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"bio": "Raquel Maria Dillon was a reporter and host for KQED News. Previously, she produced the daily statewide California Report, edited newscasts, and covered health and education stories. Before returning to the Bay Area in 2016, she worked in Los Angeles as a wire reporter and one-woman-band video journalist for the Associated Press, where she shot, edited and reported breaking news and features across the West. Her work has appeared online and in print around the globe, and also on NPR’s Morning Edition, All Things Considered, Here and Now, Marketplace, On The Media, and Studio 360. She previously edited and mentored up-and-coming reporters at KALW, produced social videos for Timeline.com, and was a local TV news videographer for KTVU and digital producer for KNTV. She got her start as a Radio News Trainee at KQED, produced a weekly public affairs roundtable show for OPB, and covered health and politics at New Hampshire Public Radio. She has a BA in political science from Barnard College and a MA in video journalism from UC Berkeley, where she was awarded the Faith Fancher Scholarship and a Student Emmy. She has received numerous local awards from the Associated Press and the Society of Professional Journalists.",
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"title": "Too Few Homes: Is Proposition 13 to Blame for California's Housing Shortage?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski is the most glass-half-full victim of California’s housing shortage you’ll ever meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She has decked out her converted basement apartment on this block in North Oakland like an eclectic bohemian loft. Boutique fabrics and artwork adorn the walls, and craft supplies and a film projector from the 1970s are scattered about the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krasowski loves the neighborhood, which she moved to about a year and a half ago. The friendly neighbors that know each other by name, the old church down the street, the taqueria and pizza place a few blocks away. It fits her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as new and shiny as some of the other places that have been converted around the East Bay, and I really like that,” Krasowksi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like so many Californians these days, Krasowski doesn’t know how much longer she can afford to stay here. She pays nearly $2,000 a month in rent, which she says is nearly two-thirds of her take-home pay as a librarian for Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s the new normal, and actually like a good value for the Bay Area,” says Krasowski, 38, “which is insane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>By one estimate, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California, and particularly the Bay Area, hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with demand. By one estimate from the California Department of Housing and Community Development, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth. Right now, California isn’t close to building that quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are lots of reasons for the state’s deep housing shortage. You can blame broken state housing laws, high construction costs and recalcitrant “not-in-my-backyard” communities that oppose new building across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say some unintended consequences of Proposition 13 help explain why the state doesn’t build housing like it used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Vacant Lot Problem\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner from Krasowski sits an undeveloped lot, overgrown with weeds and surrounded by a chain-link fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has more than 3,000 vacant residential lots.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brian Smith has lived next door to the empty lot since he bought his house in 2004. It used to be owned by his neighbors two lots down, who had it for decades before selling last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always assumed somebody would develop it at some point, but it’s been sitting here the whole time,” says Smith, who reported the lot to the city after the weeds had grown to near eye level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With houses up the street now fetching million-dollar offers, Smith marveled at how long it took for someone to snatch it up and start building. He knew that land had to be incredibly valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700624\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"empty-lot\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">All California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s where an unintended consequence of Proposition 13 may be at play. After Proposition 13, all California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. That makes it relatively inexpensive to hold onto land, even when the market is hot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other markets where Prop. 13 policies aren’t in effect, the taxes on that property would continue to go up with land value,” says Ralph McLaughlin, a housing economist with Veritas Urbis Economics and former chief economist for the real estate website Trulia. “And that incentivizes development, it increases holding costs, it makes it more expensive to hold it vacant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office found that \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Does_Proposition_13_Alter_Property_Owners.2019_Development_Decisions.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vacant lots in California were less likely to be developed\u003c/a> the longer they were owned, even when compared to similar vacant lots in the same neighborhood. Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/H.Raetz_Vacant_Parcels_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than 3,000 vacant residential lots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that other regulatory barriers to new development — permitting fees and other bureaucratic hurdles that new construction must navigate — are far bigger impediments than Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people who own land don’t own land so that someday they can sell it,” says Michael Shires, an associate professor of public policy at Pepperdine University. “They own land because they want to do something with it someday. What prevents them is they can’t get permission for what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Diluted Incentives for New Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Less than two miles from the vacant lot stands another example of how Proposition 13 could be limiting the supply of new housing in California: a Target store. Next to a Best Buy. Next to a Home Depot. All stretched across a massive parking lot, on 40 acres of some of the priciest real estate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the most part, cities decide what gets built within their borders. In an ideal world, they’d permit construction of what’s needed. So if housing prices got too high, they’d permit more housing, according to Jonathan Zasloff, a professor at UCLA School of Law who specializes in land use issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cities have another, more immediate imperative to consider when deciding what gets built — revenue for city coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re a city, you’re going to want to have land uses in your city that provide a big revenue stream for services,” says Zasloff. “And in California, you want enterprises that generate sales taxes, which is basically retail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 changed how California cities get their money. Before the initiative passed, 90 percent of local government revenue came from property taxes. Today, that share is less than two-thirds — and has been replaced by things like sales taxes and hotel taxes, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big-box stores also don’t generate the need for expensive things like schools and libraries and parks that accompany new housing. So when a city is deciding between allowing a Target or a new apartment building, the math isn’t so friendly to the apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s gonna cost the city ‘X’ amount of tax dollars over time to provide services for the [apartment building], versus the tax revenue that it generates, Target is gonna win, hands down,” says McLaughlin, the housing economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This phenomenon, known in urban planning circles as the “fiscalization of land use,” is more theory than empirically tested truth. And it’s also more descriptive of suburbs than well-established cities like Oakland, which were already mostly built out before Proposition 13 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But examples of cities deprioritizing housing in favor of retail and hotels is still quite common. Voters in Brisbane, a small Bay Area suburb south of San Francisco, will have a chance next month to approve a new 2,200-home development on vacant land. A consultant found that if the city decided to build a hotel instead, it would \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-small-city-controls-big-housing-project-20170728-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">net $8 million more\u003c/a> annually in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Large Fees on New Development\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the corner of Broadway and 17th Street, the skeleton of a high-rise apartment building extends into downtown Oakland’s skyline. It’s one of two high-rises going up in the area amid a construction boom all over the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When those new housing developments come online, they’ll need additional infrastructure to serve new residents. Schools and roads, parks and police, fire and public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘It’s not really a buyer’s market right now.’\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003ccite>Michelle Krasowski, North Oakland resident\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Before Proposition 13, a good deal of that infrastructure was paid for with property taxes. After Proposition 13, and increasingly in recent years, cities have levied high “impact” fees on developers to pay for those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland currently levies a fee of at least $10,000 per unit, up to a max of $28,000 per unit. That money goes toward a fund for subsidized, below-market-rate housing. Critics of impact fees say those costs get passed onto renters or future homeowners, and only inflate housing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fees in Oakland are low, at least compared to other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the problem is if a fee is set too high, you could cause construction to slow down,” says Darin Ranelletti, policy director for housing security for Oakland. “So you’re contributing to the housing shortage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Irvine in Orange County, on average, charges more than $80,000 in impact fees on new single-family homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/it-all-adds-up-the-cost-of-housing-development-fees-in-seven-california-cit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis by the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>. The city of Fremont, in the Bay Area, charges more than $140,000 per home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in North Oakland, Michelle Krasowksi — already stretching to pay her rent — has started looking into whether she can tap some affordable-housing dollars for help. One day she wants to buy a home. She even subscribes to some real estate newsletters. But she knows that realistically, that won’t happen for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really a buyer’s market right now,” Krasowski says, smiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, her monthly rent of nearly $2,000 is more than what some of her neighbors pay a year in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Oakland has more than 3,000 vacant residential lots. Some say it's because Proposition 13 has made it too expensive to build. Defenders say other regulations are far bigger barriers to construction.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Michelle Krasowski is the most glass-half-full victim of California’s housing shortage you’ll ever meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She has decked out her converted basement apartment on this block in North Oakland like an eclectic bohemian loft. Boutique fabrics and artwork adorn the walls, and craft supplies and a film projector from the 1970s are scattered about the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krasowski loves the neighborhood, which she moved to about a year and a half ago. The friendly neighbors that know each other by name, the old church down the street, the taqueria and pizza place a few blocks away. It fits her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as new and shiny as some of the other places that have been converted around the East Bay, and I really like that,” Krasowksi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like so many Californians these days, Krasowski doesn’t know how much longer she can afford to stay here. She pays nearly $2,000 a month in rent, which she says is nearly two-thirds of her take-home pay as a librarian for Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s the new normal, and actually like a good value for the Bay Area,” says Krasowski, 38, “which is insane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>By one estimate, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California, and particularly the Bay Area, hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with demand. By one estimate from the California Department of Housing and Community Development, the state needs to build 1.8 million units over the next seven years just to keep pace with population growth. Right now, California isn’t close to building that quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are lots of reasons for the state’s deep housing shortage. You can blame broken state housing laws, high construction costs and recalcitrant “not-in-my-backyard” communities that oppose new building across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say some unintended consequences of Proposition 13 help explain why the state doesn’t build housing like it used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Vacant Lot Problem\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner from Krasowski sits an undeveloped lot, overgrown with weeds and surrounded by a chain-link fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has more than 3,000 vacant residential lots.\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brian Smith has lived next door to the empty lot since he bought his house in 2004. It used to be owned by his neighbors two lots down, who had it for decades before selling last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always assumed somebody would develop it at some point, but it’s been sitting here the whole time,” says Smith, who reported the lot to the city after the weeds had grown to near eye level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With houses up the street now fetching million-dollar offers, Smith marveled at how long it took for someone to snatch it up and start building. He knew that land had to be incredibly valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700624\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"empty-lot\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/housing-shortage-empty-lot-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">All California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s where an unintended consequence of Proposition 13 may be at play. After Proposition 13, all California properties — even vacant ones — are taxed based on the original purchase price, not their current value. That makes it relatively inexpensive to hold onto land, even when the market is hot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other markets where Prop. 13 policies aren’t in effect, the taxes on that property would continue to go up with land value,” says Ralph McLaughlin, a housing economist with Veritas Urbis Economics and former chief economist for the real estate website Trulia. “And that incentivizes development, it increases holding costs, it makes it more expensive to hold it vacant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report from the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office found that \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Does_Proposition_13_Alter_Property_Owners.2019_Development_Decisions.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vacant lots in California were less likely to be developed\u003c/a> the longer they were owned, even when compared to similar vacant lots in the same neighborhood. Oakland, where the average house is now worth $750,000, has \u003ca href=\"http://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/uploads/H.Raetz_Vacant_Parcels_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than 3,000 vacant residential lots\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that other regulatory barriers to new development — permitting fees and other bureaucratic hurdles that new construction must navigate — are far bigger impediments than Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people who own land don’t own land so that someday they can sell it,” says Michael Shires, an associate professor of public policy at Pepperdine University. “They own land because they want to do something with it someday. What prevents them is they can’t get permission for what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Diluted Incentives for New Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Less than two miles from the vacant lot stands another example of how Proposition 13 could be limiting the supply of new housing in California: a Target store. Next to a Best Buy. Next to a Home Depot. All stretched across a massive parking lot, on 40 acres of some of the priciest real estate in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the most part, cities decide what gets built within their borders. In an ideal world, they’d permit construction of what’s needed. So if housing prices got too high, they’d permit more housing, according to Jonathan Zasloff, a professor at UCLA School of Law who specializes in land use issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But cities have another, more immediate imperative to consider when deciding what gets built — revenue for city coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re a city, you’re going to want to have land uses in your city that provide a big revenue stream for services,” says Zasloff. “And in California, you want enterprises that generate sales taxes, which is basically retail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 changed how California cities get their money. Before the initiative passed, 90 percent of local government revenue came from property taxes. Today, that share is less than two-thirds — and has been replaced by things like sales taxes and hotel taxes, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big-box stores also don’t generate the need for expensive things like schools and libraries and parks that accompany new housing. So when a city is deciding between allowing a Target or a new apartment building, the math isn’t so friendly to the apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s gonna cost the city ‘X’ amount of tax dollars over time to provide services for the [apartment building], versus the tax revenue that it generates, Target is gonna win, hands down,” says McLaughlin, the housing economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This phenomenon, known in urban planning circles as the “fiscalization of land use,” is more theory than empirically tested truth. And it’s also more descriptive of suburbs than well-established cities like Oakland, which were already mostly built out before Proposition 13 passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But examples of cities deprioritizing housing in favor of retail and hotels is still quite common. Voters in Brisbane, a small Bay Area suburb south of San Francisco, will have a chance next month to approve a new 2,200-home development on vacant land. A consultant found that if the city decided to build a hotel instead, it would \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-small-city-controls-big-housing-project-20170728-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">net $8 million more\u003c/a> annually in revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Large Fees on New Development\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At the corner of Broadway and 17th Street, the skeleton of a high-rise apartment building extends into downtown Oakland’s skyline. It’s one of two high-rises going up in the area amid a construction boom all over the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When those new housing developments come online, they’ll need additional infrastructure to serve new residents. Schools and roads, parks and police, fire and public transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘It’s not really a buyer’s market right now.’\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003ccite>Michelle Krasowski, North Oakland resident\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Before Proposition 13, a good deal of that infrastructure was paid for with property taxes. After Proposition 13, and increasingly in recent years, cities have levied high “impact” fees on developers to pay for those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland currently levies a fee of at least $10,000 per unit, up to a max of $28,000 per unit. That money goes toward a fund for subsidized, below-market-rate housing. Critics of impact fees say those costs get passed onto renters or future homeowners, and only inflate housing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fees in Oakland are low, at least compared to other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So the problem is if a fee is set too high, you could cause construction to slow down,” says Darin Ranelletti, policy director for housing security for Oakland. “So you’re contributing to the housing shortage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Irvine in Orange County, on average, charges more than $80,000 in impact fees on new single-family homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/it-all-adds-up-the-cost-of-housing-development-fees-in-seven-california-cit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis by the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>. The city of Fremont, in the Bay Area, charges more than $140,000 per home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in North Oakland, Michelle Krasowksi — already stretching to pay her rent — has started looking into whether she can tap some affordable-housing dollars for help. One day she wants to buy a home. She even subscribes to some real estate newsletters. But she knows that realistically, that won’t happen for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really a buyer’s market right now,” Krasowski says, smiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, her monthly rent of nearly $2,000 is more than what some of her neighbors pay a year in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Kenneth Wilkins is walking down the block in North Oakland where he bought a home 42 years ago. As he strolls up to the front of his house, he talks about the single-family home he purchased in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Actually this house cost less than this car,” Wilkins says, pointing to a modest white Toyota parked in front of the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This car cost $21,000, I think. And this house was less than that. I never dreamed that a house would sell for over a million in this neighborhood. But they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after Wilkins became a homeowner, California voters overwhelmingly passed Proposition 13, rolling back property taxes and putting a strict limit on annual increases. Wilkins isn’t sure, but he thinks he voted for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But still, you know, even with Prop. 13 your taxes go up every year,” he says. “I mean it is limited, but over time it adds up, especially for people who are on fixed incomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no question homeowners like Wilkins have benefited tremendously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Are_Similar_Property_Owners_Taxed_Differently_Under_Proposition.A013.