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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday, 1:40 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Rosa voters are on their way to rejecting a widely-backed ballot measure that would have funded affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of 1:40 a.m., with almost all precincts reporting, Measure N is short of the two-thirds majority required to pass, with less than 60 percent support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $124 million bond was introduced in response to a housing crisis made worse by last October’s wildfires. Santa Rosa lost five percent of its housing stock in the Tubbs Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Endorsements for Measure N ran the gamut from developers to environmental groups to the entire Santa Rosa City Council. But the North Bay Labor Council, which represents 70 unions, opposed it, arguing it didn’t include enough labor protections for construction workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Rosa lost five percent of its housing in last October’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tubbs-fire\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tubbs fire\u003c/a>, putting a squeeze on an already tight housing market. One way the city is trying to fix that is with a bond on the November ballot to fund affordable housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure N would tax Santa Rosa homeowners $29 per $100,000 of the assessed value of their home. The city estimates this would cost the “typical” homeowner there around $110 annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can build this kind of housing in Santa Rosa, but we need the money to help subsidize it,” said Mayor Chris Coursey. “Affordable housing doesn’t just appear out of the goodness of developers’ hearts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Endorsements for Measure N run the gamut from developers to hospitals to the entire City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the North Bay Labor Council, which has 70 member unions, has opposed the measure. Executive Director Jack Buckhorn said that’s because Measure N doesn’t provide enough worker protections, like requiring 30 percent of workers involved in the building projects to be skilled labor and part of a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was these wealthy developers that opposed our basic workforce protections and so it really is crisis capitalism at its worst,” said Buckhorn. “It needs to be stopped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Jack Tibbetts, who introduced Measure N, defended his choice not to include those protections during an August City Council meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was made clear to me that its inclusion would trigger organized and funded opposition from a handful of groups and this was very unfortunate,” said Tibbetts. “When the opportunity to house upwards of 2,000 vulnerable families … hangs in the balance, I cannot gamble with gamesmanship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for housing is so great members of Teamsters Local 665 actually voted to endorse Measure N — going against the stance of the North Bay Labor Council that they’re a part of. At least a dozen of their members lost their homes in last October’s wildfires, and the immediate need for housing relief simply outweighed concerns over labor protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Coursey said he chose to endorse it for largely the same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I happened to support the labor side … but that side lost, and the city council then went ahead and voted unanimously to put this thing on the ballot, because we know what it’s going to do it in this city. It’s going to provide jobs to union members and others,” said Coursey. “To me that was a time to move on and do what is best for the city.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Wednesday, 1:40 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Rosa voters are on their way to rejecting a widely-backed ballot measure that would have funded affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of 1:40 a.m., with almost all precincts reporting, Measure N is short of the two-thirds majority required to pass, with less than 60 percent support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $124 million bond was introduced in response to a housing crisis made worse by last October’s wildfires. Santa Rosa lost five percent of its housing stock in the Tubbs Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Endorsements for Measure N ran the gamut from developers to environmental groups to the entire Santa Rosa City Council. But the North Bay Labor Council, which represents 70 unions, opposed it, arguing it didn’t include enough labor protections for construction workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Rosa lost five percent of its housing in last October’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/tubbs-fire\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tubbs fire\u003c/a>, putting a squeeze on an already tight housing market. One way the city is trying to fix that is with a bond on the November ballot to fund affordable housing projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measure N would tax Santa Rosa homeowners $29 per $100,000 of the assessed value of their home. The city estimates this would cost the “typical” homeowner there around $110 annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can build this kind of housing in Santa Rosa, but we need the money to help subsidize it,” said Mayor Chris Coursey. “Affordable housing doesn’t just appear out of the goodness of developers’ hearts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Endorsements for Measure N run the gamut from developers to hospitals to the entire City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the North Bay Labor Council, which has 70 member unions, has opposed the measure. Executive Director Jack Buckhorn said that’s because Measure N doesn’t provide enough worker protections, like requiring 30 percent of workers involved in the building projects to be skilled labor and part of a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was these wealthy developers that opposed our basic workforce protections and so it really is crisis capitalism at its worst,” said Buckhorn. “It needs to be stopped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Jack Tibbetts, who introduced Measure N, defended his choice not to include those protections during an August City Council meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was made clear to me that its inclusion would trigger organized and funded opposition from a handful of groups and this was very unfortunate,” said Tibbetts. “When the opportunity to house upwards of 2,000 vulnerable families … hangs in the balance, I cannot gamble with gamesmanship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for housing is so great members of Teamsters Local 665 actually voted to endorse Measure N — going against the stance of the North Bay Labor Council that they’re a part of. At least a dozen of their members lost their homes in last October’s wildfires, and the immediate need for housing relief simply outweighed concerns over labor protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Coursey said he chose to endorse it for largely the same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I happened to support the labor side … but that side lost, and the city council then went ahead and voted unanimously to put this thing on the ballot, because we know what it’s going to do it in this city. It’s going to provide jobs to union members and others,” said Coursey. “To me that was a time to move on and do what is best for the city.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday Nov. 8 at 8:20 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the state facing a massive housing shortage that has driven up prices, California voters passed Proposition 1, a $4 billion affordable housing bond. Voters also approved Proposition 2, a separate measure that will allow the state to use a past tax on millionaires to fund housing for the mentally ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was placed on the ballot by the state Legislature. It will let the state sell $4 billion in bonds to finance the construction and renovation of affordable multifamily housing projects; housing construction near public transportation; down payment assistance for low- and moderate-income homebuyers; housing construction for farmworkers; and home loan assistance to veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[election2018result race=8742]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 2 will let the state use existing funds to issue bonds that will pay for housing homeless, mentally ill Californians. The money to pay for those bonds will come from Proposition 63, an income tax on people who make more than $1 million a year, which voters approved in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[election2018result race=8743]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 63 provides funding for county mental health services, but lawmakers decided in 2016 that $140 million a year of the money should be spent on stabilizing mentally ill people by housing them. But they decided to go back to voters with Proposition 2 after a lawsuit delayed their ability to immediately use the Proposition 63 funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is, without question, a pivotal moment for mental health care in California,” Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg said in a statement about the passage of Proposition 2. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By leveraging just a small percentage of existing mental health funding, we will be able to build enough supportive housing over the course of this program to get tens of thousands of people who are homeless and living with serious mental illness off the streets and into recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless encampment located on Florida St in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11675163\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment located on Florida Street in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has some of the highest housing costs in the U.S., largely driven by a lack of construction. