specific conditions. First, they must have spent at least $100 million over a decade on purposes that do not qualify as direct patient care. Next, they must own –– or have previously owned –– one or more apartment buildings. And finally, the apartment buildings they own have to have been collectively cited for at least 500 health and safety violations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that narrows things down a bit. Now, I should say the backers of this proposal do claim to believe that their measure would apply to more than one health care provider, but there’s really only one entity that we can be fairly certain would be impacted by the passage of Prop 34, and that is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> Okay, so what is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and why are they seemingly being singled out with this Proposition?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, or AHF, is the largest AIDS organization in the world. It was founded in Los Angeles in 1987, initially to provide hospice care to people dying of AIDS. As treatments and life expectancy for AIDS patients improved, AHF began opening clinics and then expanded nationally and internationally over the years. Today, they serve 2 million patients across 17 states and 47 countries.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization has more recently also gotten into housing. Back in 2017, they launched the Healthy Housing Foundation, which purchases and renovates existing buildings, primarily here in Los Angeles, where it has about 1,400 apartment units. CEO Michael Weinstein told me he sees housing as an extension of the organization’s existing mission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our mission is both medicine and advocacy. And under medicine, we consider housing to be a component of that.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> He says that housing is the number one determinant of health, and that being unhoused is a huge health risk. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s worth mentioning that AHF has an annual budget of about 2.5 billion dollars. The vast majority of their revenue comes from their network of 62 pharmacies, which is largely a result of its participation in that 340B program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, as to why they seem to be in the cross-hairs of this ballot measure. The backers of Prop 34 don’t like how AHF uses that revenue, particularly when the organization spends money on political activity. Between 2015 and 2020, AHF spent more than $110 million on ballot measure campaigns in California, including two previous attempts to expand rent control. The California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents apartment landlords, spent many millions to help defeat those two previous rent control measures. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, again, this year, the AHF is the main sponsor of another rent control proposition – Prop 33. And the same landlord lobbying groups that have spent millions campaigning against AHF’s rent control measures are the ones sponsoring Proposition 34. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, is Prop 34 really about housing, and not that much about health care at all?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, if you look at who is spending money to convince voters to approve this measure, it’s clear that this does have a lot to do with housing, and with the politics of housing and rent control specifically. The measure’s impact on health care is mostly limited to the question of how this one healthcare provider can spend its money. And backers of the proposition would argue that AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s spending on things like apartment buildings and rent control campaigns comes at the expense of patient care.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has positioned themselves as a pro-tenant group, and a group trying to help people experiencing homelessness, but to further complicate things, they’ve been criticized for the conditions in some of their low-incoming housing facilities. Can you elaborate on that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sure, as I mentioned, AHF has purchased several old hotels and small apartment complexes, mostly in the Skid Row area of downtown Los Angeles. There have been lots of complaints and reports of squalid conditions at those sites. The Los Angeles Times reported that the rate of code enforcement and public health complaints at AHF buildings is three times higher than those at other Skid Row nonprofits. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AHF has also been criticized for evicting\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">tenants for unpaid rent, while simultaneously publicly advocating against evictions. Many tenants have filed lawsuits against the organization, citing substandard living conditions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, despite the controversy and criticism, CEO Michael Weinstein defends the organization’s approach to housing. He says many of the buildings AHF has purchased are a century-old and that previous owners are in some cases partly liable for their condition. He says his organization has spent millions on renovations, and he stresses that his tenants have some of the cheapest rents available in the city. The tenants I’ve spoken with were paying between $400 and $650 a month. Which is obviously well below the market average. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that certainly all contributes to the controversy around AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hm, if Prop 34 passes, what will happen to the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, if they don’t meet the spending requirements?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’ll note that it’s unclear exactly how much AHF spends on direct patient care right now, but it’s safe to say that it is certainly under that 98 percent threshold. So, if Prop 34 passes, it would likely mean that AHF would have to stop operating as a healthcare provider in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked CEO Michael Weinstein what would happen to his organization if voters approve Prop 34…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s 16, 000 patients that we serve across California who would have to look for another provider and retaining people with HIV in care is extremely important both in terms of breaking the chain of infection, but also for their health. There’s tens of thousands of more patients who go to our STD services, our free STD services. Yeah, so I mean, it would be very deleterious, and it would put an extra burden on the county and state who have to care for those patients.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s also worth mentioning that, if voters do approve Prop 34, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation will still have some legal recourse to challenge the law. The organization believes that the measure is unconstitutional, based on the Constitution’s Bill of Attainder Clauses, which prohibit state legislatures from passing targeted statutes imposing punishment on specific actors without trial. So, if passed, this is almost certain to end up before a judge. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This prop also has implications for Medi-Cal drug prices. Can you walk us through that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb> Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure, so Medi-Cal is the state’s Medicaid program; it’s a public insurance program that provides coverage to low-income Californians, including coverage for prescription drugs.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, Governor Gavin Newsom signed an executive order to save the state money on prescription drug purchases made through Medi-Cal. It did this basically by authorizing state agencies to negotiate with drug manufacturers together as a single entity for lower prices — and by requiring Medi-Cal to pay pharmacies directly for prescription drugs. This is known as the Medi-Cal Rx program. If passed, Prop 34 would enshrine that program into permanent law.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The campaign for Prop. 34 has been running a barrage of ads claiming that this particular provision would “drastically cut the costs of prescription drugs for Medi-Cal patients.” While that certainly sounds good, that claim is misleading, because again this is already happening and the measure is not proposing anything new in this regard, just more of an administrative update to keep it going. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click about this…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next governor, whoever that might be, could take this executive order off the books. The next governor will be able to do that with a stroke of a pen. It’s not in statute. It’s only by executive order. This would codify that executive order and make those important savings permanent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> If this prop fails, what would happen to Medi-cal Rx?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nothing. Newsom’s executive order is in place. But as Click points out, it would remain open to potentially being undone by a future governor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Who’s supporting prop 34 and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The primary supporter and financial backer of Proposition 34 is the California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents corporate rental property landlords. The top donors to the campaign for prop 34 are Equity Residential, which is the fifth largest owner of apartments in the country, and Essex Property Trust, which is the 11th largest. The Yes on 34 campaign has also been endorsed by the Republican Party of California, the ALS Association, the San Francisco Women’s Cancer Network, as well State Assemblyman Evan Low, a Democrat who represents Silicon Valley. These supporters all have issues with how the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has been operating, in one domain or another. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alright, and I can probably guess but, who opposes Prop 34 and why?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The main opposition to Prop 34, unsurprisingly, is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. They are saying they are being targeted and that the landlord lobby is using the guise of representing patients when this is really about stifling the movement for rent control. Here’s AIDS Healthcare Foundation CEO Michael Weinstein:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What you’ve seen this year that you’ve never seen before is, um, a moneyed interest putting an initiative on the ballot with the specific purpose of silencing and exacting revenge against their opponent. And that’s what 34 is. It seeks revenge. I mean, pure and simple. It does not pass the laugh test that the California Apartment Association is so concerned about patient care and access. I don’t know of any time they’ve ever taken any interest in that before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other groups opposing Prop 34 include Consumer Watchdog, the National Organization for Women, the Dolores Huerta Foundation and the League of Women Voters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It sounds like there are, kind of, a few ways voters could approach voting on Prop 34.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. There’s a lot to consider. If you have strong feelings one way or the other about the AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s rent control measure, Prop 33, you might also vote for or against 34 based on that. Or you might vote depending on how you think that 340B money should be spent. But there is also a question of: Do you think propositions should be used in this way? Essentially weaponized in disputes between various interest groups. We’ve seen a lot of this before when labor unions and companies are hashing things out, most recently on the ballot with dialysis clinics. I think some voters will be overwhelmed and frustrated being dragged into this one, and will vote accordingly.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What does funding look like on this prop?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As of late last month, the California Apartment Association and its supporters had spent $30 million in support of Proposition 34. Meanwhile, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation had spent just over $1 million fighting it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lot’s to consider on this one. Reporter Aaron Shrank, thank you so much for walking us through it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In review, a vote yes on prop 34 would limit how a small number of healthcare providers – potentially only one, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation – can spend their revenues from the 340B Drug Price Discount Program. It would also permanently authorize Medi-cal Rx. A vote no means these new rules would not go into effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We really hope you’ve been getting what you need out of Prop Fest so far. You can find transcripts for this episode, and past ones at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you value the work we’re doing here, please consider donating to KQED to support it! We’re a public media station that runs on listener donations to survive, and every contribution makes a difference. Learn more at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious. It’s made by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeida Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, and the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 35, which could change how we fund Medical – a lifeline for low income, disabled Californians. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Be sure you’re subscribed to The Bay and Bay Curious so you don’t miss out. We’ll see ya tomorrow.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going",
"title": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here's How It's Going",
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"headTitle": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here’s How It’s Going | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” [aside postID=\"news_11955211,news_11952228,news_11924117\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control",
"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control",
"publishDate": 1727776857,