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2016 analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO), Proposition 13 has led to vastly different property tax assessments within counties, or even blocks, depending on how long the home has been owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">own analysis of real estate data from Zillow\u003c/a> found significant disparities across the state as well. On Wilkins’ block alone, we found that if everyone was taxed at the current value of their home, the block would have paid an additional $130,000 in property tax last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkins’ tax bill, for example, is much lower than a nearby neighbor’s in a similar home who bought more recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of disparity can be found even among homeowners with similar ages, incomes and overall wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700620 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"power-lines\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The share of properties sold in California each year has declined since Proposition 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Looking at 45- to 55-year-old homeowners with homes worth $575,000 to $625,000 and incomes of $80,000 to $90,000, property tax payments in 2014 ranged from $1,350 to $7,500,” the LAO report found in examining the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difference is based mostly on how long a property has been “protected” by annual tax increases by Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An unintended consequence is that the longer people benefit from lower property taxes, the harder it can be to afford a new home with taxes based on its new assessed value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the LAO report found that “the share of properties sold each year in California has been on the decline since the passage of Proposition 13.” While 16 percent of California properties were sold in 1977-78, this share declined to only 5 percent in 2014-15.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Expanding Proposition 13\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California voters have modified Proposition 13 twice since they voted it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, voters passed \u003ca href=\"http://ca-contracostacounty.civicplus.com/DocumentCenter/View/817/Proposition-60?bidId=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 60\u003c/a>. The measure allowed homeowners over the age of 55 to transfer the assessed value of their present home to a replacement home. There are conditions: The new home needs to be located in the same county and it has to be of equal or lesser value than the original home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters amended Proposition 13 again. \u003ca href=\"http://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/prop60-90_55over.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 90\u003c/a> expanded on what Proposition 60 allowed, letting eligible homeowners keep their lower tax assessment if they buy a home of equal or lower value in another county, as long as county supervisors allowed it. Currently, about 11 counties, including Los Angeles, Orange, San Diego and Alameda, permit that lower assessment to be carried into their county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s allowed under Proposition 13 is back on the ballot again this November. \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5 seeks to expand Proposition 13\u003c/a> even farther and eliminate the requirement that county officials be on board before a lower tax assessment transfers across county lines. Under Proposition 5, that portability would extend to all 58 counties in California, whether or not local elected officials want it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 5, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formula would be used to calculate the new property\u003c/a> tax based on the difference between the current assessed values of the old and new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that appeals to real estate agents like Linda Eisenman, whose territory is primarily north Orange County, including Brea, Placentia, Yorba Linda and Fullerton. According to \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1400190&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state campaign finance reports\u003c/a>, the real estate industry has pumped more than $7 million into supporting Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=5]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 “would allow those people who have been in their homes for many years and have been able to benefit from Prop. 13, it would help them be able to transfer their property tax bases to the next property,” Eisenman says, adding it would be a huge benefit to baby boomers who want to move into a smaller place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s also going to help younger people because it’s going to get some of the baby boomers who are staying put … out of their homes, freeing up their existing home for future homebuyers,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And not incidentally, more homes bought and sold mean more commissions for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Renewing the debate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The measure has plenty of detractors who think Proposition 13 has been bad for California, and Proposition 5 does nothing to address that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new measure is the son of Prop. 13,” says San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu, who strongly opposes Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Supply is the real problem.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Alex Creel, California Association of Realtors\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The LAO reports that if Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose property tax revenue — over $100 million each per year at first, growing over time to $1 billion each per year in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the state would have to replace the $1 billion lost in revenue to schools to make them whole. So cities, counties and special districts would take the brunt of the financial hit if Proposition 5 passes, leaving them less money for everything from public safety to health care and libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply going to allow longtime, wealthier homeowners to continue to receive additional tax breaks while doing nothing for millions of Californians who are struggling in our housing crisis,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700621 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"three-plants\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">If Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose significant property tax revenue. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This includes people like Bryan Blythe. The 36-year-old renter has lived in a 1,000-square-foot apartment in San Francisco for nine years, all the while benefiting from the city’s rent control law. Now Blythe and his partner are thinking about buying a home in San Francisco or Oakland, if they can afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew up in the Bay Area,” Blythe says. “We both have family who are still here. And all of our friends are here. Our jobs are here. We don’t have any real desire to leave. We’d love to stay if it was possible financially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blythe says he and his partner earn good salaries, and they’ve saved for a down payment. But he says that buying instead of renting will triple their monthly costs for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mortgage, property taxes, homeowners insurance, HOA fees — it’s gonna be a huge jump for us,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s really nothing in Proposition 5 to help wannabe homeowners like Blythe afford their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 say it will help first-time buyers by freeing up homes sold by aging baby boomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you sort of envision housing as a kind of ladder, you know the first rung of the ladder is rental housing,” says Alex Creel, senior vice president for government affairs with the California Association of Realtors, the main backer of Proposition 5. “As you move up the ladder, then pretty soon you’re into home ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So-called empty nesters might want to downsize and move into a smaller place, but Creel says that “under the current property tax rules you can’t do that. So you’re stuck and people are staying put.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 hope to convince voters that by giving older homeowners economic incentive to move, young families and first-time homebuyers will have more supply from which to choose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as almost everyone acknowledges, the real impediment to purchasing a home is cost, which is largely driven by supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply is the real problem,” says Creel. While acknowledging that Proposition 5 does nothing to increase supply, “it moves us in the direction of making more housing available to families who need it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Proposition 5 passes, don’t count on Kenneth Wilkins’ home to be on the market anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’ll sell the property,” he says. “I’d like to live here until I’m 99 or so,” he jokes. “Then I’d like to pass it on to the grandkids and their grandkids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The new measure once again revisits the 1978 law - the infamous Proposition 13 - that placed limits on annual property tax increases.",
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"title": "Proposition 5 Renews California's Debate Over Property Taxes | KQED",
"description": "The new measure once again revisits the 1978 law - the infamous Proposition 13 - that placed limits on annual property tax increases.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Kenneth Wilkins is walking down the block in North Oakland where he bought a home 42 years ago. As he strolls up to the front of his house, he talks about the single-family home he purchased in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Actually this house cost less than this car,” Wilkins says, pointing to a modest white Toyota parked in front of the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This car cost $21,000, I think. And this house was less than that. I never dreamed that a house would sell for over a million in this neighborhood. But they do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after Wilkins became a homeowner, California voters overwhelmingly passed Proposition 13, rolling back property taxes and putting a strict limit on annual increases. Wilkins isn’t sure, but he thinks he voted for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But still, you know, even with Prop. 13 your taxes go up every year,” he says. “I mean it is limited, but over time it adds up, especially for people who are on fixed incomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no question homeowners like Wilkins have benefited tremendously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Are_Similar_Property_Owners_Taxed_Differently_Under_Proposition.A013.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2016 analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO), Proposition 13 has led to vastly different property tax assessments within counties, or even blocks, depending on how long the home has been owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our \u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">own analysis of real estate data from Zillow\u003c/a> found significant disparities across the state as well. On Wilkins’ block alone, we found that if everyone was taxed at the current value of their home, the block would have paid an additional $130,000 in property tax last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkins’ tax bill, for example, is much lower than a nearby neighbor’s in a similar home who bought more recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of disparity can be found even among homeowners with similar ages, incomes and overall wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700620 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"power-lines\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-power-lines-overhead-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The share of properties sold in California each year has declined since Proposition 13 passed. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Looking at 45- to 55-year-old homeowners with homes worth $575,000 to $625,000 and incomes of $80,000 to $90,000, property tax payments in 2014 ranged from $1,350 to $7,500,” the LAO report found in examining the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difference is based mostly on how long a property has been “protected” by annual tax increases by Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An unintended consequence is that the longer people benefit from lower property taxes, the harder it can be to afford a new home with taxes based on its new assessed value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the LAO report found that “the share of properties sold each year in California has been on the decline since the passage of Proposition 13.” While 16 percent of California properties were sold in 1977-78, this share declined to only 5 percent in 2014-15.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Expanding Proposition 13\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California voters have modified Proposition 13 twice since they voted it in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1986, voters passed \u003ca href=\"http://ca-contracostacounty.civicplus.com/DocumentCenter/View/817/Proposition-60?bidId=\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 60\u003c/a>. The measure allowed homeowners over the age of 55 to transfer the assessed value of their present home to a replacement home. There are conditions: The new home needs to be located in the same county and it has to be of equal or lesser value than the original home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, voters amended Proposition 13 again. \u003ca href=\"http://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/prop60-90_55over.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 90\u003c/a> expanded on what Proposition 60 allowed, letting eligible homeowners keep their lower tax assessment if they buy a home of equal or lower value in another county, as long as county supervisors allowed it. Currently, about 11 counties, including Los Angeles, Orange, San Diego and Alameda, permit that lower assessment to be carried into their county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s allowed under Proposition 13 is back on the ballot again this November. \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 5 seeks to expand Proposition 13\u003c/a> even farther and eliminate the requirement that county officials be on board before a lower tax assessment transfers across county lines. Under Proposition 5, that portability would extend to all 58 counties in California, whether or not local elected officials want it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 5, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=5&year=2018\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formula would be used to calculate the new property\u003c/a> tax based on the difference between the current assessed values of the old and new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that appeals to real estate agents like Linda Eisenman, whose territory is primarily north Orange County, including Brea, Placentia, Yorba Linda and Fullerton. According to \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1400190&session=2017\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state campaign finance reports\u003c/a>, the real estate industry has pumped more than $7 million into supporting Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 “would allow those people who have been in their homes for many years and have been able to benefit from Prop. 13, it would help them be able to transfer their property tax bases to the next property,” Eisenman says, adding it would be a huge benefit to baby boomers who want to move into a smaller place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s also going to help younger people because it’s going to get some of the baby boomers who are staying put … out of their homes, freeing up their existing home for future homebuyers,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And not incidentally, more homes bought and sold mean more commissions for real estate agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 class=\"story-subhed\">Renewing the debate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The measure has plenty of detractors who think Proposition 13 has been bad for California, and Proposition 5 does nothing to address that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new measure is the son of Prop. 13,” says San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu, who strongly opposes Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Supply is the real problem.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Alex Creel, California Association of Realtors\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The LAO reports that if Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose property tax revenue — over $100 million each per year at first, growing over time to $1 billion each per year in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the state would have to replace the $1 billion lost in revenue to schools to make them whole. So cities, counties and special districts would take the brunt of the financial hit if Proposition 5 passes, leaving them less money for everything from public safety to health care and libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply going to allow longtime, wealthier homeowners to continue to receive additional tax breaks while doing nothing for millions of Californians who are struggling in our housing crisis,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700621 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"three-plants\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-three-plants-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">If Proposition 5 is approved, schools and local governments would lose significant property tax revenue. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This includes people like Bryan Blythe. The 36-year-old renter has lived in a 1,000-square-foot apartment in San Francisco for nine years, all the while benefiting from the city’s rent control law. Now Blythe and his partner are thinking about buying a home in San Francisco or Oakland, if they can afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We grew up in the Bay Area,” Blythe says. “We both have family who are still here. And all of our friends are here. Our jobs are here. We don’t have any real desire to leave. We’d love to stay if it was possible financially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blythe says he and his partner earn good salaries, and they’ve saved for a down payment. But he says that buying instead of renting will triple their monthly costs for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mortgage, property taxes, homeowners insurance, HOA fees — it’s gonna be a huge jump for us,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s really nothing in Proposition 5 to help wannabe homeowners like Blythe afford their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 say it will help first-time buyers by freeing up homes sold by aging baby boomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you sort of envision housing as a kind of ladder, you know the first rung of the ladder is rental housing,” says Alex Creel, senior vice president for government affairs with the California Association of Realtors, the main backer of Proposition 5. “As you move up the ladder, then pretty soon you’re into home ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So-called empty nesters might want to downsize and move into a smaller place, but Creel says that “under the current property tax rules you can’t do that. So you’re stuck and people are staying put.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 5 hope to convince voters that by giving older homeowners economic incentive to move, young families and first-time homebuyers will have more supply from which to choose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as almost everyone acknowledges, the real impediment to purchasing a home is cost, which is largely driven by supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply is the real problem,” says Creel. While acknowledging that Proposition 5 does nothing to increase supply, “it moves us in the direction of making more housing available to families who need it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Proposition 5 passes, don’t count on Kenneth Wilkins’ home to be on the market anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’ll sell the property,” he says. “I’d like to live here until I’m 99 or so,” he jokes. “Then I’d like to pass it on to the grandkids and their grandkids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "proposition-13-promised-to-keep-our-neighborhoods-stable-did-it-work",