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, an average California home costs 2½ times the national average, and rent is about 50 percent higher than in the rest of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs paid for by Proposition 1, the housing bond, could help as many as 55,000 families, according to the LAO. Supporters say that Proposition 2 will help build 20,000 permanent supportive housing units, where residents could also connect with mental health and substance abuse services, medical care, education and job training, and case managers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was supported by the state Democratic Party and nearly all of the state’s Democratic representatives, as well as local governments, labor groups and hundreds of community organizations. There was no official opposition campaign. Proposition 2 had even wider support, from many of the same groups and the state Democratic and Republican parties as well as police groups and many mental health associations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness, in Contra Costa County, opposed Proposition 2, saying it will take money away from mental illness treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers voted in 2017 to put Proposition 1 on the ballot as part of a broader legislative package aimed at increasing housing production in California and lowering housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Thursday Nov. 8 at 8:20 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the state facing a massive housing shortage that has driven up prices, California voters passed Proposition 1, a $4 billion affordable housing bond. Voters also approved Proposition 2, a separate measure that will allow the state to use a past tax on millionaires to fund housing for the mentally ill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was placed on the ballot by the state Legislature. It will let the state sell $4 billion in bonds to finance the construction and renovation of affordable multifamily housing projects; housing construction near public transportation; down payment assistance for low- and moderate-income homebuyers; housing construction for farmworkers; and home loan assistance to veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 2 will let the state use existing funds to issue bonds that will pay for housing homeless, mentally ill Californians. The money to pay for those bonds will come from Proposition 63, an income tax on people who make more than $1 million a year, which voters approved in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 63 provides funding for county mental health services, but lawmakers decided in 2016 that $140 million a year of the money should be spent on stabilizing mentally ill people by housing them. But they decided to go back to voters with Proposition 2 after a lawsuit delayed their ability to immediately use the Proposition 63 funds for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is, without question, a pivotal moment for mental health care in California,” Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg said in a statement about the passage of Proposition 2. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By leveraging just a small percentage of existing mental health funding, we will be able to build enough supportive housing over the course of this program to get tens of thousands of people who are homeless and living with serious mental illness off the streets and into recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless encampment located on Florida St in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11675163\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS19963_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs06-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment located on Florida Street in the Mission District of San Francisco on Thursday, June 23, 2016. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has some of the highest housing costs in the U.S., largely driven by a lack of construction. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, an average California home costs 2½ times the national average, and rent is about 50 percent higher than in the rest of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs paid for by Proposition 1, the housing bond, could help as many as 55,000 families, according to the LAO. Supporters say that Proposition 2 will help build 20,000 permanent supportive housing units, where residents could also connect with mental health and substance abuse services, medical care, education and job training, and case managers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 was supported by the state Democratic Party and nearly all of the state’s Democratic representatives, as well as local governments, labor groups and hundreds of community organizations. There was no official opposition campaign. 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"content": "\u003cp>Voters have defeated Proposition 5, a California ballot measure that would have allowed homeowners 55 and older to keep their tax bills low if they sold their home and bought a new one in another California county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[election2018result race=8752]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 would have expanded property tax benefits first enacted in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13, a landmark measure that ushered in an era of anti-tax, smaller government crusading throughout the country. Under Proposition 13, property tax rates were set at 1 percent of a property’s sale price, with annual increases limited to no more than 2 percent a year. That continues until the property is sold, and it’s reassessed and taxed based on the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade after Proposition 13 passed, voters approved two other ballot measures to make that tax benefit more portable, allowing homeowners 55 and older to apply their lower tax bill to a new home purchased in any county, \u003cem>if\u003c/em> that county allowed it. Fewer than a dozen of California’s 58 counties currently do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 was placed on the ballot by the California Association of Realtors (CAR), with help from the national affiliate. Backers spent about $6 million to put the measure before voters, but then went silent. Unlike other ballot measures with their dueling TV ads for and against, voters had little awareness of a campaign for or against Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Realtors said their ballot measure would have allowed seniors to afford to move, freeing up larger homes for families with children. But critics said Proposition 5 was a tax giveaway to homeowners who didn’t need it, while doing nothing to help others wanting to buy their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments also opposed it, fearing the loss of property tax revenue that the legislative analyst said would eventually rise to $1 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another measure to tinker with Proposition 13 is already on the horizon. A measure to remove commercial property from the protections of Proposition 13, creating a so-called split roll, has qualified for the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 5, which would have allowed homeowners 55 and older to keep their tax bills low if they sold their home and bought a new one in another California county, was voted down.",
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"title": "Proposition 5: Voters Reject Expanded Property Tax Benefits for Seniors | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voters have defeated Proposition 5, a California ballot measure that would have allowed homeowners 55 and older to keep their tax bills low if they sold their home and bought a new one in another California county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 would have expanded property tax benefits first enacted in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13, a landmark measure that ushered in an era of anti-tax, smaller government crusading throughout the country. Under Proposition 13, property tax rates were set at 1 percent of a property’s sale price, with annual increases limited to no more than 2 percent a year. That continues until the property is sold, and it’s reassessed and taxed based on the purchase price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade after Proposition 13 passed, voters approved two other ballot measures to make that tax benefit more portable, allowing homeowners 55 and older to apply their lower tax bill to a new home purchased in any county, \u003cem>if\u003c/em> that county allowed it. Fewer than a dozen of California’s 58 counties currently do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 was placed on the ballot by the California Association of Realtors (CAR), with help from the national affiliate. Backers spent about $6 million to put the measure before voters, but then went silent. Unlike other ballot measures with their dueling TV ads for and against, voters had little awareness of a campaign for or against Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Realtors said their ballot measure would have allowed seniors to afford to move, freeing up larger homes for families with children. But critics said Proposition 5 was a tax giveaway to homeowners who didn’t need it, while doing nothing to help others wanting to buy their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments also opposed it, fearing the loss of property tax revenue that the legislative analyst said would eventually rise to $1 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another measure to tinker with Proposition 13 is already on the horizon. A measure to remove commercial property from the protections of Proposition 