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"title": "Proposition 10: Californians Reject Rent Control Measure, Statewide Limits to Remain | KQED",
"description": "Proposition 10 would have repealed a decades-old state law and allow municipalities to expand or enact new rent control laws.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, 11:45 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have rejected a ballot measure that would have repealed California’s landmark ban on new rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins bans cities from enacting rent control after 1995, when the act became law. Rent control policies already on the books, in cities like Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland, were frozen in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more and more Californians forced to pay significant portions of their income toward rent, supporters of Proposition 10 argued that giving cities the ability to pass rent control laws could provide immediate relief. Opponents said the measure was too drastic, and that a hodgepodge of local rent laws, combined with new caps on rent, would take away incentive for developers to build new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stunning margin of victory shows California voters clearly understood the negative impacts Prop. 10 would have on the availability of affordable and middle-class housing in our state,” said Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association, in a statement released by the No on 10 campaign. “We look forward to working with Governor–elect Gavin Newsom to address California’s housing affordability crisis by focusing on incentivizing housing production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 made its way to the ballot after a bill to repeal Costa-Hawkins died quickly in the state Legislature earlier this year. That set the stage for an expensive ballot fight. The campaign was the second-costliest among California’s 11 ballot measures, with more than $100 million raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly three-quarters of the money flowed into the No on 10 campaign, largely from developers. The Yes on 10 campaign was nearly completely bankrolled by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, the measure’s sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very proud of the campaign we ran,” said Michael Weinstein, President of AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in a statement. “Despite being vastly outspent, we succeeded in beginning a debate on housing affordability that will continue beyond this election in the legislature, in city councils, on the ground and on the ballot in 2020.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 was endorsed by the California Democratic Party, but it divided many leading Democrats in the state. Governor-elect Gavin Newsom opposed the measure, while progressives largely supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just the threat of a change to California’s long-standing ban on new rent control set off alarms for developers and local governments. Opponents of Proposition 10 said the threat of expanded rent control had convinced some builders to put their California projects on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments, faced with the possibility of new control over rent laws, scrambled to prepare for a post-Costa-Hawkins future. In Berkeley, the City Council quickly devised rules for how the city would expand its decades-old rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Authorities are cracking down on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11619520/anchor-outs-life-aboard-sausalitos-floating-community\">a community of small boats floating off Sausalito\u003c/a>, where the number of vessels that sit motionless away from shore has doubled over the last year amid the Bay Area’s acute housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Sausalito police began placing bright orange warning stickers on the decks of dozens of small “anchor-out” vessels bobbing in Richardson Bay. They warn that police may remove any vessel left in city water for 72 hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Police-warn-boaters-living-on-their-vessels-in-13360822.php\">the San Francisco Chronicle reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch a KQED News video from 2017 about life on an anchor-out:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DBlUnKzdEME\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It costs $1,000 or more per month to tie up at a marina berth, the newspaper reported. There are about 250 vessels anchored off the Sausalito waterfront, and some of them serve as homes for the area’s homeless. According to the 2015 biennial Marin County homeless count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhhs.org/sites/default/files/files/servicepages/2015_06/marincounty_homelessreport_2015_final-6.23review.pdf\">14 percent of the county’s homeless population lives on boats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime anchor-outer Alden Bevington says he was evicted from his 33-foot yawl, Sanctuary, about a month ago, and the vessel was hauled off by the city and destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a social issue, not a law enforcement issue,” Bevington said. “This is a problem of the economy. Richardson Bay is one of the last places where people can drop an anchor and stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca>Life on the Hook: Sausalito’s Floating ‘Homeless’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535091/life-on-the-hook\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/anchor-outs_intro-800x960.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Bevington said that while some of his fellow boaters are broke, being down and out isn’t a crime on land or on the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The boats just sit there, like a giant parking lot,” said Sausalito police officer Brian Mather. “More like a giant junkyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. William Fraass said reports of thefts and other problems have increased along with the number of vessels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sausalito Mayor Joan Cox said the city did “not want to go out and seize boats, (but) this is a public health and safety issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boaters who rent slips at high-end Sausalito marinas complain that many squatters paddle ashore in kayaks and rowboats to use the marina restrooms. But not everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main problem is the lack of toilets,” said Harbormaster Mike Rainey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In theory, they’re supposed to have their toilets pumped out,” he added. “I’ve never seen a pump-out boat going out to service the vessels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirk Morrison and his friend Nick Masturzo pay about $700 a month to berth their 21-foot motorboat at Schoonmaker Point. They wave at their fellow sailors on the anchor-outs, but they’re not particularly happy about subsidizing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a free-for-all out there,” Morrison said. “It’s a problem. It’s like trying to solve the homeless problem in San Francisco. I don’t know what the solution is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Authorities are cracking down on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11619520/anchor-outs-life-aboard-sausalitos-floating-community\">a community of small boats floating off Sausalito\u003c/a>, where the number of vessels that sit motionless away from shore has doubled over the last year amid the Bay Area’s acute housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Sausalito police began placing bright orange warning stickers on the decks of dozens of small “anchor-out” vessels bobbing in Richardson Bay. They warn that police may remove any vessel left in city water for 72 hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Police-warn-boaters-living-on-their-vessels-in-13360822.php\">the San Francisco Chronicle reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch a KQED News video from 2017 about life on an anchor-out:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/DBlUnKzdEME'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/DBlUnKzdEME'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It costs $1,000 or more per month to tie up at a marina berth, the newspaper reported. There are about 250 vessels anchored off the Sausalito waterfront, and some of them serve as homes for the area’s homeless. According to the 2015 biennial Marin County homeless count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhhs.org/sites/default/files/files/servicepages/2015_06/marincounty_homelessreport_2015_final-6.23review.pdf\">14 percent of the county’s homeless population lives on boats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime anchor-outer Alden Bevington says he was evicted from his 33-foot yawl, Sanctuary, about a month ago, and the vessel was hauled off by the city and destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a social issue, not a law enforcement issue,” Bevington said. “This is a problem of the economy. Richardson Bay is one of the last places where people can drop an anchor and stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca>Life on the Hook: Sausalito’s Floating ‘Homeless’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535091/life-on-the-hook\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/anchor-outs_intro-800x960.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Bevington said that while some of his fellow boaters are broke, being down and out isn’t a crime on land or on the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The boats just sit there, like a giant parking lot,” said Sausalito police officer Brian Mather. “More like a giant junkyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. William Fraass said reports of thefts and other problems have increased along with the number of vessels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sausalito Mayor Joan Cox said the city did “not want to go out and seize boats, (but) this is a public health and safety issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boaters who rent slips at high-end Sausalito marinas complain that many squatters paddle ashore in kayaks and rowboats to use the marina restrooms. But not everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main problem is the lack of toilets,” said Harbormaster Mike Rainey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In theory, they’re supposed to have their toilets pumped out,” he added. “I’ve never seen a pump-out boat going out to service the vessels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirk Morrison and his friend Nick Masturzo pay about $700 a month to berth their 21-foot motorboat at Schoonmaker Point. They wave at their fellow sailors on the anchor-outs, but they’re not particularly happy about subsidizing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a free-for-all out there,” Morrison said. “It’s a problem. It’s like trying to solve the homeless problem in San Francisco. I don’t know what the solution is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "why-is-californias-rent-control-initiative-tanking-so-badly",
"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly? | KQED",
"description": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"headline": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
"datePublished": "2018-11-04T11:31:40-08:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized hotel workers who have been striking at Marriott hotels in San Francisco for the last month flooded into San Francisco City Hall on Friday, revealing stories of hardships to get by in one of the most expensive regions in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Unite Here Local 2, who walked off the job starting in early October, wore red shirts with the words “one job should be enough” and shared their struggles before a special Board of Supervisors hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them cried as they described how tough it’s been to get by, working several jobs on wages they consider too low, barely able to afford high rents and mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m living on a razor’s edge from one day to the next,” said Nicholas Javier, a server at the Westin St. Francis who lives in a single-room-occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julian Penrose, a bellman at the W hotel, said he has to work multiple jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703377\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703377 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronald Morales (right) waits in line with other hotel workers on strike to attend a San Francisco Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. Morales works at the W Hotel in San Francisco and has been a Marriott employee for 19 years. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like my wife and I can afford to have children in this city,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One job should be enough to make ends meet. One job should be enough to have a family, provide for your family … to cover health care … to retire in dignity,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We live in a city where it’s in demand to have two jobs: one just to pay rent and one for survival,” said Diana Gochez, a hotel culinary worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing came a day after San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf urged Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson to “listen and work” with the union to help end the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who serve in our city’s hotels and restaurants deserve to have one job that is enough to live on,” Breed and Schaaf said in a letter to Sorenson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703378 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Marriott hotel employee is consoled after delivering a public comment at the Board of Supervisors meeting in San Francisco City Hall on Nov. 2, 2018. Many longtime employees expressed frustration with their low wages and the cost of living in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Marriott spokesperson said the company is reviewing the letter but would not comment on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message from the two mayors came two days after Sorenson rejected an invitation to attend Friday’s hearing. In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702796/marriott-ceo-slams-hotel-workers-union-refuses-to-attend-s-f-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to Supervisor Hillary Ronen, Sorenson criticized Unite Here, said its members were well compensated, and accused its leadership of focusing on orchestrating a nationwide job action instead of working a contract out at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen and Supervisor Rafael Mandelman expressed outrage that Sorenson refused to attend the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m incredibly disappointed, and in fact, insulted that you decided not to show up today,” Ronen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703379\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Hillary Ronen voices support for the striking Marriott workers at the beginning of a special supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I am just struck by the disrespect of this major international corporation,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to 2,500 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders and bellmen represented by Unite Here Local 2 walked off the job at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and several other cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the two sides have made progress on some sticking points, including job security and issues surrounding technology in the hotels, according to Unite Here Local 2 President Anand Singh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they are far apart on wages and health care, union officials have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a crisis,” Singh said. “This brazen position that this company has taken, an unreasonable position, has an impact on the entire industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talks are expected to resume Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703380 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marriott hotel workers on strike enter San Francisco City Hall to attend a special Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized hotel workers who have been striking at Marriott hotels in San Francisco for the last month flooded into San Francisco City Hall on Friday, revealing stories of hardships to get by in one of the most expensive regions in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Unite Here Local 2, who walked off the job starting in early October, wore red shirts with the words “one job should be enough” and shared their struggles before a special Board of Supervisors hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them cried as they described how tough it’s been to get by, working several jobs on wages they consider too low, barely able to afford high rents and mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m living on a razor’s edge from one day to the next,” said Nicholas Javier, a server at the Westin St. Francis who lives in a single-room-occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julian Penrose, a bellman at the W hotel, said he has to work multiple jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703377\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703377 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronald Morales (right) waits in line with other hotel workers on strike to attend a San Francisco Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. Morales works at the W Hotel in San Francisco and has been a Marriott employee for 19 years. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like my wife and I can afford to have children in this city,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One job should be enough to make ends meet. One job should be enough to have a family, provide for your family … to cover health care … to retire in dignity,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We live in a city where it’s in demand to have two jobs: one just to pay rent and one for survival,” said Diana Gochez, a hotel culinary worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing came a day after San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf urged Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson to “listen and work” with the union to help end the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who serve in our city’s hotels and restaurants deserve to have one job that is enough to live on,” Breed and Schaaf said in a letter to Sorenson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703378 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Marriott hotel employee is consoled after delivering a public comment at the Board of Supervisors meeting in San Francisco City Hall on Nov. 2, 2018. Many longtime employees expressed frustration with their low wages and the cost of living in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Marriott spokesperson said the company is reviewing the letter but would not comment on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message from the two mayors came two days after Sorenson rejected an invitation to attend Friday’s hearing. In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702796/marriott-ceo-slams-hotel-workers-union-refuses-to-attend-s-f-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to Supervisor Hillary Ronen, Sorenson criticized Unite Here, said its members were well compensated, and accused its leadership of focusing on orchestrating a nationwide job action instead of working a contract out at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen and Supervisor Rafael Mandelman expressed outrage that Sorenson refused to attend the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m incredibly disappointed, and in fact, insulted that you decided not to show up today,” Ronen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703379\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Hillary Ronen voices support for the striking Marriott workers at the beginning of a special supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I am just struck by the disrespect of this major international corporation,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to 2,500 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders and bellmen represented by Unite Here Local 2 walked off the job at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and several other cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the two sides have made progress on some sticking points, including job security and issues surrounding technology in the hotels, according to Unite Here Local 2 President Anand Singh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they are far apart on wages and health care, union officials have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a crisis,” Singh said. “This brazen position that this company has taken, an unreasonable position, has an impact on the entire industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talks are expected to resume Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703380 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marriott hotel workers on strike enter San Francisco City Hall to attend a special Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JYKxFrMkzKA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jack/status/1053312148317716480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition C in San Francisco, Measure P in Mountain View and Measure HH in East Palo Alto would all raise taxes on businesses.",
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"title": "Should Big Business Pay to Fight Homelessness, Transportation Woes? Voters Will Decide | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Like so many younger Californians, Jas Johl struggled to buy her first house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a yearlong hunt for something in her budget, she placed bids on about 10 houses in the Bay Area. She was outbid with all-cash offers nearly every time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here.’\u003ccite>Jas Johl, North Oakland homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Johl, who works for the tech giant Salesforce, finally found a place in a neighborhood in North Oakland in 2016. It was pricey — $850,000 — but she thought it was a pretty good bargain for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also knew that a hefty property tax bill would accompany the price tag. And because Johl was a new homeowner, she’d be paying a lot more than many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was expecting it, but I wasn’t expecting how much it would be, I guess,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johl paid nearly $13,000 in property taxes last year. It put a crimp in her budget — she rents out a room to help her afford her mortgage. But she was OK with paying that much because she knew the local schools needed tax dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner, less than 300 feet from Johl’s house, is a duplex owned by Don Weinger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties are about the same square size — Johl’s house is 1,400 square feet, while Weinger’s is 1,600, including the downstairs rental unit. The real estate listing site Zillow estimates both houses are worth around $900,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of Proposition 13, Weinger’s property taxes are 40 percent lower than Johl’s — he paid a little over $7,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Weinger bought his house in 2002, for $365,000. Under Proposition 13, homeowners pay property taxes based on the original purchase price, not the current market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger and Johl were unaware that they were paying wildly different property taxes than their neighbors. Weinger, a speech pathologist for the Oakland Unified School District, says he couldn’t really afford to pay property taxes on what his duplex is currently worth. But at the same time, he’s not sure that his discount is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely sympathize,” says Weinger. “I’m happy to benefit from [Proposition 13], but I don’t think it’s good for California as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger’s property tax bill is by no means an outlier in this neighborhood. One decades-long owner of a 1,300-square-foot home up the street paid only $1,168 in taxes last year. Zillow estimates that house to be worth more than $700,000. Several other longtime homeowners who no longer live in the neighborhood, but instead rent their properties, are paying less than $2,000 in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700802\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"don-home\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because of Proposition 13, Don Weinger pays 40 percent less in property taxes than Johl, even though both of their homes are worth about $900,000 today. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How strict the assessment limits are is what makes California unique,” says Richard Auxier, a research associate with the Washington, D.C.-based Tax Policy Center. “You could have two neighbors earning the same amount of income, in roughly the same value home. And one is paying exponentially more in taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978, part of the rationale was to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes they couldn’t afford. Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that it’s still an essential tool to preserve neighborhood stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows people to remain in their homes who otherwise might be driven out by taxes,” says David Kline, a spokesman for the California Taxpayers Association. “The low-income homeowner is the most at risk of not being able to afford escalating property taxes. It’s the biggest help to those at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California home prices reach staggering new highs, the growing disparity between what newer and older homeowners pay on similarly valued property has renewed a problematic question: Is Proposition 13 fair?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits From Proposition 13?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Overall, polling suggests Californians like Proposition 13, at least in theory. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">About 57 percent\u003c/a> of Californians say Proposition 13 has been mostly good for the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California survey conducted in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted.’\u003ccite>Richard Auxier, Tax Policy Center\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But voters are more conflicted about how Proposition 13 treats newer and older homeowners. Only \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-proposition-13-approval-rating/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">41 percent\u003c/a> of Californians believe someone who recently bought a home should pay higher property taxes than someone who bought an identical home decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the only place that provides major property tax breaks to longtime homeowners. Many other states limit how much local governments can tax homes, especially for low-income or senior homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But property tax relief in other states is typically more tailored to vulnerable populations than it is here, says Auxier. Proposition 13 provides benefits to anyone fortunate enough to own a home, regardless of their income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted,” says Auxier. “The problem is that it does nothing but reward homeowners who have been in their homes a long time, no matter who those homeowners are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because homeownership is generally correlated with higher incomes, and because Proposition 13 provides more benefits in the long term to more expensive homes, the vast majority of tax relief goes to higher-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Do_Proposition_13.2019s_Benefits_for_Property_Owners_Vary_With_Income.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that roughly 50 percent of the tax savings provided by Proposition 13 goes to households that make over $120,000. Those estimates don’t take into account any tax benefit landlords may pass on to renters, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 say that’s the wrong way of looking at who is benefiting most from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gentrifying neighborhoods like this one in North Oakland, some of the biggest beneficiaries of Proposition 13 are not higher-income households, but middle-class families who bought decades earlier when houses in the area were much more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"scenes-garages\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The median property value on this North Oakland block was three quarters of a million dollars last year. