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Her husband is a product manager with Google. “I came here following my husband. He had an opportunity he wanted to pursue. So I came here as his wife, and now I’m dependent on him,” Bhai explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The word “dependent” rolls uneasily off Bhai’s tongue. Originally from Mumbai, she got her bachelor’s degree in computer engineering from Mumbai University. “I have also an MBA from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.isb.edu\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Indian School of Business\u003c/a>. It’s an amazing school, and I have an amazing education. I would love to use that, if possible, here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhai is allowed to work for now, thanks to a rule change that went into effect just three years ago, around the time she arrived in the U.S. She’s an H-4 EAD visa holder, the spouse of an H-1B visa holder, which means her husband’s petition for permanent residence, or green card, has already been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702626\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702626 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt='Leena Bhai with her family on vacation in 2018 at Death Valley. Her husband Siddharth has a job at Google and an H-1B visa, but because of the years-long wait time Indian applicants face for an employment-based green card, the Bhais feel like they may have to give up on their \"American dream.\" ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-1180x886.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-960x721.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leena Bhai with her family on vacation in 2018 at Death Valley. Her husband, Siddharth, has a job at Google and an H-1B visa, but because of the years-long wait time Indian applicants face for an employment-based green card, the Bhais feel like they may have to give up on their “American Dream.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Leena Bhai)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bhai works for \u003ca href=\"https://anitab.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AnitaB.org\u003c/a>, a Palo Alto-based nonprofit that helps recruit, retain and advance women in technology. “I use my H-4 EAD for the betterment of the community. If that’s taken away from me, it’s a little bit of a loss to those women, too. Right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhai and others like her — mostly women, it must be said — are worried the Department of Homeland Security and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services are poised to do an about-face on H-4 EAD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2017, President Trump signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-executive-order-buy-american-hire-american/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">executive order\u003c/a> to review the H-1B visa process as part of his “Buy American, Hire American” initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cis.org/Immigration-Newsmaker/Immigration-Newsmaker-Conversation-Director-USCIS-Francis-Cissna\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rare public conversation\u003c/a> last August at the National Press Club, USCIS Director Francis Cissna argued Congress never explicitly gave H-1B visa spouses the right to work. “That is an important reason why we should propose rescinding it,” Cissna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His argument mirrors the one from a group of IT workers called “Save Jobs USA.” The organization \u003ca href=\"http://www.immigration.com/sites/default/files/SaveJobs-Lawsuit.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sued Homeland Security\u003c/a> in 2015 over this issue, claiming the DHS is sidestepping protections for U.S. workers built into the H-1B program, specifically a limit on the number of H-1B visas that can be issued each fiscal year. Under the Obama administration, DHS maintained it had broad authority to interpret immigration law. But under the Trump administration, DHS told the appeals court it \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberglaw.com/public/desktop/document/Save_Jobs_USA_v_DHS_Docket_No_1605287_DC_Cir_Sept_30_2016_Court_D/1?1519928167\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its mind\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702628 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-800x600.png\" alt='\"The predominance of Indians in both is quite remarkable, but it is also telling that the number of total EADs granted from 2015-17 was much smaller than the H-4 visas granted during the same period,\" says Karthick Ramakrishnan, Professor of Political Science and Public Policy.' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-800x600.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-160x120.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1020x765.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1200x900.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1920x1440.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1180x885.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-960x720.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-240x180.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-375x281.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-520x390.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“The predominance of Indians in both is quite remarkable, but it is also telling that the number of total EADs granted from 2015-17 was much smaller than the H-4 visas granted during the same period,” says Karthick Ramakrishnan, professor of political science and public policy. \u003ccite>(Infographic: Courtesy of Karthick Ramakrishnan/AAPI Data)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren of San Jose is one of 132 members of Congress who \u003ca href=\"https://jayapal.house.gov/sites/jayapal.house.gov/files/JayapalLove_DHS_Maintain_H4_Work_Authorization_2018_05_16_0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">signed a letter\u003c/a> urging Homeland Security to reconsider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the nation is long overdue for a broad reform of U.S. immigration law that takes into account, among other things, the needs of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a bill to do that. There are other bills that have been introduced. None of them are moving. The Republicans control every branch of government right now and they can’t do anything,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1965 law established that no individual country can constitute more than 7 percent of green cards issued in a year. The Immigration Act of 1990 caps the total number of new employment-based green cards at 140,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But no other country sends as many highly educated green card applicants to the U.S. as India. Indians who applied in 2009 are just getting their green cards now, and the backlog is growing. Some Indians who qualify are waiting as long as 25 years to move through that queue. “The wait for us is nearly exponential,” Bhai said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhai’s daughter is 7 years old. Her son is 4. She wonders what will happen when they get old enough to apply to college and require more financial support than her husband can manage now. What happens when they turn 21, old enough to require green cards of their own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaving aside her concerns as a mother, what happens if Bhai is forced to sit out during her most productive professional years? “H-4 women face a triple burden if they are able to start working again, particularly in technology: race, gender and long gaps in their resumes,” \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/why-trumps-plan-to-forbid-spouses-of-h-1b-visa-holders-to-work-is-a-bad-idea-89279\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">writes\u003c/a> associate professor \u003ca href=\"https://gwst.umbc.edu/amy-bhatt/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Amy Bhatt\u003c/a> at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County, author of \u003ca href=\"http://www.washington.edu/uwpress/search/books/BHAATH.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“High-Tech Housewives: Indian IT Workers, Gendered Labor, and Transmigration.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Silicon Valley skews heavily male, and many of the women who are present are immigrants. Leena Bhai, who works for AnitaB, an organization that promotes women in technology, argues H4-EAD holders contribute to the San Francisco Bay Area, professionally as well as culturally.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Silicon Valley skews heavily male, and many of the women who are present are immigrants. Leena Bhai, who works for AnitaB, an organization that promotes women in technology, argues H-4 EAD holders contribute to the San Francisco Bay Area, professionally as well as culturally. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Leena Bhai)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These are approved immigrants waiting for their number to come up. These intending immigrants are supposed to sit on their hands and do nothing, even though they also have Ph.D.s?” Rep. Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren added that highly skilled immigrants don’t have to work here. “They’re getting poached by Canada, because they also feel that based on the president’s behavior, his comments, and some new hostility from the Immigration Service itself, that they’re not wanted here. You know, we’re not the only game in town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Countries like Australia, China, Germany and Israel are also reaching out to frustrated Indians who don’t want to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, the Trump administration does not appear to be rushing this particular rule change through. The Department of Homeland Security has pushed its decision-making timeline several times over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslie Dellon, staff attorney with the pro-immigration nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Immigration Council\u003c/a>, said that a notice of proposed rule-making requires a review by the Office of Management and Budget first, as well as a public comment period. “We’re probably looking at 2019 before there’s going to be any action taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leena Bhai can keep working, at least until the new year. Presuming she wants to stay.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Spouses of H-1B Visa Holders Could Soon Lose the Right to Work in the U.S. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Any day now, federal immigration officials are expected to officially propose that spouses of \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/files/nativedocuments/Characteristics_of_H-1B_Specialty_Occupation_Workers_FY17.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">H-1B\u003c/a> visa holders \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/jsp/eAgenda/StaticContent/201810/Statement_1600.