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"content": "\u003cp>Mired in a stream of multibillion dollar budget deficits, the California Legislature on Wednesday turned to voters for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers voted to place a pair of $10 billion bonds on the November ballot. If approved, the money would pay for the building of new schools and help communities prepare for the impacts of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was swimming in money \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-california-gavin-newsom-5aa5ab19800a5e91c209ff1268ac40bc\">just a few years ago\u003c/a> as budget surpluses totaled well over $100 billion through the pandemic. But the state \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-legislature-budget-deficit-229cca6cef2165c15ab1841db9f75fe0\">had to slash spending\u003c/a> to cover deficits totaling more than $78 billion over the past two years as revenues declined amid rising inflation and an economic slowdown in the state’s pivotal technology industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money from the bonds would backfill some of those cuts, plus pay for a slew of priority projects up and down the state for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money isn’t free. The climate bond alone will cost taxpayers more than $19 billion to pay off, with annual payments of $650 million per year, putting more pressure on the state’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Gov. Gavin Newsom meeting with President Joe Biden and fellow Democratic governors in Washington, Senate President Pro Tempore Mike McGuire signed the bills into law as acting governor, capping a raucous evening session of the Legislature that was disrupted multiple times by Israel-Hamas war protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking voters for permission to borrow large sums of money is always risky, particularly when doing it multiple times in the same election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the two statewide ballots, voters will likely be asked to approve hundreds of local borrowing proposals — including a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/us-news/california-general-news-bce8b8f7064347cfd9c056c0b73971fb\">massive $20 billion housing bond\u003c/a> for the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent history suggests voters are tiring of these bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, despite a history of approving statewide school bonds, voters \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.ap.org/c2392907a555d4f39bd7a82\">rejected a $15 billion education borrowing proposal\u003c/a> — what would have been the largest in state history. And earlier this year, voters only \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-homelessness-mental-health-ballot-measure-f0ca6d6b22a92d04108e951e139d8077\">narrowly approved Proposition 1\u003c/a> authorizing the state to borrow more than $6 billion to help house the homeless — a result widely seen as a warning for lawmakers who were considering taking on more debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have thought that the razor-thin margin on Proposition 1 would be a wake-up call on these ill-defined bonds,” said Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “Whether it comes to education homelessness or climate, California citizens perceive that they are not getting value for their dollar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say voters are savvy enough to recognize the great need that will be filled — most school facilities are built with a combination of state and local money. But demand for state dollars is so great that there’s a waiting list of projects worth more than $3 billion, according to Democratic Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, who sits on the committee that approves the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do you go to the voter? You go to the voters to do investments that move us ahead that single allocations from the budget can’t afford,” Democratic state Sen. John Laird said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the climate bond would go to improve water supply and help prepare for wildfires. Statewide, nearly 400 water systems \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/us-news/utilities-california-san-diego-general-news-d710731195a80859fed1a39129b8906c\">don’t meet state safety standards\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, 15 of the 20 most destructive wildfires in state history have occurred in the past decade. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/heat-wave-california-kansas-missouri-gulf-coast-78d043f305799deb83860b09e65096ef\">Heat waves\u003c/a> are getting longer and more severe, placing public safety at risk, and intense winter storms have caused damaging floods in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s something that’s more tangible for people here and more real because they’ve seen it so much,” said Melissa Romero, deputy legislative director for California Environmental Voters, an advocacy group that supports the bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"science_1993540,news_11992853,news_11992997\"]Negotiations over the education bond have been ongoing for nearly two years, and the final result did not please everyone. Money from the bond would only apply to public schools and community colleges, excluding the University of California and the California State University systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, some advocacy groups say the bond would benefit wealthier school districts at the expense of poorer districts — something they say has been a persistent problem with the state’s program of funding school facility construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would continue the status quo, with some nominal equity adjustments that really won’t address the underlying issue,” said Nicole Gon Ochi, deputy managing attorney for Public Advocates, a nonprofit law firm and advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muratsuchi said the bond would make it easier for districts to qualify for the state’s financial hardship program and would help districts with fewer resources navigate the complex process of applying for state grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerns about the climate bond center on whether $10 billion is enough to make a difference and whether the money will be distributed fairly across the state. Democratic Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains was one of the few lawmakers to oppose the bond for that reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia noted that “difficult decisions needed to be made” given the competing priorities for limited funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also had to consider the dynamics of what voters and members of this House would support,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Money from the bonds would backfill some of those cuts, plus pay for a slew of priority projects up and down the state for years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money isn’t free. The climate bond alone will cost taxpayers more than $19 billion to pay off, with annual payments of $650 million per year, putting more pressure on the state’s finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Gov. Gavin Newsom meeting with President Joe Biden and fellow Democratic governors in Washington, Senate President Pro Tempore Mike McGuire signed the bills into law as acting governor, capping a raucous evening session of the Legislature that was disrupted multiple times by Israel-Hamas war protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asking voters for permission to borrow large sums of money is always risky, particularly when doing it multiple times in the same election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the two statewide ballots, voters will likely be asked to approve hundreds of local borrowing proposals — including a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/us-news/california-general-news-bce8b8f7064347cfd9c056c0b73971fb\">massive $20 billion housing bond\u003c/a> for the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent history suggests voters are tiring of these bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, despite a history of approving statewide school bonds, voters \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.ap.org/c2392907a555d4f39bd7a82\">rejected a $15 billion education borrowing proposal\u003c/a> — what would have been the largest in state history. And earlier this year, voters only \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-homelessness-mental-health-ballot-measure-f0ca6d6b22a92d04108e951e139d8077\">narrowly approved Proposition 1\u003c/a> authorizing the state to borrow more than $6 billion to help house the homeless — a result widely seen as a warning for lawmakers who were considering taking on more debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have thought that the razor-thin margin on Proposition 1 would be a wake-up call on these ill-defined bonds,” said Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “Whether it comes to education homelessness or climate, California citizens perceive that they are not getting value for their dollar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say voters are savvy enough to recognize the great need that will be filled — most school facilities are built with a combination of state and local money. But demand for state dollars is so great that there’s a waiting list of projects worth more than $3 billion, according to Democratic Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi, who sits on the committee that approves the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do you go to the voter? You go to the voters to do investments that move us ahead that single allocations from the budget can’t afford,” Democratic state Sen. John Laird said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the climate bond would go to improve water supply and help prepare for wildfires. Statewide, nearly 400 water systems \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/us-news/utilities-california-san-diego-general-news-d710731195a80859fed1a39129b8906c\">don’t meet state safety standards\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, 15 of the 20 most destructive wildfires in state history have occurred in the past decade. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/heat-wave-california-kansas-missouri-gulf-coast-78d043f305799deb83860b09e65096ef\">Heat waves\u003c/a> are getting longer and more severe, placing public safety at risk, and intense winter storms have caused damaging floods in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s something that’s more tangible for people here and more real because they’ve seen it so much,” said Melissa Romero, deputy legislative director for California Environmental Voters, an advocacy group that supports the bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Negotiations over the education bond have been ongoing for nearly two years, and the final result did not please everyone. Money from the bond would only apply to public schools and community colleges, excluding the University of California and the California State University systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, some advocacy groups say the bond would benefit wealthier school districts at the expense of poorer districts — something they say has been a persistent problem with the state’s program of funding school facility construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would continue the status quo, with some nominal equity adjustments that really won’t address the underlying issue,” said Nicole Gon Ochi, deputy managing attorney for Public Advocates, a nonprofit law firm and advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muratsuchi said the bond would make it easier for districts to qualify for the state’s financial hardship program and would help districts with fewer resources navigate the complex process of applying for state grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerns about the climate bond center on whether $10 billion is enough to make a difference and whether the money will be distributed fairly across the state. Democratic Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains was one of the few lawmakers to oppose the bond for that reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Eduardo Garcia noted that “difficult decisions needed to be made” given the competing priorities for limited funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also had to consider the dynamics of what voters and members of this House would support,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The minimum wage went up in several cities across California on Monday, just as inflation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978394/californians-face-higher-costs-for-goods-and-services-despite-slowing-inflation\">keeps elevating the prices of goods and services\u003c/a> in an already very expensive place to live. One Bay Area city, Emeryville, has raised its minimum wage to $19.36 an hour, making it the city with the highest minimum wage in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, five other cities in the Bay Area also increased their minimum wage:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Alameda:\u003c/b> $17.00 an hour (previously $16.52)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Berkeley:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Fremont:\u003c/b> $17.30 an hour (previously $16.80)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Milpitas:\u003c/b> $17.70 an hour (previously $17.20)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>San Francisco:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, several cities also boosted their minimum wage standards, including \u003cb>Los Angeles\u003c/b> (now $17.28/hour), \u003cb>Pasadena\u003c/b> (now $17.50/hour) and \u003cb>Santa Monica\u003c/b> (now $17.27/hour). Other cities, like \u003cb>West Hollywood\u003c/b>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.weho.org/business/operate-your-business/minimum-wage\">only changed the rate for employees in the hotel industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in a fast food restaurant, however, you need to be getting paid more. As of April 1, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">requires fast food restaurants with more than 60 establishments to pay employees at least $20 per hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big are the changes to local minimum wages?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the board, cities are raising the minimum wage by a small percentage. In San Francisco, for example, the jump from $18.07 to $18.67 represents a 3.3% increase. However, labor advocates say that these small increases are part of an ongoing fight for better wages and working conditions and that workers must ensure their employers follow the new regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is when an employer withholds any kind of compensation, said Juan Villalvazo, labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid organization in San Francisco. That can include situations where your employer continues to pay you last year’s rate, even after July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of workers in San Francisco, who should now be getting paid $18.67, he explained, “Let’s say for some reason your employer decides that they will pay you only $18.60 — that’s wage theft, right down to the last penny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even a few cents taken from your wages can make a big impact over time, Villalvazo adds. “I know it doesn’t sound like a lot, but assuming you work at least 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, that’s over a thousand dollars,” he said, “I myself wouldn’t want to give up a thousand dollars.”[aside postID=news_11985277 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Something important to make clear: minimum wage increases apply to all jobs, with some exceptions. So it doesn’t matter if you are undocumented, working without a formal employment contract or getting paid in cash — your employer must pay you at least the minimum wage, as defined by the city or county where your job is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only exceptions are usually independent contractors or close relatives that work for a family business, among others,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure I’m getting paid the right amount?