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason why Johl feels mostly OK about paying higher property taxes than some of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would be fair to ask a family down the street who bought their house 20 years ago to pay more,” says Johl. “Because how would you know if they could afford it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auxier concedes that some truly middle-class families from traditionally marginalized communities may benefit from Proposition 13. But he stresses that it’s more an exception to the rule, and to remember the costs associated with that benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are tax dollars that aren’t going to education programs or health care programs that could help other parts of those communities that don’t own incredibly expensive homes,” says Auxier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Certainty for New Homeowners, at a Cost\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New homeowners like Johl may be paying way more in property taxes this year than their neighbors. But Proposition 13 provides a great deal of certainty for her going forward. Regardless of how much her home’s value rises, Johl knows her property tax base will not increase more than 2 percent per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 13 provides certainty for every property owner,” says Kline. “So when you buy your property you know exactly what your tax is going to be that year and what it’s going to be for years to come. And you can put those numbers in your budget and know what your bills will be going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those savings are mitigated by other taxes state and local governments levy to make up for lost property tax revenue. California has some of the highest income and sales taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Proposition 13 Poster Child (Who Loathes It)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1988, Stephanie Nordlinger became a first-time homeowner. She bought a small house in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Baldwin Hills for $170,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.’\u003ccite>Stephanie Nordlinger, homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nordlinger, an attorney, was never a fan of Proposition 13. When it passed, she feared that government services like parks and schools would suffer. But she also thought it was fundamentally wrong that she was paying more in property taxes than richer residents of the city, just because of when she bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Nordlinger got her first property tax bill, she sued on the grounds that Proposition 13 violated the 14th Amendment: equal protection under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone is paying a lot more than another for getting the same services from government agencies,” says Nordlinger. “It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"stephanie\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Nordlinger’s challenge to Proposition 13 went all the way to the Supreme Court. She’s pictured here in the backyard of her home. \u003ccite>(Adriene Hill/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1991/90-1912\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nordlinger’s case\u003c/a> went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. While multiple justices expressed concern that Proposition 13 was unwise policy, Nordlinger lost her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years later, still at her Baldwin Hills home, Nordlinger is in many ways a poster child for the type of Californian Proposition 13 defenders say the initiative helps the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a senior citizen on a limited income. Her house is valued around $900,000, but she pays just $3,400 in property taxes. She benefits enormously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nordlinger’s attitude toward the initiative hasn’t changed. She would welcome being taxed at a rate the new homeowners down the street are taxed, if it meant local government services would improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a kid, California was on top,” says Nordlinger. “Some parts of California are perfect, and very nice, and as good as anything in the world. But other parts of California are just not what they should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Defenders say the law was intended to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes. But with property values skyrocketing, there's a growing disparity among taxpayers.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Like so many younger Californians, Jas Johl struggled to buy her first house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a yearlong hunt for something in her budget, she placed bids on about 10 houses in the Bay Area. She was outbid with all-cash offers nearly every time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here.’\u003ccite>Jas Johl, North Oakland homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Johl, who works for the tech giant Salesforce, finally found a place in a neighborhood in North Oakland in 2016. It was pricey — $850,000 — but she thought it was a pretty good bargain for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also knew that a hefty property tax bill would accompany the price tag. And because Johl was a new homeowner, she’d be paying a lot more than many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was expecting it, but I wasn’t expecting how much it would be, I guess,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johl paid nearly $13,000 in property taxes last year. It put a crimp in her budget — she rents out a room to help her afford her mortgage. But she was OK with paying that much because she knew the local schools needed tax dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner, less than 300 feet from Johl’s house, is a duplex owned by Don Weinger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties are about the same square size — Johl’s house is 1,400 square feet, while Weinger’s is 1,600, including the downstairs rental unit. The real estate listing site Zillow estimates both houses are worth around $900,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of Proposition 13, Weinger’s property taxes are 40 percent lower than Johl’s — he paid a little over $7,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Weinger bought his house in 2002, for $365,000. Under Proposition 13, homeowners pay property taxes based on the original purchase price, not the current market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger and Johl were unaware that they were paying wildly different property taxes than their neighbors. Weinger, a speech pathologist for the Oakland Unified School District, says he couldn’t really afford to pay property taxes on what his duplex is currently worth. But at the same time, he’s not sure that his discount is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely sympathize,” says Weinger. “I’m happy to benefit from [Proposition 13], but I don’t think it’s good for California as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger’s property tax bill is by no means an outlier in this neighborhood. One decades-long owner of a 1,300-square-foot home up the street paid only $1,168 in taxes last year. Zillow estimates that house to be worth more than $700,000. Several other longtime homeowners who no longer live in the neighborhood, but instead rent their properties, are paying less than $2,000 in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700802\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"don-home\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because of Proposition 13, Don Weinger pays 40 percent less in property taxes than Johl, even though both of their homes are worth about $900,000 today. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How strict the assessment limits are is what makes California unique,” says Richard Auxier, a research associate with the Washington, D.C.-based Tax Policy Center. “You could have two neighbors earning the same amount of income, in roughly the same value home. And one is paying exponentially more in taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978, part of the rationale was to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes they couldn’t afford. Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that it’s still an essential tool to preserve neighborhood stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows people to remain in their homes who otherwise might be driven out by taxes,” says David Kline, a spokesman for the California Taxpayers Association. “The low-income homeowner is the most at risk of not being able to afford escalating property taxes. It’s the biggest help to those at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California home prices reach staggering new highs, the growing disparity between what newer and older homeowners pay on similarly valued property has renewed a problematic question: Is Proposition 13 fair?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits From Proposition 13?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Overall, polling suggests Californians like Proposition 13, at least in theory. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">About 57 percent\u003c/a> of Californians say Proposition 13 has been mostly good for the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California survey conducted in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted.’\u003ccite>Richard Auxier, Tax Policy Center\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But voters are more conflicted about how Proposition 13 treats newer and older homeowners. Only \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-proposition-13-approval-rating/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">41 percent\u003c/a> of Californians believe someone who recently bought a home should pay higher property taxes than someone who bought an identical home decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the only place that provides major property tax breaks to longtime homeowners. Many other states limit how much local governments can tax homes, especially for low-income or senior homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But property tax relief in other states is typically more tailored to vulnerable populations than it is here, says Auxier. Proposition 13 provides benefits to anyone fortunate enough to own a home, regardless of their income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted,” says Auxier. “The problem is that it does nothing but reward homeowners who have been in their homes a long time, no matter who those homeowners are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because homeownership is generally correlated with higher incomes, and because Proposition 13 provides more benefits in the long term to more expensive homes, the vast majority of tax relief goes to higher-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Do_Proposition_13.2019s_Benefits_for_Property_Owners_Vary_With_Income.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that roughly 50 percent of the tax savings provided by Proposition 13 goes to households that make over $120,000. Those estimates don’t take into account any tax benefit landlords may pass on to renters, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 say that’s the wrong way of looking at who is benefiting most from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gentrifying neighborhoods like this one in North Oakland, some of the biggest beneficiaries of Proposition 13 are not higher-income households, but middle-class families who bought decades earlier when houses in the area were much more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"scenes-garages\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The median property value on this North Oakland block was three quarters of a million dollars last year. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason why Johl feels mostly OK about paying higher property taxes than some of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would be fair to ask a family down the street who bought their house 20 years ago to pay more,” says Johl. “Because how would you know if they could afford it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auxier concedes that some truly middle-class families from traditionally marginalized communities may benefit from Proposition 13. But he stresses that it’s more an exception to the rule, and to remember the costs associated with that benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are tax dollars that aren’t going to education programs or health care programs that could help other parts of those communities that don’t own incredibly expensive homes,” says Auxier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Certainty for New Homeowners, at a Cost\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New homeowners like Johl may be paying way more in property taxes this year than their neighbors. But Proposition 13 provides a great deal of certainty for her going forward. Regardless of how much her home’s value rises, Johl knows her property tax base will not increase more than 2 percent per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 13 provides certainty for every property owner,” says Kline. “So when you buy your property you know exactly what your tax is going to be that year and what it’s going to be for years to come. And you can put those numbers in your budget and know what your bills will be going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those savings are mitigated by other taxes state and local governments levy to make up for lost property tax revenue. California has some of the highest income and sales taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Proposition 13 Poster Child (Who Loathes It)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1988, Stephanie Nordlinger became a first-time homeowner. She bought a small house in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Baldwin Hills for $170,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.’