13, creating a so-called split roll, has qualified for the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, 11:45 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have rejected a ballot measure that would have repealed California’s landmark ban on new rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins bans cities from enacting rent control after 1995, when the act became law. Rent control policies already on the books, in cities like Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland, were frozen in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more and more Californians forced to pay significant portions of their income toward rent, supporters of Proposition 10 argued that giving cities the ability to pass rent control laws could provide immediate relief. Opponents said the measure was too drastic, and that a hodgepodge of local rent laws, combined with new caps on rent, would take away incentive for developers to build new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stunning margin of victory shows California voters clearly understood the negative impacts Prop. 10 would have on the availability of affordable and middle-class housing in our state,” said Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association, in a statement released by the No on 10 campaign. “We look forward to working with Governor–elect Gavin Newsom to address California’s housing affordability crisis by focusing on incentivizing housing production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 made its way to the ballot after a bill to repeal Costa-Hawkins died quickly in the state Legislature earlier this year. That set the stage for an expensive ballot fight. The campaign was the second-costliest among California’s 11 ballot measures, with more than $100 million raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly three-quarters of the money flowed into the No on 10 campaign, largely from developers. The Yes on 10 campaign was nearly completely bankrolled by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, the measure’s sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very proud of the campaign we ran,” said Michael Weinstein, President of AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in a statement. “Despite being vastly outspent, we succeeded in beginning a debate on housing affordability that will continue beyond this election in the legislature, in city councils, on the ground and on the ballot in 2020.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 was endorsed by the California Democratic Party, but it divided many leading Democrats in the state. Governor-elect Gavin Newsom opposed the measure, while progressives largely supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just the threat of a change to California’s long-standing ban on new rent control set off alarms for developers and local governments. Opponents of Proposition 10 said the threat of expanded rent control had convinced some builders to put their California projects on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments, faced with the possibility of new control over rent laws, scrambled to prepare for a post-Costa-Hawkins future. In Berkeley, the City Council quickly devised rules for how the city would expand its decades-old rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, 11:45 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have rejected a ballot measure that would have repealed California’s landmark ban on new rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins bans cities from enacting rent control after 1995, when the act became law. Rent control policies already on the books, in cities like Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland, were frozen in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more and more Californians forced to pay significant portions of their income toward rent, supporters of Proposition 10 argued that giving cities the ability to pass rent control laws could provide immediate relief. Opponents said the measure was too drastic, and that a hodgepodge of local rent laws, combined with new caps on rent, would take away incentive for developers to build new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The stunning margin of victory shows California voters clearly understood the negative impacts Prop. 10 would have on the availability of affordable and middle-class housing in our state,” said Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association, in a statement released by the No on 10 campaign. “We look forward to working with Governor–elect Gavin Newsom to address California’s housing affordability crisis by focusing on incentivizing housing production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 made its way to the ballot after a bill to repeal Costa-Hawkins died quickly in the state Legislature earlier this year. That set the stage for an expensive ballot fight. The campaign was the second-costliest among California’s 11 ballot measures, with more than $100 million raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly three-quarters of the money flowed into the No on 10 campaign, largely from developers. The Yes on 10 campaign was nearly completely bankrolled by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, the measure’s sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very proud of the campaign we ran,” said Michael Weinstein, President of AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in a statement. “Despite being vastly outspent, we succeeded in beginning a debate on housing affordability that will continue beyond this election in the legislature, in city councils, on the ground and on the ballot in 2020.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 was endorsed by the California Democratic Party, but it divided many leading Democrats in the state. Governor-elect Gavin Newsom opposed the measure, while progressives largely supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just the threat of a change to California’s long-standing ban on new rent control set off alarms for developers and local governments. Opponents of Proposition 10 said the threat of expanded rent control had convinced some builders to put their California projects on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments, faced with the possibility of new control over rent laws, scrambled to prepare for a post-Costa-Hawkins future. In Berkeley, the City Council quickly devised rules for how the city would expand its decades-old rent control ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "officials-crack-down-on-sausalitos-floating-anchor-out-community",
"title": "Officials Crack Down on Sausalito's Floating Anchor-Out Community",
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"headTitle": "Officials Crack Down on Sausalito’s Floating Anchor-Out Community | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Authorities are cracking down on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11619520/anchor-outs-life-aboard-sausalitos-floating-community\">a community of small boats floating off Sausalito\u003c/a>, where the number of vessels that sit motionless away from shore has doubled over the last year amid the Bay Area’s acute housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Sausalito police began placing bright orange warning stickers on the decks of dozens of small “anchor-out” vessels bobbing in Richardson Bay. They warn that police may remove any vessel left in city water for 72 hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Police-warn-boaters-living-on-their-vessels-in-13360822.php\">the San Francisco Chronicle reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch a KQED News video from 2017 about life on an anchor-out:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DBlUnKzdEME\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It costs $1,000 or more per month to tie up at a marina berth, the newspaper reported. There are about 250 vessels anchored off the Sausalito waterfront, and some of them serve as homes for the area’s homeless. According to the 2015 biennial Marin County homeless count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhhs.org/sites/default/files/files/servicepages/2015_06/marincounty_homelessreport_2015_final-6.23review.pdf\">14 percent of the county’s homeless population lives on boats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime anchor-outer Alden Bevington says he was evicted from his 33-foot yawl, Sanctuary, about a month ago, and the vessel was hauled off by the city and destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a social issue, not a law enforcement issue,” Bevington said. “This is a problem of the economy. Richardson Bay is one of the last places where people can drop an anchor and stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca>Life on the Hook: Sausalito’s Floating ‘Homeless’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535091/life-on-the-hook\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/anchor-outs_intro-800x960.