"title": "Proposition 13 Promised to Keep Our Neighborhoods Stable. Did It Work?",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 13 Promised to Keep Our Neighborhoods Stable. Did It Work? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was an essential promise of Proposition 13: People would be able to keep their homes, neighborhoods would be stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That promise played a role in the U.S. Supreme Court upholding Proposition 13 when it was challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the State has a legitimate interest in local neighborhood preservation, continuity, and stability,” wrote Justice Harry A. Blackmun in the \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/505/1/#tab-opinion-1959053\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">1992 opinion\u003c/a>, “it legitimately can decide to structure its tax system to discourage rapid turnover in ownership of homes and businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13, however, has not stopped gentrification and displacement in neighborhoods across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out that as prices soar, the tax benefits of Proposition 13 aren’t enough to stop owners from selling or renting their properties. As for stable property taxes: They offer no direct help to renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is not to say that there aren’t significant benefits for longtime homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited property tax increases have helped keep people like Dorothy in her three-bedroom, one-bath home in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy, whose last name is withheld to protect her privacy, says she bought her modest home back in 1956 for $10,000. Today it’s worth more than $500,000. According to county records, she pays less than $1,300 a year in property taxes. Someone buying that same home today would pay more than $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says she’d struggle to pay more. So she’s appreciative of the low taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m good,” she says, “I’m still very blessed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look at how some people had to sell to leave and go other places to live, I’m doing good to still be sitting here since 1956.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy talks to us through her metal screen door; she says she wasn’t dressed for company. Another neighbor walks over. “I’m just checking on you,” he calls up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says her son is encouraging her to move someplace closer to him, someplace with cheaper housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not ready to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000;\">Prop. 13 Explained\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone wp-image-11700722 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"606\" height=\"302\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png 606w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-160x80.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-240x120.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-375x187.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-520x259.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 606px) 100vw, 606px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My church is right around the corner up there, and when I get ready to go to the beauty shop I walk down the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her neighbor, Donna, has lived on this block since 1989. She’s in her early 90s and equally rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More or less keeping on, keeping on, takes about all the energy I have really,” she laughs. “At my age, I wouldn’t dream of moving out, and I have no intention of living in an old person’s home, believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Dorothys and Donnas may well be the exception — the outliers a generation after Proposition 13 fundamentally changed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some cases it could help people hold on, dig in their heels,” says Dowell Myers, an urban planning professor at USC. “But against this tide of a [housing] shortage, you can’t stop change at all. It’s like a flood. It’ll overwhelm you eventually, it’ll break through your defenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What is the connection between Proposition 13 and gentrification?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know a lot, is the bottom line,” says Isaac William Martin, a professor of sociology at UC San Diego, who has studied the relationship between gentrification and limits on property taxes. “We couldn’t find any evidence that laws like Proposition 13 have any effect on the probability of displacement from gentrifying neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some level, it comes down to renters vs. owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700635\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700635 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1920x1279.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When we think about gentrification,” Martin says, “there are people at risk of being displaced, and they are overwhelmingly renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords, like other homeowners, benefit from Proposition 13. But, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office: “The extent to which landlords pass on their tax relief to renters is unclear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we do know: Neighborhoods in California’s in-demand coastal cities are changing quickly. Researchers found the number of gentrified neighborhoods in Los Angeles County jumped 16 percent between 1990 and 2015. San Diego County saw an 18 percent increase in gentrified neighborhoods in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the demand for housing in the Bay Area grows, Oakland neighborhoods like this are losing low-income residents, according to research from the Urban Displacement Project at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this block where we’ve based this reporting project, Dorothy and Donna are among the few remaining longtime residents. According to data from the 2016 American Community Survey, about 10 percent of residents moved into the area before or during the 1980s. Only 4 percent of the residents in this neighborhood lived here before 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, homes in this neighborhood sold for about $13,800, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Even when you account for inflation, there is a massive gulf between then and now. The cost of a home then, adjusted for inflation, would be about $92,000 today. Median rent in the neighborhood was $86 a month in the 1970s, about $574 in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, homes on this block can sell for more than $1 million. A two-bed, two-bath apartment on the block rents for $3,000 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as the prices have changed, the demographics of the neighborhood have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-160x56.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1020x360.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1200x423.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1920x678.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1180x416.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-960x339.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-240x85.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-375x132.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-520x183.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png 2046w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The North Oakland block’s census tract has seen rising home values and a high percentage of new residents in recent decades. \u003ccite>(SOURCE: 2016 American Community Survey)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, about 85 percent of the residents were black, according to U.S. Census data. As of 2016, about 40 percent of the population was white, 33 percent black, about 10 percent Hispanic and 8 percent Asian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1970, about 4 percent of adults had four years of college education or more. Now, more than four in 10 residents have earned at least a bachelor’s degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As real estate in the Bay Area has passed the boiling point, this once-modest neighborhood has also started attracting wealthier residents. According to 2016 census data, median household income was nearly $56,000 a year. Nearly a third of households made more than $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hates that he has to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My neighbors are great to me,” says Brown. “They are brothers and sisters to me. They care about me like I care about them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His experience reflects the pain of gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700638\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700638\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown wishes he could afford to to stay in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When a neighborhood gentrifies, longtime residents may start to move out, and that can really be disruptive for the feeling of community and for long-term relationships,” says Martin, the UC San Diego professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, what gentrification means for homeowners and renters is profoundly different. Homeowners often get to sell at a profit, says Martin. Renters are more often evicted or pushed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important when we think about gentrification to distinguish between the way it can strain the fabric of community, and the way it can harm individuals,” says Martin, “because some of the way it strains the fabric of the community is by benefiting some people more than others.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Despite its promise, Proposition 13 has not stopped gentrification and displacement in neighborhoods across California.\r\n\r\n",
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"title": "Proposition 13 Promised to Keep Our Neighborhoods Stable. Did It Work? | KQED",
"description": "Despite its promise, Proposition 13 has not stopped gentrification and displacement in neighborhoods across California.\r\n\r\n",
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"headline": "Proposition 13 Promised to Keep Our Neighborhoods Stable. Did It Work?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was an essential promise of Proposition 13: People would be able to keep their homes, neighborhoods would be stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>That promise played a role in the U.S. Supreme Court upholding Proposition 13 when it was challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the State has a legitimate interest in local neighborhood preservation, continuity, and stability,” wrote Justice Harry A. Blackmun in the \u003ca href=\"https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/505/1/#tab-opinion-1959053\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">1992 opinion\u003c/a>, “it legitimately can decide to structure its tax system to discourage rapid turnover in ownership of homes and businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13, however, has not stopped gentrification and displacement in neighborhoods across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It turns out that as prices soar, the tax benefits of Proposition 13 aren’t enough to stop owners from selling or renting their properties. As for stable property taxes: They offer no direct help to renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is not to say that there aren’t significant benefits for longtime homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited property tax increases have helped keep people like Dorothy in her three-bedroom, one-bath home in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy, whose last name is withheld to protect her privacy, says she bought her modest home back in 1956 for $10,000. Today it’s worth more than $500,000. According to county records, she pays less than $1,300 a year in property taxes. Someone buying that same home today would pay more than $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says she’d struggle to pay more. So she’s appreciative of the low taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m good,” she says, “I’m still very blessed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look at how some people had to sell to leave and go other places to live, I’m doing good to still be sitting here since 1956.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy talks to us through her metal screen door; she says she wasn’t dressed for company. Another neighbor walks over. “I’m just checking on you,” he calls up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorothy says her son is encouraging her to move someplace closer to him, someplace with cheaper housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s not ready to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center;\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000;\">Prop. 13 Explained\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/19922/the-taxpayers-revolt-how-proposition-13-changed-california-an-illustrated-explainer\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone wp-image-11700722 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"606\" height=\"302\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon.png 606w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-160x80.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-240x120.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-375x187.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/cartoon-520x259.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 606px) 100vw, 606px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My church is right around the corner up there, and when I get ready to go to the beauty shop I walk down the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her neighbor, Donna, has lived on this block since 1989. She’s in her early 90s and equally rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More or less keeping on, keeping on, takes about all the energy I have really,” she laughs. “At my age, I wouldn’t dream of moving out, and I have no intention of living in an old person’s home, believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Dorothys and Donnas may well be the exception — the outliers a generation after Proposition 13 fundamentally changed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some cases it could help people hold on, dig in their heels,” says Dowell Myers, an urban planning professor at USC. “But against this tide of a [housing] shortage, you can’t stop change at all. It’s like a flood. It’ll overwhelm you eventually, it’ll break through your defenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>What is the connection between Proposition 13 and gentrification?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know a lot, is the bottom line,” says Isaac William Martin, a professor of sociology at UC San Diego, who has studied the relationship between gentrification and limits on property taxes. “We couldn’t find any evidence that laws like Proposition 13 have any effect on the probability of displacement from gentrifying neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At some level, it comes down to renters vs. owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700635\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11700635 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1920x1279.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-1180x786.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/gentrification-darrell-alley-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown has rented on this block since the mid-’80s. But his landlord has asked him to leave, and he can’t afford another place in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When we think about gentrification,” Martin says, “there are people at risk of being displaced, and they are overwhelmingly renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords, like other homeowners, benefit from Proposition 13. But, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office: “The extent to which landlords pass on their tax relief to renters is unclear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what we do know: Neighborhoods in California’s in-demand coastal cities are changing quickly. Researchers found the number of gentrified neighborhoods in Los Angeles County jumped 16 percent between 1990 and 2015. San Diego County saw an 18 percent increase in gentrified neighborhoods in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the demand for housing in the Bay Area grows, Oakland neighborhoods like this are losing low-income residents, according to research from the Urban Displacement Project at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this block where we’ve based this reporting project, Dorothy and Donna are among the few remaining longtime residents. According to data from the 2016 American Community Survey, about 10 percent of residents moved into the area before or during the 1980s. Only 4 percent of the residents in this neighborhood lived here before 1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, homes in this neighborhood sold for about $13,800, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Even when you account for inflation, there is a massive gulf between then and now. The cost of a home then, adjusted for inflation, would be about $92,000 today. Median rent in the neighborhood was $86 a month in the 1970s, about $574 in today’s dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, homes on this block can sell for more than $1 million. A two-bed, two-bath apartment on the block rents for $3,000 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as the prices have changed, the demographics of the neighborhood have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700637\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700637\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"282\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-800x282.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-160x56.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1020x360.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1200x423.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1920x678.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-1180x416.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-960x339.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-240x85.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-375x132.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM-520x183.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-11.38.02-AM.png 2046w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The North Oakland block’s census tract has seen rising home values and a high percentage of new residents in recent decades. \u003ccite>(SOURCE: 2016 American Community Survey)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in 1970, about 85 percent of the residents were black, according to U.S. Census data. As of 2016, about 40 percent of the population was white, 33 percent black, about 10 percent Hispanic and 8 percent Asian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1970, about 4 percent of adults had four years of college education or more. Now, more than four in 10 residents have earned at least a bachelor’s degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As real estate in the Bay Area has passed the boiling point, this once-modest neighborhood has also started attracting wealthier residents. According to 2016 census data, median household income was nearly $56,000 a year. Nearly a third of households made more than $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He hates that he has to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My neighbors are great to me,” says Brown. “They are brothers and sisters to me. They care about me like I care about them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His experience reflects the pain of gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700638\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700638\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/The-block-that-Prop.-13-built_-Neighborhood-in-flux-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Darrell H. Brown wishes he could afford to to stay in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When a neighborhood gentrifies, longtime residents may start to move out, and that can really be disruptive for the feeling of community and for long-term relationships,” says Martin, the UC San Diego professor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, what gentrification means for homeowners and renters is profoundly different. Homeowners often get to sell at a profit, says Martin. Renters are more often evicted or pushed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important when we think about gentrification to distinguish between the way it can strain the fabric of community, and the way it can harm individuals,” says Martin, “because some of the way it strains the fabric of the community is by benefiting some people more than others.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Arson Probed as Cause of 5-Alarm Fire at New West Oakland Development",
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"headTitle": "Arson Probed as Cause of 5-Alarm Fire at New West Oakland Development | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters Tuesday morning battled a five-alarm fire at a sprawling town home complex under construction in West Oakland that city officials say is under investigation as arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire at West Grand Avenue and Filbert Street is the fifth blaze at a residential development in the Oakland-Emeryville area in a little over two years. Investigators have determined three of those earlier fires were deliberately set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely concerning,” said Oakland Fire Department Deputy Chief Nick Luby, addressing the possibility the fire was arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said it’s also investigating a Tuesday morning report of an attempted arson at a second residential building under construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire, first reported at 1:59 a.m., quickly escalated to five alarms because it threatened homes along nearby Myrtle Street, Luby said. As of 9 a.m., the blaze still had not been declared under control, and firefighters continued to dump massive amounts of water on the complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Embers from the blaze flew east over to Myrtle and ignited at least two smaller fires, including one at an abandoned Victorian home on Isabella Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 30 minutes after the fire was first reported, the Oakland Fire Department asked Pacific Gas and Electric to turn off electricity in the area, according to PG&E spokeswoman Karly Hernandez. Initially, that meant close to 2,500 PG&E customers were without power, Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700534\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700534\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-800x507.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-1020x646.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-1180x748.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-960x608.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-375x238.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-520x330.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023.jpg 1182w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Firefighters on the scene of Tuesday’s five-alarm blaze at an under-construction housing development at West Grand Avenue and Filbert Street. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/OaklandFireLive%20target=\" _blank>OaklandFireLive\u003c/a> via Twitter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Libby Schaaf said at a 9:30 a.m. media briefing that one firefighter was injured in the blaze. Oakland Fire Chief Darin White said the firefighter suffered a leg injury, possibly after stepping into a pothole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf appealed to the public to call authorities if they had any information concerning arson in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An attack on new housing in Oakland is an attack on keeping families housed in Oakland,” the mayor said. “We are in a housing crisis. We need to build housing as quickly and effectively as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also decried “the bigger offense — the absolute risk of the loss of life in this type of tragedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief White said that the department’s fire investigative staff is investigating the blaze as well as a reported arson attempt less than a mile away at a development under construction at 3266 Peralta St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the department has already contacted the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for assistance in investigating Tuesday’s fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Chief Luby said buildings under construction are vulnerable to fire when they’re in the framing stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically it’s just a big pile of kindling — 2-by-4’s, small timber and a lot of air in there that can circulate and get the timber going real quick. And (fire) just grows quite quickly,” Luby said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White told reporters that his crews were having difficulty getting to the active fire still burning in some of the development’s buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As you can see, there’s still a substantial amount of flame,” White said. “Our ladder pipes are not able to actually get directly to the seat of the fire. We’re looking at repositioning units and apparatus and maybe deploying hand lines from a point we think is safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he expected the fight to extinguish the blaze to continue throughout the day and that surrounding streets — including busy West Grand Avenue — would likely remain shut down well into Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/kron4news/status/1054817423726043136\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire destroyed four buildings in the 124-unit Ice House project, according to developer City Ventures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the company said 55 units damaged in the blaze will need to be demolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Ventures CEO Phil Kerr said 15 security cameras were installed at the site and a security guard was on duty at the time the fire broke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We specifically put cameras in place here, given some of the concern that’s been expressed here in Oakland relative to fires,” Kerr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town home development, built mostly on the block bounded by West Grand, 24th Street, Myrtle Street and Filbert Street, was in different stages of completion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A City Ventures map of the development shows 50 of the development’s units have been sold. The real estate site Zillow says homes in the development are priced at $675,000 and up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerr said about 40 of the units were scheduled to be occupied by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700540\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700540\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-800x556.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"556\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-800x556.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-160x111.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-1020x709.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-1200x834.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-1180x820.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-960x667.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-240x167.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-375x261.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-520x362.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM.png 1818w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portion of the Ice House development under construction earlier this year. \u003ccite>(Google Maps)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kendale Price, 32, who watched the fire early Tuesday, said he has lived in West Oakland his entire life and that there’s anger in the neighborhood about gentrification and displacement. But he added that’s no excuse for arson or targeting new buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looks like the anarchists probably struck again,” Price said. “This is trying to send a message but in the wrong way. … I’ve seen my neighborhood change right in front of me. Gentrification is a problem, but this is the wrong way to go about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire is the latest in a series of blazes at buildings under construction in Oakland and Emeryville in just 27 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two arson fires struck a residential housing development near MacArthur Boulevard and San Pablo Avenue at Oakland’s border with Emeryville, first in July 2016 and again in May 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2016 an arson fire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11156291/atf-joins-investigation-into-massive-construction-site-fire-near-lake-merritt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gutted an apartment complex under construction\u003c/a> on Lester Avenue east of Lake Merritt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2017 a four-alarm fire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11553325/oakland-firefighters-control-yet-another-huge-construction-blaze\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gutted a large apartment and commercial building under construction\u003c/a> at 23rd and Valdez streets. A month later federal officials announced that they could not determine the cause of that blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Raquel Maria Dillon and Dan Brekke contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Oakland fire officials say they're also investigating reports of an arson attempt Tuesday morning at a second under-construction residential project. ",