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">no longer be allowed to work\u003c/a> in the U.S. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/sites/default/files/USCIS/Resources/Reports%20and%20Studies/Immigration%20Forms%20Data/BAHA/eads-by-basis-for-eligibility.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">105,000\u003c/a> families are expected to be affected, most of them from India, many of them right here in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Leena Bhai. Her family of four rents a spacious but modest home in Sunnyvale. Her husband is a product manager with Google. “I came here following my husband. He had an opportunity he wanted to pursue. So I came here as his wife, and now I’m dependent on him,” Bhai explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The word “dependent” rolls uneasily off Bhai’s tongue. Originally from Mumbai, she got her bachelor’s degree in computer engineering from Mumbai University. “I have also an MBA from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.isb.edu\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Indian School of Business\u003c/a>. It’s an amazing school, and I have an amazing education. I would love to use that, if possible, here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhai is allowed to work for now, thanks to a rule change that went into effect just three years ago, around the time she arrived in the U.S. She’s an H-4 EAD visa holder, the spouse of an H-1B visa holder, which means her husband’s petition for permanent residence, or green card, has already been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702626\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702626 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt='Leena Bhai with her family on vacation in 2018 at Death Valley. Her husband Siddharth has a job at Google and an H-1B visa, but because of the years-long wait time Indian applicants face for an employment-based green card, the Bhais feel like they may have to give up on their \"American dream.\" ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-1180x886.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-960x721.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33518_Leena-with-family-2-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Leena Bhai with her family on vacation in 2018 at Death Valley. Her husband, Siddharth, has a job at Google and an H-1B visa, but because of the years-long wait time Indian applicants face for an employment-based green card, the Bhais feel like they may have to give up on their “American Dream.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Leena Bhai)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bhai works for \u003ca href=\"https://anitab.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AnitaB.org\u003c/a>, a Palo Alto-based nonprofit that helps recruit, retain and advance women in technology. “I use my H-4 EAD for the betterment of the community. If that’s taken away from me, it’s a little bit of a loss to those women, too. Right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhai and others like her — mostly women, it must be said — are worried the Department of Homeland Security and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services are poised to do an about-face on H-4 EAD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2017, President Trump signed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-executive-order-buy-american-hire-american/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">executive order\u003c/a> to review the H-1B visa process as part of his “Buy American, Hire American” initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cis.org/Immigration-Newsmaker/Immigration-Newsmaker-Conversation-Director-USCIS-Francis-Cissna\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rare public conversation\u003c/a> last August at the National Press Club, USCIS Director Francis Cissna argued Congress never explicitly gave H-1B visa spouses the right to work. “That is an important reason why we should propose rescinding it,” Cissna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His argument mirrors the one from a group of IT workers called “Save Jobs USA.” The organization \u003ca href=\"http://www.immigration.com/sites/default/files/SaveJobs-Lawsuit.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sued Homeland Security\u003c/a> in 2015 over this issue, claiming the DHS is sidestepping protections for U.S. workers built into the H-1B program, specifically a limit on the number of H-1B visas that can be issued each fiscal year. Under the Obama administration, DHS maintained it had broad authority to interpret immigration law. But under the Trump administration, DHS told the appeals court it \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberglaw.com/public/desktop/document/Save_Jobs_USA_v_DHS_Docket_No_1605287_DC_Cir_Sept_30_2016_Court_D/1?1519928167\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its mind\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11702628 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-800x600.png\" alt='\"The predominance of Indians in both is quite remarkable, but it is also telling that the number of total EADs granted from 2015-17 was much smaller than the H-4 visas granted during the same period,\" says Karthick Ramakrishnan, Professor of Political Science and Public Policy.' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-800x600.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-160x120.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1020x765.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1200x900.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1920x1440.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-1180x885.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-960x720.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-240x180.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-375x281.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/H4-visas-2008-17-520x390.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“The predominance of Indians in both is quite remarkable, but it is also telling that the number of total EADs granted from 2015-17 was much smaller than the H-4 visas granted during the same period,” says Karthick Ramakrishnan, professor of political science and public policy. \u003ccite>(Infographic: Courtesy of Karthick Ramakrishnan/AAPI Data)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren of San Jose is one of 132 members of Congress who \u003ca href=\"https://jayapal.house.gov/sites/jayapal.house.gov/files/JayapalLove_DHS_Maintain_H4_Work_Authorization_2018_05_16_0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">signed a letter\u003c/a> urging Homeland Security to reconsider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the nation is long overdue for a broad reform of U.S. immigration law that takes into account, among other things, the needs of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a bill to do that. There are other bills that have been introduced. None of them are moving. The Republicans control every branch of government right now and they can’t do anything,” Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1965 law established that no individual country can constitute more than 7 percent of green cards issued in a year. The Immigration Act of 1990 caps the total number of new employment-based green cards at 140,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But no other country sends as many highly educated green card applicants to the U.S. as India. Indians who applied in 2009 are just getting their green cards now, and the backlog is growing. Some Indians who qualify are waiting as long as 25 years to move through that queue. “The wait for us is nearly exponential,” Bhai said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhai’s daughter is 7 years old. Her son is 4. She wonders what will happen when they get old enough to apply to college and require more financial support than her husband can manage now. What happens when they turn 21, old enough to require green cards of their own?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaving aside her concerns as a mother, what happens if Bhai is forced to sit out during her most productive professional years? “H-4 women face a triple burden if they are able to start working again, particularly in technology: race, gender and long gaps in their resumes,” \u003ca href=\"https://theconversation.com/why-trumps-plan-to-forbid-spouses-of-h-1b-visa-holders-to-work-is-a-bad-idea-89279\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">writes\u003c/a> associate professor \u003ca href=\"https://gwst.umbc.edu/amy-bhatt/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Amy Bhatt\u003c/a> at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County, author of \u003ca href=\"http://www.washington.edu/uwpress/search/books/BHAATH.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“High-Tech Housewives: Indian IT Workers, Gendered Labor, and Transmigration.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702634\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702634\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Silicon Valley skews heavily male, and many of the women who are present are immigrants. Leena Bhai, who works for AnitaB, an organization that promotes women in technology, argues H4-EAD holders contribute to the San Francisco Bay Area, professionally as well as culturally.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-1200x675.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33519_Leena-conference-2-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Silicon Valley skews heavily male, and many of the women who are present are immigrants. Leena Bhai, who works for AnitaB, an organization that promotes women in technology, argues H-4 EAD holders contribute to the San Francisco Bay Area, professionally as well as culturally. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Leena Bhai)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These are approved immigrants waiting for their number to come up. These intending immigrants are supposed to sit on their hands and do nothing, even though they also have Ph.D.s?” Rep. Lofgren said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren added that highly skilled immigrants don’t have to work here. “They’re getting poached by Canada, because they also feel that based on the president’s behavior, his comments, and some new hostility from the Immigration Service itself, that they’re not wanted here. You know, we’re not the only game in town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Countries like Australia, China, Germany and Israel are also reaching out to frustrated Indians who don’t want to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, the Trump administration does not appear to be rushing this particular rule change through. The Department of Homeland Security has pushed its decision-making timeline several times over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslie Dellon, staff attorney with the pro-immigration nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Immigration Council\u003c/a>, said that a notice of proposed rule-making requires a review by the Office of Management and Budget first, as well as a public comment period. “We’re probably looking at 2019 before there’s going to be any action taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leena Bhai can keep working, at least until the new year. Presuming she wants to stay.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "marriott-ceo-slams-hotel-workers-union-refuses-to-attend-s-f-hearing",