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Bevington said that while some of his fellow boaters are broke, being down and out isn’t a crime on land or on the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The boats just sit there, like a giant parking lot,” said Sausalito police officer Brian Mather. “More like a giant junkyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. William Fraass said reports of thefts and other problems have increased along with the number of vessels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sausalito Mayor Joan Cox said the city did “not want to go out and seize boats, (but) this is a public health and safety issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boaters who rent slips at high-end Sausalito marinas complain that many squatters paddle ashore in kayaks and rowboats to use the marina restrooms. But not everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main problem is the lack of toilets,” said Harbormaster Mike Rainey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In theory, they’re supposed to have their toilets pumped out,” he added. “I’ve never seen a pump-out boat going out to service the vessels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirk Morrison and his friend Nick Masturzo pay about $700 a month to berth their 21-foot motorboat at Schoonmaker Point. They wave at their fellow sailors on the anchor-outs, but they’re not particularly happy about subsidizing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a free-for-all out there,” Morrison said. “It’s a problem. It’s like trying to solve the homeless problem in San Francisco. I don’t know what the solution is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Authorities are cracking down on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11619520/anchor-outs-life-aboard-sausalitos-floating-community\">a community of small boats floating off Sausalito\u003c/a>, where the number of vessels that sit motionless away from shore has doubled over the last year amid the Bay Area’s acute housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Sausalito police began placing bright orange warning stickers on the decks of dozens of small “anchor-out” vessels bobbing in Richardson Bay. They warn that police may remove any vessel left in city water for 72 hours, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Police-warn-boaters-living-on-their-vessels-in-13360822.php\">the San Francisco Chronicle reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch a KQED News video from 2017 about life on an anchor-out:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/DBlUnKzdEME'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/DBlUnKzdEME'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It costs $1,000 or more per month to tie up at a marina berth, the newspaper reported. There are about 250 vessels anchored off the Sausalito waterfront, and some of them serve as homes for the area’s homeless. According to the 2015 biennial Marin County homeless count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinhhs.org/sites/default/files/files/servicepages/2015_06/marincounty_homelessreport_2015_final-6.23review.pdf\">14 percent of the county’s homeless population lives on boats\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime anchor-outer Alden Bevington says he was evicted from his 33-foot yawl, Sanctuary, about a month ago, and the vessel was hauled off by the city and destroyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a social issue, not a law enforcement issue,” Bevington said. “This is a problem of the economy. Richardson Bay is one of the last places where people can drop an anchor and stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca>Life on the Hook: Sausalito’s Floating ‘Homeless’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535091/life-on-the-hook\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/anchor-outs_intro-800x960.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Bevington said that while some of his fellow boaters are broke, being down and out isn’t a crime on land or on the water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The boats just sit there, like a giant parking lot,” said Sausalito police officer Brian Mather. “More like a giant junkyard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lt. William Fraass said reports of thefts and other problems have increased along with the number of vessels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sausalito Mayor Joan Cox said the city did “not want to go out and seize boats, (but) this is a public health and safety issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boaters who rent slips at high-end Sausalito marinas complain that many squatters paddle ashore in kayaks and rowboats to use the marina restrooms. But not everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main problem is the lack of toilets,” said Harbormaster Mike Rainey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In theory, they’re supposed to have their toilets pumped out,” he added. “I’ve never seen a pump-out boat going out to service the vessels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kirk Morrison and his friend Nick Masturzo pay about $700 a month to berth their 21-foot motorboat at Schoonmaker Point. They wave at their fellow sailors on the anchor-outs, but they’re not particularly happy about subsidizing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a free-for-all out there,” Morrison said. “It’s a problem. It’s like trying to solve the homeless problem in San Francisco. I don’t know what the solution is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "striking-hotel-workers-vent-during-special-board-meeting-at-san-francisco-city-hall",
"title": "Striking Hotel Workers Detail Hardships During Special Board Meeting at S.F. City Hall",
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"headTitle": "Striking Hotel Workers Detail Hardships During Special Board Meeting at S.F. City Hall | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized hotel workers who have been striking at Marriott hotels in San Francisco for the last month flooded into San Francisco City Hall on Friday, revealing stories of hardships to get by in one of the most expensive regions in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Unite Here Local 2, who walked off the job starting in early October, wore red shirts with the words “one job should be enough” and shared their struggles before a special Board of Supervisors hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them cried as they described how tough it’s been to get by, working several jobs on wages they consider too low, barely able to afford high rents and mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m living on a razor’s edge from one day to the next,” said Nicholas Javier, a server at the Westin St. Francis who lives in a single-room-occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julian Penrose, a bellman at the W hotel, said he has to work multiple jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703377\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703377 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronald Morales (right) waits in line with other hotel workers on strike to attend a San Francisco Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. Morales works at the W Hotel in San Francisco and has been a Marriott employee for 19 years. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like my wife and I can afford to have children in this city,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One job should be enough to make ends meet. One job should be enough to have a family, provide for your family … to cover health care … to retire in dignity,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We live in a city where it’s in demand to have two jobs: one just to pay rent and one for survival,” said Diana Gochez, a hotel culinary worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing came a day after San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf urged Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson to “listen and work” with the union to help end the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who serve in our city’s hotels and restaurants deserve to have one job that is enough to live on,” Breed and Schaaf said in a letter to Sorenson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703378 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Marriott hotel employee is consoled after delivering a public comment at the Board of Supervisors meeting in San Francisco City Hall on Nov. 2, 2018. Many longtime employees expressed frustration with their low wages and the cost of living in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Marriott spokesperson said the company is reviewing the letter but would not comment on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message from the two mayors came two days after Sorenson rejected an invitation to attend Friday’s hearing. In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702796/marriott-ceo-slams-hotel-workers-union-refuses-to-attend-s-f-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to Supervisor Hillary Ronen, Sorenson criticized Unite Here, said its members were well compensated, and accused its leadership of focusing on orchestrating a nationwide job action instead of working a contract out at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen and Supervisor Rafael Mandelman expressed outrage that Sorenson refused to attend the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m incredibly disappointed, and in fact, insulted that you decided not to show up today,” Ronen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703379\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Hillary Ronen voices support for the striking Marriott workers at the beginning of a special supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I am just struck by the disrespect of this major international corporation,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to 2,500 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders and bellmen represented by Unite Here Local 2 walked off the job at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and several other cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the two sides have made progress on some sticking points, including job security and issues surrounding technology in the hotels, according to Unite Here Local 2 President Anand Singh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they are far apart on wages and health care, union officials have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a crisis,” Singh said. “This brazen position that this company has taken, an unreasonable position, has an impact on the entire industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talks are expected to resume Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703380 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marriott hotel workers on strike enter San Francisco City Hall to attend a special Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "'I'm living on a razor's edge from one day to the next,' said Nicholas Javier, a server at the Westin St. Francis.",