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"title": "Arson Probed as Cause of 5-Alarm Fire at New West Oakland Development | KQED",
"description": "Oakland fire officials say they're also investigating reports of an arson attempt Tuesday morning at a second under-construction residential project. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters Tuesday morning battled a five-alarm fire at a sprawling town home complex under construction in West Oakland that city officials say is under investigation as arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire at West Grand Avenue and Filbert Street is the fifth blaze at a residential development in the Oakland-Emeryville area in a little over two years. Investigators have determined three of those earlier fires were deliberately set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely concerning,” said Oakland Fire Department Deputy Chief Nick Luby, addressing the possibility the fire was arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said it’s also investigating a Tuesday morning report of an attempted arson at a second residential building under construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire, first reported at 1:59 a.m., quickly escalated to five alarms because it threatened homes along nearby Myrtle Street, Luby said. As of 9 a.m., the blaze still had not been declared under control, and firefighters continued to dump massive amounts of water on the complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Embers from the blaze flew east over to Myrtle and ignited at least two smaller fires, including one at an abandoned Victorian home on Isabella Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 30 minutes after the fire was first reported, the Oakland Fire Department asked Pacific Gas and Electric to turn off electricity in the area, according to PG&E spokeswoman Karly Hernandez. Initially, that meant close to 2,500 PG&E customers were without power, Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700534\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700534\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-800x507.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-1020x646.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-1180x748.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-960x608.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-375x238.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023-520x330.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/oaklandfire181023.jpg 1182w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Firefighters on the scene of Tuesday’s five-alarm blaze at an under-construction housing development at West Grand Avenue and Filbert Street. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/OaklandFireLive%20target=\" _blank>OaklandFireLive\u003c/a> via Twitter)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Libby Schaaf said at a 9:30 a.m. media briefing that one firefighter was injured in the blaze. Oakland Fire Chief Darin White said the firefighter suffered a leg injury, possibly after stepping into a pothole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schaaf appealed to the public to call authorities if they had any information concerning arson in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“An attack on new housing in Oakland is an attack on keeping families housed in Oakland,” the mayor said. “We are in a housing crisis. We need to build housing as quickly and effectively as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also decried “the bigger offense — the absolute risk of the loss of life in this type of tragedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief White said that the department’s fire investigative staff is investigating the blaze as well as a reported arson attempt less than a mile away at a development under construction at 3266 Peralta St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the department has already contacted the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for assistance in investigating Tuesday’s fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Chief Luby said buildings under construction are vulnerable to fire when they’re in the framing stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically it’s just a big pile of kindling — 2-by-4’s, small timber and a lot of air in there that can circulate and get the timber going real quick. And (fire) just grows quite quickly,” Luby said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White told reporters that his crews were having difficulty getting to the active fire still burning in some of the development’s buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As you can see, there’s still a substantial amount of flame,” White said. “Our ladder pipes are not able to actually get directly to the seat of the fire. We’re looking at repositioning units and apparatus and maybe deploying hand lines from a point we think is safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he expected the fight to extinguish the blaze to continue throughout the day and that surrounding streets — including busy West Grand Avenue — would likely remain shut down well into Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The fire destroyed four buildings in the 124-unit Ice House project, according to developer City Ventures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the company said 55 units damaged in the blaze will need to be demolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Ventures CEO Phil Kerr said 15 security cameras were installed at the site and a security guard was on duty at the time the fire broke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We specifically put cameras in place here, given some of the concern that’s been expressed here in Oakland relative to fires,” Kerr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town home development, built mostly on the block bounded by West Grand, 24th Street, Myrtle Street and Filbert Street, was in different stages of completion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A City Ventures map of the development shows 50 of the development’s units have been sold. The real estate site Zillow says homes in the development are priced at $675,000 and up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerr said about 40 of the units were scheduled to be occupied by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700540\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700540\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-800x556.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"556\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-800x556.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-160x111.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-1020x709.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-1200x834.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-1180x820.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-960x667.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-240x167.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-375x261.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM-520x362.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Screen-Shot-2018-10-23-at-7.57.51-AM.png 1818w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portion of the Ice House development under construction earlier this year. \u003ccite>(Google Maps)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kendale Price, 32, who watched the fire early Tuesday, said he has lived in West Oakland his entire life and that there’s anger in the neighborhood about gentrification and displacement. But he added that’s no excuse for arson or targeting new buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looks like the anarchists probably struck again,” Price said. “This is trying to send a message but in the wrong way. … I’ve seen my neighborhood change right in front of me. Gentrification is a problem, but this is the wrong way to go about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire is the latest in a series of blazes at buildings under construction in Oakland and Emeryville in just 27 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two arson fires struck a residential housing development near MacArthur Boulevard and San Pablo Avenue at Oakland’s border with Emeryville, first in July 2016 and again in May 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2016 an arson fire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11156291/atf-joins-investigation-into-massive-construction-site-fire-near-lake-merritt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gutted an apartment complex under construction\u003c/a> on Lester Avenue east of Lake Merritt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2017 a four-alarm fire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11553325/oakland-firefighters-control-yet-another-huge-construction-blaze\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gutted a large apartment and commercial building under construction\u003c/a> at 23rd and Valdez streets. A month later federal officials announced that they could not determine the cause of that blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Raquel Maria Dillon and Dan Brekke contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Twitter fight between two of San Francisco’s biggest, and wealthiest, tech leaders says a lot about the city’s problem with homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_C,_Gross_Receipts_Tax_for_Homelessness_Services_(November_2018)\">Proposition C\u003c/a> calls for taxing the city’s most profitable companies to double the $300 million already spent on homelessness. You might be surprised by who supports and opposes it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GuyMarzorati?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a>, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Republicans running in Nevada’s hotly contested races for governor and U.S. Senate are taking aim at a common target as they try to maintain GOP control of the seats: California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more Californians have poured across the state line over the past few years, many of them escaping sky-high housing costs, some Nevada Republicans fear a state that already has become a political battleground will begin to resemble its deep blue neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP candidates are appealing to conservative voters with warnings about life in California: sanctuary cities, crippling business regulations, out-of-control housing prices and a worsening homeless crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Dean Heller, who is in a tight re-election battle against Democratic Rep. Jacky Rosen, has highlighted his opponent’s support from California billionaire Tom Steyer and Hollywood celebrities, while warning on Twitter that the state could become “CaliforNevada” if Rosen is elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians on the right have for years demonized California as a conservative’s worst nightmare. In 2003, as a joke, a Republican state lawmaker in Nevada requested a bill be drafted to rename the state “East California,” along with making The Beatles’ song “Taxman” the official state song.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California-bashing takes on added weight in Nevada, which has seen a greater-than-normal wave of Californians recently as housing prices and rents have soared in the Golden State. At the same time, transplants from Silicon Valley have followed Tesla, Apple and other California-grown companies as they have expanded in the Reno area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, with California emerging as a political bulwark against the Trump administration, the state has become a political bugaboo for conservatives around the country. They paint it as a cautionary tale of taxes, regulation, environmentalism and illegal immigration run amok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Georgia, Republican candidate for governor Brian Kemp has cast his Democratic opponent, Stacey Abrams, as a tool of “billionaires and socialists who want to turn Georgia into California.” Texas Gov. Greg Abbott this summer declared that “California appears to have raised the leadership in the United States of America for socialism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican State Leadership Committee, which works on electing Republicans to state offices around the country, declared in a campaign email that California has turned into a “liberal wasteland” of “garbage-strewn streets, never-ending tax increases, and lax immigration laws” that Democrats would replicate if they took control of state legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Nevada, California has become a special source of angst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have long made up at least one-third of new residents to Nevada, but this year are on track to comprise 40 percent of new residents, according to drivers’ license data from the Nevada Department of Motor Vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That influx comes as Nevada has been trending more Democratic in its politics over the last decade, swinging for the Democrat in the past three presidential elections and giving Democrats full control of the Legislature in 2016 — the first time since 1992.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the latest California influx will move the state firmly into the Democratic column this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada’s races are at the center of the political universe again this year: The U.S. Senate race is a pivotal one for determining whether Republicans maintain control of that chamber, and whichever party wins the governor’s seat will have veto power over legislative and congressional redistricting following the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people left California because of what they didn’t like, but then they got to Nevada and said, ‘Oh, in California, we had this. 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These are the things I’m willing to fight against so Nevada does not become like California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told The Associated Press that while there’s a concern that Californians moving to the state could import liberal politics, he meets new Nevada residents “all the time that have decided that they’re utterly fed up with California” and “a lot of the just really extreme liberal policies that continue to flourish in that state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his main worry is that Nevada progressives will see California as a model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited the 2017 session of the Democratic-led Legislature as an example of the state “going the way of California.” Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval, a moderate, nearly set a state record by vetoing 41 bills.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Republicans running in Nevada’s hotly contested races for governor and U.S. Senate are taking aim at a common target as they try to maintain GOP control of the seats: California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more Californians have poured across the state line over the past few years, many of them escaping sky-high housing costs, some Nevada Republicans fear a state that already has become a political battleground will begin to resemble its deep blue neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP candidates are appealing to conservative voters with warnings about life in California: sanctuary cities, crippling business regulations, out-of-control housing prices and a worsening homeless crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Dean Heller, who is in a tight re-election battle against Democratic Rep. Jacky Rosen, has highlighted his opponent’s support from California billionaire Tom Steyer and Hollywood celebrities, while warning on Twitter that the state could become “CaliforNevada” if Rosen is elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians on the right have for years demonized California as a conservative’s worst nightmare. In 2003, as a joke, a Republican state lawmaker in Nevada requested a bill be drafted to rename the state “East California,” along with making The Beatles’ song “Taxman” the official state song.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California-bashing takes on added weight in Nevada, which has seen a greater-than-normal wave of Californians recently as housing prices and rents have soared in the Golden State. At the same time, transplants from Silicon Valley have followed Tesla, Apple and other California-grown companies as they have expanded in the Reno area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, with California emerging as a political bulwark against the Trump administration, the state has become a political bugaboo for conservatives around the country. They paint it as a cautionary tale of taxes, regulation, environmentalism and illegal immigration run amok.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Georgia, Republican candidate for governor Brian Kemp has cast his Democratic opponent, Stacey Abrams, as a tool of “billionaires and socialists who want to turn Georgia into California.” Texas Gov. Greg Abbott this summer declared that “California appears to have raised the leadership in the United States of America for socialism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican State Leadership Committee, which works on electing Republicans to state offices around the country, declared in a campaign email that California has turned into a “liberal wasteland” of “garbage-strewn streets, never-ending tax increases, and lax immigration laws” that Democrats would replicate if they took control of state legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Nevada, California has become a special source of angst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have long made up at least one-third of new residents to Nevada, but this year are on track to comprise 40 percent of new residents, according to drivers’ license data from the Nevada Department of Motor Vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That influx comes as Nevada has been trending more Democratic in its politics over the last decade, swinging for the Democrat in the past three presidential elections and giving Democrats full control of the Legislature in 2016 — the first time since 1992.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the latest California influx will move the state firmly into the Democratic column this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada’s races are at the center of the political universe again this year: The U.S. Senate race is a pivotal one for determining whether Republicans maintain control of that chamber, and whichever party wins the governor’s seat will have veto power over legislative and congressional redistricting following the 2020 Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people left California because of what they didn’t like, but then they got to Nevada and said, ‘Oh, in California, we had this. Oh, in California we had that.’ The things that they left, they want to bring here,” said Chuck Muth, a conservative activist and blogger in Las Vegas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think everybody has known about it, but now the candidates at the top of the Republican ticket are actually making a campaign issue out of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the governor’s race, Nevada’s Republican attorney general, Adam Laxalt, has frequently included anti-California messages in campaign appearances and statements, even when endorsing other candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laxalt cites sanctuary cities and burdensome regulations as ill-considered California policies that Nevada should avoid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you think it should be a crime in a restaurant to give you a straw when you’re trying to have a drink? How about cancer warnings on your coffee?” Laxalt said at a campaign appearance in May. “These are things we’re seeing in our neighbor, California. These are the things I’m willing to fight against so Nevada does not become like California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told The Associated Press that while there’s a concern that Californians moving to the state could import liberal politics, he meets new Nevada residents “all the time that have decided that they’re utterly fed up with California” and “a lot of the just really extreme liberal policies that continue to flourish in that state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his main worry is that Nevada progressives will see California as a model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited the 2017 session of the Democratic-led Legislature as an example of the state “going the way of California.” Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval, a moderate, nearly set a state record by vetoing 41 bills.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "100 Days Into Job, S.F. Mayor Breed Reflects on Housing, Homelessness Efforts, and Why She Opposes Proposition C",