"title": "Marriott CEO Slams Hotel Workers Union, Refuses to Attend S.F. Hearing",
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"headTitle": "Marriott CEO Slams Hotel Workers Union, Refuses to Attend S.F. Hearing | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated 11/1/18 at 10:45 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief executive of Marriott International issued a blistering critique of the union representing thousands of workers who’ve been striking at seven of the chain’s hotels in San Francisco for close to a month, in a letter sent to a city supervisor on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson rejected an invitation from Supervisor Hillary Ronen to attend a Board of Supervisors meeting aimed at resolving the company’s ongoing dispute with Unite Here Local 2, and claimed the union was more interested in coordinating a national labor action instead of settling local contract issues at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union has attempted to portray Marriott as a company that has both disregarded its bargaining obligations and denied its employees fair wages and benefits,” Sorenson wrote in a letter obtained by KQED. “That could not be further from the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 4, more than 2,000 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders, bellmen and others represented by Local 2 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">walked off the job\u003c/a> at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and other several cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, who have been pushing for higher wages and better job protections, have not only been picketing outside of local hotels, but have also held marches and protests, in some cases leading to arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, Marriott has not spoken out extensively about the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we have generally stayed silent, opting not to negotiate with Unite Here Local 2 in the press or on social media, please don’t interpret this silence as confirmation of the union’s claims,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702827\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702827\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-960x641.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016. \u003ccite>(BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His letter is in response to Ronen’s invitation for the Marriott CEO to speak before a special board meeting set for Friday to discuss the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel industry is a cornerstone of our economy,” Ronen wrote to Sorenson last week. “As head of the largest employer in San Francisco’s hotel industry, you play a critical role in all of this,” Ronen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, shortly after Sorenson rejected the invitation, Ronen did not mince words.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">S.F. Mayor Breed Meets With Union, Expresses Support for Striking Hotel Workers\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Breed-1200x773.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disappointed that the CEO of a company that makes so much money by operating in San Francisco and who could settle this strike today, won’t take the time to attend this important hearing,” Ronen said in a text to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends the message that our city is just one more profit center, rather than a home for thousands of workers who are struggling every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aide to Ronen’s office says her office expects nearly a thousand rank and file workers to show up at Friday’s hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen, several other supervisors and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a>, as well as the city’s labor community, have all showed support for the striking employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s travel and hotel industry have stayed, for the most part, silent on developments in the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does the letter represent Sorenson’s first public comments about the San Francisco strike, it signaled a more aggressive tone from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The strike that has encompassed eight cities, including San Francisco, was not the result of a bargaining impasse in any city, but rather, it seems, part of the union’s bargaining strategy from the outset,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sorenson says the company’s employees are well-compensated, receiving strong wages, medical coverage and a pension fund, among other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials declined to comment on Sorenson’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Ronen’s response says it all,” said Unite Here press secretary Rachel Gumpert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, union leaders have said the strike \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698130/san-francisco-marriott-hotel-strike-far-from-resolution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">would not end\u003c/a> until the workers it represents don’t need to work several jobs just to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated 11/1/18 at 10:45 a.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief executive of Marriott International issued a blistering critique of the union representing thousands of workers who’ve been striking at seven of the chain’s hotels in San Francisco for close to a month, in a letter sent to a city supervisor on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marriott CEO Arne Sorenson rejected an invitation from Supervisor Hillary Ronen to attend a Board of Supervisors meeting aimed at resolving the company’s ongoing dispute with Unite Here Local 2, and claimed the union was more interested in coordinating a national labor action instead of settling local contract issues at the bargaining table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The union has attempted to portray Marriott as a company that has both disregarded its bargaining obligations and denied its employees fair wages and benefits,” Sorenson wrote in a letter obtained by KQED. “That could not be further from the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 4, more than 2,000 housekeepers, kitchen workers, bartenders, bellmen and others represented by Local 2 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">walked off the job\u003c/a> at the Courtyard Marriott Downtown, the Marriott Marquis, the Marriott Union Square, the Palace Hotel, the St. Regis, the W and the Westin St. Francis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar strikes, involving other Unite Here local unions, have been taking place in Oakland, San Jose and other several cities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, who have been pushing for higher wages and better job protections, have not only been picketing outside of local hotels, but have also held marches and protests, in some cases leading to arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until now, Marriott has not spoken out extensively about the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we have generally stayed silent, opting not to negotiate with Unite Here Local 2 in the press or on social media, please don’t interpret this silence as confirmation of the union’s claims,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702827\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702827\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1200x801.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-960x641.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/ArneS-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arne Sorenson, President and CEO Marriott International, pictured in 2016. \u003ccite>(BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His letter is in response to Ronen’s invitation for the Marriott CEO to speak before a special board meeting set for Friday to discuss the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel industry is a cornerstone of our economy,” Ronen wrote to Sorenson last week. “As head of the largest employer in San Francisco’s hotel industry, you play a critical role in all of this,” Ronen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, shortly after Sorenson rejected the invitation, Ronen did not mince words.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">S.F. Mayor Breed Meets With Union, Expresses Support for Striking Hotel Workers\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/Breed-1200x773.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’m very disappointed that the CEO of a company that makes so much money by operating in San Francisco and who could settle this strike today, won’t take the time to attend this important hearing,” Ronen said in a text to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sends the message that our city is just one more profit center, rather than a home for thousands of workers who are struggling every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aide to Ronen’s office says her office expects nearly a thousand rank and file workers to show up at Friday’s hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ronen, several other supervisors and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698707/san-francisco-mayor-jumps-into-marriott-hotel-labor-dispute\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a>, as well as the city’s labor community, have all showed support for the striking employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s travel and hotel industry have stayed, for the most part, silent on developments in the labor dispute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only does the letter represent Sorenson’s first public comments about the San Francisco strike, it signaled a more aggressive tone from the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hoped to reach an agreement months ago. Unfortunately, the union seemed more interested in participating in a long planned, multi-city, 23-hotel strike against Marriott than they were in engaging in any meaningful negotiations,” Sorenson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The strike that has encompassed eight cities, including San Francisco, was not the result of a bargaining impasse in any city, but rather, it seems, part of the union’s bargaining strategy from the outset,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sorenson says the company’s employees are well-compensated, receiving strong wages, medical coverage and a pension fund, among other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials declined to comment on Sorenson’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Ronen’s response says it all,” said Unite Here press secretary Rachel Gumpert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, union leaders have said the strike \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11698130/san-francisco-marriott-hotel-strike-far-from-resolution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">would not end\u003c/a> until the workers it represents don’t need to work several jobs just to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Cheesemakers Hit Hard by U.S.-Mexico Trade War",