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Check your pay stubs. Many employers use automatic payroll services that usually keep up with minimum wage changes, but it’s still a good idea to check the listed hourly rate to make sure it doesn’t list the outdated minimum wage or any lesser amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you receive your wages through automatic deposit and don’t receive physical pay stubs, you can contact your human resources or payroll department — or, in much smaller business, your boss directly — and ask for your most recent pay stub to confirm that what you got in your account is correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, you can get this information yourself if your employer has a digital employee portal (the place where you can review other information, like your schedule or insurance benefits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And something else to keep in mind: although the new minimum wage comes into effect July 1, that doesn’t mean that the check or deposit you’ll get paid on July 1 will be bigger. If your employer pays you every two weeks, your wages on July 1 are for the hours you worked for the second half of June. You won’t (?) see a change until you get paid again in mid-July.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I get paid in cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remind your employer about the new minimum wage and ask them to count your payment in front of you — to make sure each hour is compensated at the new rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo adds that even if your employer is not keeping track of the hours you work, it’s still a good idea for you to keep a written record on your end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that you maintain contemporaneous records,” he said. “So track every day and create some sort of time stamp for what hours you worked, when you entered the job site, when you left the job site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Across California, cities are increasing their minimum wages starting July 1.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>I think my employer is paying me less than the minimum wage. What can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Talk to your coworkers first, Villalvazo said, and check in with them if they think they’re also getting underpaid. “If all of you are getting paid below what you need to be paid, talk together with your employer. I think that gives you a little more force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people might feel nervous in these situations — either because they are afraid of losing their jobs or because their immigration situation is complicated. However, making sure you are getting paid what the law requires is a right protected by the state of California, regardless of your job or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your employer cannot fire you for trying to enforce your rights under the law, and if they do, they are subject to severe penalties,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option is talking to your boss about this via email or text. In your message, let your employer know in writing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The hourly rate you are being paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The correct minimum wage you should get paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How long you’ve been paid the incorrect amount (if this applies to you)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also send a link to (or a screenshot of) your city government’s website stating the new minimum wage — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-03/July2024%20Minimum%20Wage%20Poster.pdf\">like this poster from the city of San Francisco stating the city’s new minimum wage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not every employer is necessarily a bad faith actor,” Villalvazo said. “Try to negotiate directly with your employer to get them to be in compliance with local law in regards to minimum wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your employer doesn’t keep a record of your hours worked, this is a good time to pull up any documentation you’ve kept that shows how much time you’ve worked. “Text messages, emails, those are honestly the best because they have a time stamp,” Villalvazo said, “so it would be really hard to refute what is said in the text message or email when it did happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the conversation, send your boss an email or text confirming you had a conversation about your pay and what you agreed upon (or didn’t). That way, you have a record of what you talked about in case the same situation repeats itself in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I spoke to my employer about my wages, but they are not doing anything about it. What can I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your employer still refuses to change your wages so you are getting paid the minimum wage, you have several options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One option is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dlseSupportingDocs.html\">file a wage theft claim with the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> (also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement), which investigates employers accused of wage theft. However, the Labor Commissioner’s Office continues to struggle with understaffing, and KQED has published multiple investigations showing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913910/despite-record-budget-surplus-california-unlikely-to-fix-massive-wage-theft-claim-delays-anytime-soon\">how workers who file wage theft claims may have to wait years to get a result\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_11992165 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-07-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Another option that could be more efficient is to contact the office of your city’s government that deals with labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cb>San Francisco\u003c/b>, for example, you can contact the SF Office of Labor Standards Enforcement at 415-554-6292 or via email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:mwo@sfgov.org\">mwo@sfgov.org\u003c/a>. This team is tasked with ensuring employers keep up with the minimum wage. Let them know about your situation and have both your pay stubs — if you have them — and the written records of your conversations with your employer ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>San José\u003c/b> or \u003cb>Milpitas\u003c/b>, you can contact the Office of Equity Assurance City of San José at 408-535-8430 at \u003ca href=\"mailto:MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\">MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Fremont\u003c/b>, contact the city directly at \u003ca href=\"mailto:minwage@fremont.gov\">minwage@fremont.gov\u003c/a> or 510-284-4000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Berkeley\u003c/b>, contact the Health, Housing, and Community Services Department at 510-981-5400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in the city of \u003cb>Alameda\u003c/b>, contact the Base, Reuse and Economic Development Department at 510-747-6890 or \u003ca href=\"mailto:minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\">minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "One Bay Area city now has the highest minimum wage in the state and others are not far behind. Labor advocates are encouraging workers to take action to make sure their pay stubs reflect these changes.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The minimum wage went up in several cities across California on Monday, just as inflation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978394/californians-face-higher-costs-for-goods-and-services-despite-slowing-inflation\">keeps elevating the prices of goods and services\u003c/a> in an already very expensive place to live. One Bay Area city, Emeryville, has raised its minimum wage to $19.36 an hour, making it the city with the highest minimum wage in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, five other cities in the Bay Area also increased their minimum wage:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Alameda:\u003c/b> $17.00 an hour (previously $16.52)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Berkeley:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Fremont:\u003c/b> $17.30 an hour (previously $16.80)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Milpitas:\u003c/b> $17.70 an hour (previously $17.20)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>San Francisco:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, several cities also boosted their minimum wage standards, including \u003cb>Los Angeles\u003c/b> (now $17.28/hour), \u003cb>Pasadena\u003c/b> (now $17.50/hour) and \u003cb>Santa Monica\u003c/b> (now $17.27/hour). Other cities, like \u003cb>West Hollywood\u003c/b>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.weho.org/business/operate-your-business/minimum-wage\">only changed the rate for employees in the hotel industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in a fast food restaurant, however, you need to be getting paid more. As of April 1, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">requires fast food restaurants with more than 60 establishments to pay employees at least $20 per hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big are the changes to local minimum wages?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the board, cities are raising the minimum wage by a small percentage. In San Francisco, for example, the jump from $18.07 to $18.67 represents a 3.3% increase. However, labor advocates say that these small increases are part of an ongoing fight for better wages and working conditions and that workers must ensure their employers follow the new regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is when an employer withholds any kind of compensation, said Juan Villalvazo, labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid organization in San Francisco. That can include situations where your employer continues to pay you last year’s rate, even after July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of workers in San Francisco, who should now be getting paid $18.67, he explained, “Let’s say for some reason your employer decides that they will pay you only $18.60 — that’s wage theft, right down to the last penny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even a few cents taken from your wages can make a big impact over time, Villalvazo adds. “I know it doesn’t sound like a lot, but assuming you work at least 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, that’s over a thousand dollars,” he said, “I myself wouldn’t want to give up a thousand dollars.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Something important to make clear: minimum wage increases apply to all jobs, with some exceptions. So it doesn’t matter if you are undocumented, working without a formal employment contract or getting paid in cash — your employer must pay you at least the minimum wage, as defined by the city or county where your job is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only exceptions are usually independent contractors or close relatives that work for a family business, among others,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure I’m getting paid the right amount?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Check your pay stubs. Many employers use automatic payroll services that usually keep up with minimum wage changes, but it’s still a good idea to check the listed hourly rate to make sure it doesn’t list the outdated minimum wage or any lesser amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you receive your wages through automatic deposit and don’t receive physical pay stubs, you can contact your human resources or payroll department — or, in much smaller business, your boss directly — and ask for your most recent pay stub to confirm that what you got in your account is correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, you can get this information yourself if your employer has a digital employee portal (the place where you can review other information, like your schedule or insurance benefits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And something else to keep in mind: although the new minimum wage comes into effect July 1, that doesn’t mean that the check or deposit you’ll get paid on July 1 will be bigger. If your employer pays you every two weeks, your wages on July 1 are for the hours you worked for the second half of June. You won’t (?) see a change until you get paid again in mid-July.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I get paid in cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remind your employer about the new minimum wage and ask them to count your payment in front of you — to make sure each hour is compensated at the new rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo adds that even if your employer is not keeping track of the hours you work, it’s still a good idea for you to keep a written record on your end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that you maintain contemporaneous records,” he said. “So track every day and create some sort of time stamp for what hours you worked, when you entered the job site, when you left the job site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Across California, cities are increasing their minimum wages starting July 1.