\u003ccite>Stephanie Nordlinger, homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nordlinger, an attorney, was never a fan of Proposition 13. When it passed, she feared that government services like parks and schools would suffer. But she also thought it was fundamentally wrong that she was paying more in property taxes than richer residents of the city, just because of when she bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Nordlinger got her first property tax bill, she sued on the grounds that Proposition 13 violated the 14th Amendment: equal protection under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone is paying a lot more than another for getting the same services from government agencies,” says Nordlinger. “It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"stephanie\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Nordlinger’s challenge to Proposition 13 went all the way to the Supreme Court. She’s pictured here in the backyard of her home. \u003ccite>(Adriene Hill/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1991/90-1912\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nordlinger’s case\u003c/a> went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. While multiple justices expressed concern that Proposition 13 was unwise policy, Nordlinger lost her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years later, still at her Baldwin Hills home, Nordlinger is in many ways a poster child for the type of Californian Proposition 13 defenders say the initiative helps the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a senior citizen on a limited income. Her house is valued around $900,000, but she pays just $3,400 in property taxes. She benefits enormously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nordlinger’s attitude toward the initiative hasn’t changed. She would welcome being taxed at a rate the new homeowners down the street are taxed, if it meant local government services would improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a kid, California was on top,” says Nordlinger. “Some parts of California are perfect, and very nice, and as good as anything in the world. But other parts of California are just not what they should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Advocates \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreunreport\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demanded Oakland stop “sidewalk sweeps”\u003c/a> after a United Nations report called Oakland and San Francisco’s treatment of homeless people “cruel and inhuman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two Bay Area cities were the only ones in the United States mentioned in the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials have begun to set up temporary shelters made up of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677912/inside-one-of-oaklands-tuff-shed-homeless-communities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tuff Sheds\u003c/a> for homeless people as nearby encampments are cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UN Special Rapporteur accused San Francisco and Oakland of denying homeless people adequate access to water and sanitation in an attempt to discourage informal homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Advocates \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreunreport\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demanded Oakland stop “sidewalk sweeps”\u003c/a> after a United Nations report called Oakland and San Francisco’s treatment of homeless people “cruel and inhuman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two Bay Area cities were the only ones in the United States mentioned in the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials have begun to set up temporary shelters made up of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677912/inside-one-of-oaklands-tuff-shed-homeless-communities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tuff Sheds\u003c/a> for homeless people as nearby encampments are cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UN Special Rapporteur accused San Francisco and Oakland of denying homeless people adequate access to water and sanitation in an attempt to discourage informal homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>About 100 homeless advocates and residents rallied in front of Oakland City Hall Tuesday, imploring the city to improve living conditions in homeless encampments instead of trying to tear them down and evict people living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors also sent an open letter to Mayor Libby Schaaf asking her to stop ordering so-called \"sidewalk sweeps.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action was prompted by the recent release of a scathing \u003ca href=\"http://www.undocs.org/A/73/310/rev.1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">United Nations report on global homelessness\u003c/a> that specifically criticizes Oakland and San Francisco for denying basic services to people living in street encampments. The report is based on a walking tour taken by Leilani Farha, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing conditions at the homeless encampments as \"cruel and inhuman,\" and comparing them to slums in the world's poorest nations, the report chastises both cities for denying basic services to people living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Attempting to discourage residents from remaining in informal settlements or encampments by denying access to water, sanitation and health services and other basic necessities constitutes cruel and inhuman treatment,\" the report said, \"and is a violation of multiple human rights, including the rights to life, housing, health and water and sanitation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It added: \"Such punitive policies must be prohibited in law and immediately ceased.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was just struck by people’s need to say that they are a human being,\" said Paul Boden, head of the Western Regional Advocacy Project in San Francisco. \"If people really felt like they were being treated as they were human beings, they wouldn't need to be so adamant in telling strangers that they, in fact, are human beings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boden added that cities need to use different language to describe homelessness on their streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have always insisted on referring to it as camping and lodging and encampment because by putting it in the context of camping, it sounds choiceful and it’s therefore okay to criminalize that activity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Oakland opened a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696128/video-third-tuff-shed-camp-to-house-oaklands-homeless-set-to-open-thursday\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">temporary homeless housing community \u003c/a>composed of small sheds, located near Lake Merritt. It's the third \"Tuff Shed\" camp the city has installed since December. The city said it would begin enforcing a no-camping rule around the lake once the sheds were established, heightening concerns among residents of the growing encampment nearby. But no one has been forcibly removed yet, according to the mayor's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For weeks, the city has sent social service professionals to ask unsheltered residents if they would like to move into the Tuff Shed cabin communities, said mayor's office spokesman Justin Berton. \"So far, 30 people have volunteered to move onto the site and 2 people have already transitioned into housing. No police have been involved, nor has anyone been forcibly removed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candice Elder, who runs the East Oakland Collective, a group that offers services to homeless residents and hosted Farha in January, said the report identified a crucial need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been pushing for a while for Oakland city officials to allocate more funds to sanitation and pick up,\" she said. \"The whole community benefits, the more of us that are healthy, educated, well-housed, well-fed.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The UN report, based on a walking tour last January in San Francisco and Oakland, called conditions in homeless encampments \"cruel and inhuman.\"",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About 100 homeless advocates and residents rallied in front of Oakland City Hall Tuesday, imploring the city to improve living conditions in homeless encampments instead of trying to tear them down and evict people living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors also sent an open letter to Mayor Libby Schaaf asking her to stop ordering so-called \"sidewalk sweeps.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action was prompted by the recent release of a scathing \u003ca href=\"http://www.undocs.org/A/73/310/rev.1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">United Nations report on global homelessness\u003c/a> that specifically criticizes Oakland and San Francisco for denying basic services to people living in street encampments. The report is based on a walking tour taken by Leilani Farha, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing conditions at the homeless encampments as \"cruel and inhuman,\" and comparing them to slums in the world's poorest nations, the report chastises both cities for denying basic services to people living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Attempting to discourage residents from remaining in informal settlements or encampments by denying access to water, sanitation and health services and other basic necessities constitutes cruel and inhuman treatment,\" the report said, \"and is a violation of multiple human rights, including the rights to life, housing, health and water and sanitation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It added: \"Such punitive policies must be prohibited in law and immediately ceased.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was just struck by people’s need to say that they are a human being,\" said Paul Boden, head of the Western Regional Advocacy Project in San Francisco. \"If people really felt like they were being treated as they were human beings, they wouldn't need to be so adamant in telling strangers that they, in fact, are human beings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boden added that cities need to use different language to describe homelessness on their streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have always insisted on referring to it as camping and lodging and encampment because by putting it in the context of camping, it sounds choiceful and it’s therefore okay to criminalize that activity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Oakland opened a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696128/video-third-tuff-shed-camp-to-house-oaklands-homeless-set-to-open-thursday\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">temporary homeless housing community \u003c/a>composed of small sheds, located near Lake Merritt. It's the third \"Tuff Shed\" camp the city has installed since December. The city said it would begin enforcing a no-camping rule around the lake once the sheds were established, heightening concerns among residents of the growing encampment nearby. But no one has been forcibly removed yet, according to the mayor's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For weeks, the city has sent social service professionals to ask unsheltered residents if they would like to move into the Tuff Shed cabin communities, said mayor's office spokesman Justin Berton. \"So far, 30 people have volunteered to move onto the site and 2 people have already transitioned into housing. No police have been involved, nor has anyone been forcibly removed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candice Elder, who runs the East Oakland Collective, a group that offers services to homeless residents and hosted Farha in January, said the report identified a crucial need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been pushing for a while for Oakland city officials to allocate more funds to sanitation and pick up,\" she said. \"The whole community benefits, the more of us that are healthy, educated, well-housed, well-fed.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Too Few Homes: Is Proposition 13 to Blame for California's Housing Shortage?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski is the most glass-half-full victim of California’s housing shortage you’ll ever meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She has decked out her converted basement apartment on this block in North Oakland like an eclectic bohemian loft. Boutique fabrics and artwork adorn the walls, and craft supplies and a film projector from the 1970s are scattered about the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krasowski loves the neighborhood, which she moved to about a year and a half ago. The friendly neighbors that know each other by name, the old church down the street, the taqueria and pizza place a few blocks away. It fits her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as new and shiny as some of the other places that have been converted around the East Bay, and I really like that,” Krasowksi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like so many Californians these days, Krasowski doesn’t know how much longer she can afford to stay here. She pays nearly $2,000 a month in rent, which she says is nearly two-thirds of her take-home pay as a librarian for Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s the new normal, and actually like a good value for the Bay Area,” says Krasowski, 38, “which is insane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>By one estimate, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California, and particularly the Bay Area, hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with demand. By one estimate from the California Department of Housing and Community Development, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth. Right now, California isn’t close to building that quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are lots of reasons for the state’s deep housing shortage. You can blame broken state housing laws, high construction costs and recalcitrant “not-in-my-backyard” communities that oppose new building across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say some unintended consequences of Proposition 13 help explain why the state doesn’t build housing like it used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Vacant Lot Problem\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner from Krasowski sits an undeveloped lot, overgrown with weeds and surrounded by a chain-link fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has more than 3,000 vacant residential lots.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brian Smith has lived next door to the empty lot since he bought his house in 2004. It used to be owned by his neighbors two lots down, who had it for decades before selling last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always assumed somebody would develop it at some point, but it’s been sitting here the whole time,” says Smith, who reported the lot to the city after the weeds had grown to near eye level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With houses up the street now fetching million-dollar offers, Smith marveled at how long it took for someone to snatch it up and start building. He knew that land had to be incredibly valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700624\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"empty-lot\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">All California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s where an unintended consequence of Proposition 13 may be at play. After Proposition 13, all California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. That makes it relatively inexpensive to hold onto land, even when the market is hot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other markets where Prop. 13 policies aren’t in effect, the taxes on that property would continue to go up with land value,” says Ralph McLaughlin, a housing economist with Veritas Urbis Economics and former chief economist for the real estate website Trulia. “And that incentivizes development, it increases holding costs, it makes it more expensive to hold it vacant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office found that \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Does_Proposition_13_Alter_Property_Owners.2019_Development_Decisions.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vacant lots in California were less likely to be developed\u003c/a> the longer they were owned, even when compared to similar vacant lots in the same neighborhood. Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/H.Raetz_Vacant_Parcels_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than 3,000 vacant residential lots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that other regulatory barriers to new development — permitting fees and other bureaucratic hurdles that new construction must navigate — are far bigger impediments than Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people who own land don’t own land so that someday they can sell it,” says Michael Shires, an associate professor of public policy at Pepperdine University. “They own land because they want to do something with it someday. What prevents them is they can’t get permission for what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Diluted Incentives for New Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Less than two miles from the vacant lot stands another example of how Proposition 13 could be limiting the supply of new housing in California: a Target store. Next to a Best Buy. Next to a Home Depot. All stretched across a massive parking lot, on 40 acres of some of the priciest real estate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the most part, cities decide what gets built within their borders. In an ideal world, they’d permit construction of what’s needed. So if housing prices got too high, they’d permit more housing, according to Jonathan Zasloff, a professor at UCLA School of Law who specializes in land use issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cities have another, more immediate imperative to consider when deciding what gets built — revenue for city coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re a city, you’re going to want to have land uses in your city that provide a big revenue stream for services,” says Zasloff. “And in California, you want enterprises that generate sales taxes, which is basically retail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 changed how California cities get their money. Before the initiative passed, 90 percent of local government revenue came from property taxes. Today, that share is less than two-thirds — and has been replaced by things like sales taxes and hotel taxes, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big-box stores also don’t generate the need for expensive things like schools and libraries and parks that accompany new housing. So when a city is deciding between allowing a Target or a new apartment building, the math isn’t so friendly to the apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s gonna cost the city ‘X’ amount of tax dollars over time to provide services for the [apartment building], versus the tax revenue that it generates, Target is gonna win, hands down,” says McLaughlin, the housing economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This phenomenon, known in urban planning circles as the “fiscalization of land use,” is more theory than empirically tested truth. And it’s also more descriptive of suburbs than well-established cities like Oakland, which were already mostly built out before Proposition 13 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But examples of cities deprioritizing housing in favor of retail and hotels is still quite common. Voters in Brisbane, a small Bay Area suburb south of San Francisco, will have a chance next month to approve a new 2,200-home development on vacant land. A consultant found that if the city decided to build a hotel instead, it would \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-small-city-controls-big-housing-project-20170728-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">net $8 million more\u003c/a> annually in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Large Fees on New Development\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the corner of Broadway and 17th Street, the skeleton of a high-rise apartment building extends into downtown Oakland’s skyline. It’s one of two high-rises going up in the area amid a construction boom all over the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When those new housing developments come online, they’ll need additional infrastructure to serve new residents. Schools and roads, parks and police, fire and public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘It’s not really a buyer’s market right now.’\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003ccite>Michelle Krasowski, North Oakland resident\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Before Proposition 13, a good deal of that infrastructure was paid for with property taxes. After Proposition 13, and increasingly in recent years, cities have levied high “impact” fees on developers to pay for those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland currently levies a fee of at least $10,000 per unit, up to a max of $28,000 per unit. That money goes toward a fund for subsidized, below-market-rate housing. Critics of impact fees say those costs get passed onto renters or future homeowners, and only inflate housing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fees in Oakland are low, at least compared to other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the problem is if a fee is set too high, you could cause construction to slow down,” says Darin Ranelletti, policy director for housing security for Oakland. “So you’re contributing to the housing shortage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Irvine in Orange County, on average, charges more than $80,000 in impact fees on new single-family homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/it-all-adds-up-the-cost-of-housing-development-fees-in-seven-california-cit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis by the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>. The city of Fremont, in the Bay Area, charges more than $140,000 per home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in North Oakland, Michelle Krasowksi — already stretching to pay her rent — has started looking into whether she can tap some affordable-housing dollars for help. One day she wants to buy a home. She even subscribes to some real estate newsletters. But she knows that realistically, that won’t happen for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really a buyer’s market right now,” Krasowski says, smiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, her monthly rent of nearly $2,000 is more than what some of her neighbors pay a year in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "Too Few Homes: Is Proposition 13 to Blame for California's Housing Shortage?",
"datePublished": "2018-10-24T12:05:34-07:00",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Matt Levin/CALmatters\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski is the most glass-half-full victim of California’s housing shortage you’ll ever meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She has decked out her converted basement apartment on this block in North Oakland like an eclectic bohemian loft. Boutique fabrics and artwork adorn the walls, and craft supplies and a film projector from the 1970s are scattered about the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krasowski loves the neighborhood, which she moved to about a year and a half ago. The friendly neighbors that know each other by name, the old church down the street, the taqueria and pizza place a few blocks away. It fits her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as new and shiny as some of the other places that have been converted around the East Bay, and I really like that,” Krasowksi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like so many Californians these days, Krasowski doesn’t know how much longer she can afford to stay here. She pays nearly $2,000 a month in rent, which she says is nearly two-thirds of her take-home pay as a librarian for Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s the new normal, and actually like a good value for the Bay Area,” says Krasowski, 38, “which is insane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>By one estimate, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California, and particularly the Bay Area, hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with demand. By one estimate from the California Department of Housing and Community Development, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth. Right now, California isn’t close to building that quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are lots of reasons for the state’s deep housing shortage. You can blame broken state housing laws, high construction costs and recalcitrant “not-in-my-backyard” communities that oppose new building across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say some unintended consequences of Proposition 13 help explain why the state doesn’t build housing like it used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Vacant Lot Problem\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner from Krasowski sits an undeveloped lot, overgrown with weeds and surrounded by a chain-link fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has more than 3,000 vacant residential lots.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brian Smith has lived next door to the empty lot since he bought his house in 2004. It used to be owned by his neighbors two lots down, who had it for decades before selling last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always assumed somebody would develop it at some point, but it’s been sitting here the whole time,” says Smith, who reported the lot to the city after the weeds had grown to near eye level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With houses up the street now fetching million-dollar offers, Smith marveled at how long it took for someone to snatch it up and start building. He knew that land had to be incredibly valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700624\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"empty-lot\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">All California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s where an unintended consequence of Proposition 13 may be at play. After Proposition 13, all California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. That makes it relatively inexpensive to hold onto land, even when the market is hot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other markets where Prop. 13 policies aren’t in effect, the taxes on that property would continue to go up with land value,” says Ralph McLaughlin, a housing economist with Veritas Urbis Economics and former chief economist for the real estate website Trulia. “And that incentivizes development, it increases holding costs, it makes it more expensive to hold it vacant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office found that \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Does_Proposition_13_Alter_Property_Owners.2019_Development_Decisions.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vacant lots in California were less likely to be developed\u003c/a> the longer they were owned, even when compared to similar vacant lots in the same neighborhood. Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/H.Raetz_Vacant_Parcels_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than 3,000 vacant residential lots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that other regulatory barriers to new development — permitting fees and other bureaucratic hurdles that new construction must navigate — are far bigger impediments than Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people who own land don’t own land so that someday they can sell it,” says Michael Shires, an associate professor of public policy at Pepperdine University. “They own land because they want to do something with it someday. What prevents them is they can’t get permission for what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Diluted Incentives for New Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Less than two miles from the vacant lot stands another example of how Proposition 13 could be limiting the supply of new housing in California: a Target store. Next to a Best Buy. Next to a Home Depot. All stretched across a massive parking lot, on 40 acres of some of the priciest real estate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the most part, cities decide what gets built within their borders. In an ideal world, they’d permit construction of what’s needed. So if housing prices got too high, they’d permit more housing, according to Jonathan Zasloff, a professor at UCLA School of Law who specializes in land use issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cities have another, more immediate imperative to consider when deciding what gets built — revenue for city coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re a city, you’re going to want to have land uses in your city that provide a big revenue stream for services,” says Zasloff. “And in California, you want enterprises that generate sales taxes, which is basically retail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 changed how California cities get their money. Before the initiative passed, 90 percent of local government revenue came from property taxes. Today, that share is less than two-thirds — and has been replaced by things like sales taxes and hotel taxes, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big-box stores also don’t generate the need for expensive things like schools and libraries and parks that accompany new housing. So when a city is deciding between allowing a Target or a new apartment building, the math isn’t so friendly to the apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s gonna cost the city ‘X’ amount of tax dollars over time to provide services for the [apartment building], versus the tax revenue that it generates, Target is gonna win, hands down,” says McLaughlin, the housing economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This phenomenon, known in urban planning circles as the “fiscalization of land use,” is more theory than empirically tested truth. And it’s also more descriptive of suburbs than well-established cities like Oakland, which were already mostly built out before Proposition 13 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But examples of cities deprioritizing housing in favor of retail and hotels is still quite common. Voters in Brisbane, a small Bay Area suburb south of San Francisco, will have a chance next month to approve a new 2,200-home development on vacant land. A consultant found that if the city decided to build a hotel instead, it would \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-small-city-controls-big-housing-project-20170728-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">net $8 million more\u003c/a> annually in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Large Fees on New Development\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the corner of Broadway and 17th Street, the skeleton of a high-rise apartment building extends into downtown Oakland’s skyline. It’s one of two high-rises going up in the area amid a construction boom all over the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When those new housing developments come online, they’ll need additional infrastructure to serve new residents. Schools and roads, parks and police, fire and public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘It’s not really a buyer’s market right now.’