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"headTitle": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
"labelTerm": {},
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for listening to Prop Fest. Peace.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Reporter Vanessa Rancaño discusses what's at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.",
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"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for listening to Prop Fest. Peace.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Berkeley City Council is scheduled to vote Monday on a long-debated proposal to give tenants first dibs on buying their building from their landlord, but the council is expected to reject it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure’s primary sponsor, Councilmember Kate Harrison, resigned earlier this year, leaving it without anyone on the council to advocate for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few of the remaining council members appear to be in support. When the legislation went to a policy committee in July, two of the three committee members — Councilmembers Susan Wengraf and Mark Humbert — recommended that the full council reject it. But Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra, who voted against Wengraf and Humbert in committee, said she plans to revive the proposal if it fails tonight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is formally called the Community/Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act or COPA/TOPA. It would allow tenants or a community land trust acting in their interest to make an offer on a building before the landlord puts it on the market. The owner may choose to reject the offer but can receive a tax break if they accept it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically on an honor system,” said Tracy Parent, the director of the Bay Area Community Land Trust, which is one of the groups backing the proposal. “There’s no funding attached to it. So it really is just a law that sellers have to abide by with their realtors, and it’s up to tenants or the community organizations to blow the whistle in the event that we see an instance of noncompliance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent said Berkeley’s not the first city to consider the idea; San Francisco adopted similar legislation a few years ago, which inspired the coalition’s advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Property owners and realtors associations oppose the policy, arguing that it adds delay for property owners who are eager to sell. According to the legislation text, the waiting period could be up to six months for a building with 10 or more units. That includes time for the tenants to be notified of the sale and come up with an offer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11996949,news_12004348,news_12002901\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TOPA is an inefficient and expensive approach to promoting tenant home ownership,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, in a statement. “The legislation complicates and prolongs the sales process for any residential rental property in Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Parent said the process of selling a tenant-occupied property is already lengthy, and COPA/TOPA is expected to add only an additional two months to the sale process for multi-unit buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among council members, another point of contention is that the proposal allows tenants themselves to make an offer on their building. Wengraf, who recommended rejecting the proposal, called the name TOPA a “misnomer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very unlikely in this market that tenants, especially low-income tenants, would be able to get a loan to purchase a multi-unit property,” she said. “I see that as aspirational, but I don’t see it as practical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Harrison and other advocates believe that it’s important to include anyway — even if it’s an unlikely scenario. And though she’s no longer on the council, she said they should continue discussing the issue in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it should be passed right this second,” Harrison said. “I think it needed to have real hearings. I find this whole situation like it’s a ‘Yes/No’ question very frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Berkeley City Council is scheduled to vote Monday on a long-debated proposal to give tenants first dibs on buying their building from their landlord, but the council is expected to reject it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure’s primary sponsor, Councilmember Kate Harrison, resigned earlier this year, leaving it without anyone on the council to advocate for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few of the remaining council members appear to be in support. When the legislation went to a policy committee in July, two of the three committee members — Councilmembers Susan Wengraf and Mark Humbert — recommended that the full council reject it. But Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra, who voted against Wengraf and Humbert in committee, said she plans to revive the proposal if it fails tonight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is formally called the Community/Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act or COPA/TOPA. It would allow tenants or a community land trust acting in their interest to make an offer on a building before the landlord puts it on the market. The owner may choose to reject the offer but can receive a tax break if they accept it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically on an honor system,” said Tracy Parent, the director of the Bay Area Community Land Trust, which is one of the groups backing the proposal. “There’s no funding attached to it. So it really is just a law that sellers have to abide by with their realtors, and it’s up to tenants or the community organizations to blow the whistle in the event that we see an instance of noncompliance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent said Berkeley’s not the first city to consider the idea; San Francisco adopted similar legislation a few years ago, which inspired the coalition’s advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Property owners and realtors associations oppose the policy, arguing that it adds delay for property owners who are eager to sell. According to the legislation text, the waiting period could be up to six months for a building with 10 or more units. That includes time for the tenants to be notified of the sale and come up with an offer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TOPA is an inefficient and expensive approach to promoting tenant home ownership,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, in a statement. “The legislation complicates and prolongs the sales process for any residential rental property in Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Parent said the process of selling a tenant-occupied property is already lengthy, and COPA/TOPA is expected to add only an additional two months to the sale process for multi-unit buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among council members, another point of contention is that the proposal allows tenants themselves to make an offer on their building. Wengraf, who recommended rejecting the proposal, called the name TOPA a “misnomer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very unlikely in this market that tenants, especially low-income tenants, would be able to get a loan to purchase a multi-unit property,” she said. “I see that as aspirational, but I don’t see it as practical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Harrison and other advocates believe that it’s important to include anyway — even if it’s an unlikely scenario. And though she’s no longer on the council, she said they should continue discussing the issue in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it should be passed right this second,” Harrison said. “I think it needed to have real hearings. I find this whole situation like it’s a ‘Yes/No’ question very frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "newsom-has-not-solved-californias-housing-crisis-3-lessons-for-kamala-harris",
"title": "Newsom Has Not Solved California's Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Has Not Solved California’s Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12002010,forum_2010101906781,forum_2010101906944\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Kamala Harris pledges to build 3 million affordable homes and apartments in her first term as president, but Gov. Newsom has fallen short on a similar campaign promise in California. What lessons can she learn?",
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"title": "Newsom Has Not Solved California's Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris | KQED",
"description": "Kamala Harris pledges to build 3 million affordable homes and apartments in her first term as president, but Gov. Newsom has fallen short on a similar campaign promise in California. What lessons can she learn?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "bay-areas-long-covid-community-celebrates-moonshot-bill-for-10-billion-in-funding",
"title": "Bay Area's Long COVID Community Celebrates Moonshot Bill for $10 Billion in Funding",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/long-covid\">Long COVID\u003c/a> patients and advocates in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> have spent years pushing for a concerted effort toward research, prevention and a cure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re now hopeful that the increasingly widespread chronic condition that follows many COVID-19 infections will soon be better understood, thanks to legislation introduced Friday in the House of Representatives that would provide $10 billion in funding for long COVID research and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act, proposed by Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and co-sponsored by Rep.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973684\"> Barbara Lee\u003c/a> (D-Oakland), is a companion bill to one that Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/senate-bill/4964/cosponsors?s=2&r=2&q=%7B%22search%22%3A%22bernie+sanders%22%7D\">introduced\u003c/a> in the Senate in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s huge for us,” said Lisa McCorkell, an Oakland resident who co-founded the Patient-Led Research Collaborative. The PLRC is a group of researchers living with long COVID and other related chronic conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really shows that this bill has broad support — as it should — because it’s aiming to address the crisis of long COVID in a way that puts the resources that are necessary behind it,” McCorkell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986724/after-months-long-coma-this-latino-immigrant-worker-is-still-fighting-mysterious-symptoms\">symptoms of long COVID\u003c/a> often include brain fog and fatigue. Many people found to have it have also been diagnosed with conditions like \u003ca href=\"https://solvecfs.org/me-cfs-long-covid/about-the-disease/\">myalgic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome\u003c/a> (ME/CF) and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/health/conditions-and-diseases/postural-orthostatic-tachycardia-syndrome-pots\">postural orthostatic tachycardia syndrome\u003c/a> (POTS). These chronic, complex immune diseases can profoundly limit the wellness and productivity of patients and, like long COVID, are often triggered by an infection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have also found that COVID-19 can cause immune system \u003ca href=\"https://www.yalemedicine.org/news/the-long-covid-puzzle-autoimmunity-inflammation-and-other-possible-causes#:~:text=The%20theory%20is%20that%20COVID,in%20those%20with%20Long%20COVID.\">dysfunction\u003c/a>, allowing dormant infections, like the virus that causes Epstein-Barr disease or the bacteria that causes Lyme disease, to reemerge. And while vaccines have ensured bouts of COVID-19 are less likely to be deadly than they were at the pandemic’s start, every infection makes you more \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmc.edu/healthsecurity/transmission/2023/12/27/every-covid-infection-increases-your-risk-of-long-covid-study-warns/\">susceptible \u003c/a>to contracting long COVID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006600 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1668874864-1020x646.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Linda Geng, co-director of the Stanford Post-Acute COVID-19 Syndrome Clinic, said long COVID has become a “huge public health problem,” affecting millions of people in the United States long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though physicians have an FDA-approved therapeutic toolkit for COVID-19, they currently have “minimal to no evidence-based strategies” to help those who have long COVID or who may develop it in the future, Geng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act would create a new research center within the National Institutes of Health to study the condition and other related illnesses, like ME/CFS and POTS. The center would house a new database tracking long COVID cases, an advisory board, and new grant processes to accelerate clinical trials, according to a report by \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/09/ilhan-omar-bernie-long-covid-house-bill/\">\u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would also fund public health education and clinics dedicated to long COVID care, especially in underserved communities — and would require any new treatments developed through the act to be reasonably priced and accessible to more patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s Umoja Health, which serves the COVID-19 and health needs of people of color, was an early sponsor of the Sanders bill. Co-founder Kim Rhoads described how long COVID can transform patients’ lives and contribute to long-term disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard stories of folks who now have a hospital bed in their house where the family member who was affected by long COVID lives,” Rhoads said. “Folks who do not like to get out of bed, have burning feet and difficulty walking or have exertional malaise, which is basically a fatigue that can come over people after just doing simple things like cooking a meal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhoads said the disease has largely been ignored or treated like a seasonal virus, such as the flu. “There are political reasons to deny that there are any long-term effects of COVID,” Rhoads said, “to allow for us to ‘get back to normal.