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>I think my employer is paying me less than the minimum wage. What can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Talk to your coworkers first, Villalvazo said, and check in with them if they think they’re also getting underpaid. “If all of you are getting paid below what you need to be paid, talk together with your employer. I think that gives you a little more force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people might feel nervous in these situations — either because they are afraid of losing their jobs or because their immigration situation is complicated. However, making sure you are getting paid what the law requires is a right protected by the state of California, regardless of your job or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your employer cannot fire you for trying to enforce your rights under the law, and if they do, they are subject to severe penalties,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option is talking to your boss about this via email or text. In your message, let your employer know in writing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The hourly rate you are being paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The correct minimum wage you should get paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How long you’ve been paid the incorrect amount (if this applies to you)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also send a link to (or a screenshot of) your city government’s website stating the new minimum wage — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-03/July2024%20Minimum%20Wage%20Poster.pdf\">like this poster from the city of San Francisco stating the city’s new minimum wage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not every employer is necessarily a bad faith actor,” Villalvazo said. “Try to negotiate directly with your employer to get them to be in compliance with local law in regards to minimum wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your employer doesn’t keep a record of your hours worked, this is a good time to pull up any documentation you’ve kept that shows how much time you’ve worked. “Text messages, emails, those are honestly the best because they have a time stamp,” Villalvazo said, “so it would be really hard to refute what is said in the text message or email when it did happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the conversation, send your boss an email or text confirming you had a conversation about your pay and what you agreed upon (or didn’t). That way, you have a record of what you talked about in case the same situation repeats itself in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I spoke to my employer about my wages, but they are not doing anything about it. What can I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your employer still refuses to change your wages so you are getting paid the minimum wage, you have several options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One option is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dlseSupportingDocs.html\">file a wage theft claim with the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> (also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement), which investigates employers accused of wage theft. However, the Labor Commissioner’s Office continues to struggle with understaffing, and KQED has published multiple investigations showing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913910/despite-record-budget-surplus-california-unlikely-to-fix-massive-wage-theft-claim-delays-anytime-soon\">how workers who file wage theft claims may have to wait years to get a result\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another option that could be more efficient is to contact the office of your city’s government that deals with labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cb>San Francisco\u003c/b>, for example, you can contact the SF Office of Labor Standards Enforcement at 415-554-6292 or via email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:mwo@sfgov.org\">mwo@sfgov.org\u003c/a>. This team is tasked with ensuring employers keep up with the minimum wage. Let them know about your situation and have both your pay stubs — if you have them — and the written records of your conversations with your employer ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>San José\u003c/b> or \u003cb>Milpitas\u003c/b>, you can contact the Office of Equity Assurance City of San José at 408-535-8430 at \u003ca href=\"mailto:MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\">MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Fremont\u003c/b>, contact the city directly at \u003ca href=\"mailto:minwage@fremont.gov\">minwage@fremont.gov\u003c/a> or 510-284-4000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Berkeley\u003c/b>, contact the Health, Housing, and Community Services Department at 510-981-5400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in the city of \u003cb>Alameda\u003c/b>, contact the Base, Reuse and Economic Development Department at 510-747-6890 or \u003ca href=\"mailto:minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\">minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Companies will have to disclose the full cost of everything from hotel rooms to concert tickets upfront starting July 1 when a new state law takes effect banning so-called junk fees — those hidden costs that get tacked onto a bill right before you pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the restaurant industry won’t be included after some last-minute political wrangling in Sacramento that led to an eleventh-hour exemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to ban surprise costs has gained momentum in recent years, with President Joe Biden making the ban on these fees a centerpiece of his strategy to tackle rising consumer prices. The president said the hidden charges cost Americans some \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/03/05/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-new-actions-to-lower-costs-for-americans-by-fighting-corporate-rip-offs/#:~:text=Cracking%20down%20on%20junk%20fees,upfront%20when%20consumers%20make%20purchases\">$90 billion each year\u003c/a>, but many of Biden’s efforts have been slowed or stymied. Airlines and banks are suing, and his legislation to ban junk fees altogether has stalled in the Republican-led House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, states are stepping in. California led the way with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB478\">SB 478\u003c/a>, which was signed into law last year and goes into effect July 1. It requires transparency in pricing in nearly all industries except for airlines, which are governed by federal law. Minnesota’s governor also signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/what-minnesotas-new-junk-fees-law-means-for-purchases-and-tipping-at-restaurants/600367549/\">a law this spring banning junk fees\u003c/a>. And lawmakers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cga.ct.gov/asp/cgabillstatus/cgabillstatus.asp?selBillType=Bill&which_year=2024&bill_num=15\">Connecticut\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2023/S7783/amendment/B\">New York\u003c/a> are considering similar legislation.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Bill Dodd (D-Napa) was one of the law’s authors. He said the issue is personal to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A year ago, I took my three adult sons to the playoff game for the Warriors and the Kings,” he said. “And it was just absolutely — I mean, they were pretty expensive tickets — but nevertheless, the amount that came as the fee, somewhere around $700 or $800, just absolutely blew my mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd’s experience is not unusual, according to Chuck Bell, an advocate at Consumer Reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People deserve to know upfront how much something is going to cost,” he said. “It doesn’t necessarily save them money. It doesn’t require any business to lower their prices just to have transparent pricing. But it’s something that’s fair and gives the consumer peace of mind and economic security.”[aside postID=\"news_11985689,news_11978745,forum_2010101906095\" label=”Related Coverage”]Still, businesses of all kinds pushed back when lawmakers were considering the bill, arguing that false advertising is already banned in California and that in many industries, prices are already heavily regulated. One main point of contention for the California Chamber of Commerce and others was the provision allowing private citizens — not just the government — to sue if they encounter junk fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the restaurant industry also lobbied lawmakers for a carveout in recent weeks, saying they didn’t know when the legislation was being debated last year that it included menu charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco restaurant owner Laurie Thomas, who is also the executive director of the Golden Gate Restaurant Association, said banning restaurants from adding mandatory fees — including automatic gratuity — would force them to include those extra costs in menu prices or pay employees less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can raise the prices. But then we anticipate consumers will do what my husband and I do, like, ‘Oh my God, that was expensive. We can’t do that twice a week anymore,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas and other industry advocates argue that diners react better to a surcharge at the end of the meal than to higher prices for things like burgers and salads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone agrees. One popular San Francisco restaurant has taken the opposite approach, declaring itself tip-free and noting at the top of its menu that all employees receive a living wage and full benefits, including paid parental and sick leave, as well as a 401(k) with an employer match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992407\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Huz (right) waits on tables at Zazie in San Francisco on June 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The restaurant is Zazie, a French bistro in Cole Valley known for its brunch menu. Co-owner Megan Cornelius said the unusual pricing structure creates loyalty for both employees and diners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we really enjoy it just being transparent. Like, if you see, that’s what you’re going to pay, you’re going to pay that plus tax, but that’s it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zazie regular Ariana Wilson, who was having brunch on Zazie’s patio recently, said she prefers knowing the full price of everything on the menu up front, rather than having to do math in her head while she orders — or getting a surprise at the end of the meal. And she appreciates something else, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think part of why my family is so supportive of this business is because of how they take care of their employees, and I think the transparency at the top of the menu is nice to know what it’s going towards,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Zazie’s unique structure will likely remain an exception. After restaurants around the state balked at being included in the junk fee ban, state lawmakers took action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation authored by Senator Dodd making clear that restaurants can tack on fees, as long as they’re clearly disclosed ahead of time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/food/story/2024-06-25/restaurants-charge-service-fees-an-emergency-measure-passes-unanimously\">was approved last week\u003c/a> — just in time for the restaurant industry to avoid the broader junk fee ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Companies will have to disclose the full cost of everything from hotel rooms to concert tickets upfront starting July 1 when a new state law takes effect banning so-called junk fees — those hidden costs that get tacked onto a bill right before you pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the restaurant industry won’t be included after some last-minute political wrangling in Sacramento that led to an eleventh-hour exemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to ban surprise costs has gained momentum in recent years, with President Joe Biden making the ban on these fees a centerpiece of his strategy to tackle rising consumer prices. The president said the hidden charges cost Americans some \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/03/05/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-new-actions-to-lower-costs-for-americans-by-fighting-corporate-rip-offs/#:~:text=Cracking%20down%20on%20junk%20fees,upfront%20when%20consumers%20make%20purchases\">$90 billion each year\u003c/a>, but many of Biden’s efforts have been slowed or stymied. Airlines and banks are suing, and his legislation to ban junk fees altogether has stalled in the Republican-led House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, states are stepping in. California led the way with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB478\">SB 478\u003c/a>, which was signed into law last year and goes into effect July 1. It requires transparency in pricing in nearly all industries except for airlines, which are governed by federal law. Minnesota’s governor also signed \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/what-minnesotas-new-junk-fees-law-means-for-purchases-and-tipping-at-restaurants/600367549/\">a law this spring banning junk fees\u003c/a>. And lawmakers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cga.ct.gov/asp/cgabillstatus/cgabillstatus.asp?selBillType=Bill&which_year=2024&bill_num=15\">Connecticut\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2023/S7783/amendment/B\">New York\u003c/a> are considering similar legislation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Bill Dodd (D-Napa) was one of the law’s authors. He said the issue is personal to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A year ago, I took my three adult sons to the playoff game for the Warriors and the Kings,” he said. “And it was just absolutely — I mean, they were pretty expensive tickets — but nevertheless, the amount that came as the fee, somewhere around $700 or $800, just absolutely blew my mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd’s experience is not unusual, according to Chuck Bell, an advocate at Consumer Reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People deserve to know upfront how much something is going to cost,” he said. “It doesn’t necessarily save them money. It doesn’t require any business to lower their prices just to have transparent pricing. But it’s something that’s fair and gives the consumer peace of mind and economic security.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, businesses of all kinds pushed back when lawmakers were considering the bill, arguing that false advertising is already banned in California and that in many industries, prices are already heavily regulated. One main point of contention for the California Chamber of Commerce and others was the provision allowing private citizens — not just the government — to sue if they encounter junk fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the restaurant industry also lobbied lawmakers for a carveout in recent weeks, saying they didn’t know when the legislation was being debated last year that it included menu charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco restaurant owner Laurie Thomas, who is also the executive director of the Golden Gate Restaurant Association, said banning restaurants from adding mandatory fees — including automatic gratuity — would force them to include those extra costs in menu prices or pay employees less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can raise the prices. But then we anticipate consumers will do what my husband and I do, like, ‘Oh my God, that was expensive. We can’t do that twice a week anymore,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas and other industry advocates argue that diners react better to a surcharge at the end of the meal than to higher prices for things like burgers and salads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone agrees. One popular San Francisco restaurant has taken the opposite approach, declaring itself tip-free and noting at the top of its menu that all employees receive a living wage and full benefits, including paid parental and sick leave, as well as a 401(k) with an employer match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992407\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992407\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240628-JUNK-FEES-LAW-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monica Huz (right) waits on tables at Zazie in San Francisco on June 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The restaurant is Zazie, a French bistro in Cole Valley known for its brunch menu. Co-owner Megan Cornelius said the unusual pricing structure creates loyalty for both employees and diners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we really enjoy it just being transparent. Like, if you see, that’s what you’re going to pay, you’re going to pay that plus tax, but that’s it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zazie regular Ariana Wilson, who was having brunch on Zazie’s patio recently, said she prefers knowing the full price of everything on the menu up front, rather than having to do math in her head while she orders — or getting a surprise at the end of the meal. And she appreciates something else, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think part of why my family is so supportive of this business is because of how they take care of their employees, and I think the transparency at the top of the menu is nice to know what it’s going towards,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Zazie’s unique structure will likely remain an exception. After restaurants around the state balked at being included in the junk fee ban, state lawmakers took action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation authored by Senator Dodd making clear that restaurants can tack on fees, as long as they’re clearly disclosed ahead of time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/food/story/2024-06-25/restaurants-charge-service-fees-an-emergency-measure-passes-unanimously\">was approved last week\u003c/a> — just in time for the restaurant industry to avoid the broader junk fee ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Saturday signed \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-legislature-budget-deficit-229cca6cef2165c15ab1841db9f75fe0#:~:text=California%20Legislature%20approves%20budget%20that%20slashes%20spending%20to%20address%20%2446.8%20billion%20deficit,-1%20of%204&text=June%2026%2C%202024-,SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,estimated%20%2446.8%20billion%20budget%20deficit.