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"title": "Striking Hotel Workers Detail Hardships During Special Board Meeting at S.F. City Hall | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of unionized hotel workers who have been striking at Marriott hotels in San Francisco for the last month flooded into San Francisco City Hall on Friday, revealing stories of hardships to get by in one of the most expensive regions in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Unite Here Local 2, who walked off the job starting in early October, wore red shirts with the words “one job should be enough” and shared their struggles before a special Board of Supervisors hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them cried as they described how tough it’s been to get by, working several jobs on wages they consider too low, barely able to afford high rents and mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m living on a razor’s edge from one day to the next,” said Nicholas Javier, a server at the Westin St. Francis who lives in a single-room-occupancy hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julian Penrose, a bellman at the W hotel, said he has to work multiple jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703377\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703377 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0388.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ronald Morales (right) waits in line with other hotel workers on strike to attend a San Francisco Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. Morales works at the W Hotel in San Francisco and has been a Marriott employee for 19 years. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t feel like my wife and I can afford to have children in this city,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One job should be enough to make ends meet. One job should be enough to have a family, provide for your family … to cover health care … to retire in dignity,” Penrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We live in a city where it’s in demand to have two jobs: one just to pay rent and one for survival,” said Diana Gochez, a hotel culinary worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing came a day after San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf urged Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson to “listen and work” with the union to help end the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who serve in our city’s hotels and restaurants deserve to have one job that is enough to live on,” Breed and Schaaf said in a letter to Sorenson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703378 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0537.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Marriott hotel employee is consoled after delivering a public comment at the Board of Supervisors meeting in San Francisco City Hall on Nov. 2, 2018. Many longtime employees expressed frustration with their low wages and the cost of living in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Marriott spokesperson said the company is reviewing the letter but would not comment on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message from the two mayors came two days after Sorenson rejected an invitation to attend Friday’s hearing. In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702796/marriott-ceo-slams-hotel-workers-union-refuses-to-attend-s-f-hearing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">letter\u003c/a> to Supervisor Hillary Ronen, Sorenson criticized Unite Here, said its members were well compensated, and accused its leadership of focusing on orchestrating a nationwide job action instead of working a contract out at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen and Supervisor Rafael Mandelman expressed outrage that Sorenson refused to attend the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m incredibly disappointed, and in fact, insulted that you decided not to show up today,” Ronen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11703379\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0480.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Hillary Ronen voices support for the striking Marriott workers at the beginning of a special supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I am just struck by the disrespect of this major international corporation,” Mandelman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to 2,500 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders and bellmen represented by Unite Here Local 2 walked off the job at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and several other cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the two sides have made progress on some sticking points, including job security and issues surrounding technology in the hotels, according to Unite Here Local 2 President Anand Singh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they are far apart on wages and health care, union officials have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a crisis,” Singh said. “This brazen position that this company has taken, an unreasonable position, has an impact on the entire industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talks are expected to resume Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11703380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11703380 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/mariott-strike-city-hall-0307.jpg 1620w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marriott hotel workers on strike enter San Francisco City Hall to attend a special Board of Supervisors meeting on Nov. 2, 2018. \u003ccite>(J.P. Dobrin/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JYKxFrMkzKA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jack/status/1053312148317716480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "similar-homes-different-taxes-is-proposition-13-fair-to-new-homeowners",
"title": "Similar Homes, Different Taxes: Is Proposition 13 Fair to New Homeowners?",
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"headTitle": "Similar Homes, Different Taxes: Is Proposition 13 Fair to New Homeowners? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Like so many younger Californians, Jas Johl struggled to buy her first house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a yearlong hunt for something in her budget, she placed bids on about 10 houses in the Bay Area. She was outbid with all-cash offers nearly every time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here.’\u003ccite>Jas Johl, North Oakland homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Johl, who works for the tech giant Salesforce, finally found a place in a neighborhood in North Oakland in 2016. It was pricey — $850,000 — but she thought it was a pretty good bargain for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also knew that a hefty property tax bill would accompany the price tag. And because Johl was a new homeowner, she’d be paying a lot more than many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was expecting it, but I wasn’t expecting how much it would be, I guess,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johl paid nearly $13,000 in property taxes last year. It put a crimp in her budget — she rents out a room to help her afford her mortgage. But she was OK with paying that much because she knew the local schools needed tax dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner, less than 300 feet from Johl’s house, is a duplex owned by Don Weinger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties are about the same square size — Johl’s house is 1,400 square feet, while Weinger’s is 1,600, including the downstairs rental unit. The real estate listing site Zillow estimates both houses are worth around $900,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of Proposition 13, Weinger’s property taxes are 40 percent lower than Johl’s — he paid a little over $7,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Weinger bought his house in 2002, for $365,000. Under Proposition 13, homeowners pay property taxes based on the original purchase price, not the current market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger and Johl were unaware that they were paying wildly different property taxes than their neighbors. Weinger, a speech pathologist for the Oakland Unified School District, says he couldn’t really afford to pay property taxes on what his duplex is currently worth. But at the same time, he’s not sure that his discount is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely sympathize,” says Weinger. “I’m happy to benefit from [Proposition 13], but I don’t think it’s good for California as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger’s property tax bill is by no means an outlier in this neighborhood. One decades-long owner of a 1,300-square-foot home up the street paid only $1,168 in taxes last year. Zillow estimates that house to be worth more than $700,000. Several other longtime homeowners who no longer live in the neighborhood, but instead rent their properties, are paying less than $2,000 in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700802\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"don-home\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because of Proposition 13, Don Weinger pays 40 percent less in property taxes than Johl, even though both of their homes are worth about $900,000 today. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How strict the assessment limits are is what makes California unique,” says Richard Auxier, a research associate with the Washington, D.C.-based Tax Policy Center. “You could have two neighbors earning the same amount of income, in roughly the same value home. And one is paying exponentially more in taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978, part of the rationale was to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes they couldn’t afford. Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that it’s still an essential tool to preserve neighborhood stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows people to remain in their homes who otherwise might be driven out by taxes,” says David Kline, a spokesman for the California Taxpayers Association. “The low-income homeowner is the most at risk of not being able to afford escalating property taxes. It’s the biggest help to those at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California home prices reach staggering new highs, the growing disparity between what newer and older homeowners pay on similarly valued property has renewed a problematic question: Is Proposition 13 fair?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits From Proposition 13?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Overall, polling suggests Californians like Proposition 13, at least in theory. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">About 57 percent\u003c/a> of Californians say Proposition 13 has been mostly good for the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California survey conducted in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted.’\u003ccite>Richard Auxier, Tax Policy Center\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But voters are more conflicted about how Proposition 13 treats newer and older homeowners. Only \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-proposition-13-approval-rating/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">41 percent\u003c/a> of Californians believe someone who recently bought a home should pay higher property taxes than someone who bought an identical home decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the only place that provides major property tax breaks to longtime homeowners. Many other states limit how much local governments can tax homes, especially for low-income or senior homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But property tax relief in other states is typically more tailored to vulnerable populations than it is here, says Auxier. Proposition 13 provides benefits to anyone fortunate enough to own a home, regardless of their income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted,” says Auxier. “The problem is that it does nothing but reward homeowners who have been in their homes a long time, no matter who those homeowners are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because homeownership is generally correlated with higher incomes, and because Proposition 13 provides more benefits in the long term to more expensive homes, the vast majority of tax relief goes to higher-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Do_Proposition_13.2019s_Benefits_for_Property_Owners_Vary_With_Income.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that roughly 50 percent of the tax savings provided by Proposition 13 goes to households that make over $120,000. Those estimates don’t take into account any tax benefit landlords may pass on to renters, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 say that’s the wrong way of looking at who is benefiting most from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gentrifying neighborhoods like this one in North Oakland, some of the biggest beneficiaries of Proposition 13 are not higher-income households, but middle-class families who bought decades earlier when houses in the area were much more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"scenes-garages\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The median property value on this North Oakland block was three quarters of a million dollars last year. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason why Johl feels mostly OK about paying higher property taxes than some of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would be fair to ask a family down the street who bought their house 20 years ago to pay more,” says Johl. “Because how would you know if they could afford it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auxier concedes that some truly middle-class families from traditionally marginalized communities may benefit from Proposition 13. But he stresses that it’s more an exception to the rule, and to remember the costs associated with that benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are tax dollars that aren’t going to education programs or health care programs that could help other parts of those communities that don’t own incredibly expensive homes,” says Auxier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Certainty for New Homeowners, at a Cost\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New homeowners like Johl may be paying way more in property taxes this year than their neighbors. But Proposition 13 provides a great deal of certainty for her going forward. Regardless of how much her home’s value rises, Johl knows her property tax base will not increase more than 2 percent per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 13 provides certainty for every property owner,” says Kline. “So when you buy your property you know exactly what your tax is going to be that year and what it’s going to be for years to come. And you can put those numbers in your budget and know what your bills will be going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those savings are mitigated by other taxes state and local governments levy to make up for lost property tax revenue. California has some of the highest income and sales taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Proposition 13 Poster Child (Who Loathes It)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1988, Stephanie Nordlinger became a first-time homeowner. She bought a small house in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Baldwin Hills for $170,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.’\u003ccite>Stephanie Nordlinger, homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nordlinger, an attorney, was never a fan of Proposition 13. When it passed, she feared that government services like parks and schools would suffer. But she also thought it was fundamentally wrong that she was paying more in property taxes than richer residents of the city, just because of when she bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Nordlinger got her first property tax bill, she sued on the grounds that Proposition 13 violated the 14th Amendment: equal protection under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone is paying a lot more than another for getting the same services from government agencies,” says Nordlinger. “It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"stephanie\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Nordlinger’s challenge to Proposition 13 went all the way to the Supreme Court. She’s pictured here in the backyard of her home. \u003ccite>(Adriene Hill/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1991/90-1912\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nordlinger’s case\u003c/a> went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. While multiple justices expressed concern that Proposition 13 was unwise policy, Nordlinger lost her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years later, still at her Baldwin Hills home, Nordlinger is in many ways a poster child for the type of Californian Proposition 13 defenders say the initiative helps the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a senior citizen on a limited income. Her house is valued around $900,000, but she pays just $3,400 in property taxes. She benefits enormously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nordlinger’s attitude toward the initiative hasn’t changed. She would welcome being taxed at a rate the new homeowners down the street are taxed, if it meant local government services would improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a kid, California was on top,” says Nordlinger. “Some parts of California are perfect, and very nice, and as good as anything in the world. But other parts of California are just not what they should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Defenders say the law was intended to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes. But with property values skyrocketing, there's a growing disparity among taxpayers.",
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"title": "Similar Homes, Different Taxes: Is Proposition 13 Fair to New Homeowners? | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Matt Levin/CALmatters\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Like so many younger Californians, Jas Johl struggled to buy her first house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a yearlong hunt for something in her budget, she placed bids on about 10 houses in the Bay Area. She was outbid with all-cash offers nearly every time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here.’