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her work, Rhoads has seen firsthand how communities of color and disabled people have been disproportionately harmed by long COVID. Historically marginalized groups are also on the frontlines of infections and suffer from the highest mortality rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled people \u003ca href=\"https://www.cidrap.umn.edu/covid-19/long-covid-rate-among-disabled-people-double-able-bodied\">are twice as likely\u003c/a> to contract long COVID as nondisabled people, said Sabrina Epstein, a policy analyst with Disability Rights California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is deeply an equity and justice issue,” said Epstein, whose disability makes her at risk for long COVID. “The research proposed by this bill has the potential to benefit folks in the disability and chronic illness community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Legislation introduced in Congress could improve the lives of millions of patients, according to long COVID patients and advocates in the Bay Area.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/long-covid\">Long COVID\u003c/a> patients and advocates in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> have spent years pushing for a concerted effort toward research, prevention and a cure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re now hopeful that the increasingly widespread chronic condition that follows many COVID-19 infections will soon be better understood, thanks to legislation introduced Friday in the House of Representatives that would provide $10 billion in funding for long COVID research and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act, proposed by Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and co-sponsored by Rep.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973684\"> Barbara Lee\u003c/a> (D-Oakland), is a companion bill to one that Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/senate-bill/4964/cosponsors?s=2&r=2&q=%7B%22search%22%3A%22bernie+sanders%22%7D\">introduced\u003c/a> in the Senate in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s huge for us,” said Lisa McCorkell, an Oakland resident who co-founded the Patient-Led Research Collaborative. The PLRC is a group of researchers living with long COVID and other related chronic conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really shows that this bill has broad support — as it should — because it’s aiming to address the crisis of long COVID in a way that puts the resources that are necessary behind it,” McCorkell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986724/after-months-long-coma-this-latino-immigrant-worker-is-still-fighting-mysterious-symptoms\">symptoms of long COVID\u003c/a> often include brain fog and fatigue. Many people found to have it have also been diagnosed with conditions like \u003ca href=\"https://solvecfs.org/me-cfs-long-covid/about-the-disease/\">myalgic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome\u003c/a> (ME/CF) and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hopkinsmedicine.org/health/conditions-and-diseases/postural-orthostatic-tachycardia-syndrome-pots\">postural orthostatic tachycardia syndrome\u003c/a> (POTS). These chronic, complex immune diseases can profoundly limit the wellness and productivity of patients and, like long COVID, are often triggered by an infection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies have also found that COVID-19 can cause immune system \u003ca href=\"https://www.yalemedicine.org/news/the-long-covid-puzzle-autoimmunity-inflammation-and-other-possible-causes#:~:text=The%20theory%20is%20that%20COVID,in%20those%20with%20Long%20COVID.\">dysfunction\u003c/a>, allowing dormant infections, like the virus that causes Epstein-Barr disease or the bacteria that causes Lyme disease, to reemerge. And while vaccines have ensured bouts of COVID-19 are less likely to be deadly than they were at the pandemic’s start, every infection makes you more \u003ca href=\"https://www.unmc.edu/healthsecurity/transmission/2023/12/27/every-covid-infection-increases-your-risk-of-long-covid-study-warns/\">susceptible \u003c/a>to contracting long COVID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Linda Geng, co-director of the Stanford Post-Acute COVID-19 Syndrome Clinic, said long COVID has become a “huge public health problem,” affecting millions of people in the United States long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though physicians have an FDA-approved therapeutic toolkit for COVID-19, they currently have “minimal to no evidence-based strategies” to help those who have long COVID or who may develop it in the future, Geng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long COVID Research Moonshot Act would create a new research center within the National Institutes of Health to study the condition and other related illnesses, like ME/CFS and POTS. The center would house a new database tracking long COVID cases, an advisory board, and new grant processes to accelerate clinical trials, according to a report by \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/09/ilhan-omar-bernie-long-covid-house-bill/\">\u003cem>Mother Jones\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would also fund public health education and clinics dedicated to long COVID care, especially in underserved communities — and would require any new treatments developed through the act to be reasonably priced and accessible to more patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s Umoja Health, which serves the COVID-19 and health needs of people of color, was an early sponsor of the Sanders bill. Co-founder Kim Rhoads described how long COVID can transform patients’ lives and contribute to long-term disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard stories of folks who now have a hospital bed in their house where the family member who was affected by long COVID lives,” Rhoads said. “Folks who do not like to get out of bed, have burning feet and difficulty walking or have exertional malaise, which is basically a fatigue that can come over people after just doing simple things like cooking a meal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhoads said the disease has largely been ignored or treated like a seasonal virus, such as the flu. “There are political reasons to deny that there are any long-term effects of COVID,” Rhoads said, “to allow for us to ‘get back to normal.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her work, Rhoads has seen firsthand how communities of color and disabled people have been disproportionately harmed by long COVID. Historically marginalized groups are also on the frontlines of infections and suffer from the highest mortality rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Disabled people \u003ca href=\"https://www.cidrap.umn.edu/covid-19/long-covid-rate-among-disabled-people-double-able-bodied\">are twice as likely\u003c/a> to contract long COVID as nondisabled people, said Sabrina Epstein, a policy analyst with Disability Rights California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is deeply an equity and justice issue,” said Epstein, whose disability makes her at risk for long COVID. “The research proposed by this bill has the potential to benefit folks in the disability and chronic illness community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SF's Homeless Sweeps Have Cleared Over 1,200 Tents. Where Are People Going?",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a> is showing on the streets of the Tenderloin, according to one local service provider. But many unhoused residents might just have found more discreet places to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Karl Robillard, the chief communications officer for Glide, which provides services to about 500 people in the Tenderloin daily, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">ramp-up of encampment sweeps\u003c/a> has had a marked effect on the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Absolutely, there’s been a noticeable uptick in terms of tent removal,” he said. “You can see it when you’re walking up and down the streets. You can see it happening. There’s far fewer tents on the sidewalk. It’s very visually obvious and it’s a significant change for a neighborhood like the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been two months since San Francisco began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996234/sf-mayor-says-very-aggressive-encampment-sweeps-will-start-in-august\">“aggressive” street sweeps\u003c/a> announced by Mayor London Breed following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906733/post-grants-pass-how-are-california-cities-approaching-homelessness\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that loosened restrictions on cities’ ability to clear homeless encampments even when there is not ample shelter available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that time, the city has held to its word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Emergency Management said it has removed 1,245 tents and structures between Aug. 1 and Sept. 15. Police have made 218 arrests since crackdowns began, according to the mayor’s office, though about 80% have been for illegal lodgings, for which individuals are cited and released at the scene. The remaining violations have mostly warranted arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 2,170 engagements the Department of Emergency Management has tallied, only a small percentage seem to be off the streets: 294 people have accepted shelter and 41 are already housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997276\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit on the sidewalk in the Tenderloin neighborhood on April 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, the sight of the Tenderloin’s streets has changed. The \u003cem>San Francisco Standard \u003c/em>reported that the number of tents counted in one subsection of the neighborhood, where the Tenderloin Community Benefit District conducts a daily tally, hit a record low this week since it began in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number fluctuates pretty significantly, according to the TLCBD, but lingered around the mid-20s most days of this week. It ticked back up to 40 on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that while it varies on an individual basis, a lot of people have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">found less visible locations to stay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005898 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230701-FRESNO-UNHOUSED-HEAT-MHN-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard of folks who were able to find parcels of land that belong to the state, which may not have jurisdiction, like a Caltrans property,” he told KQED. “People may have resources or information to find somewhere else where they think they can feel safe. But I think probably the most common situation is people are finding more discreet ways to be, even though they remain unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that there are a number of reasons people do not accept services like housing assistance from the city — including mental health challenges and substance use disorders that can not be adequately addressed in some shelter situations, and not feeling comfortable in a communal environment, which many of the temporary housing offerings are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know I feel [like] I want to go home and close my door at night, that’s what most of us want. Even though this person may not have a home, I think they have that feeling in a place where they may have been even living in a tent here on the sidewalk somewhere in the city,” Robillard said. “I do think there can be a natural resistance to wanting to be in a congregate situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glide has seen more people making use of its services, especially the three meals it serves daily, according to Robillard. He also believes that more people have utilized the nonprofit’s rental assistance program and low-threshold case management, like harm reduction services, which are offered within a 10-block radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that getting people into housing and connected to the right resources can’t always happen immediately when someone loses the place they were living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about this situation on a personal level, this is someone’s home,” Robillard told KQED. “It may be a tent on the sidewalk, it may be a structure, but it is a person’s home. It’s what they have relied on for some of their emotional safety, so when that is gone, that’s a very significant point in a person’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a> is showing on the streets of the Tenderloin, according to one local service provider. But many unhoused residents might just have found more discreet places to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Karl Robillard, the chief communications officer for Glide, which provides services to about 500 people in the Tenderloin daily, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">ramp-up of encampment sweeps\u003c/a> has had a marked effect on the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Absolutely, there’s been a noticeable uptick in terms of tent removal,” he said. “You can see it when you’re walking up and down the streets. You can see it happening. There’s far fewer tents on the sidewalk. It’s very visually obvious and it’s a significant change for a neighborhood like the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been two months since San Francisco began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996234/sf-mayor-says-very-aggressive-encampment-sweeps-will-start-in-august\">“aggressive” street sweeps\u003c/a> announced by Mayor London Breed following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906733/post-grants-pass-how-are-california-cities-approaching-homelessness\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that loosened restrictions on cities’ ability to clear homeless encampments even when there is not ample shelter available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that time, the city has held to its word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Emergency Management said it has removed 1,245 tents and structures between Aug. 1 and Sept. 15. Police have made 218 arrests since crackdowns