\">California’s budget to close an estimated $46.8 billion deficit\u003c/a> through $16 billion in spending cuts and temporarily raising taxes on some businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers passed the budget Wednesday following an agreement between Newsom and legislative leaders in which both sides made concessions and also had wins as they were forced, for the second year in a row, to pare back or delay some progressive policies that had been fueled by record-breaking surpluses during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a responsible budget that prepares for the future while investing in foundational programs that benefit millions of Californians every day,” Newsom said in a statement. “Thanks to careful stewardship of the budget over the past few years, we’re able to meet this moment while protecting our progress on housing, homelessness, education, health care and other priorities that matter deeply to Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deficit was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-state-budget-2023-2db8442a1d7c0ecc5b6827207c1dad03\">about $32 billion\u003c/a> in 2023 before growing even bigger this year, with more deficits projected for the future in the nation’s most populous state. Saturday’s signing came just two years after Newsom and Democratic lawmakers were \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-california-gavin-newsom-5aa5ab19800a5e91c209ff1268ac40bc\">boasting about surpluses\u003c/a> that totaled more than $100 billion, the product of hundreds of billions of dollars of federal COVID-19 aid and a progressive tax code that produced a windfall of revenue from the state’s wealthiest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11991747,news_11990465,news_11985798\"]But those revenue spikes did not last as inflation slowed the economy, contributing to rising unemployment and a slowdown in the tech industry that has driven much of the state’s growth. The Newsom administration then badly miscalculated how much money California would have last year after a seven-month delay in the tax filing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has historically been prone to large budget swings, given its \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-california-pandemics-coronavirus-pandemic-2522f2b710bbb32383ab33865a1a9333\">reliance on its wealthiest taxpayers\u003c/a>. But these deficits have come at a bad time for Newsom, who has been building his national profile ahead of a potential future run for president and has been tapped as a top surrogate for President Joe Biden’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget includes an agreement that Newsom and lawmakers will try to change the state constitution to let California put more money in reserve for future shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, however, said they were left out of negotiations. They criticized the tax increase on businesses, which applies to companies with at least $1 million in revenue and will last for three years, bringing in more than $5 billion extra for the state next year. And they criticized Democrats for some cuts to social safety net programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Saturday signed \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-legislature-budget-deficit-229cca6cef2165c15ab1841db9f75fe0#:~:text=California%20Legislature%20approves%20budget%20that%20slashes%20spending%20to%20address%20%2446.8%20billion%20deficit,-1%20of%204&text=June%2026%2C%202024-,SACRAMENTO%2C%20Calif.,estimated%20%2446.8%20billion%20budget%20deficit.\">California’s budget to close an estimated $46.8 billion deficit\u003c/a> through $16 billion in spending cuts and temporarily raising taxes on some businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers passed the budget Wednesday following an agreement between Newsom and legislative leaders in which both sides made concessions and also had wins as they were forced, for the second year in a row, to pare back or delay some progressive policies that had been fueled by record-breaking surpluses during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a responsible budget that prepares for the future while investing in foundational programs that benefit millions of Californians every day,” Newsom said in a statement. “Thanks to careful stewardship of the budget over the past few years, we’re able to meet this moment while protecting our progress on housing, homelessness, education, health care and other priorities that matter deeply to Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deficit was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-state-budget-2023-2db8442a1d7c0ecc5b6827207c1dad03\">about $32 billion\u003c/a> in 2023 before growing even bigger this year, with more deficits projected for the future in the nation’s most populous state. Saturday’s signing came just two years after Newsom and Democratic lawmakers were \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-california-gavin-newsom-5aa5ab19800a5e91c209ff1268ac40bc\">boasting about surpluses\u003c/a> that totaled more than $100 billion, the product of hundreds of billions of dollars of federal COVID-19 aid and a progressive tax code that produced a windfall of revenue from the state’s wealthiest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But those revenue spikes did not last as inflation slowed the economy, contributing to rising unemployment and a slowdown in the tech industry that has driven much of the state’s growth. The Newsom administration then badly miscalculated how much money California would have last year after a seven-month delay in the tax filing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has historically been prone to large budget swings, given its \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-california-pandemics-coronavirus-pandemic-2522f2b710bbb32383ab33865a1a9333\">reliance on its wealthiest taxpayers\u003c/a>. But these deficits have come at a bad time for Newsom, who has been building his national profile ahead of a potential future run for president and has been tapped as a top surrogate for President Joe Biden’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget includes an agreement that Newsom and lawmakers will try to change the state constitution to let California put more money in reserve for future shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, however, said they were left out of negotiations. They criticized the tax increase on businesses, which applies to companies with at least $1 million in revenue and will last for three years, bringing in more than $5 billion extra for the state next year. And they criticized Democrats for some cuts to social safety net programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What does a job scam look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When illustrator \u003ca href=\"https://lillianansell.com/commissioned-work\">Lillian Ansell\u003c/a> was just out of college in 2019, she spotted an ad for freelance work on the websites Indeed and Glassdoor purporting to be from King Arthur Baking Company in Vermont. It seemed like a dream gig. “I reached out. I sent my resume over. They sent me an email back. ‘We’d love to do an interview with you.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #1: \u003c/strong>Instead of a live interview on the phone, zoom or in person, Ansell was interviewed over text. “‘We do all our interviews over Google Chat,’” Ansell said the “hiring manager” told her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #2: \u003c/strong>Ansell was excited when the fraudster said King Arthur wanted her to start ASAP, and she wasn’t thrown off when told the company would front her money to purchase work-from-home equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #3: \u003c/strong>The “hiring manager” then sent Ansell a check for $1,500 to purchase equipment from what looked like another legitimate company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #4: \u003c/strong>Presuming the check would clear, she dutifully sent out postal money orders using the debit card tied to her account, which her parents cosigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fraudster then sent a second check, and Ansell tried to send a second batch of postal money orders, but a savvy FedEx employee put a stop to it. When all was said and done, Ansell — well, really, her parents — were out about $1,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back on her experience several years ago now, Ansell said, “I definitely have become less trusting of online sources for jobs.” She is shopping for an agent now in New York. Her parents say they are excited about that. They figure experienced human agents are much safer go-betweens with potential employers than online platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Job scams are on the rise \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/one-million-kids-were-victims-of-id-theft-last-year/\">Identity Theft Resource Center\u003c/a> released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/post/itrc-online-job-scam-reports-rising/\">report this week\u003c/a> that found a 118% increase in job scams in 2023. That is to say, the ITRC received 492 calls from job scam victims in 2023, compared to 226 in 2022. The nonprofit walks victims through the process of determining what, exactly, has been compromised, then helps craft a customized recovery plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11991230,news_11982634,news_11973657\"]“The vulnerable population when it comes to job scams are people who simply aren’t familiar with the process,” said Eva Velasquez, who heads the center. That could be young people like Ansell just starting out. Or new immigrants. Or stay-at-home parents returning to the job market after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is they’re going to give you money and then ask for a refund in some manner. And that’s where I always tell people, ‘Don’t even engage,’” Velasquez said. She added that a request for money — or sensitive personal data — are common signs you’re dealing with a fraudster, but we often miss those because the scam artist confuses us with a false sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phone a friend. Take five and phone a friend. Asking someone else kind of takes you out of that emotional state. And helps you to see things in a more factual, logical state,” Velasquez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What the online job boards say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the onus is primarily on the job hunter to steer clear of scams, the top online job boards all told KQED fake job posts are against their company rules. Perhaps more helpfully, most have processes in place to identify and remove fake listings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Indeed:\u003c/strong> “Indeed removes tens of millions of job listings each month that do not meet our quality guidelines.” Additionally, a spokesperson wrote, “We encourage all job seekers to review our \u003ca href=\"https://support.indeed.com/hc/en-us/articles/216354123-Guidelines-for-Safe-Job-Search\">Guidelines for a Safe Job Search.\u003c/a>”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Glassdoor:\u003c/strong> “Like all content posted on Glassdoor, job listings are actively monitored to ensure they meet our rigorous guidelines. We encourage users who suspect they have been a victim of fraud to flag the content to Glassdoor and, if necessary, to their local authorities as well.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>LinkedIn:\u003c/strong> “We’ve evolved our defenses by investing in technologies such as advanced network algorithms that detect communities of fake accounts through similarities in their content and behavior, computer vision and natural language processing algorithms for detecting AI-generated elements in fake profiles, anomaly detection of risky behaviors, and deep learning models for detecting sequences of activity that are associated with abusive automation.” Additionally, the platform has added a \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/help/linkedin/answer/a1359065\">verification badge\u003c/a> to job postings as well as job seeker and \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/hsrinivasan1_good-news-were-rolling-out-a-verification-activity-7183463626194767872-uvGU/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop\">recruiter profiles\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>ZipRecruiter:\u003c/strong> “We take steps to educate job seekers about how to spot suspicious activity and encourage reporting of all such activity to us so we can investigate and take prompt remedial action.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if you do get scammed?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts say it’s always a good idea to report a scam to the relevant job board, local law enforcement, and the \u003ca href=\"https://consumer.ftc.gov/articles/job-scams\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a>, even though few scam artists are prosecuted at any level of law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts also say the money — often sent voluntarily by the victim in postal money orders, gift cards, or cryptocurrency — is typically impossible to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What does a job scam look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When illustrator \u003ca href=\"https://lillianansell.com/commissioned-work\">Lillian Ansell\u003c/a> was just out of college in 2019, she spotted an ad for freelance work on the websites Indeed and Glassdoor purporting to be from King Arthur Baking Company in Vermont. It seemed like a dream gig. “I reached out. I sent my resume over. They sent me an email back. ‘We’d love to do an interview with you.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #1: \u003c/strong>Instead of a live interview on the phone, zoom or in person, Ansell was interviewed over text. “‘We do all our interviews over Google Chat,’” Ansell said the “hiring manager” told her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #2: \u003c/strong>Ansell was excited when the fraudster said King Arthur wanted her to start ASAP, and she wasn’t thrown off when told the company would front her money to purchase work-from-home equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #3: \u003c/strong>The “hiring manager” then sent Ansell a check for $1,500 to purchase equipment from what looked like another legitimate company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #4: \u003c/strong>Presuming the check would clear, she dutifully sent out postal money orders using the debit card tied to her account, which her parents cosigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fraudster then sent a second check, and Ansell tried to send a second batch of postal money orders, but a savvy FedEx employee put a stop to it. When all was said and done, Ansell — well, really, her parents — were out about $1,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back on her experience several years ago now, Ansell said, “I definitely have become less trusting of online sources for jobs.” She is shopping for an agent now in New York. Her parents say they are excited about that. They figure experienced human agents are much safer go-betweens with potential employers than online platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Job scams are on the rise \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/one-million-kids-were-victims-of-id-theft-last-year/\">Identity Theft Resource Center\u003c/a> released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/post/itrc-online-job-scam-reports-rising/\">report this week\u003c/a> that found a 118% increase in job scams in 2023. That is to say, the ITRC received 492 calls from job scam victims in 2023, compared to 226 in 2022. The nonprofit walks victims through the process of determining what, exactly, has been compromised, then helps craft a customized recovery plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The vulnerable population when it comes to job scams are people who simply aren’t familiar with the process,” said Eva Velasquez, who heads the center. That could be young people like Ansell just starting out. Or new immigrants. Or stay-at-home parents returning to the job market after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is they’re going to give you money and then ask for a refund in some manner. And that’s where I always tell people, ‘Don’t even engage,’” Velasquez said. She added that a request for money — or sensitive personal data — are common signs you’re dealing with a fraudster, but we often miss those because the scam artist confuses us with a false sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phone a friend. Take five and phone a friend. Asking someone else kind of takes you out of that emotional state. And helps you to see things in a more factual, logical state,” Velasquez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What the online job boards say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the onus is primarily on the job hunter to steer clear of scams, the top online job boards all told KQED fake job posts are against their company rules. Perhaps more helpfully, most have processes in place to identify and remove fake listings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Indeed:\u003c/strong> “Indeed removes tens of millions of job listings each month that do not meet our quality guidelines.” Additionally, a spokesperson wrote, “We encourage all job seekers to review our \u003ca href=\"https://support.indeed.com/hc/en-us/articles/216354123-Guidelines-for-Safe-Job-Search\">Guidelines for a Safe Job Search.