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"content": "\u003cp>After President Trump slapped tariffs on aluminum and steel coming from the European Union, Canada and Mexico in May, Mexico responded with tariffs of its own on U.S-made cheese and a slew of other products in retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the successor to NAFTA, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/01/business/trump-nafta-usmca-differences.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed upon\u003c/a> by the U.S., Canada and Mexico earlier this month. But it didn’t do anything to address Trump’s metals tariffs, and cheese remains a part of the United States’ trade war with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exports are an increasingly important way California’s cheese processors make money. And because Mexico represents a huge chunk of those exports, they’re feeling the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, almost a third of the state’s dairy products were exported to Mexico, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/PDFs/2017AgExports.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the California Department of Food and Agriculture. Canada is a distant second, followed by China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Peluso Cheese manufacturing facility in the Central Valley city of Los Banos, three women grind Cotija Molido into a crumble that’s used in traditional Mexican and Central American cooking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women stand as they work in a small refrigerated room cordoned off from the rest of the building with a plastic curtain. Before it leaves this part of the facility, the cheese will be bagged, labeled and boxed for shipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cotija Molido is one of several cheeses — along with Oaxaca and Panela — that Peluso sells to consumers south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rene Reynoso, Peluso’s chief operating officer, said they ship 40,000 pounds of cheese to Mexico each month. He’d been planning to increase that by a factor of five, to 200,000 pounds of cheese per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, he hit the brakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We basically saw everything that was going on with the trade wars and we said ‘uh-oh.’ That’s going to create problems for our business,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico has enacted tariffs of as much as 25 percent on cheese made in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mexican people living in Mexico won’t be able to afford this cheese. They’re going to feel that the price is too high for their budgets,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peluso Cheese is shelving its once ambitious expansion plans. Plans to add 10 to 12 people to the staff of 35 are on hold. And for those who already had jobs, they’re getting fewer hours each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702478\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg\" alt=\"Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1020x763.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1200x898.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1180x883.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-960x718.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-375x280.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-520x389.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping. \u003ccite>(Lily Jamali/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reynoso thinks in the long run, he and others will benefit from Trump’s trade war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do support his decision to even the playing field on trade,” Reynoso said. “A lot of countries have taken advantage of the United States, and past presidents weren’t actually doing anything about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the short term, Mexico’s tariffs have hit the dairy industry hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the National Milk Producers Federation \u003ca href=\"http://www.nmpf.org/latest-news/press-releases/oct-2018/oct-24-nmpf-asks-usda-bolster-dairy-aid-package\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue to highlight its estimate that milk producers have experienced more than $1 billion in lost income since May to tariff retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Hilmar Cheese Company, a large cheese processor in Turlock that sells to brands and restaurants around the world, CEO David Ahlem says there could be long-term impacts as his customers look for a short-term fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that this will have long-term impacts in the supply chain as they go and look for cheese from other places, whether that’s the European Union or Australia and New Zealand, and believe you me, they’re standing at the door ready to fill those markets and sell them some cheese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, once those customers go elsewhere, they might not come back, even after the trade wars are done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After President Trump slapped tariffs on aluminum and steel coming from the European Union, Canada and Mexico in May, Mexico responded with tariffs of its own on U.S-made cheese and a slew of other products in retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), the successor to NAFTA, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/01/business/trump-nafta-usmca-differences.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed upon\u003c/a> by the U.S., Canada and Mexico earlier this month. But it didn’t do anything to address Trump’s metals tariffs, and cheese remains a part of the United States’ trade war with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exports are an increasingly important way California’s cheese processors make money. And because Mexico represents a huge chunk of those exports, they’re feeling the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, almost a third of the state’s dairy products were exported to Mexico, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/statistics/PDFs/2017AgExports.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the California Department of Food and Agriculture. Canada is a distant second, followed by China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Peluso Cheese manufacturing facility in the Central Valley city of Los Banos, three women grind Cotija Molido into a crumble that’s used in traditional Mexican and Central American cooking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women stand as they work in a small refrigerated room cordoned off from the rest of the building with a plastic curtain. Before it leaves this part of the facility, the cheese will be bagged, labeled and boxed for shipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cotija Molido is one of several cheeses — along with Oaxaca and Panela — that Peluso sells to consumers south of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rene Reynoso, Peluso’s chief operating officer, said they ship 40,000 pounds of cheese to Mexico each month. He’d been planning to increase that by a factor of five, to 200,000 pounds of cheese per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, he hit the brakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We basically saw everything that was going on with the trade wars and we said ‘uh-oh.’ That’s going to create problems for our business,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico has enacted tariffs of as much as 25 percent on cheese made in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mexican people living in Mexico won’t be able to afford this cheese. They’re going to feel that the price is too high for their budgets,” Reynoso said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peluso Cheese is shelving its once ambitious expansion plans. Plans to add 10 to 12 people to the staff of 35 are on hold. And for those who already had jobs, they’re getting fewer hours each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11702478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11702478\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg\" alt=\"Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-800x598.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1020x763.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1200x898.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-1180x883.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-960x718.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-375x280.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/CheeseBags-520x389.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bags of Cotija Molido cheese at the Peluso Cheese facility, ready for shipping. \u003ccite>(Lily Jamali/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reynoso thinks in the long run, he and others will benefit from Trump’s trade war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do support his decision to even the playing field on trade,” Reynoso said. “A lot of countries have taken advantage of the United States, and past presidents weren’t actually doing anything about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the short term, Mexico’s tariffs have hit the dairy industry hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the National Milk Producers Federation \u003ca href=\"http://www.nmpf.org/latest-news/press-releases/oct-2018/oct-24-nmpf-asks-usda-bolster-dairy-aid-package\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue to highlight its estimate that milk producers have experienced more than $1 billion in lost income since May to tariff retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Hilmar Cheese Company, a large cheese processor in Turlock that sells to brands and restaurants around the world, CEO David Ahlem says there could be long-term impacts as his customers look for a short-term fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that this will have long-term impacts in the supply chain as they go and look for cheese from other places, whether that’s the European Union or Australia and New Zealand, and believe you me, they’re standing at the door ready to fill those markets and sell them some cheese.