began, according to the mayor’s office, though about 80% have been for illegal lodgings, for which individuals are cited and released at the scene. The remaining violations have mostly warranted arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 2,170 engagements the Department of Emergency Management has tallied, only a small percentage seem to be off the streets: 294 people have accepted shelter and 41 are already housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997276\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit on the sidewalk in the Tenderloin neighborhood on April 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, the sight of the Tenderloin’s streets has changed. The \u003cem>San Francisco Standard \u003c/em>reported that the number of tents counted in one subsection of the neighborhood, where the Tenderloin Community Benefit District conducts a daily tally, hit a record low this week since it began in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number fluctuates pretty significantly, according to the TLCBD, but lingered around the mid-20s most days of this week. It ticked back up to 40 on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that while it varies on an individual basis, a lot of people have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">found less visible locations to stay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard of folks who were able to find parcels of land that belong to the state, which may not have jurisdiction, like a Caltrans property,” he told KQED. “People may have resources or information to find somewhere else where they think they can feel safe. But I think probably the most common situation is people are finding more discreet ways to be, even though they remain unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that there are a number of reasons people do not accept services like housing assistance from the city — including mental health challenges and substance use disorders that can not be adequately addressed in some shelter situations, and not feeling comfortable in a communal environment, which many of the temporary housing offerings are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know I feel [like] I want to go home and close my door at night, that’s what most of us want. Even though this person may not have a home, I think they have that feeling in a place where they may have been even living in a tent here on the sidewalk somewhere in the city,” Robillard said. “I do think there can be a natural resistance to wanting to be in a congregate situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glide has seen more people making use of its services, especially the three meals it serves daily, according to Robillard. He also believes that more people have utilized the nonprofit’s rental assistance program and low-threshold case management, like harm reduction services, which are offered within a 10-block radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that getting people into housing and connected to the right resources can’t always happen immediately when someone loses the place they were living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about this situation on a personal level, this is someone’s home,” Robillard told KQED. “It may be a tent on the sidewalk, it may be a structure, but it is a person’s home. It’s what they have relied on for some of their emotional safety, so when that is gone, that’s a very significant point in a person’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "transcript-proposition-5-would-lower-the-voting-threshold-for-certain-local-bond-measures",
"title": "Proposition 5 Would Lower the Voting Threshold for Certain Local Bond Measures",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi helps us parse through the nuances of Proposition 5, which asks voters to lower the threshold to pass local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure from a two-thirds majority to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated from a previous version to clarify ramifications of Proposition 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3997284697&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s take a quick trip through some recent election results for local bond measures around California, shall we…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2020. Measure A. San Diego. A $900 million bond for low-income, substance abuse, and mental health service housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 57% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Measure L. City of Berkeley. A $650 million bond to fund housing and infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Proposition A. San Francisco. A $400 million bond for transit improvements and repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 65% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I’m noticing a trend…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Indeed! California makes it difficult for local governments to borrow money. They have to ask voters for permission – and then get a SUPERMAJORITY of votes – that’s two-thirds of the vote or 66.67%. That’s meant a lot of local bond measures fail, even when they have a lot of public support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> But Proposition 5 could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. This is Prop Fest – our podcast series that goes deep on explaining the props on California’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’re covering ten props in ten days, all so you can vote with confidence this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Prop 5 is looking to lower the threshold of voter support needed to pass local bond measures for housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I know it sounds pretty wonky – but this one could have a big impact for local budgets … and for homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Because if more bonds start passing someone has to pay for them. And it’s probably you … or your landlord … who then passes that cost on to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> We’ll get into the details on Proposition 5 just ahead on Prop Fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s get into it on Proposition 5. Here’s how it will appear on your ballot…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover:\u003c/strong> Proposition 5 ALLOWS LOCAL BONDS FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING AND PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE WITH 55% VOTER APPROVAL. It’s a constitutional amendment that was placed on the ballot by the state legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> To help explain what’s at stake with Prop 5. I’m joined by reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi Hey, Adhiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 impacts how we pass local bonds in this state. So I want to start with a quick refresher for people. What exactly is a bond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Okay, so bonds are a way for state and local governments to raise money for big projects that they want to do now, but pay over time. You might think of it as sort of like a 30-year mortgage you might have on a house, right? The bank gives you a bunch of money upfront to buy the house, and then you pay it back in small installments with interest over time. Government bonds work kind of the same way, except instead of being used to buy a house, the government uses the money for all sorts of things like renovating schools, fixing potholes, funding public transportation, things like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And right now, if a local government in California wants to borrow money, they always have to get voter approval. And not just the majority of the vote, but actually two thirds of the vote. The state, on the other hand, only needs 55% of voters’ support for their bonds. So it’s essentially harder for a city or county to pass a bond than it is for the state. What could Prop 5 change about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 wants to lower that threshold of votes that local governments would need to get from two thirds to 55%, but only for two types of bonds, affordable housing and for public infrastructure projects. Affordable housing bonds would mean money to build new affordable housing funding, down payment assistance programs, or a low income housing support, for example. Public infrastructure bonds could mean money for road repairs, water management, parks, hospitals, stuff like that. This prop also includes a rule that local governments have to put accountability measures in place so if they issue a bond. Taxpayers know where their money is going. And the interesting thing to note here is that back in 2000, voters passed a proposition that lowered the voter threshold to 55% for school bonds. So this is already something that has come up before the voters and they approved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Can you walk through why there’s this focus specifically on housing affordability and public infrastructure bonds?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah. I mean, California’s housing affordability crisis impacts everyone. And it’s growing worse and worse every year. So much so that more people are losing their homes or moving out of the state entirely. Public infrastructure is also hard to fund. There are some hospitals that are falling into disrepair, and it’s been hard for them to get funding. Even just getting a bike lane installed on a road can be really expensive. And, you know, bond measures have some results. For example, in 2019, San Francisco passed Prop eight, which approved $600 million in bonds for affordable housing. And some of that money went to fund Shirley Chisholm Village, a development for educators in the San Francisco Unified School District. So, teacher housing. And it’s set to open this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And why lower the voter threshold?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> In short, they want more of these local bonds to have a better chance of passing. A lot of local bond measures have failed recently, despite having incredibly strong voter support. Here’s Edie Irons, who works for All Homes, an affordable housing advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Edie Irons:\u003c/strong> I was just looking at a list of like ten measures for housing across the state in the last just handful of years that failed. Because they got 55%, 59%, 60%, 66%. It’s too high of a bar. You know, a two thirds threshold is not actually a functional way to govern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, if Prop 5 passes, do we have a sense of how many more of these local bond measures would pass?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The Legislative Analyst’s Office has done an analysis on recent local election results, and they say an additional 20% to 50% of local bond measures would have passed under Proposition Five’s lower voter approval requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. Yeah, that’s quite a bit. Now, this two thirds threshold that currently exists was set back in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13. Folks will remember that Prop 13 was all about limiting property tax increases for homeowners. Can you walk us through why that two thirds threshold was part of Prop 13?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Totally. So when Prop 13 was introduced to the voters in the late 70s, it came at a time when property taxes were fluctuating a lot, partially because there was a huge population boom leading to an increase in demand for housing and a lot of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s anti-tax activist Howard Jarvis, one of the big proponents of Prop 13, in a 1978 debate…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis (Archival Tape):\u003c/strong> \u003cem>The second objective of the amendment is to enable elderly people unlimited incomes, which there are 3 or 4 million in this state, to be able to retain the homes that they have bought and paid for. And who are in serious danger today, because of rapidly escalating property taxes, of losing their homes.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The property taxes rose so much that some people living on their retirements, who were on a fixed income, couldn’t keep up and some even lost their homes. Prop 13 came in and said, we’re going to make sure property taxes are tied to the home’s value when you bought the home, not the current market value, which could fluctuate. And what it also said is that it would make it harder for local governments to raise those property taxes through bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, our state government is primarily funded by income taxes. So the money you probably see taken out of your paycheck every few weeks. Our local governments are funded primarily through property taxes. So language in Prop 13 set the threshold to pass a local bond to two thirds to make it harder to pass bonds and thus less likely, homeowners would see property tax increases.