\u003c/a>”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Glassdoor:\u003c/strong> “Like all content posted on Glassdoor, job listings are actively monitored to ensure they meet our rigorous guidelines. We encourage users who suspect they have been a victim of fraud to flag the content to Glassdoor and, if necessary, to their local authorities as well.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>LinkedIn:\u003c/strong> “We’ve evolved our defenses by investing in technologies such as advanced network algorithms that detect communities of fake accounts through similarities in their content and behavior, computer vision and natural language processing algorithms for detecting AI-generated elements in fake profiles, anomaly detection of risky behaviors, and deep learning models for detecting sequences of activity that are associated with abusive automation.” Additionally, the platform has added a \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/help/linkedin/answer/a1359065\">verification badge\u003c/a> to job postings as well as job seeker and \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/hsrinivasan1_good-news-were-rolling-out-a-verification-activity-7183463626194767872-uvGU/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop\">recruiter profiles\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>ZipRecruiter:\u003c/strong> “We take steps to educate job seekers about how to spot suspicious activity and encourage reporting of all such activity to us so we can investigate and take prompt remedial action.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if you do get scammed?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts say it’s always a good idea to report a scam to the relevant job board, local law enforcement, and the \u003ca href=\"https://consumer.ftc.gov/articles/job-scams\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a>, even though few scam artists are prosecuted at any level of law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts also say the money — often sent voluntarily by the victim in postal money orders, gift cards, or cryptocurrency — is typically impossible to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget deal that delays gradually increasing the minimum hourly wage in health care to $25 will have a greater impact outside of the San Francisco Bay Area, according to economic experts. That’s because some large health care employers already pay workers higher wages, especially in the state’s most expensive regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t lessen the sting for those who currently earn much less than $25 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers gave final approval Thursday to a compromise deferring the first programmed wage hikes until mid-October, if state revenues exceed projections by at least 3% for the next three months. If they don’t, the raises would be effective no later than January 1, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986998/first-of-californias-healthcare-minimum-wage-hikes-likely-to-be-delayed\">already delayed\u003c/a> the health care wage boost once from June 1 to July 1 due to concerns that costs would exacerbate the state’s multibillion-dollar budget deficit. The legislation outlining the increases, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">SB 525\u003c/a>, was approved last year to try to ease labor shortages in the industry and improve patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers led the way in this victory for wages that will lift 400,000 workers out of poverty,” said state Sen. María Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), who authored SB 525, in a statement after the latest delay was announced. “The impact of this community win will be greatest in our most underserved communities, a critical step forward for health care for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier figures by the Department of Finance pointed to $4 billion in costs to the state in the first year of implementing the legislation, which worker advocates criticized as too high. The department has since revised its cost estimates to $1.4 billion in 2025, and more later on, including increased pay for 26,000 state employees and higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers that will also be required to raise salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where health care workers are paid less\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Large health care employers in the Bay Area tend to offer higher wages for their lowest-paid workers than smaller hospitals in the Central Valley, the Inland Empire and northern rural counties, said Joanne Spetz, an economist who directs the Institute for Health Policy Studies at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/hospital-annual-financial-data-selected-data-pivot-tables\">hospital data\u003c/a> reviewed by Spetz for KQED show that medical assistants and other aides at the Walnut Creek Medical Center, a Kaiser hospital, for instance, earned on average $40.73 in 2022, compared to $16.99 at an Adventist Health hospital in Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986998,news_11986871,news_11984163\"]“The Bay Area definitely has among the highest average wages that you see across California for the jobs that tend to have the lowest wages in the hospital,” Spetz said, adding that employers in the Bay Area and other pricey regions face more competitive labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are in San José or Santa Barbara, you’ve got a limited talent pool that you are competing against all these other employers to get, so you are going to have to raise your wages,” she added. “In areas like the Central Valley, you’ve got a combination of the housing being cheaper, in general, the cost of living is lower, so wages tend to be lower.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/ca-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-feb2024/\">426,000 people\u003c/a> statewide — or about 36% of the health care workforce — will benefit from the minimum wage hike, said Laurel Lucia, who directs the health care program at the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some workers disappointed with the delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Workers who are set to get higher pay include clerical and food service staff, medical and nursing assistants, and hemodialysis technicians. Some, like Tessa Tuliao, who works at a dialysis clinic in San José, said the delay saddened them. Tuliao, 23, said her plans to become more financially independent and help support her parents, so they don’t have to work two jobs, will have to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out, it was very, very disappointing because many private hospitals, which is a majority of California’s health care system, have the money to implement that minimum wage,” said a crestfallen Tuliao, who expected her hourly wage to jump from $19.75 to $23 on July 1. “And actually, many hospitals and clinics already have. So there’s no reason that others like ours shouldn’t start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuliao believes the higher pay would help retain workers in the industry and attract new ones, easing the staffing shortages that make her job more difficult and stressful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990963\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Satellite Healthcare dialysis clinic in San José on June 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She often has to take on more patients during her shifts at a dialysis clinic, while patients with kidney disease face longer wait times for the life-saving treatment they need, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with Satellite Healthcare, Tuliao’s employer, said the nonprofit company had already increased its minimum wage to $23 an hour — which is also the first change outlined for dialysis clinics under SB 525 — but only for workers who are not part of ongoing collective bargaining negotiations. The raise excluded Tuliao and other employees at 11 Satellite Healthcare clinics who SEIU United Healthcare Workers said it has represented in contract negotiations that began in September 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A small portion of our employees have chosen to be represented by SEIU and we continue to bargain in good faith,” the Satellite Healthcare spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Kidney Care Alliance and California Hospital Association confirmed some of its members have also raised employee pay while others are working to meet the new requirements when they go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dialysis providers in California value their caregivers and are following the requirements laid out in SB 525, and in the new state budget deal, to establish a health care minimum wage,” said Jaycob Bytel, spokesperson for California Kidney Care Alliance. “In fact, many providers have already increased wages well ahead of the requirements of the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget deal that delays gradually increasing the minimum hourly wage in health care to $25 will have a greater impact outside of the San Francisco Bay Area, according to economic experts. That’s because some large health care employers already pay workers higher wages, especially in the state’s most expensive regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t lessen the sting for those who currently earn much less than $25 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers gave final approval Thursday to a compromise deferring the first programmed wage hikes until mid-October, if state revenues exceed projections by at least 3% for the next three months. If they don’t, the raises would be effective no later than January 1, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986998/first-of-californias-healthcare-minimum-wage-hikes-likely-to-be-delayed\">already delayed\u003c/a> the health care wage boost once from June 1 to July 1 due to concerns that costs would exacerbate the state’s multibillion-dollar budget deficit. The legislation outlining the increases, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">SB 525\u003c/a>, was approved last year to try to ease labor shortages in the industry and improve patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers led the way in this victory for wages that will lift 400,000 workers out of poverty,” said state Sen. María Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), who authored SB 525, in a statement after the latest delay was announced. “The impact of this community win will be greatest in our most underserved communities, a critical step forward for health care for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier figures by the Department of Finance pointed to $4 billion in costs to the state in the first year of implementing the legislation, which worker advocates criticized as too high. The department has since revised its cost estimates to $1.4 billion in 2025, and more later on, including increased pay for 26,000 state employees and higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers that will also be required to raise salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where health care workers are paid less\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Large health care employers in the Bay Area tend to offer higher wages for their lowest-paid workers than smaller hospitals in the Central Valley, the Inland Empire and northern rural counties, said Joanne Spetz, an economist who directs the Institute for Health Policy Studies at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/hospital-annual-financial-data-selected-data-pivot-tables\">hospital data\u003c/a> reviewed by Spetz for KQED show that medical assistants and other aides at the Walnut Creek Medical Center, a Kaiser hospital, for instance, earned on average $40.73 in 2022, compared to $16.99 at an Adventist Health hospital in Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The Bay Area definitely has among the highest average wages that you see across California for the jobs that tend to have the lowest wages in the hospital,” Spetz said, adding that employers in the Bay Area and other pricey regions face more competitive labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are in San José or Santa Barbara, you’ve got a limited talent pool that you are competing against all these other employers to get, so you are going to have to raise your wages,” she added. “In areas like the Central Valley, you’ve got a combination of the housing being cheaper, in general, the cost of living is lower, so wages tend to be lower.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/ca-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-feb2024/\">426,000 people\u003c/a> statewide — or about 36% of the health care workforce — will benefit from the minimum wage hike, said Laurel Lucia, who directs the health care program at the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some workers disappointed with the delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Workers who are set to get higher pay include clerical and food service staff, medical and nursing assistants, and hemodialysis technicians. Some, like Tessa Tuliao, who works at a dialysis clinic in San José, said the delay saddened them. Tuliao, 23, said her plans to become more financially independent and help support her parents, so they don’t have to work two jobs, will have to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out, it was very, very disappointing because many private hospitals, which is a majority of California’s health care system, have the money to implement that minimum wage,” said a crestfallen Tuliao, who expected her hourly wage to jump from $19.75 to $23 on July 1. “And actually, many hospitals and clinics already have. So there’s no reason that others like ours shouldn’t start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuliao believes the higher pay would help retain workers in the industry and attract new ones, easing the staffing shortages that make her job more difficult and stressful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990963\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Satellite Healthcare dialysis clinic in San José on June 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She often has to take on more patients during her shifts at a dialysis clinic, while patients with kidney disease face longer wait times for the life-saving treatment they need, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with Satellite Healthcare, Tuliao’s employer, said the nonprofit company had already increased its minimum wage to $23 an hour — which is also the first change outlined for dialysis clinics under SB 525 — but only for workers who are not part of ongoing collective bargaining negotiations. The raise excluded Tuliao and other employees at 11 Satellite Healthcare clinics who SEIU United Healthcare Workers said it has represented in contract negotiations that began in September 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A small portion of our employees have chosen to be represented by SEIU and we continue to bargain in good faith,” the Satellite Healthcare spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Kidney Care Alliance and California Hospital Association confirmed some of its members have also raised employee pay while others are working to meet the new requirements when they go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dialysis providers in California value their caregivers and are following the requirements laid out in SB 525, and in the new state budget deal, to establish a health care minimum wage,” said Jaycob Bytel, spokesperson for California Kidney Care Alliance. “In fact, many providers have already increased wages well ahead of the requirements of the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uber-and-lyft-are-fighting-minimum-wage-laws-but-in-this-state-the-drivers-won",