\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003ccite>Michelle Krasowski, North Oakland resident\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Before Proposition 13, a good deal of that infrastructure was paid for with property taxes. After Proposition 13, and increasingly in recent years, cities have levied high “impact” fees on developers to pay for those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland currently levies a fee of at least $10,000 per unit, up to a max of $28,000 per unit. That money goes toward a fund for subsidized, below-market-rate housing. Critics of impact fees say those costs get passed onto renters or future homeowners, and only inflate housing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fees in Oakland are low, at least compared to other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the problem is if a fee is set too high, you could cause construction to slow down,” says Darin Ranelletti, policy director for housing security for Oakland. “So you’re contributing to the housing shortage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Irvine in Orange County, on average, charges more than $80,000 in impact fees on new single-family homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/it-all-adds-up-the-cost-of-housing-development-fees-in-seven-california-cit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis by the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>. The city of Fremont, in the Bay Area, charges more than $140,000 per home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in North Oakland, Michelle Krasowksi — already stretching to pay her rent — has started looking into whether she can tap some affordable-housing dollars for help. One day she wants to buy a home. She even subscribes to some real estate newsletters. But she knows that realistically, that won’t happen for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really a buyer’s market right now,” Krasowski says, smiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, her monthly rent of nearly $2,000 is more than what some of her neighbors pay a year in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "proposition-5-renews-californias-debate-over-property-taxes",
"title": "Proposition 5 Renews California's Debate Over Property Taxes",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 5 Renews California’s Debate Over Property Taxes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Kenneth Wilkins is walking down the block in North Oakland where he bought a home 42 years ago. As he strolls up to the front of his house, he talks about the single-family home he purchased in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Actually this house cost less than this car,” Wilkins says, pointing to a modest white Toyota parked in front of the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This car cost $21,000, I think. And this house was less than that. I never dreamed that a house would sell for over a million in this neighborhood. But they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after Wilkins became a homeowner, California voters overwhelmingly passed Proposition 13, rolling back property taxes and putting a strict limit on annual increases. Wilkins isn’t sure, but he thinks he voted for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But still, you know, even with Prop. 13 your taxes go up every year,” he says. “I mean it is limited, but over time it adds up, especially for people who are on fixed incomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no question homeowners like Wilkins have benefited tremendously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Are_Similar_Property_Owners_Taxed_Differently_Under_Proposition.A013.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2016 analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO), Proposition 13 has led to vastly different property tax assessments within counties, or even blocks, depending on how long the home has been owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">own analysis of real estate data from Zillow\u003c/a> found significant disparities across the state as well. On Wilkins’ block alone, we found that if everyone was taxed at the current value of their home, the block would have paid an additional $130,000 in property tax last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkins’ tax bill, for example, is much lower than a nearby neighbor’s in a similar home who bought more recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of disparity can be found even among homeowners with similar ages, incomes and overall wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700620 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"power-lines\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The share of properties sold in California each year has declined since Proposition 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Looking at 45- to 55-year-old homeowners with homes worth $575,000 to $625,000 and incomes of $80,000 to $90,000, property tax payments in 2014 ranged from $1,350 to $7,500,” the LAO report found in examining the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difference is based mostly on how long a property has been “protected” by annual tax increases by Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An unintended consequence is that the longer people benefit from lower property taxes, the harder it can be to afford a new home with taxes based on its new assessed value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the LAO report found that “the share of properties sold each year in California has been on the decline since the passage of Proposition 13.” While 16 percent of California properties were sold in 1977-78, this share declined to only 5 percent in 2014-15.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Expanding Proposition 13\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California voters have modified Proposition 13 twice since they voted it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, voters passed \u003ca href=\"http://ca-contracostacounty.civicplus.com/DocumentCenter/View/817/Proposition-60?bidId=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 60\u003c/a>. The measure allowed homeowners over the age of 55 to transfer the assessed value of their present home to a replacement home. There are conditions: The new home needs to be located in the same county and it has to be of equal or lesser value than the original home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters amended Proposition 13 again. \u003ca href=\"http://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/prop60-90_55over.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 90\u003c/a> expanded on what Proposition 60 allowed, letting eligible homeowners keep their lower tax assessment if they buy a home of equal or lower value in another county, as long as county supervisors allowed it. Currently, about 11 counties, including Los Angeles, Orange, San Diego and Alameda, permit that lower assessment to be carried into their county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s allowed under Proposition 13 is back on the ballot again this November. \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5 seeks to expand Proposition 13\u003c/a> even farther and eliminate the requirement that county officials be on board before a lower tax assessment transfers across county lines. Under Proposition 5, that portability would extend to all 58 counties in California, whether or not local elected officials want it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 5, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formula would be used to calculate the new property\u003c/a> tax based on the difference between the current assessed values of the old and new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that appeals to real estate agents like Linda Eisenman, whose territory is primarily north Orange County, including Brea, Placentia, Yorba Linda and Fullerton. According to \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1400190&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state campaign finance reports\u003c/a>, the real estate industry has pumped more than $7 million into supporting Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=5]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 “would allow those people who have been in their homes for many years and have been able to benefit from Prop. 13, it would help them be able to transfer their property tax bases to the next property,” Eisenman says, adding it would be a huge benefit to baby boomers who want to move into a smaller place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s also going to help younger people because it’s going to get some of the baby boomers who are staying put … out of their homes, freeing up their existing home for future homebuyers,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And not incidentally, more homes bought and sold mean more commissions for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Renewing the debate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The measure has plenty of detractors who think Proposition 13 has been bad for California, and Proposition 5 does nothing to address that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new measure is the son of Prop. 13,” says San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu, who strongly opposes Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Supply is the real problem.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Alex Creel, California Association of Realtors\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The LAO reports that if Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose property tax revenue — over $100 million each per year at first, growing over time to $1 billion each per year in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the state would have to replace the $1 billion lost in revenue to schools to make them whole. So cities, counties and special districts would take the brunt of the financial hit if Proposition 5 passes, leaving them less money for everything from public safety to health care and libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply going to allow longtime, wealthier homeowners to continue to receive additional tax breaks while doing nothing for millions of Californians who are struggling in our housing crisis,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700621 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"three-plants\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">If Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose significant property tax revenue. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This includes people like Bryan Blythe. The 36-year-old renter has lived in a 1,000-square-foot apartment in San Francisco for nine years, all the while benefiting from the city’s rent control law. Now Blythe and his partner are thinking about buying a home in San Francisco or Oakland, if they can afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew up in the Bay Area,” Blythe says. “We both have family who are still here. And all of our friends are here. Our jobs are here. We don’t have any real desire to leave. We’d love to stay if it was possible financially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blythe says he and his partner earn good salaries, and they’ve saved for a down payment. But he says that buying instead of renting will triple their monthly costs for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mortgage, property taxes, homeowners insurance, HOA fees — it’s gonna be a huge jump for us,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s really nothing in Proposition 5 to help wannabe homeowners like Blythe afford their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 say it will help first-time buyers by freeing up homes sold by aging baby boomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you sort of envision housing as a kind of ladder, you know the first rung of the ladder is rental housing,” says Alex Creel, senior vice president for government affairs with the California Association of Realtors, the main backer of Proposition 5. “As you move up the ladder, then pretty soon you’re into home ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So-called empty nesters might want to downsize and move into a smaller place, but Creel says that “under the current property tax rules you can’t do that. So you’re stuck and people are staying put.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 hope to convince voters that by giving older homeowners economic incentive to move, young families and first-time homebuyers will have more supply from which to choose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as almost everyone acknowledges, the real impediment to purchasing a home is cost, which is largely driven by supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply is the real problem,” says Creel. While acknowledging that Proposition 5 does nothing to increase supply, “it moves us in the direction of making more housing available to families who need it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Proposition 5 passes, don’t count on Kenneth Wilkins’ home to be on the market anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’ll sell the property,” he says. “I’d like to live here until I’m 99 or so,” he jokes. “Then I’d like to pass it on to the grandkids and their grandkids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The new measure once again revisits the 1978 law - the infamous Proposition 13 - that placed limits on annual property tax increases.",
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"title": "Proposition 5 Renews California's Debate Over Property Taxes | KQED",
"description": "The new measure once again revisits the 1978 law - the infamous Proposition 13 - that placed limits on annual property tax increases.",