\u003cbr>\nSo if Prop 5 this year passes, local governments will have an easier time approving bond measures, and it’s more likely that homeowners will see property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the thing. Opponents of Prop 5 are worried about that. It chips away at some of those protections Prop 13 has held in place for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> There are many critiques of Prop 13, and the implications it’s had on everything from the cost of housing to income inequality … but for the purposes of this episode, know Prop 13 had a drastic and immediate impact on the amount of money going to local governments. And that’s taken a toll on everything that’s traditionally funded by local government – like schools and local infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Adhiti, Prop 13 has long been called, you know, a political third rail, something that just cannot be touched because it’s so popular with many homeowners in California. Is that still the case if we’re seeing, you know, things like Prop 5 on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I wanted to figure that out. And so I talked to Mark Baldassare from the Public Policy Institute of California for this. Back in 2018, he had done a survey on how people felt about Prop 13 at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Baldassare:\u003c/strong> Pretty consistently. More than 6 in 10 people in California in our polling say that they feel overall Proposition 13 has been mostly a good thing. So convincing people that something that the voters passed even a long time ago needs to be changed is a hurdle. And it might impact their own taxes and ultimately their cost of living at a time when people are very sensitive about rising costs of living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, to be fair, I don’t know how many people will read Prop 5 text and think about Prop 13. I also don’t know how many people will read about Prop 5 and think about their property taxes increasing because not everyone realizes that local bond measures are funded through property tax hikes. But if Prop 5 passes, it could be a bellwether for Prop 13 future as we see more of its protections chipped away year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, I know there’s been some controversy about the language of the measure or basically what voters will read on the ballot. What are opponents saying about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, there has been a lot of concern about the language of this prop. It doesn’t specify that the 55% threshold is a decrease from the existing two thirds threshold. And many, like former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are concerned that voters won’t fully understand what they’re voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis\u003c/strong>: I think it’s misleading. The best I can say is it’s a proposition that is going to be reducing the threshold to passing a new tax when in fact the language on the ballot makes you feel like you’re increasing the voting threshold. So I think it’s misleading and dishonest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> There was even a court case over the language on the ballot, but ultimately, the language on the ballot was permitted to remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This prop has a lot of ramifications for property taxes, as we’ve been talking about already. But how does California stack up against other states currently on that front?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, California’s property tax rates aren’t that high when you compare us to other states. In fact, our property tax rates are actually kind of low. But because our property values here are really high, the amount people end up paying can feel like a lot. And because property taxes can only increase by a little bit every year, it can be really hard for local governments to keep up with maintaining their cities, especially if they have huge population booms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Which probably accounts for a lot of Bay Area regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Very much so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, how did Prop 5 end up on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The legislature voted to put Prop 5 on the ballot last year. It’s part of a series of attempts to solve the state’s increasingly dire housing crisis. This is just one way local governments could raise money to approach housing affordability at the local level. It’s a change that has to be voted on by Californians because it would mean a change to the state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Take us through who is in support of this one and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Lots of organizations support this proposition, including the California Democratic Party. California YIMBY also known as Yes in My Backyard, California Housing Partnership and the California Apartment Association, among many, many, many others. Affordable housing activists are really excited about this bond, particularly because we’re coming out of a kind of lackluster year when it comes to funding for housing at the state level. We had two multibillion dollar bond measures that were going to go before the voters but died along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that Prop 13 has made it hard for local governments to spend money locally, and they have to rely on the state to pass these big bond measures. And then that money trickles its way down to the cities that need it. I spoke with Amie Fishman from the nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Amie Fishman\u003c/strong>: Our focus is on how do we empower local communities to directly address their own affordable housing and infrastructure needs. And Prop 5 allows communities to take control of their futures, really, and make the necessary investments without waiting for state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who’s lining up in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Generally, groups that are anti-tax. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has been against this initiative since it was just a proposal. The California Chamber of Commerce is against it and the very powerful California Association of Realtors. Here’s former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis:\u003c/strong> It actually reverses a lot of the protections that we had under Prop 13. It actually makes it much easier to pass new bonds, new, you know, which I think that we do need a good infrastructure. We do need things. But I also am very cognizant of the fact that my mom received her property tax bill in November that she has to pay. And there’s currently, you know, my mom, who’s retired and is on a limited income has 17– already 17 taxes that are not her property tax. So these are 17 parcel measures from anything from the water district to the county to the school boards to the you name it. There’s 17 currently. You know, I think that this could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, this proposition does have some accountability measures there, but people worry about whether the rules will actually be followed. Bond money is sometimes misappropriated, even with accountability measures in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And how is the campaign spending shaking out here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> As of mid-September, when we’re recording this conversation, the opponents of Prop 5 have raised almost $30 million to fight this. Meanwhile, the ‘yes’ camp has raised about 5 million. But I should add, a lot of that $30 million from the ‘no’ camp came from realty groups, but their opposition has cooled slightly because the legislature made some concessions before this was placed on the ballot. There is now language in Prop 5 that bans local governments from using the bond money to buy up existing single family homes and converting them into affordable units, something the realty groups didn’t want to happen. And just to make it clear, this proposition lowers the voter threshold, but people still have to vote in order for a bond measure to pass. So it’s not like cities can just pass bond measures without say so from the taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, thank you for walking us through this one. It was way more complicated than I anticipated when I first read it. Housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi, thanks again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Thanks for having me. This was really complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We made it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In summary, a vote yes on Prop 5 means you want the threshold of voter support needed for local affordable housing and public infrastructure bonds to be lowered from two thirds to 55%. This means it’s more likely that bonds will pass and more funding will be available for those types of projects. A vote no on Prop 5 means you want to keep that two thirds threshold in place and you want to maintain Prop 13 protections against property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> That’s a wrap on Prop 5. Thanks for tuning in to Prop Fest – a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> If you’re finding these episodes valuable, please share them with a friend, tell your neighbors, post about them on social media… We put a ton of work into these episodes and we really want people to find them before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> Prop Fest is produced by Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, Olivia Allen-Price, Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, And me Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, And the whole KQED family\u003cbr>\nEricka Cruz Guevarra: You can find audio and transcripts for this series at KQED.org/PropFest …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Join your friends and neighbors and support our work today. Give at KQED.org/donate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 6 – which looks to end involuntary servitude for incarcerated people. Thanks for listening.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi helps us parse through the nuances of Proposition 5, which asks voters to lower the threshold to pass local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure from a two-thirds majority to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated from a previous version to clarify ramifications of Proposition 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3997284697&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s take a quick trip through some recent election results for local bond measures around California, shall we…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2020. Measure A. San Diego. A $900 million bond for low-income, substance abuse, and mental health service housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 57% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Measure L. City of Berkeley. A $650 million bond to fund housing and infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Proposition A. San Francisco. A $400 million bond for transit improvements and repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 65% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I’m noticing a trend…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Indeed! California makes it difficult for local governments to borrow money. They have to ask voters for permission – and then get a SUPERMAJORITY of votes – that’s two-thirds of the vote or 66.67%. That’s meant a lot of local bond measures fail, even when they have a lot of public support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> But Proposition 5 could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. This is Prop Fest – our podcast series that goes deep on explaining the props on California’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’re covering ten props in ten days, all so you can vote with confidence this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Prop 5 is looking to lower the threshold of voter support needed to pass local bond measures for housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I know it sounds pretty wonky – but this one could have a big impact for local budgets … and for homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Because if more bonds start passing someone has to pay for them. And it’s probably you … or your landlord … who then passes that cost on to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> We’ll get into the details on Proposition 5 just ahead on Prop Fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s get into it on Proposition 5. Here’s how it will appear on your ballot…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover:\u003c/strong> Proposition 5 ALLOWS LOCAL BONDS FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING AND PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE WITH 55% VOTER APPROVAL. It’s a constitutional amendment that was placed on the ballot by the state legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> To help explain what’s at stake with Prop 5. I’m joined by reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi Hey, Adhiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 impacts how we pass local bonds in this state. So I want to start with a quick refresher for people. What exactly is a bond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Okay, so bonds are a way for state and local governments to raise money for big projects that they want to do now, but pay over time. You might think of it as sort of like a 30-year mortgage you might have on a house, right? The bank gives you a bunch of money upfront to buy the house, and then you pay it back in small installments with interest over time. Government bonds work kind of the same way, except instead of being used to buy a house, the government uses the money for all sorts of things like renovating schools, fixing potholes, funding public transportation, things like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And right now, if a local government in California wants to borrow money, they always have to get voter approval. And not just the majority of the vote, but actually two thirds of the vote. The state, on the other hand, only needs 55% of voters’ support for their bonds. So it’s essentially harder for a city or county to pass a bond than it is for the state. What could Prop 5 change about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 wants to lower that threshold of votes that local governments would need to get from two thirds to 55%, but only for two types of bonds, affordable housing and for public infrastructure projects. Affordable housing bonds would mean money to build new affordable housing funding, down payment assistance programs, or a low income housing support, for example. Public infrastructure bonds could mean money for road repairs, water management, parks, hospitals, stuff like that. This prop also includes a rule that local governments have to put accountability measures in place so if they issue a bond. Taxpayers know where their money is going. And the interesting thing to note here is that back in 2000, voters passed a proposition that lowered the voter threshold to 55% for school bonds. So this is already something that has come up before the voters and they approved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Can you walk through why there’s this focus specifically on housing affordability and public infrastructure bonds?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah. I mean, California’s housing affordability crisis impacts everyone. And it’s growing worse and worse every year. So much so that more people are losing their homes or moving out of the state entirely. Public infrastructure is also hard to fund. There are some hospitals that are falling into disrepair, and it’s been hard for them to get funding. Even just getting a bike lane installed on a road can be really expensive. And, you know, bond measures have some results. For example, in 2019, San Francisco passed Prop eight, which approved $600 million in bonds for affordable housing. And some of that money went to fund Shirley Chisholm Village, a development for educators in the San Francisco Unified School District. So, teacher housing. And it’s set to open this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And why lower the voter threshold?