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, once those customers go elsewhere, they might not come back, even after the trade wars are done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702389/trump-says-he-will-void-birthright-citizenship-law-through-executive-order\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trump Considers Executive Order to End Birthright Citizenship\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>President Trump says he wants to end birthright citizenship. That's according to an interview the president did with Axios. Trump said he has even run the idea by his legal counsel. That right, however, is guaranteed under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. But some conservative scholars think Trump's got legal ground to stand on.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Lily Jamali\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Calexico Mayor Calls Trump's Response to Migrant Caravan 'Alarmist'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is now deploying more than 5,000 troops to the U.S.-Mexico border in response to the caravan of Central American migrants heading north. But the mayor of one California border town says the president's characterization of the caravan as a \"national emergency\" is off-base.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Central Valley Cheesemakers Hit Hard By U.S.-Mexico Trade War\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent days, President Trump has been pressuring Mexico to stop the migrant caravan. For Mexico, \"NAFTA 2.0\" hangs in the balance. But that deal doesn't address the tariffs that Trump slapped on steel and aluminum from Mexico and other countries. Those tariffs are the reason why Mexico hit back with tariffs of its own on a long list that includes cheese made in America.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Lily Jamali\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Price for Central Valley Congressional Seat Keeps Rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most expensive congressional race in California is playing out in the Central Valley. Now $17 million has now been plowed into the race between Republican congressman and key Trump ally Devin Nunes and his Democratic challenger, Andrew Janz.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Race for Education Superintendent Is Outspending Other California Campaigns\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The race for California’s next superintendent of public instruction has now brought in more outside spending than any campaign for statewide office. KQED's Vanessa Rancaño joins host Lily Jamali to discuss the race and the job itself.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Guest: Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>X-Prize Winners Make Water From Thin Air\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What if you could make something out of thin air? David Hertz claims he can. His team won the $1.5 million dollar X-Prize last week for building a machine that makes water at just a few cents a gallon.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Caleigh Wells\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702389/trump-says-he-will-void-birthright-citizenship-law-through-executive-order\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trump Considers Executive Order to End Birthright Citizenship\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>President Trump says he wants to end birthright citizenship. That's according to an interview the president did with Axios. Trump said he has even run the idea by his legal counsel. That right, however, is guaranteed under the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. But some conservative scholars think Trump's got legal ground to stand on.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Lily Jamali\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Calexico Mayor Calls Trump's Response to Migrant Caravan 'Alarmist'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is now deploying more than 5,000 troops to the U.S.-Mexico border in response to the caravan of Central American migrants heading north. But the mayor of one California border town says the president's characterization of the caravan as a \"national emergency\" is off-base.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Central Valley Cheesemakers Hit Hard By U.S.-Mexico Trade War\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent days, President Trump has been pressuring Mexico to stop the migrant caravan. For Mexico, \"NAFTA 2.0\" hangs in the balance. But that deal doesn't address the tariffs that Trump slapped on steel and aluminum from Mexico and other countries. Those tariffs are the reason why Mexico hit back with tariffs of its own on a long list that includes cheese made in America.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Lily Jamali\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Price for Central Valley Congressional Seat Keeps Rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most expensive congressional race in California is playing out in the Central Valley. Now $17 million has now been plowed into the race between Republican congressman and key Trump ally Devin Nunes and his Democratic challenger, Andrew Janz.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Race for Education Superintendent Is Outspending Other California Campaigns\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The race for California’s next superintendent of public instruction has now brought in more outside spending than any campaign for statewide office. KQED's Vanessa Rancaño joins host Lily Jamali to discuss the race and the job itself.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Guest: Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>X-Prize Winners Make Water From Thin Air\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What if you could make something out of thin air? David Hertz claims he can. His team won the $1.5 million dollar X-Prize last week for building a machine that makes water at just a few cents a gallon.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Caleigh Wells\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Sen. Dianne Feinstein\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein visits KQED for a one-on-one interview with KQED Senior Politics and Government Editor Scott Shafer. She talks about her high-profile role in the Kavanaugh hearings, including what she would have done differently. She also discusses the Saudi crisis, and comes out in favor of San Francisco’s Proposition C that aims to address the city’s homeless issue by taxing big businesses. Currently the longest-serving woman senator, Feinstein doesn’t shy away from addressing her age and why she believes she’s still fit to serve for a fifth term.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Week in Politics\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The pipe bomb scare reached Northern California today, as two suspicious packages addressed to Sen. Kamala Harris and billionaire Democratic activist Tom Steyer were found in Burlingame and Sacramento. The still-developing story has sent ripples across Capitol Hill and the country in the runup to midterm elections. Meanwhile, President Trump considers closing the U.S. border as the caravan of Central American migrants continues trekking north. Plus, we look at the latest in a closely watched midterm election contest in the Central Valley’s 10th Congressional District between incumbent Republican Jeff Denham and Democratic challenger Josh Harder.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lanhee Chen, Hoover Institution fellow\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle senior political writer\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Anand Giridharadas’ “Winners Take All”\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We sit down with journalist and author Anand Giridharadas, who says many contemporary do-gooders fight for social change only if it doesn’t hurt their private wealth and powerful positions. In his new book, “Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World,” Giridharadas argues that despite Silicon Valley’s idealistic language, tech companies and philanthropists are too invested in the status quo, from cozy relationships with Saudi investors to corporations that resist taxes to fund homeless services in San Francisco.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Should California Businesses Pay More in Property Taxes?",
"title": "Should California Businesses Pay More in Property Taxes?",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A measure that would fundamentally alter Proposition 13 already has enough signatures to qualify for the November 2020 ballot. It’s known as “split roll” and here’s how it would work:\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California property owners – whether homes or businesses – have benefited equally for 40 years from the passage of Proposition 13. That measure limits annual increases on property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a progressive coalition, including housing advocates and teachers unions, wants to split homes and businesses onto separate tax rolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners holding more than $2 million in commercial property would no longer be taxed based on the original price they paid. Instead, they would pay based on the property’s regularly re-assessed market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would generate over $10 billion a year for our schools and local communities, without having to continue to increase taxes on individuals,” says Ben Grieff, campaign director for Evolve California, one of the groups pushing for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/17-0055%20%28Funding%20for%20Schools%20and%20Communities%29_2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">split roll measure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this block in North Oakland, where we’ve been examining the legacy of Proposition 13, business owners have seen some of the same impacts of homeowners. Newer entrepreneurs often end up paying much more in property tax than established business owners, in part because those who’ve owned property the longest benefit the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Challenges of Running a New Business in a Hot Market\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Noah Kinner owns a gym at the end of the block. It’s in an industrial building that once housed a biker bar. This is Kinner’s second gym location, and his first time owning commercial property. He says many of the people who come here to workout live close by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11701236\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11701236\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gym owner Noah Kinner says the predictability he gets from Proposition 13 helps him keep his business in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As long as the market value of Kinner’s building stays below $2 million, he would not be subject to the proposed split roll changes. But the way Oakland prices keep rising, he wonders how long he’d be able to qualify as an exempt small business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know the value of the building has appreciated significantly since we bought it,” Kinner says. “But that doesn't translate into anything for me and my day-to-day business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 13, Kinner’s property tax bill works pretty much the same way it does for his neighbors who own homes. It’s based on the price he paid for the building back in 2015 — not its market value today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Considering all the other costs associated with running his gym, Kinner appreciates the stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he lost that predictability, he says, staying open would be trickier. “If every year my valuation — like the Bay Area — is exceeding the rate that I'm able to grow my business, then I'm just incentivized to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why Supporters Are for Split Roll\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The idea of taxing commercial property differently than homes appeals to many Californians. Oakland resident Samuel Drew, who lives near the gym, likes the idea of keeping Proposition 13 in place for homeowners. But he says many businesses don’t need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's good for working people to lower their taxes,” Drew says. “But when you're making millions and billions, it just doesn't hit me as fair.