"title": "100 Days Into Job, S.F. Mayor Breed Reflects on Housing, Homelessness Efforts, and Why She Opposes Proposition C",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed took some time recently to chat with KQED's Guy Marzorati about her first 100 days in office and what she's done so far to address the city's ongoing homeless and housing challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also explained why she opposes Proposition C, a hotly contested November ballot measure that would fund housing and homelessness services in the city by raising taxes on certain businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is an excerpt of the interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: You successfully pushed for a bill at the state level that will expand the conservatorship program here in S.F. and allow the county to take responsibility for homeless residents who have severe mental health issues. That state law goes into effect in January. Are you confident the city will have a plan in place to deal with those folks by then and also residential treatment beds available at that time?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: I am more than confident, and I’m excited about what we are planning in order to address this major challenge. This is a huge victory for our city, and right now we’re developing the legislation to send to the Board of Supervisors to opt into this particular program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other part of that is we’ve identified locations to increase the number of mental health stabilization beds in S.F. to meet what we expect to be the need so that they have places to go. We can’t “conserve” anyone unless we have a place for them to go. And that’s what this is about. Because people are frustrated when they see someone who clearly needs help, who is clearly having, unfortunately, a mental breakdown, and jail is not the place for them to be when they need to get better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really about getting them into the right place, into a treatment facility for the purposes of developing a long-term plan of action to help them get stable, to help them get housed, to help them get the services they need in order to be in a better situation than what we see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: Voters in November are going to vote on Proposition C in the city to bring in more revenue for homeless services. You oppose that measure. If that’s not the answer, do you and your administration have an alternate plan to bring in new revenues to address this crisis?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: I think what's important with what we do with the over $300 million that we are spending for homeless services, including an additional $60 million that I have been able to add to the budget this past fiscal year, is that there is a level of accountability. We use a lot of the money to pay for subsidies to house people. There’s a lot of the money, of course, that’s used for supportive services. And right now we have just started this process I’m really excited about where we have a coordinated entry system for people who are struggling with homelessness in order to get them the help and support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal to use this system is to follow people, to understand what the challenges are, and to make sure that we’re able to track the resources that are being used and how we’re able to help someone. From my perspective, we need to understand what we’re doing now, whether or not we’re making the right investments and, more importantly, what is our long-term plan of action to address these issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a problem bigger than just San Francisco. We have to look at regional strategies, we have to look at what we are doing now and the investments we’re making now, redirecting those funds. Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can. But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly, where you’re bringing everyone to the table for the purposes of providing input and looking at the financial data, looking at jobs, looking at all of those things and how they play a role in making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean, manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And people keep talking about this gap between the haves and the haves-not. Well, yeah, the haves on the whole top level can definitely afford to pay a lot more. But I want to make sure as mayor, because I have to be the one to implement anything that is taxed or the voters initiate, I want to make sure that I can promise that this will deliver the results they’re looking for. And at this time, that's where we're struggling with the challenges of Prop C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: That goes right into my next question. Is it a concern of yours that ultimately you’re going to have to be the one accountable for the spending as it relates to the homeless crisis?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: Yeah, and I think that people elected me in order to address this problem. This is at the top of everyone’s list because it is a problem in San Francisco. But I think in order to address it, we have to understand it better. We have to understand where our resources are already going, and we have to make better investments now. So that’s what I’m trying to do as mayor. Before I ask for another commitment, I want to make sure that as I’m being held accountable, it’s for the decisions I make, not the decisions that other people are making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: You talk about getting a greater understanding of the current homeless population and how they're being served in the city. Do you think the city and homeless advocates should hold off on any new funding before the city gets a greater account of that?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: Any increase in taxes ought to be a collaborative effort. There ought to be real options for the purposes of making sure that when we ask the voters for this money, that we’re able to deliver what we say we’re going to deliver as a result of this money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: I want to ask about safe injection sites. This was another bill at the state level that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695653/brown-rejects-supervised-injection-site-for-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed by the governor\u003c/a> that would have allowed pilot program for supervised injection sites here in the city. You said you’re not giving up on it. What does that mean?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: We’re looking at ways in which we could potentially open a site or sites here in our city. In addition to the challenges with state law, there are challenges with federal law as well. We are hopeful that Gavin Newsom, if he becomes governor, will be more supportive of our efforts, because this is just not about providing a convenient place for people to shoot-up and use drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People unfortunately suffer from drug addiction, and it’s not just going to go away because we don’t want to see it. So what are ways in which we can try to help people into treatment? This is one of the most effective ways to do that. And this is why I’m pushing for it, because when that person is coming to a safe injection site on a regular basis, we’re able to collect and discard the needles safely, we’re able to keep it in contained environment so it’s not happening out on the streets, and you don’t see the needles out there as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could not only save lives, it could save money. It could save about $2.3 million in the hospital visits, the needle cleanup, all these things we’re dealing with around public health. This is just an innovative way to address what we know is a very challenging, complex problem. The opioid crisis sadly has impacted not just San Francisco, but it exists all over the United States. We have to do something different if we want to see something different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: You talked during the campaign about a “historic culture of no” in San Francisco around the development of housing. Can you talk about your administration’s efforts around streamlining and getting housing built faster that has already been identified as affordable housing?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: One of the first things I did was to get all of the departments responsible for approvals as it relates to housing production and infrastructure together, and we meet on a regular basis to talk about solutions. And one of the easiest solutions that was proposed was to cut back on the bureaucratic red tape for ADUs — accessory dwelling units, aka in-laws. We came together, and I put out the directive to say that I want existing permits that are in the pipeline to be completed in the next six months. And moving forward, any new applications need to be approved within four months, because they were taking anywhere between 12 and 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re talking about around 1,400 units, about 90 percent of those would most likely be rent-controlled units. This is the only way that we could add rent-controlled units into our housing stock. And we would hold it up with bureaucracy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is why I’m bringing on someone to manage this whole process for the purposes of making sure that we get rid of redundant policies, that departments are working together instead of in isolation, that we’re getting approvals faster for some of the minor things that hold up projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re going to take care of this so we can get this much needed housing on the market now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: When you take walks through neighborhoods, do you feel more optimistic or less optimistic as you sit here 100 days in, to solving this homeless crisis?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: I’m not yet satisfied, but I’m a lot more happy today than I was when I first started. Because I spend so much time in those neighborhoods where there are challenges. And what I appreciate most is that I am starting to see the difference, especially along Market Street. Now, to be clear, I’m not suggesting that we solved the problem. But compared to when I first started, the trash, the number of homeless individuals, just recently cracking down on drug dealing and a number of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I just feel like people really feel excited. And they want their circumstances to change, of course, but we have to do a better job of helping them, and if they’re noticing a difference out there too, even though many of them are struggling, then I do think there’s hope for the future of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed took some time recently to chat with KQED's Guy Marzorati about her first 100 days in office and what she's done so far to address the city's ongoing homeless and housing challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also explained why she opposes Proposition C, a hotly contested November ballot measure that would fund housing and homelessness services in the city by raising taxes on certain businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is an excerpt of the interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: You successfully pushed for a bill at the state level that will expand the conservatorship program here in S.F. and allow the county to take responsibility for homeless residents who have severe mental health issues. That state law goes into effect in January. Are you confident the city will have a plan in place to deal with those folks by then and also residential treatment beds available at that time?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: I am more than confident, and I’m excited about what we are planning in order to address this major challenge. This is a huge victory for our city, and right now we’re developing the legislation to send to the Board of Supervisors to opt into this particular program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other part of that is we’ve identified locations to increase the number of mental health stabilization beds in S.F. to meet what we expect to be the need so that they have places to go. We can’t “conserve” anyone unless we have a place for them to go. And that’s what this is about. Because people are frustrated when they see someone who clearly needs help, who is clearly having, unfortunately, a mental breakdown, and jail is not the place for them to be when they need to get better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really about getting them into the right place, into a treatment facility for the purposes of developing a long-term plan of action to help them get stable, to help them get housed, to help them get the services they need in order to be in a better situation than what we see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: Voters in November are going to vote on Proposition C in the city to bring in more revenue for homeless services. You oppose that measure. If that’s not the answer, do you and your administration have an alternate plan to bring in new revenues to address this crisis?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: I think what's important with what we do with the over $300 million that we are spending for homeless services, including an additional $60 million that I have been able to add to the budget this past fiscal year, is that there is a level of accountability. We use a lot of the money to pay for subsidies to house people. There’s a lot of the money, of course, that’s used for supportive services. And right now we have just started this process I’m really excited about where we have a coordinated entry system for people who are struggling with homelessness in order to get them the help and support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal to use this system is to follow people, to understand what the challenges are, and to make sure that we’re able to track the resources that are being used and how we’re able to help someone. From my perspective, we need to understand what we’re doing now, whether or not we’re making the right investments and, more importantly, what is our long-term plan of action to address these issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a problem bigger than just San Francisco. We have to look at regional strategies, we have to look at what we are doing now and the investments we’re making now, redirecting those funds. Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can. But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly, where you’re bringing everyone to the table for the purposes of providing input and looking at the financial data, looking at jobs, looking at all of those things and how they play a role in making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean, manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And people keep talking about this gap between the haves and the haves-not. Well, yeah, the haves on the whole top level can definitely afford to pay a lot more. But I want to make sure as mayor, because I have to be the one to implement anything that is taxed or the voters initiate, I want to make sure that I can promise that this will deliver the results they’re looking for. And at this time, that's where we're struggling with the challenges of Prop C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: That goes right into my next question. Is it a concern of yours that ultimately you’re going to have to be the one accountable for the spending as it relates to the homeless crisis?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: Yeah, and I think that people elected me in order to address this problem. This is at the top of everyone’s list because it is a problem in San Francisco. But I think in order to address it, we have to understand it better. We have to understand where our resources are already going, and we have to make better investments now. So that’s what I’m trying to do as mayor. Before I ask for another commitment, I want to make sure that as I’m being held accountable, it’s for the decisions I make, not the decisions that other people are making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: You talk about getting a greater understanding of the current homeless population and how they're being served in the city. Do you think the city and homeless advocates should hold off on any new funding before the city gets a greater account of that?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: Any increase in taxes ought to be a collaborative effort. There ought to be real options for the purposes of making sure that when we ask the voters for this money, that we’re able to deliver what we say we’re going to deliver as a result of this money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: I want to ask about safe injection sites. This was another bill at the state level that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695653/brown-rejects-supervised-injection-site-for-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vetoed by the governor\u003c/a> that would have allowed pilot program for supervised injection sites here in the city. You said you’re not giving up on it. What does that mean?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: We’re looking at ways in which we could potentially open a site or sites here in our city. In addition to the challenges with state law, there are challenges with federal law as well. We are hopeful that Gavin Newsom, if he becomes governor, will be more supportive of our efforts, because this is just not about providing a convenient place for people to shoot-up and use drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People unfortunately suffer from drug addiction, and it’s not just going to go away because we don’t want to see it. So what are ways in which we can try to help people into treatment? This is one of the most effective ways to do that. And this is why I’m pushing for it, because when that person is coming to a safe injection site on a regular basis, we’re able to collect and discard the needles safely, we’re able to keep it in contained environment so it’s not happening out on the streets, and you don’t see the needles out there as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could not only save lives, it could save money. It could save about $2.3 million in the hospital visits, the needle cleanup, all these things we’re dealing with around public health. This is just an innovative way to address what we know is a very challenging, complex problem. The opioid crisis sadly has impacted not just San Francisco, but it exists all over the United States. We have to do something different if we want to see something different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: You talked during the campaign about a “historic culture of no” in San Francisco around the development of housing. Can you talk about your administration’s efforts around streamlining and getting housing built faster that has already been identified as affordable housing?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: One of the first things I did was to get all of the departments responsible for approvals as it relates to housing production and infrastructure together, and we meet on a regular basis to talk about solutions. And one of the easiest solutions that was proposed was to cut back on the bureaucratic red tape for ADUs — accessory dwelling units, aka in-laws. We came together, and I put out the directive to say that I want existing permits that are in the pipeline to be completed in the next six months. And moving forward, any new applications need to be approved within four months, because they were taking anywhere between 12 and 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re talking about around 1,400 units, about 90 percent of those would most likely be rent-controlled units. This is the only way that we could add rent-controlled units into our housing stock. And we would hold it up with bureaucracy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is why I’m bringing on someone to manage this whole process for the purposes of making sure that we get rid of redundant policies, that departments are working together instead of in isolation, that we’re getting approvals faster for some of the minor things that hold up projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re going to take care of this so we can get this much needed housing on the market now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Marzorati: When you take walks through neighborhoods, do you feel more optimistic or less optimistic as you sit here 100 days in, to solving this homeless crisis?\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Breed\u003c/strong>: I’m not yet satisfied, but I’m a lot more happy today than I was when I first started. Because I spend so much time in those neighborhoods where there are challenges. And what I appreciate most is that I am starting to see the difference, especially along Market Street. Now, to be clear, I’m not suggesting that we solved the problem. But compared to when I first started, the trash, the number of homeless individuals, just recently cracking down on drug dealing and a number of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I just feel like people really feel excited. And they want their circumstances to change, of course, but we have to do a better job of helping them, and if they’re noticing a difference out there too, even though many of them are struggling, then I do think there’s hope for the future of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The San Francisco Housing Authority is short about $25 million, a funding gap the city must fill by the end of the year to keep thousands of low-income families in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials learned of the deficit after a recent audit of the agency uncovered a major accounting error. Thinking it had a significantly larger budget, the Housing Authority said it spent millions on housing subsidies for extremely low-income families in neighborhoods like Chinatown and the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was some inaccurate reporting of Housing Authority expenditures,\" said Kate Hartley, director of the Mayor's Office of Housing and Community Development. \"Based upon what was inaccurate reporting, the Housing Authority moved forward with some fantastic work, which we were very thrilled about, which was subsidizing more units for homeless households and bringing on more households with rental assistance who were extremely low income. So, they did all this great work thinking they had the reserves in place to cover it, and we realize now that, in fact, that wasn't the case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency now finds it doesn’t have the money needed to continue paying for the roughly 11,000 Section 8 housing vouchers it distributes to residents who rely on heavy rent subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday though, Mayor London Breed and other city leaders expressed confidence that, despite the major shortfall, they would come up with the funds in time to prevent any residents from being displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Breed, who lived in the city’s public housing for 20 years, stressed the need for real reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years, Housing Authority has always been, unfortunately, dysfunctional,” she said at a ribbon-cutting ceremony at the Natalie Gubb Commons affordable housing complex near Rincon Hill. “So, it’s time to kind of take a different role at making sure that it’s managed properly and there’s real accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the authority faced severe funding shortages and serious management and maintenance problems. In 2013, then-Mayor Ed Lee replaced nearly all Housing Authority commissioners and handed over most of the city’s public housing complexes to private operators. Since then, the city has transferred ownership of about 3,500 public housing units in 29 buildings to nonprofits like Mercy Housing and the Tenderloin Neighborhood Development Corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hartley said to close the current gap, about $7 million will be pulled from funding the Housing Authority was planning to use to pay for repairs at Potrero Hill and Sunnydale public housing complexes. Much of the rest, she hoped, would be covered by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not worried about our ability to provide the necessary funding,” she said, adding that the shortfall was solely the result of honest accounting mistakes. \"Nothing that was done was illegal or fraudulent or anything like that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While HUD does typically cover funding gaps for local housing authorities at the end of the year, this large an amount is highly unusual, said Jerome Brown, general deputy assistant secretary at HUD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will make this work because we have to make this work,” he said, noting that the short-term plan is to get the agency through the year so that landlords are paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the longer term, he added, “What do you do to make sure that this doesn’t happen again?”