"title": "Uber and Lyft Are Fighting Minimum Wage Laws. But in This State, the Drivers Won",
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"headTitle": "Uber and Lyft Are Fighting Minimum Wage Laws. But in This State, the Drivers Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a windowless room, Uber driver Farhan Badel took the podium in front of a committee of Minnesota state legislators in early May. As Badel leaned into the microphone and started speaking, the room quieted. Testifying before lawmakers was something he’d done nearly a dozen times before, but he says this time felt like his last chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been fighting for two long years,” Badel stated, referencing ride-hail drivers’ battle to get a minimum wage law passed in the state. He said his message to lawmakers was this: “Uber and Lyft, especially Uber, notorious for their shady lobbying … should not be allowed to dictate what becomes law in this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lobbying Badel referenced is part of a playbook Uber and Lyft have used in cities across the country to curb minimum wage laws for drivers. The San Francisco-based companies have barraged lawmakers with emails, sent warning messages to riders and drivers, and threatened to vacate states if they were forced to pay minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Minnesota, the campaign was particularly aggressive. Interviews with drivers and lawmakers, along with internal emails and documents obtained by NPR, show that Minnesota was the target of an intense operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hearing where Badel testified was the latest twist in a whiplash series of events. Over the last two years, ride-hail drivers had organized and grown into a more than 1,300-member group that marched at City Hall, met with lawmakers and brought national attention to their plight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They had seen wins and losses in dizzying succession: Three separate bills mandating minimum wage for ride-hail drivers passed at the state and city levels, only to get unexpectedly vetoed by Gov. Tim Walz or Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey. The drivers say it felt to them like a true David and Goliath situation, pitting them against multibillion-dollar corporations that seemed to hold far more power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990764\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990764\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farhan Badel, an Uber/Lyft driver and MULDA organizer, in Apple Valley, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This spring it reached a boiling point. After gains by the drivers, Uber and Lyft stepped up their lobbying campaign and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">threatened to pull out of Minneapolis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is part of their corporate playbook,” says Laura Padin, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.datocms-assets.com/64990/1714149807-the-bullys-playbook-april-2024.pdf\">studies lobbying in the gig economy (PDF)\u003c/a> at the National Employment Law Project, a labor rights advocacy organization. “The fact that they can issue threats and say ‘We’re going to leave if you treat us like everyone else’ is a big problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the proposed minimum wage would have left the companies unable to sustain their businesses in the state. Uber says it would have made Minnesota “one of the most expensive markets in the country,” and Lyft says it would have made “prices rise so much that we would have seen a 51% decrease in ride requests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walz and Frey, both labor-friendly Democrats, had been adamant that they wanted ride-hail drivers to make a livable wage. They also took the companies, and their warnings, seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I had two primary goals,” Frey told NPR in an interview. “To get a very significant pay increase for drivers and to keep this very important rideshare service, including Uber and Lyft, in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar scenarios have played out in New York and Seattle, which ultimately passed city minimum wage laws. But every state law governing driver pay and protections that has been crafted to date has included provisions backed by Uber and Lyft — through their \u003ca href=\"https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/05/09/inside-uber-political-machine/?utm_source=Twitter&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=2024-05-09_Wells-Uber-1\">lobbying and public campaigns\u003c/a>. For example, in California, the companies \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1422181&session=2019&view=received\">spent a combined $108.5 million\u003c/a> on a successful \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/05/931561150/california-voters-give-uber-lyft-a-win-but-some-drivers-arent-so-sure\">ballot measure campaign\u003c/a> to exempt them from a state labor law. Another statewide battle happened in Washington, and one is underway in Massachusetts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Minnesota, something wholly unexpected happened last month — the drivers won.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The worst I’ve seen in eight years’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It all started in a small coffee shop in Minneapolis. In the summer of 2022, ride-hail driver Eid Ali gathered with about 20 Uber and Lyft drivers to talk about low pay, safety concerns and other issues that come with the job. Ali is a father of five and the sole provider for his family. Before he started driving for Uber and Lyft in 2014, Ali was a taxi driver and had done some organizing. He says this helped him and the other drivers come up with a game plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first step was to recruit more drivers. Ali and the others went to shopping malls and airport parking lots to speak with drivers. They also went to mosques — the majority of ride-hail drivers in Minneapolis are immigrants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">state data (PDF)\u003c/a>, with many from East Africa, especially Somalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drivers coalesced in a group called Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association, or MULDA, and Ali became the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eid Ali, president of Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association (MULDA), at the organization’s offices in Bloomington, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He says drivers reached out to him constantly about not being able to make ends meet. “Family folks raising kids, who depend on this income, are coming to me every day and telling me ‘I don’t know what to do,’” Ali says. “I was thinking that if I don’t do anything, if I don’t fight a few more days or maybe a few more weeks, who’s going to do that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft categorize drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. This means drivers pay their own expenses such as gas, car maintenance and cellphones, and they don’t have employee benefits, including health insurance, sick days and workers’ compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low pay is the top problem, drivers say, as their earnings have steadily shrunk and become harder to predict. In 2022, both Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/working-for-an-algorithm/2022/03/01/secretive-algorithm-will-now-determine-uber-driver-pay-in-many-cities\">switched how they paid drivers\u003c/a>, going from a time-and-mileage calculation to an opaque algorithm. Uber and Lyft say the software helps drivers pick and choose trips, but drivers say since that change they’ve seen the companies take a bigger cut, while they’ve gotten less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergio Avedian, a longtime ride-hail driver in Los Angeles and senior contributor to the popular blog the \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>, says thousands of drivers regularly send him their pay stubs. “This is the worst I’ve seen in eight years,” he says, estimating he often earns less than minimum wage after expenses. “But people are driving, they’re desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Twin Cities metro area, where 95% of all of Minnesota’s ride-hail trips happen, the median take-home wage for drivers is $13.63 per hour, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">report (PDF)\u003c/a> by the Minnesota Department of Labor and Industry. That’s below the minimum wage for large businesses in St. Paul ($15) and Minneapolis ($15.57).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson calls this report “\u003ca href=\"https://uberpubpolicy.medium.com/excessive-rates-and-their-negative-effects-a-review-of-minnesotas-proposed-pay-standard-9747c14d0254\">flawed\u003c/a>.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about driver pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have shaped minimum wage laws in their favor in other states. In Washington, for example, after Seattle passed a minimum wage for ride-hail drivers, the two companies \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/news/2022/03/04/bill-in-washington-state-would-be-first-to-bar-uber-and-lyft-drivers-from-being-classified-as-employees\">lobbied legislators\u003c/a> to pass a state law. That law gives drivers a minimum pay floor but also grants a key concession to the companies: ensuring that the drivers remain classified as independent contractors, which exempts the companies from providing customary worker benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990766\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990766\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Symbols for Uber and Lyft adorn Farhan Badel’s vehicle in Apple Valley, Minn. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the fall of 2022, hundreds of drivers had joined MULDA, with the campaign crystallizing around the push for a minimum wage. That October, they \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2022/10/20/uber-and-lyft-drivers-press-lawmakers-to-address-long-standing-labor-complaints/\">held their first press conference\u003c/a> at the Minnesota state Capitol. “Drivers are at a breaking point,” Ali announced, alongside state lawmakers that day. From there, their cause quickly picked up steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2023, state legislators had introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/bill.php?b=House&f=HF2369&ssn=0&y=2023\">bill\u003c/a> that set out minimum pay and other protections for ride-hail drivers. It swiftly passed the House and Senate and landed on Walz’s desk in late May 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All signs pointed to Walz signing the bill, Badel says. The drivers got ready to celebrate a victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insiders told us to come to the state Capitol the day when they signed all these bills,” Badel says. “They told us to come there dressed well — you know, look presentable, look happy. So, we were getting all these checkmarks that he was going to sign the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A lobbying blitz\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What Badel and Ali didn’t know was that Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists were hard at work behind the scenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the governor received the bill, the companies’ lobbyists sent a slew of emails to his staffers and colleagues, according to public records obtained by NPR. Those included “talking points and numbers” that said rider fares would skyrocket if the bill passed. In Minneapolis, they said fares would go up 70%, without citing specific data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/lyft-uber-playbook-20240610/aiTimeline.html?initialWidth=840&childId=responsive-embed-lyft-uber-playbook-20240610-aiTimeline&parentTitle=Uber%20and%20Lyft%20use%20lobbying%20to%20fight%20minimum%20wage%20law%20in%20Minnesota%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F06%2F17%2Fnx-s1-4942958%2Fuber-minimum-wage-minnesota-lyft-lobbying\" width=\"800\" height=\"2200\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brent Kent, a registered lobbyist for Lyft and the company’s director of public policy, sent a letter to Minnesota’s Senate president saying the bill would have a “catastrophic impact” and create “transportation deserts.” Rides in Minneapolis would go from $17 to $54, he said, also not citing specific data for that statistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As signing day neared, the lobbyists ramped up their efforts. They requested phone calls between Walz and the CEOs of both Uber and Lyft. At one point, Uber lobbyist Joel Carlson emailed the governor’s legislative assistant asking for an alternative email for the office, because he said he had a lot of people wanting to write in with opposition to the bill and didn’t want to “email bomb” her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson also fired off “veto request” letters he collected from 11 community groups — business and hospitality associations as well as organizations that work with people with disabilities, the elderly and domestic violence survivors. At least half of those groups have partnered with Uber or Lyft, but that wasn’t disclosed in their letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says it “engaged many organizations and local stakeholders to ensure they understood the impact of the legislation” and “many decided to express their concerns.” The spokesperson also confirmed that Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi had spoken with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990767\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990767\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We urged the governor to veto the bill publicly, as well, via issued statements and in emails to riders and drivers,” the spokesperson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft didn’t respond to questions about its involvement with the letters from community groups or conversations between its CEO and the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the anticipated signing, the companies rolled out a tactic they’d used in California, New York, Texas and other states: They \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/uber-minnesota-rideshare-driver-bill-veto-tim-walz/\">threatened to leave the state\u003c/a> if the bill was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By May 25, 2023, Ali says he and the other drivers were anxious about the outcome. They gathered in front of Walz’s office chanting, “Governor sign the bill!