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"headline": "Proposition 5 Renews California's Debate Over Property Taxes",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Kenneth Wilkins is walking down the block in North Oakland where he bought a home 42 years ago. As he strolls up to the front of his house, he talks about the single-family home he purchased in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Actually this house cost less than this car,” Wilkins says, pointing to a modest white Toyota parked in front of the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This car cost $21,000, I think. And this house was less than that. I never dreamed that a house would sell for over a million in this neighborhood. But they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after Wilkins became a homeowner, California voters overwhelmingly passed Proposition 13, rolling back property taxes and putting a strict limit on annual increases. Wilkins isn’t sure, but he thinks he voted for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But still, you know, even with Prop. 13 your taxes go up every year,” he says. “I mean it is limited, but over time it adds up, especially for people who are on fixed incomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no question homeowners like Wilkins have benefited tremendously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Are_Similar_Property_Owners_Taxed_Differently_Under_Proposition.A013.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2016 analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO), Proposition 13 has led to vastly different property tax assessments within counties, or even blocks, depending on how long the home has been owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">own analysis of real estate data from Zillow\u003c/a> found significant disparities across the state as well. On Wilkins’ block alone, we found that if everyone was taxed at the current value of their home, the block would have paid an additional $130,000 in property tax last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkins’ tax bill, for example, is much lower than a nearby neighbor’s in a similar home who bought more recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of disparity can be found even among homeowners with similar ages, incomes and overall wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700620 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"power-lines\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The share of properties sold in California each year has declined since Proposition 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Looking at 45- to 55-year-old homeowners with homes worth $575,000 to $625,000 and incomes of $80,000 to $90,000, property tax payments in 2014 ranged from $1,350 to $7,500,” the LAO report found in examining the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difference is based mostly on how long a property has been “protected” by annual tax increases by Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An unintended consequence is that the longer people benefit from lower property taxes, the harder it can be to afford a new home with taxes based on its new assessed value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the LAO report found that “the share of properties sold each year in California has been on the decline since the passage of Proposition 13.” While 16 percent of California properties were sold in 1977-78, this share declined to only 5 percent in 2014-15.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Expanding Proposition 13\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California voters have modified Proposition 13 twice since they voted it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, voters passed \u003ca href=\"http://ca-contracostacounty.civicplus.com/DocumentCenter/View/817/Proposition-60?bidId=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 60\u003c/a>. The measure allowed homeowners over the age of 55 to transfer the assessed value of their present home to a replacement home. There are conditions: The new home needs to be located in the same county and it has to be of equal or lesser value than the original home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters amended Proposition 13 again. \u003ca href=\"http://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/prop60-90_55over.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 90\u003c/a> expanded on what Proposition 60 allowed, letting eligible homeowners keep their lower tax assessment if they buy a home of equal or lower value in another county, as long as county supervisors allowed it. Currently, about 11 counties, including Los Angeles, Orange, San Diego and Alameda, permit that lower assessment to be carried into their county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s allowed under Proposition 13 is back on the ballot again this November. \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5 seeks to expand Proposition 13\u003c/a> even farther and eliminate the requirement that county officials be on board before a lower tax assessment transfers across county lines. Under Proposition 5, that portability would extend to all 58 counties in California, whether or not local elected officials want it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 5, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formula would be used to calculate the new property\u003c/a> tax based on the difference between the current assessed values of the old and new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that appeals to real estate agents like Linda Eisenman, whose territory is primarily north Orange County, including Brea, Placentia, Yorba Linda and Fullerton. According to \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1400190&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state campaign finance reports\u003c/a>, the real estate industry has pumped more than $7 million into supporting Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 “would allow those people who have been in their homes for many years and have been able to benefit from Prop. 13, it would help them be able to transfer their property tax bases to the next property,” Eisenman says, adding it would be a huge benefit to baby boomers who want to move into a smaller place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s also going to help younger people because it’s going to get some of the baby boomers who are staying put … out of their homes, freeing up their existing home for future homebuyers,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And not incidentally, more homes bought and sold mean more commissions for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Renewing the debate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The measure has plenty of detractors who think Proposition 13 has been bad for California, and Proposition 5 does nothing to address that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new measure is the son of Prop. 13,” says San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu, who strongly opposes Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Supply is the real problem.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Alex Creel, California Association of Realtors\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The LAO reports that if Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose property tax revenue — over $100 million each per year at first, growing over time to $1 billion each per year in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the state would have to replace the $1 billion lost in revenue to schools to make them whole. So cities, counties and special districts would take the brunt of the financial hit if Proposition 5 passes, leaving them less money for everything from public safety to health care and libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply going to allow longtime, wealthier homeowners to continue to receive additional tax breaks while doing nothing for millions of Californians who are struggling in our housing crisis,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700621 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"three-plants\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">If Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose significant property tax revenue. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This includes people like Bryan Blythe. The 36-year-old renter has lived in a 1,000-square-foot apartment in San Francisco for nine years, all the while benefiting from the city’s rent control law. Now Blythe and his partner are thinking about buying a home in San Francisco or Oakland, if they can afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew up in the Bay Area,” Blythe says. “We both have family who are still here. And all of our friends are here. Our jobs are here. We don’t have any real desire to leave. We’d love to stay if it was possible financially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blythe says he and his partner earn good salaries, and they’ve saved for a down payment. But he says that buying instead of renting will triple their monthly costs for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mortgage, property taxes, homeowners insurance, HOA fees — it’s gonna be a huge jump for us,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s really nothing in Proposition 5 to help wannabe homeowners like Blythe afford their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 say it will help first-time buyers by freeing up homes sold by aging baby boomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you sort of envision housing as a kind of ladder, you know the first rung of the ladder is rental housing,” says Alex Creel, senior vice president for government affairs with the California Association of Realtors, the main backer of Proposition 5. “As you move up the ladder, then pretty soon you’re into home ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So-called empty nesters might want to downsize and move into a smaller place, but Creel says that “under the current property tax rules you can’t do that. So you’re stuck and people are staying put.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 hope to convince voters that by giving older homeowners economic incentive to move, young families and first-time homebuyers will have more supply from which to choose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as almost everyone acknowledges, the real impediment to purchasing a home is cost, which is largely driven by supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply is the real problem,” says Creel. While acknowledging that Proposition 5 does nothing to increase supply, “it moves us in the direction of making more housing available to families who need it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Proposition 5 passes, don’t count on Kenneth Wilkins’ home to be on the market anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’ll sell the property,” he says. “I’d like to live here until I’m 99 or so,” he jokes. “Then I’d like to pass it on to the grandkids and their grandkids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Proposition 13 Promised to Keep Our Neighborhoods Stable. Did It Work?",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 13 Promised to Keep Our Neighborhoods Stable. Did It Work? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was an essential promise of Proposition 13: People would be able to keep their homes, neighborhoods would be stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That promise played a role in the U.S. Supreme Court upholding Proposition 13 when it was challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the State has a legitimate interest in local neighborhood preservation, continuity, and stability,” wrote Justice Harry A. Blackmun in the \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/505/1/#tab-opinion-1959053\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">1992 opinion\u003c/a>, “it legitimately can decide to structure its tax system to discourage rapid turnover in ownership of homes and businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13, however, has not stopped gentrification and displacement in neighborhoods across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out that as prices soar, the tax benefits of Proposition 13 aren’t enough to stop owners from selling or renting their properties. As for stable property taxes: They offer no direct help to renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is not to say that there aren’t significant benefits for longtime homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited property tax increases have helped keep people like Dorothy in her three-bedroom, one-bath home in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy, whose last name is withheld to protect her privacy, says she bought her modest home back in 1956 for $10,000. Today it’s worth more than $500,000. According to county records, she pays less than $1,300 a year in property taxes. Someone buying that same home today would pay more than $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says she’d struggle to pay more. So she’s appreciative of the low taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m good,” she says, “I’m still very blessed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look at how some people had to sell to leave and go other places to live, I’m doing good to still be sitting here since 1956.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy talks to us through her metal screen door; she says she wasn’t dressed for company. Another neighbor walks over. “I’m just checking on you,” he calls up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says her son is encouraging her to move someplace closer to him, someplace with cheaper housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not ready to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000;\">Prop. 13 Explained\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone wp-image-11700722 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"606\" height=\"302\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png 606w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-160x80.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-240x120.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-375x187.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-520x259.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 606px) 100vw, 606px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My church is right around the corner up there, and when I get ready to go to the beauty shop I walk down the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her neighbor, Donna, has lived on this block since 1989. She’s in her early 90s and equally rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More or less keeping on, keeping on, takes about all the energy I have really,” she laughs. “At my age, I wouldn’t dream of moving out, and I have no intention of living in an old person’s home, believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Dorothys and Donnas may well be the exception — the outliers a generation after Proposition 13 fundamentally changed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some cases it could help people hold on, dig in their heels,” says Dowell Myers, an urban planning professor at USC. “But against this tide of a [housing] shortage, you can’t stop change at all. It’s like a flood. It’ll overwhelm you eventually, it’ll break through your defenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What is the connection between Proposition 13 and gentrification?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know a lot, is the bottom line,” says Isaac William Martin, a professor of sociology at UC San Diego, who has studied the relationship between gentrification and limits on property taxes. “We couldn’t find any evidence that laws like Proposition 13 have any effect on the probability of displacement from gentrifying neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some level, it comes down to renters vs. owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700635\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700635 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1920x1279.