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The San Francisco Housing Authority is short about $25 million, a funding gap the city must fill by the end of the year to keep thousands of low-income families in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials learned of the deficit after a recent audit of the agency uncovered a major accounting error. Thinking it had a significantly larger budget, the Housing Authority said it spent millions on housing subsidies for extremely low-income families in neighborhoods like Chinatown and the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was some inaccurate reporting of Housing Authority expenditures,\" said Kate Hartley, director of the Mayor's Office of Housing and Community Development. \"Based upon what was inaccurate reporting, the Housing Authority moved forward with some fantastic work, which we were very thrilled about, which was subsidizing more units for homeless households and bringing on more households with rental assistance who were extremely low income. So, they did all this great work thinking they had the reserves in place to cover it, and we realize now that, in fact, that wasn't the case.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency now finds it doesn’t have the money needed to continue paying for the roughly 11,000 Section 8 housing vouchers it distributes to residents who rely on heavy rent subsidies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday though, Mayor London Breed and other city leaders expressed confidence that, despite the major shortfall, they would come up with the funds in time to prevent any residents from being displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Breed, who lived in the city’s public housing for 20 years, stressed the need for real reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years, Housing Authority has always been, unfortunately, dysfunctional,” she said at a ribbon-cutting ceremony at the Natalie Gubb Commons affordable housing complex near Rincon Hill. “So, it’s time to kind of take a different role at making sure that it’s managed properly and there’s real accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, the authority faced severe funding shortages and serious management and maintenance problems. In 2013, then-Mayor Ed Lee replaced nearly all Housing Authority commissioners and handed over most of the city’s public housing complexes to private operators. Since then, the city has transferred ownership of about 3,500 public housing units in 29 buildings to nonprofits like Mercy Housing and the Tenderloin Neighborhood Development Corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hartley said to close the current gap, about $7 million will be pulled from funding the Housing Authority was planning to use to pay for repairs at Potrero Hill and Sunnydale public housing complexes. Much of the rest, she hoped, would be covered by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not worried about our ability to provide the necessary funding,” she said, adding that the shortfall was solely the result of honest accounting mistakes. \"Nothing that was done was illegal or fraudulent or anything like that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While HUD does typically cover funding gaps for local housing authorities at the end of the year, this large an amount is highly unusual, said Jerome Brown, general deputy assistant secretary at HUD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will make this work because we have to make this work,” he said, noting that the short-term plan is to get the agency through the year so that landlords are paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the longer term, he added, “What do you do to make sure that this doesn’t happen again?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Homeless Nonprofits Show Mixed Feelings Toward New 'Rising Up' Campaign",
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"content": "\u003cp>At the Tenderloin headquarters of homeless youth nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://larkinstreetyouth.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Larkin Street Youth Services\u003c/a>, excitement about the new \"\u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-rising-campaign-house-and-secure-employment-homeless-youth\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rising Up\u003c/a>\" campaign is palpable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign aims to get homeless people aged 18 to 24 off the streets of San Francisco by providing temporary housing subsidies and job placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're going to make sure that it is unacceptable to have young people sleeping on our streets in this city ever again,\" said Larkin Street Executive Director Sherilyn Adams at the campaign launch this week. Mayor London Breed was also in attendance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11698314\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11698314\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-800x600.jpg\" alt='San Francisco Mayor London Breed kicks off the launch event for \"Rising Up.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed kicks off the launch event for \"Rising Up.\" \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Adams' organization is one of several nonprofits working alongside the city of San Francisco and corporate partners on the $22 million \"Rising Up\" initiative. With the city contributing $6 million in public funds to the effort, supporters say \"Rising Up\" will provide crucial assistance in a city where more than a thousand young people regularly sleep outdoors each night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new campaign is drawing mixed reactions from nonprofits that work in the youth homeless services space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the Larkin Street Youth Services building, a handful of protesters wave big yellow and blue “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ourcityourhomesf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yes on C\u003c/a>” banners and chant, \"Hey Hey Mayor Breed! Unite this City! Yes on C!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy Farah Weiss, who was rallying passersby with a bullhorn, is the founder and director of the homeless nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://www.saintfrancischallenge.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Saint Francis Challenge\u003c/a>. Weiss said the city should focus on rallying voters around Proposition C, a measure on the November ballot which seeks to tax corporations as a way to fund homeless relief efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have the funding and resources through Prop. C to address this comprehensively,\" Weiss said. \"We don't need a piecemeal approach.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11698313\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11698313 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"Amy Farah Weiss rallies passersby around Proposition C.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-240x320.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-375x500.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amy Farah Weiss rallies passersby around Proposition C. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other nonprofit leaders, like Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cohsf.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Coalition On Homelessness\u003c/a>, agree. She's excited about the initiative. But she said \"Rising Up\" should be thought of as an interim investment — a stop gap rather than a long-term solution to the problem of youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need to have permanent housing to ensure that as more youth become homeless, they have a safe and decent place to call home,\" Friedenbach says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rising Up\" administrators say they intend to start placing people in housing within a couple of months.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At the Tenderloin headquarters of homeless youth nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://larkinstreetyouth.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Larkin Street Youth Services\u003c/a>, excitement about the new \"\u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-rising-campaign-house-and-secure-employment-homeless-youth\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Rising Up\u003c/a>\" campaign is palpable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign aims to get homeless people aged 18 to 24 off the streets of San Francisco by providing temporary housing subsidies and job placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're going to make sure that it is unacceptable to have young people sleeping on our streets in this city ever again,\" said Larkin Street Executive Director Sherilyn Adams at the campaign launch this week. Mayor London Breed was also in attendance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11698314\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11698314\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-800x600.jpg\" alt='San Francisco Mayor London Breed kicks off the launch event for \"Rising Up.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-2-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed kicks off the launch event for \"Rising Up.\" \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Adams' organization is one of several nonprofits working alongside the city of San Francisco and corporate partners on the $22 million \"Rising Up\" initiative. With the city contributing $6 million in public funds to the effort, supporters say \"Rising Up\" will provide crucial assistance in a city where more than a thousand young people regularly sleep outdoors each night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the new campaign is drawing mixed reactions from nonprofits that work in the youth homeless services space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the Larkin Street Youth Services building, a handful of protesters wave big yellow and blue “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ourcityourhomesf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yes on C\u003c/a>” banners and chant, \"Hey Hey Mayor Breed! Unite this City! Yes on C!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy Farah Weiss, who was rallying passersby with a bullhorn, is the founder and director of the homeless nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://www.saintfrancischallenge.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Saint Francis Challenge\u003c/a>. Weiss said the city should focus on rallying voters around Proposition C, a measure on the November ballot which seeks to tax corporations as a way to fund homeless relief efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have the funding and resources through Prop. C to address this comprehensively,\" Weiss said. \"We don't need a piecemeal approach.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11698313\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11698313 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"Amy Farah Weiss rallies passersby around Proposition C.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-160x213.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-1180x1573.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-960x1280.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-240x320.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-375x500.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Rising-Up-3-e1539302996688-520x693.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amy Farah Weiss rallies passersby around Proposition C. \u003ccite>(Chloe Veltman/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other nonprofit leaders, like Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cohsf.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Coalition On Homelessness\u003c/a>, agree. She's excited about the initiative. But she said \"Rising Up\" should be thought of as an interim investment — a stop gap rather than a long-term solution to the problem of youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need to have permanent housing to ensure that as more youth become homeless, they have a safe and decent place to call home,\" Friedenbach says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Rising Up\" administrators say they intend to start placing people in housing within a couple of months.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "As Complaints Mount About Fire Clean-Up, Disaster Contractor Gives Big Money to California Dems | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Florida-based company accused of botching the clean-up after last year’s devastating fires in Santa Rosa has jumped into California politics, writing big checks to Gavin Newsom’s gubernatorial campaign and the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AshBritt, which contracted with the federal government to clean up the disaster, and another company owned by AshBritt chairman Randal Perkins together \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2303065\">donated\u003c/a> $250,000 to the state Democratic Party on Oct. 4, campaign filings show. Two weeks earlier, AshBritt CEO Brittany Perkins donated $29,200 to Newsom’s campaign, the maximum allowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The donations come as Santa Rosa homeowners \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">complain\u003c/a> their fire-ravaged properties were further damaged by federal contractors, and as California emergency officials blast the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers for lax oversight, leading to “negligent and potentially fraudulent acts” by the contracted companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An AshBritt spokesman said the company followed all laws and regulations during the clean-up and that criticism from state leaders has nothing to do with its foray into California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We contribute throughout the country in areas where we work,” said Gerardo Castillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our donations are made as good corporate citizens by our employees and our owners, and there is no connection with any political issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent events indicate some reasons to anticipate political problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Mark Ghilarducci, director of the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11688776/in-scathing-letter-state-criticizes-army-corps-poor-oversight-in-north-bay-wildfire-cleanup\">wrote a scathing letter\u003c/a> to the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers, saying that contractors hired to remove debris from burned areas in Santa Rosa excavated so much extra material that they damaged driveways, septic systems, wells and other features on hundreds of properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insufficient oversight allowed contractors to “take far more soil than was necessary,” Ghilarducci wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given these subcontractors were paid per ton of soil removed, it is probable this over-excavation was an intentional effort to capitalize on this tragedy by defrauding the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter does not name specific companies, but Castillo said AshBritt played a lead role in removing debris after the fire and a KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">investigation\u003c/a> says it was one of three prime contractors awarded the $1.3 billion clean-up job by the Army Corps of Engineers. The KQED investigation also says the state licensing board fined AshBritt and five subcontractors for contracting without a license. One subcontractor was found to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8237518-181/sonoma-county-fire-debris-subcontractor?sba=AAS\">violated\u003c/a> several safety laws, leading to the death of a worker. Castillo said the investigation of the death did not lead to any negative findings about AshBritt, and that the contract to be paid by the ton for hauling debris was structured to promote efficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">Inside the Wildfire Debris Removal Job That Cost Taxpayers $1.3 Billion\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/fire_debris_featured_fin005-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Formed in 1992, AshBritt is now a major player in the business of disaster recovery. It has worked on more than 200 disaster sites, including the clean-up from Hurricanes Katrina and Sandy. The New Jersey Star Ledger described AshBritt as a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.nj.com/politics/index.ssf/2013/01/politically_connected_florida.html\">politically connected\u003c/a>” firm that has made billions from government contracts. Its work following Hurricane Irma in Florida last year prompted that state’s attorney general to \u003ca href=\"http://www.myfloridalegal.com/newsrel.nsf/newsreleases/A6085634275D6A35852581AD0074405D\">open\u003c/a> an investigation into potential price-gouging, which a spokesman said remains ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom campaign and the Democratic Party did not return calls seeking comment for this article.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats aren’t the only ones benefiting from AshBritt’s political spending this year. The \u003ca href=\"http://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/fecimg/?201805249113352235\">company\u003c/a> also donated $500,000 to a pro-Trump super-PAC in April. That led to a complaint by the Campaign Legal Center, alleging that federal contractors are prohibited from making federal campaign contributions and that the donation was made the day after AshBritt received a payment of almost the same amount from a Department of Defense contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AshBritt founder and chairman Randy Perkins \u003ca href=\"https://www.rollcall.com/news/politics/federal-contractors-made-illegal-pro-trump-super-pac-contributions-complaint-says\">told Roll Call\u003c/a> it was just a paperwork error — the donation was from him personally, not his company, which is allowed under federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AshBritt’s political activity in California has largely been dormant for the last decade. Between 2005 and 2008 the company and its founder gave more than $300,000 to Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, one of his ballot measures and state and local GOP groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Florida-based company accused of botching the clean-up after last year’s devastating fires in Santa Rosa has jumped into California politics, writing big checks to Gavin Newsom’s gubernatorial campaign and the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AshBritt, which contracted with the federal government to clean up the disaster, and another company owned by AshBritt chairman Randal Perkins together \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2303065\">donated\u003c/a> $250,000 to the state Democratic Party on Oct. 4, campaign filings show. Two weeks earlier, AshBritt CEO Brittany Perkins donated $29,200 to Newsom’s campaign, the maximum allowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The donations come as Santa Rosa homeowners \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">complain\u003c/a> their fire-ravaged properties were further damaged by federal contractors, and as California emergency officials blast the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers for lax oversight, leading to “negligent and potentially fraudulent acts” by the contracted companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An AshBritt spokesman said the company followed all laws and regulations during the clean-up and that criticism from state leaders has nothing to do with its foray into California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We contribute throughout the country in areas where we work,” said Gerardo Castillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our donations are made as good corporate citizens by our employees and our owners, and there is no connection with any political issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But recent events indicate some reasons to anticipate political problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Mark Ghilarducci, director of the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11688776/in-scathing-letter-state-criticizes-army-corps-poor-oversight-in-north-bay-wildfire-cleanup\">wrote a scathing letter\u003c/a> to the U.S. Army Corp of Engineers, saying that contractors hired to remove debris from burned areas in Santa Rosa excavated so much extra material that they damaged driveways, septic systems, wells and other features on hundreds of properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insufficient oversight allowed contractors to “take far more soil than was necessary,” Ghilarducci wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given these subcontractors were paid per ton of soil removed, it is probable this over-excavation was an intentional effort to capitalize on this tragedy by defrauding the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter does not name specific companies, but Castillo said AshBritt played a lead role in removing debris after the fire and a KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">investigation\u003c/a> says it was one of three prime contractors awarded the $1.3 billion clean-up job by the Army Corps of Engineers. The KQED investigation also says the state licensing board fined AshBritt and five subcontractors for contracting without a license. One subcontractor was found to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8237518-181/sonoma-county-fire-debris-subcontractor?sba=AAS\">violated\u003c/a> several safety laws, leading to the death of a worker. Castillo said the investigation of the death did not lead to any negative findings about AshBritt, and that the contract to be paid by the ton for hauling debris was structured to promote efficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">Inside the Wildfire Debris Removal Job That Cost Taxpayers $1.3 Billion\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11681280/cleaning-up-inside-the-wildfire-debris-removal-job-that-cost-taxpayers-1-3-billion\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/07/fire_debris_featured_fin005-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Formed in 1992, AshBritt is now a major player in the business of disaster recovery. It has worked on more than 200 disaster sites, including the clean-up from Hurricanes Katrina and Sandy. The New Jersey Star Ledger described AshBritt as a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.nj.com/politics/index.ssf/2013/01/politically_connected_florida.html\">politically connected\u003c/a>” firm that has made billions from government contracts. Its work following Hurricane Irma in Florida last year prompted that state’s attorney general to \u003ca href=\"http://www.myfloridalegal.com/newsrel.nsf/newsreleases/A6085634275D6A35852581AD0074405D\">open\u003c/a> an investigation into potential price-gouging, which a spokesman said remains ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom campaign and the Democratic Party did not return calls seeking comment for this article.