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That afternoon, Walz issued his \u003ca href=\"https://www.house.mn.gov/NewLaws/story/2023/5502\">first and only veto\u003c/a> in four years as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His veto letter started off saying the minimum wage bill “could make Minnesota one of the most expensive states in the country for rideshare.” It cited the need to maintain ride-hail services in the state and also referenced the letters from community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for Walz says that alongside the veto, the governor \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/assets/EO%2023-07%20TNC_tcm1055-579270.pdf\">formed a task force (PDF)\u003c/a> to study the issue. She pointed NPR to a \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/newsroom/press-releases/#/detail/appId/1/id/579275\">press release\u003c/a> where he said, “Rideshare drivers deserve fair wages and safe working conditions … This is not the right bill to achieve these goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali says it was a big surprise and a major blow for MULDA. “That was my worst nightmare, because I didn’t know what to say to those drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re our last resort’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the state bill made its way through the Legislature, the MULDA drivers were also simultaneously working with city council members in Minneapolis. After the governor’s veto, the drivers reorganized and went all in at the local level — becoming ever-present at City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They came to City Hall many, many times, saying: ‘Government officials, you’re our last resort,’” says Robin Wonsley, the Minneapolis council member for Ward 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The makeup of the workforce for the rideshare companies is predominantly Black, predominantly immigrant and also predominantly low income,” she added. “And many of these drivers, or a disproportionate number of these drivers, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">actually on public assistance (PDF)\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990768\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Wonsley, Minneapolis council member for Ward 2, outside City Hall in Bloomington, Minn., on May 26. Wonsley and colleagues worked on a city ordinance to give ride-hail drivers a minimum wage in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She joined fellow council members Jamal Osman, who’d introduced her to MULDA, and Jason Chavez to work on a city ordinance. They reached out to economists and experts to come up with a calculation that would be equivalent to the city’s minimum wage. Uber and Lyft only pay drivers when they’re giving rides and not when they’re waiting for a passenger, so a straight hourly wage wouldn’t work. The \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/MetaData/31233/2023-052_Id_31233.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> they introduced mandated that drivers be paid $1.40 per mile and 51¢ per minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/17/minneapolis-approves-measure-to-boost-pay-for-uber-lyft-drivers\">passed the council\u003c/a> in August 2023 by a 7–5 vote. But behind the scenes, the companies’ lobbyists were leaning hard on Frey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with the governor, Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists targeted the mayor, according to internal emails obtained by NPR through public records requests. Lyft’s Kent reached out to staffers saying the company had “grave concerns.” He sent the mayor and council members an opposition letter from a Lyft executive that had one sentence bolded and underlined: “Should this proposal become law, Lyft will be forced to cease operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Uber’s Carlson called the ordinance “problematic.” On Aug. 21, Carlson emailed a senior aide at City Hall, saying he had spoken with the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber understands the importance and optics to provide a thoughtful response to the council’s vote and have offered to him the opportunity to announce the following if he chooses,” the email reads. Carlson said the mayor could announce that Uber pledges to give drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum on all trips. He sent suggested language for the mayor’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Minneapolis, the median take-home wage for ride-hail drivers is nearly $2 less than the minimum wage. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Frey \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/22/minneapolis-mayor-jacob-frey-vetoes-rideshare-bill\">vetoed the ordinance\u003c/a>. In his \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/32370/2023_052-Veto-Letter.pdf\">veto letter (PDF)\u003c/a>, he said he’d work on another ordinance that included all stakeholders. The mayor also wrote that he was “pleased to share” that he secured a commitment from Uber to provide drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum per ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says the minimum wage guarantee “was not part of any negotiations.” A spokesperson for Frey says the commitment from Uber “was not in exchange for a veto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonsley says she was outraged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are we having city leaders now supporting a multibillion-dollar corporation and having an exemption from a city policy that hundreds of small businesses have been in compliance with?” she says, referring to the city’s minimum wage law. “And then he announced a nonbinding agreement with Uber, saying, ‘Look, we don’t need to change nothing, the company has made a commitment, a symbolic commitment to pay drivers more.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were like ‘Wait, what?’ ” Wonsley adds. “That makes absolutely no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frey’s spokesperson says the commitment from Uber “was never intended to be a permanent solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Public pressure campaign\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s veto, coming after the governor’s veto, could have been the end for MULDA drivers’ quest to get a minimum wage law. In other states that went through similar scenarios, such setbacks have taken the wind out of organizing efforts. But Ali and Badel say they came too close to give up. And council member Wonsley says she wasn’t ready to back down either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her colleagues introduced two more ordinances in October 2023. One focused on minimum wage, the other on worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than six months later, the council passed the new minimum wage \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/34129/Transportation-Rideshare-Compensation-Ordinance.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> by a 9–4 vote. The next day, once again, Frey vetoed the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the City Council to wait one day,” says Frey, until after the release of the statewide report on driver earnings. “Both times I vetoed it because it wasn’t supported by the data. And so, we should be listening to the data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, however, the council had enough votes to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2024/03/14/minneapolis-city-council-overrides-freys-veto-on-ordinance-boosting-rideshare-driver-pay\">override his veto\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With this go-round, Uber and Lyft kicked their pressure campaign up a notch. Instead of mostly working with lawmakers behind closed doors, the companies brought their lobbying to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a full-court press campaign,” Wonsley says. “Every single day there are several articles, interviews in the press, basically demonizing our actions and creating a lot of confusion for the public around what our policy actually accomplished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the veto override, Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">announced they were leaving Minneapolis\u003c/a> as soon as the ordinance went into effect. It was around this time that Matthew McGlory, a MULDA member and longtime Uber and Lyft driver, started getting in-app messages and emails from the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis on May 26. McGlory says drivers in other states have been watching Minnesota, waiting to see what happened. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that this decision will have a huge negative effect,” a message from Uber read. “It will put thousands of drivers — like you — out of work.” Uber provided a link to email lawmakers urging them to pass statewide legislation that could preempt the city ordinance and be more favorable to the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft, meanwhile, sent an email to its riders saying the ordinance would make rides “unaffordable” for the majority of residents. Lyft’s spokesperson didn’t respond to questions about the in-app messages. Uber’s spokesperson says, “The message speaks for itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also a flurry of activity in the local news. Uber put an online ad in the \u003cem>Star Tribune\u003c/em> saying Minneapolis was “forcing” it to leave and offered a button to click to “save our rides.” Dan Meyers, a director at disability advocacy group Rise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/minneapolis-rideshare-driver-pay-proposal-looks-at-only-one-side-of-equation/600348209/\">wrote an op-ed\u003c/a> saying the ordinance would be “devastating to the disability community.” Lyft and Rise are \u003ca href=\"https://rise.org/12858-2/\">longtime partners\u003c/a>, which wasn’t disclosed in the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Rise says, “Our work with Lyft is well-known among our peers and partners.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about any possible involvement with the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the ordinance set to go into effect in Minneapolis, MULDA drivers say they were still nervous. A statewide bill could preempt the city ordinance and undercut their pay. It was hard to tell which way it would go.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘No one else has been able to do this in the country’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same day Farhan Badel took the podium in early May pleading with state lawmakers to not let the ride-hail companies dictate the law, Uber’s Carlson also spoke. They were discussing a compromise state bill that would preempt the Minneapolis ordinance — it offered drivers a rate of $1.27 per mile and 49¢ per minute. Carlson told the lawmakers this wouldn’t work for Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986533,news_11987167,forum_2010101905828\"]“Uber has calculated that if you reasonably calculate the expenses you come up with a rate of 41¢ per mile and 68¢ per minute,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislators left that hearing without giving any indication\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which way it would go. But a couple of weeks later, they made a move that stunned observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of May 19, \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2024/05/21/heres-whats-in-the-bill-regulating-uber-and-lyft-driver-pay-and-labor-standards/\">the state passed a new bill\u003c/a> giving drivers the minimum wage rate of $1.28 per mile and 31¢ per minute. Even though it was slightly lower and preempted the Minneapolis ordinance, Wonsley and the council backed it. Frey says he was opposed to the preemption, but that he ultimately supported the bill too since he says it was “nearly identical” to what he proposed months earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a major win for the MULDA drivers. After the bill’s passage, in a moment of jubilation in the Capitol’s hallways, they hoisted one of the state legislators in the air and chanted “MULDA” over and over. The legislator, Sen. Omar Fateh, who was instrumental in getting the bill passed, said, “It was Uber and Lyft versus MULDA and MULDA won.” The crowd erupted in cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990771\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare vehicles share the road with other drivers in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the companies accepted the compromise, and that neither will shutter operations in the state. Unlike the minimum pay laws for ride-hail drivers in California and Washington state, Minnesota’s bill doesn’t mandate that drivers remain independent contractors — something Uber and Lyft had sought, but didn’t get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 28, Walz signed the bill into law with Ali by his side wearing a white MULDA T-shirt. During a press conference announcing its passage, the governor congratulated state lawmakers. “No one else has been able to do this in the country,” Walz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The driver McGlory says MULDA has heard from drivers in other states who have been watching Minnesota over the past year and a half, waiting to see what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing this not just for drivers in Minneapolis. I’m doing this for the drivers in Nashville, Tenn. I’m doing this for drivers in Jackson, Miss.,” McGlory says, pausing for a moment before continuing. “Because when we educate ourselves, when we organize ourselves and we mobilize ourselves, we can win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like my favorite physics teacher said, ‘We have to become an unstoppable force that meets an immovable object.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Uber and Lyft have lobbied in cities across the country to curb minimum wage laws for drivers, but drivers of the ride-hail companies in Minnesota scored a hard-fought victory after years of struggle.",