\u003ccite>Jas Johl, North Oakland homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Johl, who works for the tech giant Salesforce, finally found a place in a neighborhood in North Oakland in 2016. It was pricey — $850,000 — but she thought it was a pretty good bargain for the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also knew that a hefty property tax bill would accompany the price tag. And because Johl was a new homeowner, she’d be paying a lot more than many of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was expecting it, but I wasn’t expecting how much it would be, I guess,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johl paid nearly $13,000 in property taxes last year. It put a crimp in her budget — she rents out a room to help her afford her mortgage. But she was OK with paying that much because she knew the local schools needed tax dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California Dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I feel like it’s just the price I pay for living here,” says Johl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just around the corner, less than 300 feet from Johl’s house, is a duplex owned by Don Weinger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The properties are about the same square size — Johl’s house is 1,400 square feet, while Weinger’s is 1,600, including the downstairs rental unit. The real estate listing site Zillow estimates both houses are worth around $900,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But because of Proposition 13, Weinger’s property taxes are 40 percent lower than Johl’s — he paid a little over $7,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because Weinger bought his house in 2002, for $365,000. Under Proposition 13, homeowners pay property taxes based on the original purchase price, not the current market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger and Johl were unaware that they were paying wildly different property taxes than their neighbors. Weinger, a speech pathologist for the Oakland Unified School District, says he couldn’t really afford to pay property taxes on what his duplex is currently worth. But at the same time, he’s not sure that his discount is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I absolutely sympathize,” says Weinger. “I’m happy to benefit from [Proposition 13], but I don’t think it’s good for California as a whole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinger’s property tax bill is by no means an outlier in this neighborhood. One decades-long owner of a 1,300-square-foot home up the street paid only $1,168 in taxes last year. Zillow estimates that house to be worth more than $700,000. Several other longtime homeowners who no longer live in the neighborhood, but instead rent their properties, are paying less than $2,000 in property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700802\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"don-home\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-don-home-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Because of Proposition 13, Don Weinger pays 40 percent less in property taxes than Johl, even though both of their homes are worth about $900,000 today. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How strict the assessment limits are is what makes California unique,” says Richard Auxier, a research associate with the Washington, D.C.-based Tax Policy Center. “You could have two neighbors earning the same amount of income, in roughly the same value home. And one is paying exponentially more in taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978, part of the rationale was to protect older homeowners from rising property taxes they couldn’t afford. Defenders of Proposition 13 argue that it’s still an essential tool to preserve neighborhood stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows people to remain in their homes who otherwise might be driven out by taxes,” says David Kline, a spokesman for the California Taxpayers Association. “The low-income homeowner is the most at risk of not being able to afford escalating property taxes. It’s the biggest help to those at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as California home prices reach staggering new highs, the growing disparity between what newer and older homeowners pay on similarly valued property has renewed a problematic question: Is Proposition 13 fair?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits From Proposition 13?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Overall, polling suggests Californians like Proposition 13, at least in theory. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">About 57 percent\u003c/a> of Californians say Proposition 13 has been mostly good for the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California survey conducted in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cem>‘This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted.’\u003ccite>Richard Auxier, Tax Policy Center\u003c/cite>\u003c/em>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But voters are more conflicted about how Proposition 13 treats newer and older homeowners. Only \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-proposition-13-approval-rating/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">41 percent\u003c/a> of Californians believe someone who recently bought a home should pay higher property taxes than someone who bought an identical home decades ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California isn’t the only place that provides major property tax breaks to longtime homeowners. Many other states limit how much local governments can tax homes, especially for low-income or senior homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But property tax relief in other states is typically more tailored to vulnerable populations than it is here, says Auxier. Proposition 13 provides benefits to anyone fortunate enough to own a home, regardless of their income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This version of property tax relief is very poorly targeted,” says Auxier. “The problem is that it does nothing but reward homeowners who have been in their homes a long time, no matter who those homeowners are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because homeownership is generally correlated with higher incomes, and because Proposition 13 provides more benefits in the long term to more expensive homes, the vast majority of tax relief goes to higher-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/publications/report/3497#Do_Proposition_13.2019s_Benefits_for_Property_Owners_Vary_With_Income.3F\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that roughly 50 percent of the tax savings provided by Proposition 13 goes to households that make over $120,000. Those estimates don’t take into account any tax benefit landlords may pass on to renters, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Proposition 13 say that’s the wrong way of looking at who is benefiting most from the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gentrifying neighborhoods like this one in North Oakland, some of the biggest beneficiaries of Proposition 13 are not higher-income households, but middle-class families who bought decades earlier when houses in the area were much more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700806\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"scenes-garages\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/scenes-garages-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The median property value on this North Oakland block was three quarters of a million dollars last year. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey for California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason why Johl feels mostly OK about paying higher property taxes than some of her neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it would be fair to ask a family down the street who bought their house 20 years ago to pay more,” says Johl. “Because how would you know if they could afford it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auxier concedes that some truly middle-class families from traditionally marginalized communities may benefit from Proposition 13. But he stresses that it’s more an exception to the rule, and to remember the costs associated with that benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are tax dollars that aren’t going to education programs or health care programs that could help other parts of those communities that don’t own incredibly expensive homes,” says Auxier.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Certainty for New Homeowners, at a Cost\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>New homeowners like Johl may be paying way more in property taxes this year than their neighbors. But Proposition 13 provides a great deal of certainty for her going forward. Regardless of how much her home’s value rises, Johl knows her property tax base will not increase more than 2 percent per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 13 provides certainty for every property owner,” says Kline. “So when you buy your property you know exactly what your tax is going to be that year and what it’s going to be for years to come. And you can put those numbers in your budget and know what your bills will be going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say those savings are mitigated by other taxes state and local governments levy to make up for lost property tax revenue. California has some of the highest income and sales taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Proposition 13 Poster Child (Who Loathes It)\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In 1988, Stephanie Nordlinger became a first-time homeowner. She bought a small house in the Los Angeles neighborhood of Baldwin Hills for $170,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.’\u003ccite>Stephanie Nordlinger, homeowner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nordlinger, an attorney, was never a fan of Proposition 13. When it passed, she feared that government services like parks and schools would suffer. But she also thought it was fundamentally wrong that she was paying more in property taxes than richer residents of the city, just because of when she bought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Nordlinger got her first property tax bill, she sued on the grounds that Proposition 13 violated the 14th Amendment: equal protection under the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone is paying a lot more than another for getting the same services from government agencies,” says Nordlinger. “It’s not fair. It’s clearly not fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"stephanie\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/fairness-stephanie-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Nordlinger’s challenge to Proposition 13 went all the way to the Supreme Court. She’s pictured here in the backyard of her home. \u003ccite>(Adriene Hill/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1991/90-1912\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nordlinger’s case\u003c/a> went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. While multiple justices expressed concern that Proposition 13 was unwise policy, Nordlinger lost her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years later, still at her Baldwin Hills home, Nordlinger is in many ways a poster child for the type of Californian Proposition 13 defenders say the initiative helps