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> In short, they want more of these local bonds to have a better chance of passing. A lot of local bond measures have failed recently, despite having incredibly strong voter support. Here’s Edie Irons, who works for All Homes, an affordable housing advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Edie Irons:\u003c/strong> I was just looking at a list of like ten measures for housing across the state in the last just handful of years that failed. Because they got 55%, 59%, 60%, 66%. It’s too high of a bar. You know, a two thirds threshold is not actually a functional way to govern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, if Prop 5 passes, do we have a sense of how many more of these local bond measures would pass?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The Legislative Analyst’s Office has done an analysis on recent local election results, and they say an additional 20% to 50% of local bond measures would have passed under Proposition Five’s lower voter approval requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. Yeah, that’s quite a bit. Now, this two thirds threshold that currently exists was set back in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13. Folks will remember that Prop 13 was all about limiting property tax increases for homeowners. Can you walk us through why that two thirds threshold was part of Prop 13?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Totally. So when Prop 13 was introduced to the voters in the late 70s, it came at a time when property taxes were fluctuating a lot, partially because there was a huge population boom leading to an increase in demand for housing and a lot of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s anti-tax activist Howard Jarvis, one of the big proponents of Prop 13, in a 1978 debate…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis (Archival Tape):\u003c/strong> \u003cem>The second objective of the amendment is to enable elderly people unlimited incomes, which there are 3 or 4 million in this state, to be able to retain the homes that they have bought and paid for. And who are in serious danger today, because of rapidly escalating property taxes, of losing their homes.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The property taxes rose so much that some people living on their retirements, who were on a fixed income, couldn’t keep up and some even lost their homes. Prop 13 came in and said, we’re going to make sure property taxes are tied to the home’s value when you bought the home, not the current market value, which could fluctuate. And what it also said is that it would make it harder for local governments to raise those property taxes through bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, our state government is primarily funded by income taxes. So the money you probably see taken out of your paycheck every few weeks. Our local governments are funded primarily through property taxes. So language in Prop 13 set the threshold to pass a local bond to two thirds to make it harder to pass bonds and thus less likely, homeowners would see property tax increases.\u003cbr>\nSo if Prop 5 this year passes, local governments will have an easier time approving bond measures, and it’s more likely that homeowners will see property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the thing. Opponents of Prop 5 are worried about that. It chips away at some of those protections Prop 13 has held in place for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> There are many critiques of Prop 13, and the implications it’s had on everything from the cost of housing to income inequality … but for the purposes of this episode, know Prop 13 had a drastic and immediate impact on the amount of money going to local governments. And that’s taken a toll on everything that’s traditionally funded by local government – like schools and local infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Adhiti, Prop 13 has long been called, you know, a political third rail, something that just cannot be touched because it’s so popular with many homeowners in California. Is that still the case if we’re seeing, you know, things like Prop 5 on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I wanted to figure that out. And so I talked to Mark Baldassare from the Public Policy Institute of California for this. Back in 2018, he had done a survey on how people felt about Prop 13 at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Baldassare:\u003c/strong> Pretty consistently. More than 6 in 10 people in California in our polling say that they feel overall Proposition 13 has been mostly a good thing. So convincing people that something that the voters passed even a long time ago needs to be changed is a hurdle. And it might impact their own taxes and ultimately their cost of living at a time when people are very sensitive about rising costs of living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, to be fair, I don’t know how many people will read Prop 5 text and think about Prop 13. I also don’t know how many people will read about Prop 5 and think about their property taxes increasing because not everyone realizes that local bond measures are funded through property tax hikes. But if Prop 5 passes, it could be a bellwether for Prop 13 future as we see more of its protections chipped away year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, I know there’s been some controversy about the language of the measure or basically what voters will read on the ballot. What are opponents saying about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, there has been a lot of concern about the language of this prop. It doesn’t specify that the 55% threshold is a decrease from the existing two thirds threshold. And many, like former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are concerned that voters won’t fully understand what they’re voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis\u003c/strong>: I think it’s misleading. The best I can say is it’s a proposition that is going to be reducing the threshold to passing a new tax when in fact the language on the ballot makes you feel like you’re increasing the voting threshold. So I think it’s misleading and dishonest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> There was even a court case over the language on the ballot, but ultimately, the language on the ballot was permitted to remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This prop has a lot of ramifications for property taxes, as we’ve been talking about already. But how does California stack up against other states currently on that front?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, California’s property tax rates aren’t that high when you compare us to other states. In fact, our property tax rates are actually kind of low. But because our property values here are really high, the amount people end up paying can feel like a lot. And because property taxes can only increase by a little bit every year, it can be really hard for local governments to keep up with maintaining their cities, especially if they have huge population booms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Which probably accounts for a lot of Bay Area regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Very much so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, how did Prop 5 end up on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The legislature voted to put Prop 5 on the ballot last year. It’s part of a series of attempts to solve the state’s increasingly dire housing crisis. This is just one way local governments could raise money to approach housing affordability at the local level. It’s a change that has to be voted on by Californians because it would mean a change to the state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Take us through who is in support of this one and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Lots of organizations support this proposition, including the California Democratic Party. California YIMBY also known as Yes in My Backyard, California Housing Partnership and the California Apartment Association, among many, many, many others. Affordable housing activists are really excited about this bond, particularly because we’re coming out of a kind of lackluster year when it comes to funding for housing at the state level. We had two multibillion dollar bond measures that were going to go before the voters but died along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that Prop 13 has made it hard for local governments to spend money locally, and they have to rely on the state to pass these big bond measures. And then that money trickles its way down to the cities that need it. I spoke with Amie Fishman from the nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Amie Fishman\u003c/strong>: Our focus is on how do we empower local communities to directly address their own affordable housing and infrastructure needs. And Prop 5 allows communities to take control of their futures, really, and make the necessary investments without waiting for state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who’s lining up in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Generally, groups that are anti-tax. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has been against this initiative since it was just a proposal. The California Chamber of Commerce is against it and the very powerful California Association of Realtors. Here’s former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis:\u003c/strong> It actually reverses a lot of the protections that we had under Prop 13. It actually makes it much easier to pass new bonds, new, you know, which I think that we do need a good infrastructure. We do need things. But I also am very cognizant of the fact that my mom received her property tax bill in November that she has to pay. And there’s currently, you know, my mom, who’s retired and is on a limited income has 17– already 17 taxes that are not her property tax. So these are 17 parcel measures from anything from the water district to the county to the school boards to the you name it. There’s 17 currently. You know, I think that this could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, this proposition does have some accountability measures there, but people worry about whether the rules will actually be followed. Bond money is sometimes misappropriated, even with accountability measures in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And how is the campaign spending shaking out here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> As of mid-September, when we’re recording this conversation, the opponents of Prop 5 have raised almost $30 million to fight this. Meanwhile, the ‘yes’ camp has raised about 5 million. But I should add, a lot of that $30 million from the ‘no’ camp came from realty groups, but their opposition has cooled slightly because the legislature made some concessions before this was placed on the ballot. There is now language in Prop 5 that bans local governments from using the bond money to buy up existing single family homes and converting them into affordable units, something the realty groups didn’t want to happen. And just to make it clear, this proposition lowers the voter threshold, but people still have to vote in order for a bond measure to pass. So it’s not like cities can just pass bond measures without say so from the taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, thank you for walking us through this one. It was way more complicated than I anticipated when I first read it. Housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi, thanks again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Thanks for having me. This was really complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We made it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In summary, a vote yes on Prop 5 means you want the threshold of voter support needed for local affordable housing and public infrastructure bonds to be lowered from two thirds to 55%. This means it’s more likely that bonds will pass and more funding will be available for those types of projects. A vote no on Prop 5 means you want to keep that two thirds threshold in place and you want to maintain Prop 13 protections against property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> That’s a wrap on Prop 5. Thanks for tuning in to Prop Fest – a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> If you’re finding these episodes valuable, please share them with a friend, tell your neighbors, post about them on social media… We put a ton of work into these episodes and we really want people to find them before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> Prop Fest is produced by Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, Olivia Allen-Price, Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, And me Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, And the whole KQED family\u003cbr>\nEricka Cruz Guevarra: You can find audio and transcripts for this series at KQED.org/PropFest …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Join your friends and neighbors and support our work today. Give at KQED.org/donate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 6 – which looks to end involuntary servitude for incarcerated people. Thanks for listening.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "The Feds Sued a Major Corporate Landlord. Here’s What It Means for Renters",