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When we think about gentrification,” Martin says, “there are people at risk of being displaced, and they are overwhelmingly renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords, like other homeowners, benefit from Proposition 13. But, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office: “The extent to which landlords pass on their tax relief to renters is unclear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we do know: Neighborhoods in California’s in-demand coastal cities are changing quickly. Researchers found the number of gentrified neighborhoods in Los Angeles County jumped 16 percent between 1990 and 2015. San Diego County saw an 18 percent increase in gentrified neighborhoods in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the demand for housing in the Bay Area grows, Oakland neighborhoods like this are losing low-income residents, according to research from the Urban Displacement Project at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this block where we’ve based this reporting project, Dorothy and Donna are among the few remaining longtime residents. According to data from the 2016 American Community Survey, about 10 percent of residents moved into the area before or during the 1980s. Only 4 percent of the residents in this neighborhood lived here before 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, homes in this neighborhood sold for about $13,800, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Even when you account for inflation, there is a massive gulf between then and now. The cost of a home then, adjusted for inflation, would be about $92,000 today. Median rent in the neighborhood was $86 a month in the 1970s, about $574 in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, homes on this block can sell for more than $1 million. A two-bed, two-bath apartment on the block rents for $3,000 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as the prices have changed, the demographics of the neighborhood have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-160x56.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1020x360.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1200x423.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1920x678.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1180x416.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-960x339.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-240x85.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-375x132.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-520x183.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png 2046w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The North Oakland block’s census tract has seen rising home values and a high percentage of new residents in recent decades. \u003ccite>(SOURCE: 2016 American Community Survey)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, about 85 percent of the residents were black, according to U.S. Census data. As of 2016, about 40 percent of the population was white, 33 percent black, about 10 percent Hispanic and 8 percent Asian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1970, about 4 percent of adults had four years of college education or more. Now, more than four in 10 residents have earned at least a bachelor’s degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As real estate in the Bay Area has passed the boiling point, this once-modest neighborhood has also started attracting wealthier residents. According to 2016 census data, median household income was nearly $56,000 a year. Nearly a third of households made more than $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hates that he has to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My neighbors are great to me,” says Brown. “They are brothers and sisters to me. They care about me like I care about them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His experience reflects the pain of gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700638\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700638\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown wishes he could afford to to stay in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When a neighborhood gentrifies, longtime residents may start to move out, and that can really be disruptive for the feeling of community and for long-term relationships,” says Martin, the UC San Diego professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, what gentrification means for homeowners and renters is profoundly different. Homeowners often get to sell at a profit, says Martin. Renters are more often evicted or pushed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important when we think about gentrification to distinguish between the way it can strain the fabric of community, and the way it can harm individuals,” says Martin, “because some of the way it strains the fabric of the community is by benefiting some people more than others.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was an essential promise of Proposition 13: People would be able to keep their homes, neighborhoods would be stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That promise played a role in the U.S. Supreme Court upholding Proposition 13 when it was challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the State has a legitimate interest in local neighborhood preservation, continuity, and stability,” wrote Justice Harry A. Blackmun in the \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/505/1/#tab-opinion-1959053\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">1992 opinion\u003c/a>, “it legitimately can decide to structure its tax system to discourage rapid turnover in ownership of homes and businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13, however, has not stopped gentrification and displacement in neighborhoods across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out that as prices soar, the tax benefits of Proposition 13 aren’t enough to stop owners from selling or renting their properties. As for stable property taxes: They offer no direct help to renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is not to say that there aren’t significant benefits for longtime homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited property tax increases have helped keep people like Dorothy in her three-bedroom, one-bath home in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy, whose last name is withheld to protect her privacy, says she bought her modest home back in 1956 for $10,000. Today it’s worth more than $500,000. According to county records, she pays less than $1,300 a year in property taxes. Someone buying that same home today would pay more than $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says she’d struggle to pay more. So she’s appreciative of the low taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m good,” she says, “I’m still very blessed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look at how some people had to sell to leave and go other places to live, I’m doing good to still be sitting here since 1956.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy talks to us through her metal screen door; she says she wasn’t dressed for company. Another neighbor walks over. “I’m just checking on you,” he calls up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says her son is encouraging her to move someplace closer to him, someplace with cheaper housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not ready to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000;\">Prop. 13 Explained\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone wp-image-11700722 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"606\" height=\"302\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png 606w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-160x80.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-240x120.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-375x187.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-520x259.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 606px) 100vw, 606px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My church is right around the corner up there, and when I get ready to go to the beauty shop I walk down the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her neighbor, Donna, has lived on this block since 1989. She’s in her early 90s and equally rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More or less keeping on, keeping on, takes about all the energy I have really,” she laughs. “At my age, I wouldn’t dream of moving out, and I have no intention of living in an old person’s home, believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Dorothys and Donnas may well be the exception — the outliers a generation after Proposition 13 fundamentally changed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some cases it could help people hold on, dig in their heels,” says Dowell Myers, an urban planning professor at USC. “But against this tide of a [housing] shortage, you can’t stop change at all. It’s like a flood. It’ll overwhelm you eventually, it’ll break through your defenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What is the connection between Proposition 13 and gentrification?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know a lot, is the bottom line,” says Isaac William Martin, a professor of sociology at UC San Diego, who has studied the relationship between gentrification and limits on property taxes. “We couldn’t find any evidence that laws like Proposition 13 have any effect on the probability of displacement from gentrifying neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some level, it comes down to renters vs. owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700635\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700635 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1920x1279.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When we think about gentrification,” Martin says, “there are people at risk of being displaced, and they are overwhelmingly renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords, like other homeowners, benefit from Proposition 13. But, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office: “The extent to which landlords pass on their tax relief to renters is unclear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we do know: Neighborhoods in California’s in-demand coastal cities are changing quickly. Researchers found the number of gentrified neighborhoods in Los Angeles County jumped 16 percent between 1990 and 2015. San Diego County saw an 18 percent increase in gentrified neighborhoods in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the demand for housing in the Bay Area grows, Oakland neighborhoods like this are losing low-income residents, according to research from the Urban Displacement Project at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this block where we’ve based this reporting project, Dorothy and Donna are among the few remaining longtime residents. According to data from the 2016 American Community Survey, about 10 percent of residents moved into the area before or during the 1980s. Only 4 percent of the residents in this neighborhood lived here before 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, homes in this neighborhood sold for about $13,800, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Even when you account for inflation, there is a massive gulf between then and now. The cost of a home then, adjusted for inflation, would be about $92,000 today. Median rent in the neighborhood was $86 a month in the 1970s, about $574 in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, homes on this block can sell for more than $1 million. A two-bed, two-bath apartment on the block rents for $3,000 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as the prices have changed, the demographics of the neighborhood have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-160x56.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1020x360.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1200x423.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1920x678.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1180x416.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-960x339.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-240x85.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-375x132.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-520x183.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png 2046w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The North Oakland block’s census tract has seen rising home values and a high percentage of new residents in recent decades. \u003ccite>(SOURCE: 2016 American Community Survey)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, about 85 percent of the residents were black, according to U.S. Census data. As of 2016, about 40 percent of the population was white, 33 percent black, about 10 percent Hispanic and 8 percent Asian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1970, about 4 percent of adults had four years of college education or more. Now, more than four in 10 residents have earned at least a bachelor’s degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As real estate in the Bay Area has passed the boiling point, this once-modest neighborhood has also started attracting wealthier residents. According to 2016 census data, median household income was nearly $56,000 a year. Nearly a third of households made more than $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hates that he has to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My neighbors are great to me,” says Brown. “They are brothers and sisters to me. They care about me like I care about them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His experience reflects the pain of gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700638\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700638\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown wishes he could afford to to stay in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When a neighborhood gentrifies, longtime residents may start to move out, and that can really be disruptive for the feeling of community and for long-term relationships,” says Martin, the UC San Diego professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, what gentrification means for homeowners and renters is profoundly different. Homeowners often get to sell at a profit, says Martin. Renters are more often evicted or pushed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important when we think about gentrification to distinguish between the way it can strain the fabric of community, and the way it can harm individuals,” says Martin, “because some of the way it strains the fabric of the community is by benefiting some people more than others.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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