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democrats aren’t the only ones benefiting from AshBritt’s political spending this year. The \u003ca href=\"http://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/fecimg/?201805249113352235\">company\u003c/a> also donated $500,000 to a pro-Trump super-PAC in April. That led to a complaint by the Campaign Legal Center, alleging that federal contractors are prohibited from making federal campaign contributions and that the donation was made the day after AshBritt received a payment of almost the same amount from a Department of Defense contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AshBritt founder and chairman Randy Perkins \u003ca href=\"https://www.rollcall.com/news/politics/federal-contractors-made-illegal-pro-trump-super-pac-contributions-complaint-says\">told Roll Call\u003c/a> it was just a paperwork error — the donation was from him personally, not his company, which is allowed under federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AshBritt’s political activity in California has largely been dormant for the last decade. Between 2005 and 2008 the company and its founder gave more than $300,000 to Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, one of his ballot measures and state and local GOP groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]t’s been a year since the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/north-bay-fires\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">deadly North Bay Fires\u003c/a>, but head to any burned down neighborhood in Santa Rosa, and you might not think so. Most people haven’t even started rebuilding their homes yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as those survivors are in the thick of their own insurance claims, they’re helping survivors of this summer’s wildfires navigate their recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vita Iskandar lost her Santa Rosa home in last year’s Tubbs Fire — the most destructive fire in California history. Her fire story is long from over, but it begins with teamwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we were all evacuating, we were all out on the street,” Iskandar said. “We all put eyes on each other to make sure that we all accounted for everybody and we would get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, only one house in her neighborhood has been rebuilt. It’s hard to visualize anything other than flat earth and scorched trees, but Iskandar remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The front of our yard was sort of an English countryside theme,” she said. “It was very verdant with rosemary and lavender and a recently planted peach tree. Lots and lots of poppies every summer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iskandar and her partner don’t even know if they’ll rebuild their home of 15 years. It all depends on how much money they get from their insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really want to move on,” Iskandar said. “We’re just stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of their neighbors are in the same position. Many, especially older residents, have given up and sold their lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They couldn’t imagine spending their twilight years rebuilding,” Iskandar explained. “And that’s really sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697844\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697844\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-800x610.jpg\" alt=\"Vita Iskandar stands where her home used to be before it was destroyed by the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. She doesn't know if she'll rebuild.\" width=\"800\" height=\"610\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-800x610.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-1020x778.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-1200x915.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-1180x900.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-960x732.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-240x183.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-375x286.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-520x397.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vita Iskandar stands where her home used to be before it was destroyed by the Tubbs Fire in October, 2017. She doesn’t know if she’ll rebuild. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She and her neighbors who are sticking around are looking out for each other, just like they did the first night of the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iskandar put together a \u003ca href=\"https://neighborstogethersr.com/\">website\u003c/a> and email lists to share insurance information, and helps run \u003ca href=\"https://neighborstogethersr.com/event/free-financial-planning-for-fire-survivors-10-20-18/\">workshops\u003c/a> throughout Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Helping other people became my coping strategy,” Iskandar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That help has extended 3 1/2 hours north to the community room of the Redding Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Helping other people became my coping strategy.’\u003ccite>Vita Iskandar, Tubbs Fire survivor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Iskandar recently led a workshop there for survivors of the massive \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689687/deadly-carr-fire-fully-contained-but-work-is-far-from-over\">Carr Fire\u003c/a> that broke out in late July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the things we’re trying to accomplish is to inspire the people who would do the same things in this community,” Iskandar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iskandar says sharing information and working together to contact insurance companies helps fire survivors better advocate for more money to rebuild their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Dowling was really excited by that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wouldn’t it be neat though if we could find out who the other Farmers [Insurance] people are?” he asked a small group of fellow Carr Fire survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"Jim and Donna Dowling stand in front of the rubble that used to be the home they built from scratch 25 years ago outside Redding. It burned down in the Carr Fire in late July.\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-800x586.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-1020x747.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-1200x879.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-1180x864.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-960x703.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-240x176.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-375x275.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-520x381.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim and Donna Dowling stand in front of the rubble that used to be the home they built from scratch 25 years ago outside Redding. It burned down in the Carr Fire in late July. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jim and his wife Donna sat in a small circle with those fellow survivors, and started brainstorming how they could get people with Farmers Insurance together to send a letter to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fellow Farmers are up against the exact same issues,” Jim Dowling said. “Sixty percent on the contents, and you gotta itemize if you want a farthing more than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the Dowlings can only get 60 percent of the value of their belongings — unless they take an inventory of everything in their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s especially hard to do when there’s nothing left of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their home, which they built from scratch more than 25 years ago, was in a rural neighborhood outside Redding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a one-story, painted forest green,” Jim Dowling said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big 50-foot-long deck in the back,” Donna Dowling added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They had lush flower and vegetable gardens, overlooking several acres of undeveloped land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697842\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697842\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Jim and Donna Dowling look at pictures of the lush gardens they maintained outside their home, before it was all destroyed in the Carr Fire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim and Donna Dowling look at pictures of the lush gardens they maintained outside their home, before it was all destroyed in the Carr Fire. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’m done with the sad stage, I really am. I’m hopeful,” Jim Dowling said. “Can you say that honey?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say,” Donna Dowling said. “I mean the sadness, the stuff is in our hearts and photos that we can look at, the memories, and you can’t get it back and if you just wallow in that, it’s not healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, they’re moving on. Trying to settle an insurance claim that could take more than a year — and at Vita Iskandar’s suggestion, banding together with their neighbors to share information and advocate for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Dowlings want to enjoy that 50-foot deck again, even if it’s overlooking a charred landscape.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Even as survivors of last year's deadly firestorm are in the thick of their own insurance claims, they’re sticking together and helping survivors of this summer’s wildfires navigate their recovery.",
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"title": "Santa Rosa Wildfire Survivors Pay It Forward by Helping Others | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>t’s been a year since the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/north-bay-fires\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">deadly North Bay Fires\u003c/a>, but head to any burned down neighborhood in Santa Rosa, and you might not think so. Most people haven’t even started rebuilding their homes yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as those survivors are in the thick of their own insurance claims, they’re helping survivors of this summer’s wildfires navigate their recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vita Iskandar lost her Santa Rosa home in last year’s Tubbs Fire — the most destructive fire in California history. Her fire story is long from over, but it begins with teamwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we were all evacuating, we were all out on the street,” Iskandar said. “We all put eyes on each other to make sure that we all accounted for everybody and we would get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, only one house in her neighborhood has been rebuilt. It’s hard to visualize anything other than flat earth and scorched trees, but Iskandar remembers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The front of our yard was sort of an English countryside theme,” she said. “It was very verdant with rosemary and lavender and a recently planted peach tree. Lots and lots of poppies every summer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iskandar and her partner don’t even know if they’ll rebuild their home of 15 years. It all depends on how much money they get from their insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really want to move on,” Iskandar said. “We’re just stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of their neighbors are in the same position. Many, especially older residents, have given up and sold their lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They couldn’t imagine spending their twilight years rebuilding,” Iskandar explained. “And that’s really sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697844\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697844\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-800x610.jpg\" alt=\"Vita Iskandar stands where her home used to be before it was destroyed by the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. She doesn't know if she'll rebuild.\" width=\"800\" height=\"610\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-800x610.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-1020x778.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-1200x915.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-1180x900.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-960x732.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-240x183.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-375x286.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Iskandar-520x397.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vita Iskandar stands where her home used to be before it was destroyed by the Tubbs Fire in October, 2017. She doesn’t know if she’ll rebuild. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She and her neighbors who are sticking around are looking out for each other, just like they did the first night of the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iskandar put together a \u003ca href=\"https://neighborstogethersr.com/\">website\u003c/a> and email lists to share insurance information, and helps run \u003ca href=\"https://neighborstogethersr.com/event/free-financial-planning-for-fire-survivors-10-20-18/\">workshops\u003c/a> throughout Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Helping other people became my coping strategy,” Iskandar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That help has extended 3 1/2 hours north to the community room of the Redding Library.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Helping other people became my coping strategy.’\u003ccite>Vita Iskandar, Tubbs Fire survivor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Iskandar recently led a workshop there for survivors of the massive \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689687/deadly-carr-fire-fully-contained-but-work-is-far-from-over\">Carr Fire\u003c/a> that broke out in late July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the things we’re trying to accomplish is to inspire the people who would do the same things in this community,” Iskandar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iskandar says sharing information and working together to contact insurance companies helps fire survivors better advocate for more money to rebuild their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Dowling was really excited by that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wouldn’t it be neat though if we could find out who the other Farmers [Insurance] people are?” he asked a small group of fellow Carr Fire survivors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697836\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-800x586.jpg\" alt=\"Jim and Donna Dowling stand in front of the rubble that used to be the home they built from scratch 25 years ago outside Redding. It burned down in the Carr Fire in late July.\" width=\"800\" height=\"586\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-800x586.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-1020x747.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-1200x879.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-1180x864.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-960x703.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-240x176.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-375x275.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsStand-520x381.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim and Donna Dowling stand in front of the rubble that used to be the home they built from scratch 25 years ago outside Redding. It burned down in the Carr Fire in late July. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jim and his wife Donna sat in a small circle with those fellow survivors, and started brainstorming how they could get people with Farmers Insurance together to send a letter to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fellow Farmers are up against the exact same issues,” Jim Dowling said. “Sixty percent on the contents, and you gotta itemize if you want a farthing more than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the Dowlings can only get 60 percent of the value of their belongings — unless they take an inventory of everything in their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s especially hard to do when there’s nothing left of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their home, which they built from scratch more than 25 years ago, was in a rural neighborhood outside Redding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a one-story, painted forest green,” Jim Dowling said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big 50-foot-long deck in the back,” Donna Dowling added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They had lush flower and vegetable gardens, overlooking several acres of undeveloped land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11697842\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11697842\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Jim and Donna Dowling look at pictures of the lush gardens they maintained outside their home, before it was all destroyed in the Carr Fire.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/DowlingsBook-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim and Donna Dowling look at pictures of the lush gardens they maintained outside their home, before it was all destroyed in the Carr Fire. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’m done with the sad stage, I really am. I’m hopeful,” Jim Dowling said. “Can you say that honey?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say,” Donna Dowling said. “I mean the sadness, the stuff is in our hearts and photos that we can look at, the memories, and you can’t get it back and if you just wallow in that, it’s not healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, they’re moving on. Trying to settle an insurance claim that could take more than a year — and at Vita Iskandar’s suggestion, banding together with their neighbors to share information and advocate for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Dowlings want to enjoy that 50-foot deck again, even if it’s overlooking a charred landscape.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 5, which would give homeowners over 55, and a few others, the ability to take their low property tax rates with them to a new house. It is essentially an extension of Proposition 13, which was put into place 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, and we’re on day three of Bay Curious Prop Week. Today, we’re digging in on Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SCOTT SHAFER: Proposition 5 would basically expand Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 13 passed 40 years ago and gives property owners low, low property tax rates with only tiny increases. And now with the state — and especially the Bay Area — in the middle of a housing crisis, voters are being asked to double down on Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Problem is, it doesn’t really increase the housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Today, Erika Aguilar and the team at “The Bay” podcast will dig into the pros and cons of Prop 5. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: So let’s start at the beginning. First of all tell me your name and a little bit about yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KENNETH WILKINS: Oh god.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Kenneth Wilkins is a longtime resident of North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Scott Shafer is senior editor of the California Politics and Government Desk at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Just spell your name for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Kenneth. K-E-N-N-E-T-H.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He’s been there… He was born basically in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And so you moved here, you said ’86?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s a beautiful neighborhood. It’s very quiet… tree-lined streets, mostly single-family homes, a few larger apartment buildings. There’s a lot of construction going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: It seems like everyone who purchased a house, they are refurbishing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He was walking me down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This house was the Dickson’s here. And they were here when I came in 1976. And this one here, Mr. Armstrong — he helped us with some plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So he’s been on the block for 40 some years. How much was that house when he first bought it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, it was very funny. He pointed to a car, his car that was parked in front of the house. And he said…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it cost less than this car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Is that right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This car cost $21,000 I think. And it was less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was like a Toyota. But it wasn’t a Tesla. It was like a beat up Toyota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So that’s just representative of what the housing market looked like back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s not something he could find in the cushions of his couch. He had to get a loan. But nonetheless you get a sense of how much it’s gone up. Those houses now sell for three quarters of a million or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I never dreamed that a house would be sold for over a million in this neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: But they do.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=5]\u003cbr>\nAGUILAR: I want to get into Proposition 5, but before we do that, I feel like we have to talk about Proposition 13. So can you tell me the story of how Proposition 13 became a California law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Yeah, you have to go back to the late-to-mid-1970s. Jerry Brown was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: After two terms of Ronald Reagan’s conservatism, California voters, who elected Jerry Brown as governor last year, were expecting several changes in state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The cost of everything was going up quickly because inflation was high, and back then, local governments could raise the property taxes whenever they wanted to. And so if they needed to pay for something, they raised property taxes a little bit, and so people’s tax bills were going up as the value of their homes went up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Inflation’s hit the standard of living particularly hard here and soaring property taxes have been a major factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: People, especially seniors, on fixed incomes were having a hard time staying in their homes. And at the same time the state had a pretty big budget surplus. And so there was all this talk in Sacramento about, “Well gee, why don’t we give people a tax rebate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But that didn’t happen. So there was this frustration building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOWARD JARVIS: I am forming the American Tax Reduction Movement for the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: There were two guys, Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, who became the spokespeople for this tax revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: And the purpose of this amendment is, number one, to reduce the amount of money that government takes in in taxes because we think the only way you can cut spending is to not give them the money in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: What was the reaction to it? How popular was it back then?