the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s a senior citizen on a limited income. Her house is valued around $900,000, but she pays just $3,400 in property taxes. She benefits enormously from Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nordlinger’s attitude toward the initiative hasn’t changed. She would welcome being taxed at a rate the new homeowners down the street are taxed, if it meant local government services would improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a kid, California was on top,” says Nordlinger. “Some parts of California are perfect, and very nice, and as good as anything in the world. But other parts of California are just not what they should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Advocates \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreunreport\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demanded Oakland stop “sidewalk sweeps”\u003c/a> after a United Nations report called Oakland and San Francisco’s treatment of homeless people “cruel and inhuman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two Bay Area cities were the only ones in the United States mentioned in the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials have begun to set up temporary shelters made up of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677912/inside-one-of-oaklands-tuff-shed-homeless-communities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tuff Sheds\u003c/a> for homeless people as nearby encampments are cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UN Special Rapporteur accused San Francisco and Oakland of denying homeless people adequate access to water and sanitation in an attempt to discourage informal homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>About 100 homeless advocates and residents rallied in front of Oakland City Hall Tuesday, imploring the city to improve living conditions in homeless encampments instead of trying to tear them down and evict people living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors also sent an open letter to Mayor Libby Schaaf asking her to stop ordering so-called \"sidewalk sweeps.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action was prompted by the recent release of a scathing \u003ca href=\"http://www.undocs.org/A/73/310/rev.1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">United Nations report on global homelessness\u003c/a> that specifically criticizes Oakland and San Francisco for denying basic services to people living in street encampments. The report is based on a walking tour taken by Leilani Farha, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing conditions at the homeless encampments as \"cruel and inhuman,\" and comparing them to slums in the world's poorest nations, the report chastises both cities for denying basic services to people living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Attempting to discourage residents from remaining in informal settlements or encampments by denying access to water, sanitation and health services and other basic necessities constitutes cruel and inhuman treatment,\" the report said, \"and is a violation of multiple human rights, including the rights to life, housing, health and water and sanitation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It added: \"Such punitive policies must be prohibited in law and immediately ceased.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was just struck by people’s need to say that they are a human being,\" said Paul Boden, head of the Western Regional Advocacy Project in San Francisco. \"If people really felt like they were being treated as they were human beings, they wouldn't need to be so adamant in telling strangers that they, in fact, are human beings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boden added that cities need to use different language to describe homelessness on their streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have always insisted on referring to it as camping and lodging and encampment because by putting it in the context of camping, it sounds choiceful and it’s therefore okay to criminalize that activity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Oakland opened a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696128/video-third-tuff-shed-camp-to-house-oaklands-homeless-set-to-open-thursday\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">temporary homeless housing community \u003c/a>composed of small sheds, located near Lake Merritt. It's the third \"Tuff Shed\" camp the city has installed since December. The city said it would begin enforcing a no-camping rule around the lake once the sheds were established, heightening concerns among residents of the growing encampment nearby. But no one has been forcibly removed yet, according to the mayor's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For weeks, the city has sent social service professionals to ask unsheltered residents if they would like to move into the Tuff Shed cabin communities, said mayor's office spokesman Justin Berton. \"So far, 30 people have volunteered to move onto the site and 2 people have already transitioned into housing. No police have been involved, nor has anyone been forcibly removed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candice Elder, who runs the East Oakland Collective, a group that offers services to homeless residents and hosted Farha in January, said the report identified a crucial need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been pushing for a while for Oakland city officials to allocate more funds to sanitation and pick up,\" she said. \"The whole community benefits, the more of us that are healthy, educated, well-housed, well-fed.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About 100 homeless advocates and residents rallied in front of Oakland City Hall Tuesday, imploring the city to improve living conditions in homeless encampments instead of trying to tear them down and evict people living there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors also sent an open letter to Mayor Libby Schaaf asking her to stop ordering so-called \"sidewalk sweeps.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action was prompted by the recent release of a scathing \u003ca href=\"http://www.undocs.org/A/73/310/rev.1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">United Nations report on global homelessness\u003c/a> that specifically criticizes Oakland and San Francisco for denying basic services to people living in street encampments. The report is based on a walking tour taken by Leilani Farha, the UN Special Rapporteur on the right to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Describing conditions at the homeless encampments as \"cruel and inhuman,\" and comparing them to slums in the world's poorest nations, the report chastises both cities for denying basic services to people living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Attempting to discourage residents from remaining in informal settlements or encampments by denying access to water, sanitation and health services and other basic necessities constitutes cruel and inhuman treatment,\" the report said, \"and is a violation of multiple human rights, including the rights to life, housing, health and water and sanitation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It added: \"Such punitive policies must be prohibited in law and immediately ceased.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was just struck by people’s need to say that they are a human being,\" said Paul Boden, head of the Western Regional Advocacy Project in San Francisco. \"If people really felt like they were being treated as they were human beings, they wouldn't need to be so adamant in telling strangers that they, in fact, are human beings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boden added that cities need to use different language to describe homelessness on their streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have always insisted on referring to it as camping and lodging and encampment because by putting it in the context of camping, it sounds choiceful and it’s therefore okay to criminalize that activity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Oakland opened a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696128/video-third-tuff-shed-camp-to-house-oaklands-homeless-set-to-open-thursday\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">temporary homeless housing community \u003c/a>composed of small sheds, located near Lake Merritt. It's the third \"Tuff Shed\" camp the city has installed since December. The city said it would begin enforcing a no-camping rule around the lake once the sheds were established, heightening concerns among residents of the growing encampment nearby. But no one has been forcibly removed yet, according to the mayor's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"For weeks, the city has sent social service professionals to ask unsheltered residents if they would like to move into the Tuff Shed cabin communities, said mayor's office spokesman Justin Berton. \"So far, 30 people have volunteered to move onto the site and 2 people have already transitioned into housing. No police have been involved, nor has anyone been forcibly removed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candice Elder, who runs the East Oakland Collective, a group that offers services to homeless residents and hosted Farha in January, said the report identified a crucial need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been pushing for a while for Oakland city officials to allocate more funds to sanitation and pick up,\" she said. \"The whole community benefits, the more of us that are healthy, educated, well-housed, well-fed.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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"info": "",
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"tech-nation": {
"id": "tech-nation",
"title": "Tech Nation Radio Podcast",
"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"ted-radio-hour": {
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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