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"headTitle": "The Feds Sued a Major Corporate Landlord. Here’s What It Means for Renters | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The country’s largest corporate landlord for single-family homes has agreed to pay $48 million to settle claims that it illegally charged tenants junk fees, failed to inspect homes before residents moved in and withheld security deposits after they moved out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal with Invitation Homes was announced Tuesday by the Federal Trade Commission, which a spokesperson said is becoming increasingly concerned about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001652/california-joins-doj-antitrust-lawsuit-alleges-price-fixing-software-drives-up-rent\">corporate landlords\u003c/a> and the risk of consolidation, forming companies that are “too big to care” if they engage in abusive tactics that feed their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Corporate landlords should not engage in abusive and deceptive practices that essentially steal money from hardworking Americans who are just trying to make rent,” said Douglas Farrar, director of the FTC’s Office of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money paid by Invitation Homes will go to affected tenants, according to the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, which did not admit to any wrongdoing as part of the settlement agreement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.invh.com/news-events/news/news-details/2024/Invitation-Homes-Reaches-Agreement-with-Federal-Trade-Commission/default.aspx\">said in a statement\u003c/a> that it “remains committed to providing a high-quality living experience for individuals and families who want flexibility and choice in housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitation Homes owns roughly 80,000 homes across the country, \u003ca href=\"https://s28.q4cdn.com/264003623/files/doc_financials/2023/ar/2023_ar_print_bmk.pdf\">including nearly 12,000 in California\u003c/a>, of which about a third are located in Northern California. The company, founded in 2012, rose to prominence in the wake of the 2008 foreclosure crisis,\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/03/institutional-investors-corporate-landlords/\"> as private investors bought foreclosed homes for cheap and then rented them out.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a landlord, Invitation Homes took advantage of its tenants in numerous ways, the FTC alleged. The company, for example, would advertise monthly rental rates without including mandatory fees, which the FTC described as “junk” fees — including fees for rental applications, fees to reserve the units and pet fees — that could total almost $2,000 annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents would learn about these fees only after they received a copy of their lease and sometimes after they signed it, the FTC alleged. The agency’s investigation also found that since 2019, Invitation Homes has made more than $18 million in application fees alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit alleges many renters also had to pay for “smart home technology,” which allows the company to manage utilities and access to the rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desiree Fields, an associate professor at UC Berkeley who focuses on the behaviors of corporate landlords, said companies often advertise “smart home technology” as beneficial for the tenant, but in reality, it’s good for the property owner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It helps them manage their costs when properties are vacant,” she said. “Then they can also charge a monthly fee for that ‘smart home technology.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005287 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1454882740-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitation Homes didn’t adequately prepare homes for residents to move in and didn’t respond quickly to complaints from tenants, according to the complaint. The investigation found renters often moved into homes that were dirty or had broken appliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a particularly harrowing report, Farrar said the heat was not fixed for several days at a home that a pregnant woman moved into during winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The company promises 24-hour, seven-day-a-week emergency services,” Farrar said. “But clearly, they were not delivering on those promises.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrar said while this lawsuit is rare, it reflects a change in the marketplace as more large investors purchase single-family homes and rent them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitation Homes also allegedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005287/landlord-security-deposit-california-renters-law-notice\">withheld security deposits\u003c/a> from 65% of its tenants and only returned them if tenants complained to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Invitation Homes’ customer service agents were instructed to steer residents away from filing for protection under the federal eviction moratorium and instead pushed them to fill out the company’s “hardship affidavits,” which had no legal effect and allowed the company to evict people during the moratorium period, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement agreement, which a federal judge must approve, the company agreed to advertise accurate rental prices, accurately represent the condition of properties and overhaul its security deposit practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, executive director of the California Center for Movement Legal Services, said the FTC’s actions against Invitation Homes represent an important step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we not think that the private market is going to solve the housing affordability crisis,” she said. “The government needs to really center tenants in their approaches to fixing the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have tried to stifle corporate landlords’ ability to purchase single-family homes in bulk and rent them out like Invitation Homes has done across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those bills introduced this year failed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002905/it-was-a-sleepy-year-for-housing-legislation-here-are-some-that-made-it-through\">make it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk\u003c/a>, but even if they had, it’s “hard to put the genie back in the bottle at this point” after corporate landlords have spent years buying up homes, said Fields, the UC Berkeley professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she said, policies like rent control “that are about really targeting the effects of these business practices on renters and tenants are more apt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Invitation Homes will pay renters $48 million to settle the Federal Trade Commission’s claims that it illegally charged tenants and withheld security deposits.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The country’s largest corporate landlord for single-family homes has agreed to pay $48 million to settle claims that it illegally charged tenants junk fees, failed to inspect homes before residents moved in and withheld security deposits after they moved out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal with Invitation Homes was announced Tuesday by the Federal Trade Commission, which a spokesperson said is becoming increasingly concerned about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001652/california-joins-doj-antitrust-lawsuit-alleges-price-fixing-software-drives-up-rent\">corporate landlords\u003c/a> and the risk of consolidation, forming companies that are “too big to care” if they engage in abusive tactics that feed their bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Corporate landlords should not engage in abusive and deceptive practices that essentially steal money from hardworking Americans who are just trying to make rent,” said Douglas Farrar, director of the FTC’s Office of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money paid by Invitation Homes will go to affected tenants, according to the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, which did not admit to any wrongdoing as part of the settlement agreement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.invh.com/news-events/news/news-details/2024/Invitation-Homes-Reaches-Agreement-with-Federal-Trade-Commission/default.aspx\">said in a statement\u003c/a> that it “remains committed to providing a high-quality living experience for individuals and families who want flexibility and choice in housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitation Homes owns roughly 80,000 homes across the country, \u003ca href=\"https://s28.q4cdn.com/264003623/files/doc_financials/2023/ar/2023_ar_print_bmk.pdf\">including nearly 12,000 in California\u003c/a>, of which about a third are located in Northern California. The company, founded in 2012, rose to prominence in the wake of the 2008 foreclosure crisis,\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/03/institutional-investors-corporate-landlords/\"> as private investors bought foreclosed homes for cheap and then rented them out.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a landlord, Invitation Homes took advantage of its tenants in numerous ways, the FTC alleged. The company, for example, would advertise monthly rental rates without including mandatory fees, which the FTC described as “junk” fees — including fees for rental applications, fees to reserve the units and pet fees — that could total almost $2,000 annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents would learn about these fees only after they received a copy of their lease and sometimes after they signed it, the FTC alleged. The agency’s investigation also found that since 2019, Invitation Homes has made more than $18 million in application fees alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit alleges many renters also had to pay for “smart home technology,” which allows the company to manage utilities and access to the rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desiree Fields, an associate professor at UC Berkeley who focuses on the behaviors of corporate landlords, said companies often advertise “smart home technology” as beneficial for the tenant, but in reality, it’s good for the property owner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It helps them manage their costs when properties are vacant,” she said. “Then they can also charge a monthly fee for that ‘smart home technology.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitation Homes didn’t adequately prepare homes for residents to move in and didn’t respond quickly to complaints from tenants, according to the complaint. The investigation found renters often moved into homes that were dirty or had broken appliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a particularly harrowing report, Farrar said the heat was not fixed for several days at a home that a pregnant woman moved into during winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The company promises 24-hour, seven-day-a-week emergency services,” Farrar said. “But clearly, they were not delivering on those promises.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrar said while this lawsuit is rare, it reflects a change in the marketplace as more large investors purchase single-family homes and rent them out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Invitation Homes also allegedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005287/landlord-security-deposit-california-renters-law-notice\">withheld security deposits\u003c/a> from 65% of its tenants and only returned them if tenants complained to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Invitation Homes’ customer service agents were instructed to steer residents away from filing for protection under the federal eviction moratorium and instead pushed them to fill out the company’s “hardship affidavits,” which had no legal effect and allowed the company to evict people during the moratorium period, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement agreement, which a federal judge must approve, the company agreed to advertise accurate rental prices, accurately represent the condition of properties and overhaul its security deposit practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, executive director of the California Center for Movement Legal Services, said the FTC’s actions against Invitation Homes represent an important step in the right direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we not think that the private market is going to solve the housing affordability crisis,” she said. “The government needs to really center tenants in their approaches to fixing the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have tried to stifle corporate landlords’ ability to purchase single-family homes in bulk and rent them out like Invitation Homes has done across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those bills introduced this year failed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002905/it-was-a-sleepy-year-for-housing-legislation-here-are-some-that-made-it-through\">make it to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk\u003c/a>, but even if they had, it’s “hard to put the genie back in the bottle at this point” after corporate landlords have spent years buying up homes, said Fields, the UC Berkeley professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she said, policies like rent control “that are about really targeting the effects of these business practices on renters and tenants are more apt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Fresno city leaders on Monday laid out plans for enforcing one of the state’s harshest crackdowns on homeless encampments, which bans public camping anywhere, anytime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, which went into effect Monday, doesn’t specifically mention homelessness but makes public camping, sitting or lying a misdemeanor punishable with up to a year in jail, a fine of up to $1,000 or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are times when people have to get uncomfortable before they can get comfortable,” Mayor Jerry Dyer said at a press conference at City Hall. Dyer said that in his 40 years with the Fresno Police Department, including 18 years as chief of police, people he’d arrested later thanked him because the jail time kickstarted their rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to help people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">the Supreme Court in June \u003c/a>empowered cities to crack down on homeless encampments, and Gov. Gavin Newsom seized on the opening to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">push for ramped-up sweeps\u003c/a>, at least 18 jurisdictions around the state have put in place new camping bans — the most of any state, according to a tally maintained by the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even liberal strongholds like Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004348/berkeley-moves-to-expand-homeless-encampment-sweeps-in-more-aggressive-approach\">have toughened their policies\u003c/a>. And Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on Monday issued an \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Executive-Order-2024.pdf\">executive order\u003c/a> directing all city departments to “fully