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was really popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Proposition 13 caused what may be a record voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: I mean this was a really overwhelming passage. It probably got about 65 percent of the vote in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JARVIS: We have proven that here in California, that we the people, not the politicians, are still the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REPORTER: A thunderous response from Howard Jarvis…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Proposition 13 did a few things. First, it taxed homes based on their 1976 values. Then for anyone buying a house after that, Prop 13 set the property tax rate at just 1 percent of home sales price. And it can only be increased by a maximum of 2 percent each year until the house is sold again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It has taken a lot of money away from schools. Those local property taxes are used to fund programs including education. I think when Prop 13 passed, California was near the top in per pupil spending. Now we’re more toward the bottom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Back to Ken. What does Proposition 13 mean for him? Like how does it affect him considering that there’s a lot of movement along his block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, he’s clearly benefited from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And do you remember if you voted for it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: His tax bill is, I don’t know exactly what it is, but it’s a lot less than somebody who lives next door and just bought the house and is paying taxes based on the market rate assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Can people move their low property tax rates around right now? Or does it just stick to the house or property that you own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you’re 55 years or older or severely disabled, you can buy a home of the same or less value and take that with you to another county… if that county has agreed to accept that lower value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So not all counties are in on this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Not all counties. In fact, most counties are not, so just about 10 of the 58 counties in California have agreed to accept this lower tax rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So what problem is Proposition 5 trying to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you talk to realtors or if you talk to seniors…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: California realtors have an important chance to protect California’s homeowners and extend much needed property tax protection to seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: They have these big homes that they’re rattling around in, and they really would like to downsize. The problem is they’ve got this great deal on their property tax because they’ve been there so long and so they know if they move and buy a market value home, their tax rate is going to go way up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: It will remove an unfair move-in penalty or property tax spike that prevents many seniors from selling their single family home in order to downsize or move closer to their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The argument here is that they will sell their big house, move to a smaller house and free up their bigger house for young families that want a three- or four-bedroom place. The problem of course is can a young family afford to buy that house?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Who has introduced Proposition 5? Like who backs it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LYNDA EISENMANN: Hi, my name is Lynda Eisenmann. I’m a broker, real estate broker in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The California Association of Realtors — and their national association as well — have kicked in at least $7 million to collect the signatures to get it on the ballot and then presumably to spend some of that money to help get it passed. They have an interest in it. You know, if you sell a house you get a commission, so they like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EISENMANN: It’s when people stay put that we have a more stagnant market in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: OK. Who’s on the other side? Like who is against Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Local governments are opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Tenants rights groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Tenants groups. Yeah. I mean all these groups, including education advocates, they’re afraid that schools are going to get less money. David Chiu is an assemblyman from San Francisco. He is a big opponent of Prop 5. He thinks it’s a big tax giveaway to people who don’t really need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIU: Prop 5 is an enormous tax break for longtime wealthy property owners who get to pile on more tax breaks on top of what they already have. While renters and first-time home buyers continue to face higher home prices it does nothing to actually address the housing crisis, and it continues to exacerbate the income inequality that is unfortunately the story all over the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And the legislative analysts who analyzed this said it’s going to ultimately cost local governments about a billion dollars in lost revenue in the coming years if Prop 5 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So what does Ken think about Proposition 5? Does he think he’s going to vote for Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You know he’s really thinking about it. He’s not sure. He clearly would benefit himself. On the other hand, he’s not in a big hurry to sell his house and move. In fact, he said “I’d like to be here till I’m 99 years old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: In our case, I don’t think we will sell the property. We’ll pass it on to our grandkids and the grandkids’ kids and so forth. My daughter said, “No don’t sell it. Don’t sell it. When we get old enough, we won’t be able to buy a house.” Which pretty much came true, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: She was right. That said, I think he likes the idea of Prop 5, but also he’s very thoughtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think it might affect the tax base for those other counties or cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You’re right. And what would that mean?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it would be something, I mean, to really think about before you voted against it or for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now Prop 5 is not the only housing-related prop on the ballot. The one getting the most attention is about expanding rent control, Prop 10. We’ll have a whole episode about that one on Friday. But there are a couple of other housing props we want to flag for you. First, Prop 1.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=1]\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state issue $4 billion in bonds to fund the construction of affordable housing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Money from Prop 1 would be used to give out low-interest loans for multi-family housing projects. It would also be used to help veterans buy homes. This would give California more housing, but some people say the real barrier to building is bureaucratic red tape and this wouldn’t address that. The $4 billion bond would ultimately cost California taxpayers just short of $6 billion over the next 35 years. And then there’s Prop 2.\u003cbr>\n[2018-prop prop=2]\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state be allowed to use money intended for mental health services to pay for housing for homeless Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Back in 2004, voters passed Prop 63 which raised taxes on millionaires to fund mental health services. Lawmakers want to use some of that money to pay for housing for people with mental illness. But it’s not clear if they can legally do that. Prop 2 clears everything up. It would allow the state to issue $2 billion in bonds to fund housing projects for people who are homeless and have mental illness. And it would let those bonds be paid back using tax revenues from Prop 63. The so-called housing first method has worked to curb homelessness elsewhere, but putting this money toward housing would mean there would be less going toward treatment and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I know we’ve thrown a lot at you today, so if you have more questions about any of this — especially Prop 5 — we’re having a Facebook Live where we can dig in even more. That’ll be on Wednesday, Oct. 17 at noon. You can RSVP ahead of time so you won’t miss it. Details at BayCurious.org. You can also check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to producer Jessica Placzek, politics editor Scott Shafer, and our friends at “The Bay” podcast: Erika Aguilar, Vinnee Tong and Devin Katayama. Love you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Tomorrow we’re talking about the props that could impact our health care in California — and potentially the entire country. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED. I’m Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\">Prop 6, Gas Tax – 12 p.m., Oct. 10 \u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 5, which would give homeowners over 55, and a few others, the ability to take their low property tax rates with them to a new house. It is essentially an extension of Proposition 13, which was put into place 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, and we’re on day three of Bay Curious Prop Week. Today, we’re digging in on Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SCOTT SHAFER: Proposition 5 would basically expand Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Prop 13 passed 40 years ago and gives property owners low, low property tax rates with only tiny increases. And now with the state — and especially the Bay Area — in the middle of a housing crisis, voters are being asked to double down on Prop 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Problem is, it doesn’t really increase the housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Today, Erika Aguilar and the team at “The Bay” podcast will dig into the pros and cons of Prop 5. Stick around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: So let’s start at the beginning. First of all tell me your name and a little bit about yourself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KENNETH WILKINS: Oh god.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Kenneth Wilkins is a longtime resident of North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Scott Shafer is senior editor of the California Politics and Government Desk at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Just spell your name for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Kenneth. K-E-N-N-E-T-H.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He’s been there… He was born basically in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And so you moved here, you said ’86?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s a beautiful neighborhood. It’s very quiet… tree-lined streets, mostly single-family homes, a few larger apartment buildings. There’s a lot of construction going on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: It seems like everyone who purchased a house, they are refurbishing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: He was walking me down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This house was the Dickson’s here. And they were here when I came in 1976. And this one here, Mr. Armstrong — he helped us with some plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So he’s been on the block for 40 some years. How much was that house when he first bought it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, it was very funny. He pointed to a car, his car that was parked in front of the house. And he said…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it cost less than this car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Is that right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: This car cost $21,000 I think. And it was less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was like a Toyota. But it wasn’t a Tesla. It was like a beat up Toyota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So that’s just representative of what the housing market looked like back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It’s not something he could find in the cushions of his couch. He had to get a loan. But nonetheless you get a sense of how much it’s gone up. Those houses now sell for three quarters of a million or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I never dreamed that a house would be sold for over a million in this neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: But they do.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nAGUILAR: I want to get into Proposition 5, but before we do that, I feel like we have to talk about Proposition 13. So can you tell me the story of how Proposition 13 became a California law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Yeah, you have to go back to the late-to-mid-1970s. Jerry Brown was governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: After two terms of Ronald Reagan’s conservatism, California voters, who elected Jerry Brown as governor last year, were expecting several changes in state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The cost of everything was going up quickly because inflation was high, and back then, local governments could raise the property taxes whenever they wanted to. And so if they needed to pay for something, they raised property taxes a little bit, and so people’s tax bills were going up as the value of their homes went up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Inflation’s hit the standard of living particularly hard here and soaring property taxes have been a major factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: People, especially seniors, on fixed incomes were having a hard time staying in their homes. And at the same time the state had a pretty big budget surplus. And so there was all this talk in Sacramento about, “Well gee, why don’t we give people a tax rebate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: But that didn’t happen. So there was this frustration building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOWARD JARVIS: I am forming the American Tax Reduction Movement for the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: There were two guys, Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann, who became the spokespeople for this tax revolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: And the purpose of this amendment is, number one, to reduce the amount of money that government takes in in taxes because we think the only way you can cut spending is to not give them the money in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: What was the reaction to it? How popular was it back then?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It was really popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NEWS CLIP: Proposition 13 caused what may be a record voter turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: I mean this was a really overwhelming passage. It probably got about 65 percent of the vote in 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JARVIS: We have proven that here in California, that we the people, not the politicians, are still the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REPORTER: A thunderous response from Howard Jarvis…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Proposition 13 did a few things. First, it taxed homes based on their 1976 values. Then for anyone buying a house after that, Prop 13 set the property tax rate at just 1 percent of home sales price. And it can only be increased by a maximum of 2 percent each year until the house is sold again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: It has taken a lot of money away from schools. Those local property taxes are used to fund programs including education. I think when Prop 13 passed, California was near the top in per pupil spending. Now we’re more toward the bottom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Back to Ken. What does Proposition 13 mean for him? Like how does it affect him considering that there’s a lot of movement along his block?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Well, he’s clearly benefited from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And do you remember if you voted for it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think I did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: His tax bill is, I don’t know exactly what it is, but it’s a lot less than somebody who lives next door and just bought the house and is paying taxes based on the market rate assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Can people move their low property tax rates around right now? Or does it just stick to the house or property that you own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you’re 55 years or older or severely disabled, you can buy a home of the same or less value and take that with you to another county… if that county has agreed to accept that lower value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So not all counties are in on this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Not all counties. In fact, most counties are not, so just about 10 of the 58 counties in California have agreed to accept this lower tax rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: So what problem is Proposition 5 trying to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: If you talk to realtors or if you talk to seniors…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: California realtors have an important chance to protect California’s homeowners and extend much needed property tax protection to seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: They have these big homes that they’re rattling around in, and they really would like to downsize. The problem is they’ve got this great deal on their property tax because they’ve been there so long and so they know if they move and buy a market value home, their tax rate is going to go way up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CLIP: It will remove an unfair move-in penalty or property tax spike that prevents many seniors from selling their single family home in order to downsize or move closer to their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The argument here is that they will sell their big house, move to a smaller house and free up their bigger house for young families that want a three- or four-bedroom place. The problem of course is can a young family afford to buy that house?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Who has introduced Proposition 5? Like who backs it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LYNDA EISENMANN: Hi, my name is Lynda Eisenmann. I’m a broker, real estate broker in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: The California Association of Realtors — and their national association as well — have kicked in at least $7 million to collect the signatures to get it on the ballot and then presumably to spend some of that money to help get it passed. They have an interest in it. You know, if you sell a house you get a commission, so they like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EISENMANN: It’s when people stay put that we have a more stagnant market in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: OK. Who’s on the other side? Like who is against Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Local governments are opposed to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Tenants rights groups?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: Tenants groups. Yeah. I mean all these groups, including education advocates, they’re afraid that schools are going to get less money. David Chiu is an assemblyman from San Francisco. He is a big opponent of Prop 5. He thinks it’s a big tax giveaway to people who don’t really need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHIU: Prop 5 is an enormous tax break for longtime wealthy property owners who get to pile on more tax breaks on top of what they already have. While renters and first-time home buyers continue to face higher home prices it does nothing to actually address the housing crisis, and it continues to exacerbate the income inequality that is unfortunately the story all over the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: And the legislative analysts who analyzed this said it’s going to ultimately cost local governments about a billion dollars in lost revenue in the coming years if Prop 5 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AGUILAR: Wow. So what does Ken think about Proposition 5? Does he think he’s going to vote for Proposition 5?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You know he’s really thinking about it. He’s not sure. He clearly would benefit himself. On the other hand, he’s not in a big hurry to sell his house and move. In fact, he said “I’d like to be here till I’m 99 years old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: In our case, I don’t think we will sell the property. We’ll pass it on to our grandkids and the grandkids’ kids and so forth. My daughter said, “No don’t sell it. Don’t sell it. When we get old enough, we won’t be able to buy a house.” Which pretty much came true, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: She was right. That said, I think he likes the idea of Prop 5, but also he’s very thoughtful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: I think it might affect the tax base for those other counties or cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SHAFER: You’re right. And what would that mean?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>WILKINS: Actually it would be something, I mean, to really think about before you voted against it or for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Now Prop 5 is not the only housing-related prop on the ballot. The one getting the most attention is about expanding rent control, Prop 10. We’ll have a whole episode about that one on Friday. But there are a couple of other housing props we want to flag for you. First, Prop 1.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state issue $4 billion in bonds to fund the construction of affordable housing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Money from Prop 1 would be used to give out low-interest loans for multi-family housing projects. It would also be used to help veterans buy homes. This would give California more housing, but some people say the real barrier to building is bureaucratic red tape and this wouldn’t address that. The $4 billion bond would ultimately cost California taxpayers just short of $6 billion over the next 35 years. And then there’s Prop 2.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nVOICE OVER: Should the state be allowed to use money intended for mental health services to pay for housing for homeless Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Back in 2004, voters passed Prop 63 which raised taxes on millionaires to fund mental health services. Lawmakers want to use some of that money to pay for housing for people with mental illness. But it’s not clear if they can legally do that. Prop 2 clears everything up. It would allow the state to issue $2 billion in bonds to fund housing projects for people who are homeless and have mental illness. And it would let those bonds be paid back using tax revenues from Prop 63. The so-called housing first method has worked to curb homelessness elsewhere, but putting this money toward housing would mean there would be less going toward treatment and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I know we’ve thrown a lot at you today, so if you have more questions about any of this — especially Prop 5 — we’re having a Facebook Live where we can dig in even more. That’ll be on Wednesday, Oct. 17 at noon. You can RSVP ahead of time so you won’t miss it. Details at BayCurious.org. You can also check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Thanks to producer Jessica Placzek, politics editor Scott Shafer, and our friends at “The Bay” podcast: Erika Aguilar, Vinnee Tong and Devin Katayama. Love you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"perspectives": {
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
"airtime": "SUN 12am-1am, SAT 2pm-3pm",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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