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But statewide, support for split roll has been declining, according to polling from the Public Policy Institute of California. Some 60 percent of likely voters were in favor of split roll back in 2012. That support has \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/press-release/newsom-villaraigosa-virtual-tie-feinstein-leads-de-leon-double-digits/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dropped to 46 percent\u003c/a> today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC President Mark Baldassare says public support is likely to dip when the economy is strong and the state’s budget is healthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that many voters look to the split roll as a possibility to help the state out of a financial crisis,” Baldassare says. “But we're not in a financial crisis at the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the biggest selling point for proponents of split roll is how much it would raise in new tax revenue. A \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Getting_Real_About_Reform_2017_Update.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">USC study\u003c/a> found that it could bring in an additional $11.4 billion per year statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That could pay for a lot of services, health care workers and teachers,” says USC researcher and study co-author Jennifer Ito. Alameda County alone would take in about $550 million more each year, she says. “Every county in California would get additional revenue to go toward our local government and schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Split roll backers question why Proposition 13 lets large, older corporations benefit from much lower tax assessments than newer companies right next door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Intel owns a plot of land in the heart of Silicon Valley with an assessed value of about $2.50 per square foot. Meanwhile, just across the street, a professional office center is sitting on land with a recently assessed value of about $126 per square foot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Split Roll Critics Say Employers Already Pay Enough\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But taxpayer groups say split roll would only make the cost of doing business in California more burdensome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you talk to business owners and ask them if they're getting a pretty good deal on taxes in California, they will unanimously say 'no,' ” says David Kline, vice president of communications and research at the California Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11701237\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11701237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As long as the market value of Noah Kinner’s building stays below $2 million, he would not be subject to the proposed split roll changes. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Business groups often describe property taxes as one bright spot for companies in a state that otherwise levies some of the highest taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2017-055\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 split roll analysis\u003c/a> from the California Legislative Analyst’s Office concluded that raising business taxes relative to other states could “influence some businesses' decisions about whether to expand in or move to California.” But overall effects on the health of the state’s economy would be uncertain, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kline says if split roll passes it’s not clear other taxes would come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This particular initiative doesn't have any tax cuts to the sales tax or income tax to mitigate the problem,” he says. “It just has a punitive tax specifically targeted at California employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 has benefited some long-term property owners in this rapidly changing Oakland neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just down the street from Kinner’s gym, there’s a donut shop. Cambodian immigrant Timothy Mom has been running it since 1990. He rents the space, but he pays property taxes to his landlord as part of his lease agreement. Mom says that bill comes to about $135 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says that he’d have a much harder time starting his donut shop in this neighborhood today, especially if his taxes were tied to current property prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now it's very expensive to open a new business,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg%20https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In 2020, California voters could raise property tax bills for their business-owning neighbors.\r\n",
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"description": "In 2020, California voters could raise property tax bills for their business-owning neighbors.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A measure that would fundamentally alter Proposition 13 already has enough signatures to qualify for the November 2020 ballot. It’s known as “split roll” and here’s how it would work:\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">The California Dream: The Oakland Block That Proposition 13 Built\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"http://projects.scpr.org/prop-13/\">\u003cimg src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/10/23/Prop13600.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since 1978, Proposition 13 has played an outsized role in who can afford to live in California. Did it save the California dream, or spoil it? To answer that question, we focused on a single block in a middle-class neighborhood in North Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California property owners – whether homes or businesses – have benefited equally for 40 years from the passage of Proposition 13. That measure limits annual increases on property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a progressive coalition, including housing advocates and teachers unions, wants to split homes and businesses onto separate tax rolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners holding more than $2 million in commercial property would no longer be taxed based on the original price they paid. Instead, they would pay based on the property’s regularly re-assessed market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would generate over $10 billion a year for our schools and local communities, without having to continue to increase taxes on individuals,” says Ben Grieff, campaign director for Evolve California, one of the groups pushing for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/17-0055%20%28Funding%20for%20Schools%20and%20Communities%29_2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">split roll measure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On this block in North Oakland, where we’ve been examining the legacy of Proposition 13, business owners have seen some of the same impacts of homeowners. Newer entrepreneurs often end up paying much more in property tax than established business owners, in part because those who’ve owned property the longest benefit the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Challenges of Running a New Business in a Hot Market\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Noah Kinner owns a gym at the end of the block. It’s in an industrial building that once housed a biker bar. This is Kinner’s second gym location, and his first time owning commercial property. He says many of the people who come here to workout live close by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11701236\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11701236\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-portrait-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gym owner Noah Kinner says the predictability he gets from Proposition 13 helps him keep his business in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As long as the market value of Kinner’s building stays below $2 million, he would not be subject to the proposed split roll changes. But the way Oakland prices keep rising, he wonders how long he’d be able to qualify as an exempt small business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know the value of the building has appreciated significantly since we bought it,” Kinner says. “But that doesn't translate into anything for me and my day-to-day business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Proposition 13, Kinner’s property tax bill works pretty much the same way it does for his neighbors who own homes. It’s based on the price he paid for the building back in 2015 — not its market value today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Considering all the other costs associated with running his gym, Kinner appreciates the stability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he lost that predictability, he says, staying open would be trickier. “If every year my valuation — like the Bay Area — is exceeding the rate that I'm able to grow my business, then I'm just incentivized to sell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Why Supporters Are for Split Roll\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The idea of taxing commercial property differently than homes appeals to many Californians. Oakland resident Samuel Drew, who lives near the gym, likes the idea of keeping Proposition 13 in place for homeowners. But he says many businesses don’t need it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it's good for working people to lower their taxes,” Drew says. “But when you're making millions and billions, it just doesn't hit me as fair.