enforce” its encampment management policies and laws protecting city infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being unhoused is not a crime in Oakland, but it does not give anyone the right to break other laws,” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MayorShengThao/status/1838273205892788400\">she wrote on X\u003c/a>. “We must return public spaces to the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno law is a coup for exasperated business owners and residents who say unchecked encampments create health and safety concerns and impinge on their access to public spaces. Dyer said the overall intent of the law is to protect small businesses and housed people and get people living with serious mental health illnesses and addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005474 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240808-ENCAMPMENT-SWEEP-MD-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than help, though, advocates for people experiencing homelessness warn it will push unhoused people further to the margins as they cycle in and out of jail and rack up debt, making it harder to get off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Criminalizing homelessness has long proven to be a total destabilizing factor in their lives. It increases the chances of being homeless on the streets again, and it’s not a resolution,” local activist Bob McCloskey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city council passed the law in mid-August over loud complaints from McCloskey and other advocates. It builds on a similar 2018 ordinance that wasn’t carried out because it included a provision that allowed for enforcement only if there were enough shelter beds for the city’s entire unhoused population, said Fresno City Attorney Andrew Janz, a policy that was in keeping with standing legal precedent at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the Supreme Court’s decision opened the door for local law enforcement to cite and arrest unhoused people regardless of whether a city has shelter beds to offer. Since then, 46 jurisdictions across the country have enacted new policies or, as in Fresno’s case, amended existing policies, according to Eric Tars, legal director of the National Homelessness Law Center. In one of the most extreme cases, he said, a Tennessee state law that makes public camping a felony punishable by up to six years in prison is \u003ca href=\"https://nashvillebanner.com/2024/07/18/supreme-court-ruling-tennessee-homelessness-law/#:~:text=Camping%20was%20already%20a%20felony,already%20existed%20here%20in%20Tennessee.\">now being enforced\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of these laws are actually helping anyone end their homelessness in any way except by incarcerating them, which is the most expensive way to house a person,” Tars said, noting that in many places, people could be housed for a month for the cost of a week in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody chooses to be homeless and to have to urinate or defecate or use drugs outdoors,” he said. “That choice has been made for them by the elected officials who have known for years that we have an affordable housing crisis and have chosen to not fix it and now are redirecting the blame onto the very victims of that failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno’s ordinance encourages judges and attorneys to consider diversion or probation in lieu of a fine or jail time, contingent on completion of a rehabilitation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janz, whose office will oversee prosecutions under the law, said he would direct his prosecutors to prioritize plea deals that involve enrollment in mental health or treatment programs rather than jail time or fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a new area of law for us,” he said, “so we’ll see what the courts do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the police chief will need to guide police officers about when to cite and arrest suspected violators under the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interim Police Chief Mindy Castro said officers would get training on how to offer services and when to make arrests, in addition to eight hours of crisis intervention training. When it comes to people living in vehicles, Castro said officers would make case-by-case determinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been a reluctance to take people into custody,” she said. “This helps them have the confidence to make a lawful arrest when the circumstances are proper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor said Monday that police would prioritize enforcement in sensitive areas, such as near schools, and continue offering shelter and services first. If unhoused residents turn them down, the police will ask them to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“However, if they are habitual offenders of the ordinance, then we’ll use a different approach,” Dyer said. Neither he nor Castro provided clarity on what defines a “habitual offender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After issuing a citation, Dyer said officers would then have the option to take people to a treatment facility if a bed is available and they’re willing. If they complete the program, he said the police report wouldn’t be filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the press conference ended, Dez Martinez, a longtime homeless advocate, had a different scenario in mind: “Where do we go if we say ‘yes’ and there’s no bed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing next to her, Corina Cruz, who said she’d been unhoused in Fresno for seven years, said she had accepted a spot at a shelter that provides mental health services, Sierra Sunrise, and wound up back on the streets when her time there was up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went into the programs, and they didn’t help me,” Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s a product of what they’re talking about,” Martinez said of the new law. “It’s not gonna work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez and other activists have been handing out information cards that instruct anyone under threat of arrest to tell police they are “traveling” rather than sitting, sleeping, lying or camping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Fresno city leaders on Monday laid out plans for enforcing one of the state’s harshest crackdowns on homeless encampments, which bans public camping anywhere, anytime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law, which went into effect Monday, doesn’t specifically mention homelessness but makes public camping, sitting or lying a misdemeanor punishable with up to a year in jail, a fine of up to $1,000 or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are times when people have to get uncomfortable before they can get comfortable,” Mayor Jerry Dyer said at a press conference at City Hall. Dyer said that in his 40 years with the Fresno Police Department, including 18 years as chief of police, people he’d arrested later thanked him because the jail time kickstarted their rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to help people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">the Supreme Court in June \u003c/a>empowered cities to crack down on homeless encampments, and Gov. Gavin Newsom seized on the opening to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">push for ramped-up sweeps\u003c/a>, at least 18 jurisdictions around the state have put in place new camping bans — the most of any state, according to a tally maintained by the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even liberal strongholds like Berkeley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004348/berkeley-moves-to-expand-homeless-encampment-sweeps-in-more-aggressive-approach\">have toughened their policies\u003c/a>. And Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on Monday issued an \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/Executive-Order-2024.pdf\">executive order\u003c/a> directing all city departments to “fully enforce” its encampment management policies and laws protecting city infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being unhoused is not a crime in Oakland, but it does not give anyone the right to break other laws,” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MayorShengThao/status/1838273205892788400\">she wrote on X\u003c/a>. “We must return public spaces to the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno law is a coup for exasperated business owners and residents who say unchecked encampments create health and safety concerns and impinge on their access to public spaces. Dyer said the overall intent of the law is to protect small businesses and housed people and get people living with serious mental health illnesses and addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than help, though, advocates for people experiencing homelessness warn it will push unhoused people further to the margins as they cycle in and out of jail and rack up debt, making it harder to get off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Criminalizing homelessness has long proven to be a total destabilizing factor in their lives. It increases the chances of being homeless on the streets again, and it’s not a resolution,” local activist Bob McCloskey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city council passed the law in mid-August over loud complaints from McCloskey and other advocates. It builds on a similar 2018 ordinance that wasn’t carried out because it included a provision that allowed for enforcement only if there were enough shelter beds for the city’s entire unhoused population, said Fresno City Attorney Andrew Janz, a policy that was in keeping with standing legal precedent at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the Supreme Court’s decision opened the door for local law enforcement to cite and arrest unhoused people regardless of whether a city has shelter beds to offer. Since then, 46 jurisdictions across the country have enacted new policies or, as in Fresno’s case, amended existing policies, according to Eric Tars, legal director of the National Homelessness Law Center. In one of the most extreme cases, he said, a Tennessee state law that makes public camping a felony punishable by up to six years in prison is \u003ca href=\"https://nashvillebanner.com/2024/07/18/supreme-court-ruling-tennessee-homelessness-law/#:~:text=Camping%20was%20already%20a%20felony,already%20existed%20here%20in%20Tennessee.\">now being enforced\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of these laws are actually helping anyone end their homelessness in any way except by incarcerating them, which is the most expensive way to house a person,” Tars said, noting that in many places, people could be housed for a month for the cost of a week in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody chooses to be homeless and to have to urinate or defecate or use drugs outdoors,” he said. “That choice has been made for them by the elected officials who have known for years that we have an affordable housing crisis and have chosen to not fix it and now are redirecting the blame onto the very victims of that failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno’s ordinance encourages judges and attorneys to consider diversion or probation in lieu of a fine or jail time, contingent on completion of a rehabilitation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janz, whose office will oversee prosecutions under the law, said he would direct his prosecutors to prioritize plea deals that involve enrollment in mental health or treatment programs rather than jail time or fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a new area of law for us,” he said, “so we’ll see what the courts do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the police chief will need to guide police officers about when to cite and arrest suspected violators under the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interim Police Chief Mindy Castro said officers would get training on how to offer services and when to make arrests, in addition to eight hours of crisis intervention training. When it comes to people living in vehicles, Castro said officers would make case-by-case determinations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been a reluctance to take people into custody,” she said. “This helps them have the confidence to make a lawful arrest when the circumstances are proper.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor said Monday that police would prioritize enforcement in sensitive areas, such as near schools, and continue offering shelter and services first. If unhoused residents turn them down, the police will ask them to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“However, if they are habitual offenders of the ordinance, then we’ll use a different approach,” Dyer said. Neither he nor Castro provided clarity on what defines a “habitual offender.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After issuing a citation, Dyer said officers would then have the option to take people to a treatment facility if a bed is available and they’re willing. If they complete the program, he said the police report wouldn’t be filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the press conference ended, Dez Martinez, a longtime homeless advocate, had a different scenario in mind: “Where do we go if we say ‘yes’ and there’s no bed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing next to her, Corina Cruz, who said she’d been unhoused in Fresno for seven years, said she had accepted a spot at a shelter that provides mental health services, Sierra Sunrise, and wound up back on the streets when her time there was up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went into the programs, and they didn’t help me,” Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s a product of what they’re talking about,” Martinez said of the new law. “It’s not gonna work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez and other activists have been handing out information cards that instruct anyone under threat of arrest to tell police they are “traveling” rather than sitting, sleeping, lying or camping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"cuisine": {
"key": "Restaurant Cuisine",
"filters": [
"Any Cuisine"
]
}
},
"restaurantDataById": {},
"restaurantIdsSorted": [],
"error": null
},
"userAgentReducer": {
"userAgent": "Mozilla/5.0 AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko; compatible; ClaudeBot/1.0; +claudebot@anthropic.com)",
"isBot": true
},
"requestOutcomesReducer": {
"notFound": []
}
}