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But statewide, support for split roll has been declining, according to polling from the Public Policy Institute of California. Some 60 percent of likely voters were in favor of split roll back in 2012. That support has \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/press-release/newsom-villaraigosa-virtual-tie-feinstein-leads-de-leon-double-digits/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dropped to 46 percent\u003c/a> today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC President Mark Baldassare says public support is likely to dip when the economy is strong and the state’s budget is healthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that many voters look to the split roll as a possibility to help the state out of a financial crisis,” Baldassare says. “But we're not in a financial crisis at the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the biggest selling point for proponents of split roll is how much it would raise in new tax revenue. A \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/assets/sites/242/docs/Getting_Real_About_Reform_2017_Update.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">USC study\u003c/a> found that it could bring in an additional $11.4 billion per year statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That could pay for a lot of services, health care workers and teachers,” says USC researcher and study co-author Jennifer Ito. Alameda County alone would take in about $550 million more each year, she says. “Every county in California would get additional revenue to go toward our local government and schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Split roll backers question why Proposition 13 lets large, older corporations benefit from much lower tax assessments than newer companies right next door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Intel owns a plot of land in the heart of Silicon Valley with an assessed value of about $2.50 per square foot. Meanwhile, just across the street, a professional office center is sitting on land with a recently assessed value of about $126 per square foot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Split Roll Critics Say Employers Already Pay Enough\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But taxpayer groups say split roll would only make the cost of doing business in California more burdensome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you talk to business owners and ask them if they're getting a pretty good deal on taxes in California, they will unanimously say 'no,' ” says David Kline, vice president of communications and research at the California Taxpayers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11701237\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11701237\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/biz-noah-working-at-table-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">As long as the market value of Noah Kinner’s building stays below $2 million, he would not be subject to the proposed split roll changes. \u003ccite>(Sean Havey/California Dream)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Business groups often describe property taxes as one bright spot for companies in a state that otherwise levies some of the highest taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2017-055\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 split roll analysis\u003c/a> from the California Legislative Analyst’s Office concluded that raising business taxes relative to other states could “influence some businesses' decisions about whether to expand in or move to California.” But overall effects on the health of the state’s economy would be uncertain, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kline says if split roll passes it’s not clear other taxes would come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This particular initiative doesn't have any tax cuts to the sales tax or income tax to mitigate the problem,” he says. “It just has a punitive tax specifically targeted at California employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 has benefited some long-term property owners in this rapidly changing Oakland neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just down the street from Kinner’s gym, there’s a donut shop. Cambodian immigrant Timothy Mom has been running it since 1990. He rents the space, but he pays property taxes to his landlord as part of his lease agreement. Mom says that bill comes to about $135 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says that he’d have a much harder time starting his donut shop in this neighborhood today, especially if his taxes were tied to current property prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Right now it's very expensive to open a new business,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JYKxFrMkzKA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jack/status/1053312148317716480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition C in San Francisco, Measure P in Mountain View and Measure HH in East Palo Alto would all raise taxes on businesses.",
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"title": "Should Big Business Pay to Fight Homelessness, Transportation Woes? Voters Will Decide | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Advocates \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreunreport\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demanded Oakland stop “sidewalk sweeps”\u003c/a> after a United Nations report called Oakland and San Francisco’s treatment of homeless people “cruel and inhuman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two Bay Area cities were the only ones in the United States mentioned in the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials have begun to set up temporary shelters made up of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677912/inside-one-of-oaklands-tuff-shed-homeless-communities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tuff Sheds\u003c/a> for homeless people as nearby encampments are cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UN Special Rapporteur accused San Francisco and Oakland of denying homeless people adequate access to water and sanitation in an attempt to discourage informal homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Advocates \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreunreport\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demanded Oakland stop “sidewalk sweeps”\u003c/a> after a United Nations report called Oakland and San Francisco’s treatment of homeless people “cruel and inhuman.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two Bay Area cities were the only ones in the United States mentioned in the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials have begun to set up temporary shelters made up of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677912/inside-one-of-oaklands-tuff-shed-homeless-communities\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tuff Sheds\u003c/a> for homeless people as nearby encampments are cleared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UN Special Rapporteur accused San Francisco and Oakland of denying homeless people adequate access to water and sanitation in an attempt to discourage informal homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Joe Hargrave, co-owner of San Francisco’s Tacolicious restaurants, says customers who come in and sit down for lunch have no idea that all the hustle and bustle in the kitchen has very little to do with serving them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the bar near the kitchen, an employee rushes around to handle all the incoming food orders from a third-party delivery app called Caviar. Even before the restaurant opens, online orders often pile up from Caviar, Uber Eats and DoorDash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave says the apps account for more and more of the restaurant’s lunch business. While lunch sales for Tacolicious are down 35 percent, lunch revenue is up 8 percent. Co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how the two run the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we will be delivering food, which I don’t see that ever ending,” Deseran says, “then we have to adapt every single thing we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the delivery app Caviar says its customers wanted food in bowls. Now Tacolicious is serving food in bowls. The restaurant had stacks of plates on the bar. Now they’ve replaced half of the plates with stacks of to-go boxes. Tacolicious is even making changes to their staff to accommodate the apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat in the restaurant talking, Hargrave received an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] from our VP of Ops talking about a new position that he wants to put out for third-party sales because he wants to keep the boxes organized and he wants to make sure the food is organized, and that we don’t miss a beat,” says Hargrave. “And we can go as high as $17 an hour!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tacolicious already has a person to manage customer phone calls, many of which happen to be about issues with deliveries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might have seen someone working one of these third-party delivery app jobs at other restaurants. They’re usually behind the bar, surrounded by tablets. The tablets are running all the different delivery apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also might have seen the delivery workers for the apps. They are often on mopeds, and still wearing their helmets when they come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These workers are paid by the order, which means they’re rushing into the restaurant to grab food and make their deliveries as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says the apps create all kinds of chaos that restaurants have to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to be dealing with these orders?” Deseran asks. “Will we have another person taking these orders? Will it be its own position? Where will we store the compostable trays? It’s almost like you are running an entirely different business on top of your business,” Deseran says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When something goes wrong with a delivery, the restaurant often has to deal with it. The restaurant gets the angry customer phone calls and the bad Yelp reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists have poured billions of dollars into these third-party apps. Over the last few years, the apps have been vying for market share and trying to get people used to ordering food online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies make revenue by taking a cut of the orders. Some of the companies siphon off as much as 30 percent from each delivery total. Profit margins in restaurants are notoriously small. So even though restaurants might get more business through the apps, they may actually be losing money on each order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave believes all this could get worse as the companies transition from using venture capital to build market share to trying to make real profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s going to happen to the rates when they start killing each other and one reigns supreme and they have to make a profit?” Hargrave asks. At that point, he says, diners may be so accustomed to the apps that restaurants have to serve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I didn’t do this to put food into boxes. I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.’\u003ccite>Joe Hargrave, Tacolicious co-owner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The National Restaurant Association is steering its members toward embracing the apps as a way to reach customers and sell more food. It sees this as the future that restaurants must conform to in order to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave and Deseran own five restaurants, which has allowed them to adapt to the apps. For instance, they can negotiate lower rates to be taken from each order and hire people to manage all the third-party apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller mom-and-pop restaurants don’t have these luxuries. So many don’t use the apps, which means that as more and more people order delivery, they could lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tacolicious, Hargrave’s big worry is that he’ll have to compromise on his food to feed the delivery apps, like adding preservatives to his tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says they’ve already taste-tested their food after it’s been driven around for 20 minutes in a car. So, like, food marinated in a Uber?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” Deseran says, “pine scent and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jokes aside, Deseran says she wishes they didn’t have to do delivery at all because of how it affects their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You end up having half the quality when it arrives,” says Deseran. “But people, I think, have become accustomed to having food that’s mediocre.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrubHub and Uber Eats are also testing ways to make food stay fresher during transit. But Hargrave says that when it comes down to it, what he really loves is having people actually come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do this to put food into boxes,” says Hargrave. “I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eating at a restaurant, Hargrave believes, is one of the last bastions of human connection that isn’t mediated through an app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he would prefer to keep it that way.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Joe Hargrave, co-owner of San Francisco’s Tacolicious restaurants, says customers who come in and sit down for lunch have no idea that all the hustle and bustle in the kitchen has very little to do with serving them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the bar near the kitchen, an employee rushes around to handle all the incoming food orders from a third-party delivery app called Caviar. Even before the restaurant opens, online orders often pile up from Caviar, Uber Eats and DoorDash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave says the apps account for more and more of the restaurant’s lunch business. While lunch sales for Tacolicious are down 35 percent, lunch revenue is up 8 percent. Co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how the two run the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we will be delivering food, which I don’t see that ever ending,” Deseran says, “then we have to adapt every single thing we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the delivery app Caviar says its customers wanted food in bowls. Now Tacolicious is serving food in bowls. The restaurant had stacks of plates on the bar. Now they’ve replaced half of the plates with stacks of to-go boxes. Tacolicious is even making changes to their staff to accommodate the apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat in the restaurant talking, Hargrave received an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] from our VP of Ops talking about a new position that he wants to put out for third-party sales because he wants to keep the boxes organized and he wants to make sure the food is organized, and that we don’t miss a beat,” says Hargrave. “And we can go as high as $17 an hour!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tacolicious already has a person to manage customer phone calls, many of which happen to be about issues with deliveries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might have seen someone working one of these third-party delivery app jobs at other restaurants. They’re usually behind the bar, surrounded by tablets. The tablets are running all the different delivery apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also might have seen the delivery workers for the apps. They are often on mopeds, and still wearing their helmets when they come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These workers are paid by the order, which means they’re rushing into the restaurant to grab food and make their deliveries as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says the apps create all kinds of chaos that restaurants have to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to be dealing with these orders?” Deseran asks. “Will we have another person taking these orders? Will it be its own position? Where will we store the compostable trays? It’s almost like you are running an entirely different business on top of your business,” Deseran says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When something goes wrong with a delivery, the restaurant often has to deal with it. The restaurant gets the angry customer phone calls and the bad Yelp reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists have poured billions of dollars into these third-party apps. Over the last few years, the apps have been vying for market share and trying to get people used to ordering food online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies make revenue by taking a cut of the orders. Some of the companies siphon off as much as 30 percent from each delivery total. Profit margins in restaurants are notoriously small. So even though restaurants might get more business through the apps, they may actually be losing money on each order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave believes all this could get worse as the companies transition from using venture capital to build market share to trying to make real profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s going to happen to the rates when they start killing each other and one reigns supreme and they have to make a profit?” Hargrave asks. At that point, he says, diners may be so accustomed to the apps that restaurants have to serve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I didn’t do this to put food into boxes. I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.’\u003ccite>Joe Hargrave, Tacolicious co-owner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The National Restaurant Association is steering its members toward embracing the apps as a way to reach customers and sell more food. It sees this as the future that restaurants must conform to in order to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave and Deseran own five restaurants, which has allowed them to adapt to the apps. For instance, they can negotiate lower rates to be taken from each order and hire people to manage all the third-party apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller mom-and-pop restaurants don’t have these luxuries. So many don’t use the apps, which means that as more and more people order delivery, they could lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tacolicious, Hargrave’s big worry is that he’ll have to compromise on his food to feed the delivery apps, like adding preservatives to his tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says they’ve already taste-tested their food after it’s been driven around for 20 minutes in a car. So, like, food marinated in a Uber?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” Deseran says, “pine scent and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jokes aside, Deseran says she wishes they didn’t have to do delivery at all because of how it affects their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You end up having half the quality when it arrives,” says Deseran. “But people, I think, have become accustomed to having food that’s mediocre.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrubHub and Uber Eats are also testing ways to make food stay fresher during transit. But Hargrave says that when it comes down to it, what he really loves is having people actually come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do this to put food into boxes,” says Hargrave. “I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eating at a restaurant, Hargrave believes, is one of the last bastions of human connection that isn’t mediated through an app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he would prefer to keep it that way.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>The Week in Politics\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With less than three weeks to go before the November elections, we look at key California congressional races. Also, the disappearance of journalist Jamal Khashoggi puts pressure on the White House to re-evaluate U.S.-Saudi relations and on the tech sector in Silicon Valley where the Saudis have invested billions of dollars. And what do the migrant caravan from Honduras, a shouting match in the West Wing and rumors of a new family separation policy reveal about the Trump administration’s ever-shifting immigration policies?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Carla Marinucci, POLITICO’s California Playbook reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> John Myers, Los Angeles Times political reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sean Walsh, Republican political consultant\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Senate Candidate Kevin de Le\u003c/b>\u003cb>ó\u003c/b>\u003cb>n\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>State Sen.\u003c/b> \u003cb>Kevin de Le\u003c/b>\u003cb>ó\u003c/b>\u003cb>n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is trying to unseat incumbent Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who’s been representing the state since 1992. De Le\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ón has served in for 12 years in the state Legislature and was president pro tem of the state senate. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> stopped by our studios to talk about why he thinks it’s time for “a new way of thinking” in Washington, D.C.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Former White House Photographer Pete Souza\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Chief Official White House Photographer Pete Souza brought us an intimate view of President Obama, his family and his administration. Since President Trump was elected, Souza began posting photos of former president Obama and writing captions that challenge the current president’s tweets, quotes and news. Souza has compiled those photos, and their captions, into a new book entitled “Shade: A Tale of Two Presidents.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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