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"title": "Uber and Lyft Are Fighting Minimum Wage Laws. But in This State, the Drivers Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a windowless room, Uber driver Farhan Badel took the podium in front of a committee of Minnesota state legislators in early May. As Badel leaned into the microphone and started speaking, the room quieted. Testifying before lawmakers was something he’d done nearly a dozen times before, but he says this time felt like his last chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been fighting for two long years,” Badel stated, referencing ride-hail drivers’ battle to get a minimum wage law passed in the state. He said his message to lawmakers was this: “Uber and Lyft, especially Uber, notorious for their shady lobbying … should not be allowed to dictate what becomes law in this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lobbying Badel referenced is part of a playbook Uber and Lyft have used in cities across the country to curb minimum wage laws for drivers. The San Francisco-based companies have barraged lawmakers with emails, sent warning messages to riders and drivers, and threatened to vacate states if they were forced to pay minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Minnesota, the campaign was particularly aggressive. Interviews with drivers and lawmakers, along with internal emails and documents obtained by NPR, show that Minnesota was the target of an intense operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hearing where Badel testified was the latest twist in a whiplash series of events. Over the last two years, ride-hail drivers had organized and grown into a more than 1,300-member group that marched at City Hall, met with lawmakers and brought national attention to their plight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They had seen wins and losses in dizzying succession: Three separate bills mandating minimum wage for ride-hail drivers passed at the state and city levels, only to get unexpectedly vetoed by Gov. Tim Walz or Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey. The drivers say it felt to them like a true David and Goliath situation, pitting them against multibillion-dollar corporations that seemed to hold far more power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990764\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990764\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farhan Badel, an Uber/Lyft driver and MULDA organizer, in Apple Valley, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This spring it reached a boiling point. After gains by the drivers, Uber and Lyft stepped up their lobbying campaign and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">threatened to pull out of Minneapolis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is part of their corporate playbook,” says Laura Padin, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.datocms-assets.com/64990/1714149807-the-bullys-playbook-april-2024.pdf\">studies lobbying in the gig economy (PDF)\u003c/a> at the National Employment Law Project, a labor rights advocacy organization. “The fact that they can issue threats and say ‘We’re going to leave if you treat us like everyone else’ is a big problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the proposed minimum wage would have left the companies unable to sustain their businesses in the state. Uber says it would have made Minnesota “one of the most expensive markets in the country,” and Lyft says it would have made “prices rise so much that we would have seen a 51% decrease in ride requests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walz and Frey, both labor-friendly Democrats, had been adamant that they wanted ride-hail drivers to make a livable wage. They also took the companies, and their warnings, seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I had two primary goals,” Frey told NPR in an interview. “To get a very significant pay increase for drivers and to keep this very important rideshare service, including Uber and Lyft, in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar scenarios have played out in New York and Seattle, which ultimately passed city minimum wage laws. But every state law governing driver pay and protections that has been crafted to date has included provisions backed by Uber and Lyft — through their \u003ca href=\"https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/05/09/inside-uber-political-machine/?utm_source=Twitter&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=2024-05-09_Wells-Uber-1\">lobbying and public campaigns\u003c/a>. For example, in California, the companies \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1422181&session=2019&view=received\">spent a combined $108.5 million\u003c/a> on a successful \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/05/931561150/california-voters-give-uber-lyft-a-win-but-some-drivers-arent-so-sure\">ballot measure campaign\u003c/a> to exempt them from a state labor law. Another statewide battle happened in Washington, and one is underway in Massachusetts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Minnesota, something wholly unexpected happened last month — the drivers won.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The worst I’ve seen in eight years’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It all started in a small coffee shop in Minneapolis. In the summer of 2022, ride-hail driver Eid Ali gathered with about 20 Uber and Lyft drivers to talk about low pay, safety concerns and other issues that come with the job. Ali is a father of five and the sole provider for his family. Before he started driving for Uber and Lyft in 2014, Ali was a taxi driver and had done some organizing. He says this helped him and the other drivers come up with a game plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first step was to recruit more drivers. Ali and the others went to shopping malls and airport parking lots to speak with drivers. They also went to mosques — the majority of ride-hail drivers in Minneapolis are immigrants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">state data (PDF)\u003c/a>, with many from East Africa, especially Somalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drivers coalesced in a group called Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association, or MULDA, and Ali became the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eid Ali, president of Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association (MULDA), at the organization’s offices in Bloomington, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He says drivers reached out to him constantly about not being able to make ends meet. “Family folks raising kids, who depend on this income, are coming to me every day and telling me ‘I don’t know what to do,’” Ali says. “I was thinking that if I don’t do anything, if I don’t fight a few more days or maybe a few more weeks, who’s going to do that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft categorize drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. This means drivers pay their own expenses such as gas, car maintenance and cellphones, and they don’t have employee benefits, including health insurance, sick days and workers’ compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low pay is the top problem, drivers say, as their earnings have steadily shrunk and become harder to predict. In 2022, both Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/working-for-an-algorithm/2022/03/01/secretive-algorithm-will-now-determine-uber-driver-pay-in-many-cities\">switched how they paid drivers\u003c/a>, going from a time-and-mileage calculation to an opaque algorithm. Uber and Lyft say the software helps drivers pick and choose trips, but drivers say since that change they’ve seen the companies take a bigger cut, while they’ve gotten less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergio Avedian, a longtime ride-hail driver in Los Angeles and senior contributor to the popular blog the \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>, says thousands of drivers regularly send him their pay stubs. “This is the worst I’ve seen in eight years,” he says, estimating he often earns less than minimum wage after expenses. “But people are driving, they’re desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Twin Cities metro area, where 95% of all of Minnesota’s ride-hail trips happen, the median take-home wage for drivers is $13.63 per hour, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">report (PDF)\u003c/a> by the Minnesota Department of Labor and Industry. That’s below the minimum wage for large businesses in St. Paul ($15) and Minneapolis ($15.57).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson calls this report “\u003ca href=\"https://uberpubpolicy.medium.com/excessive-rates-and-their-negative-effects-a-review-of-minnesotas-proposed-pay-standard-9747c14d0254\">flawed\u003c/a>.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about driver pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have shaped minimum wage laws in their favor in other states. In Washington, for example, after Seattle passed a minimum wage for ride-hail drivers, the two companies \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/news/2022/03/04/bill-in-washington-state-would-be-first-to-bar-uber-and-lyft-drivers-from-being-classified-as-employees\">lobbied legislators\u003c/a> to pass a state law. That law gives drivers a minimum pay floor but also grants a key concession to the companies: ensuring that the drivers remain classified as independent contractors, which exempts the companies from providing customary worker benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990766\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990766\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Symbols for Uber and Lyft adorn Farhan Badel’s vehicle in Apple Valley, Minn. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the fall of 2022, hundreds of drivers had joined MULDA, with the campaign crystallizing around the push for a minimum wage. That October, they \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2022/10/20/uber-and-lyft-drivers-press-lawmakers-to-address-long-standing-labor-complaints/\">held their first press conference\u003c/a> at the Minnesota state Capitol. “Drivers are at a breaking point,” Ali announced, alongside state lawmakers that day. From there, their cause quickly picked up steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2023, state legislators had introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/bill.php?b=House&f=HF2369&ssn=0&y=2023\">bill\u003c/a> that set out minimum pay and other protections for ride-hail drivers. It swiftly passed the House and Senate and landed on Walz’s desk in late May 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All signs pointed to Walz signing the bill, Badel says. The drivers got ready to celebrate a victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insiders told us to come to the state Capitol the day when they signed all these bills,” Badel says. “They told us to come there dressed well — you know, look presentable, look happy. So, we were getting all these checkmarks that he was going to sign the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A lobbying blitz\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What Badel and Ali didn’t know was that Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists were hard at work behind the scenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the governor received the bill, the companies’ lobbyists sent a slew of emails to his staffers and colleagues, according to public records obtained by NPR. Those included “talking points and numbers” that said rider fares would skyrocket if the bill passed. In Minneapolis, they said fares would go up 70%, without citing specific data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/lyft-uber-playbook-20240610/aiTimeline.html?initialWidth=840&childId=responsive-embed-lyft-uber-playbook-20240610-aiTimeline&parentTitle=Uber%20and%20Lyft%20use%20lobbying%20to%20fight%20minimum%20wage%20law%20in%20Minnesota%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F06%2F17%2Fnx-s1-4942958%2Fuber-minimum-wage-minnesota-lyft-lobbying\" width=\"800\" height=\"2200\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brent Kent, a registered lobbyist for Lyft and the company’s director of public policy, sent a letter to Minnesota’s Senate president saying the bill would have a “catastrophic impact” and create “transportation deserts.” Rides in Minneapolis would go from $17 to $54, he said, also not citing specific data for that statistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As signing day neared, the lobbyists ramped up their efforts. They requested phone calls between Walz and the CEOs of both Uber and Lyft. At one point, Uber lobbyist Joel Carlson emailed the governor’s legislative assistant asking for an alternative email for the office, because he said he had a lot of people wanting to write in with opposition to the bill and didn’t want to “email bomb” her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson also fired off “veto request” letters he collected from 11 community groups — business and hospitality associations as well as organizations that work with people with disabilities, the elderly and domestic violence survivors. At least half of those groups have partnered with Uber or Lyft, but that wasn’t disclosed in their letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says it “engaged many organizations and local stakeholders to ensure they understood the impact of the legislation” and “many decided to express their concerns.” The spokesperson also confirmed that Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi had spoken with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990767\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990767\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We urged the governor to veto the bill publicly, as well, via issued statements and in emails to riders and drivers,” the spokesperson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft didn’t respond to questions about its involvement with the letters from community groups or conversations between its CEO and the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the anticipated signing, the companies rolled out a tactic they’d used in California, New York, Texas and other states: They \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/uber-minnesota-rideshare-driver-bill-veto-tim-walz/\">threatened to leave the state\u003c/a> if the bill was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By May 25, 2023, Ali says he and the other drivers were anxious about the outcome. They gathered in front of Walz’s office chanting, “Governor sign the bill!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That afternoon, Walz issued his \u003ca href=\"https://www.house.mn.gov/NewLaws/story/2023/5502\">first and only veto\u003c/a> in four years as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His veto letter started off saying the minimum wage bill “could make Minnesota one of the most expensive states in the country for rideshare.” It cited the need to maintain ride-hail services in the state and also referenced the letters from community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for Walz says that alongside the veto, the governor \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/assets/EO%2023-07%20TNC_tcm1055-579270.pdf\">formed a task force (PDF)\u003c/a> to study the issue. She pointed NPR to a \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/newsroom/press-releases/#/detail/appId/1/id/579275\">press release\u003c/a> where he said, “Rideshare drivers deserve fair wages and safe working conditions … This is not the right bill to achieve these goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali says it was a big surprise and a major blow for MULDA. “That was my worst nightmare, because I didn’t know what to say to those drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re our last resort’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the state bill made its way through the Legislature, the MULDA drivers were also simultaneously working with city council members in Minneapolis. After the governor’s veto, the drivers reorganized and went all in at the local level — becoming ever-present at City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They came to City Hall many, many times, saying: ‘Government officials, you’re our last resort,’” says Robin Wonsley, the Minneapolis council member for Ward 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The makeup of the workforce for the rideshare companies is predominantly Black, predominantly immigrant and also predominantly low income,” she added. “And many of these drivers, or a disproportionate number of these drivers, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">actually on public assistance (PDF)\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990768\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Wonsley, Minneapolis council member for Ward 2, outside City Hall in Bloomington, Minn., on May 26. Wonsley and colleagues worked on a city ordinance to give ride-hail drivers a minimum wage in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She joined fellow council members Jamal Osman, who’d introduced her to MULDA, and Jason Chavez to work on a city ordinance. They reached out to economists and experts to come up with a calculation that would be equivalent to the city’s minimum wage. Uber and Lyft only pay drivers when they’re giving rides and not when they’re waiting for a passenger, so a straight hourly wage wouldn’t work. The \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/MetaData/31233/2023-052_Id_31233.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> they introduced mandated that drivers be paid $1.40 per mile and 51¢ per minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/17/minneapolis-approves-measure-to-boost-pay-for-uber-lyft-drivers\">passed the council\u003c/a> in August 2023 by a 7–5 vote. But behind the scenes, the companies’ lobbyists were leaning hard on Frey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with the governor, Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists targeted the mayor, according to internal emails obtained by NPR through public records requests. Lyft’s Kent reached out to staffers saying the company had “grave concerns.” He sent the mayor and council members an opposition letter from a Lyft executive that had one sentence bolded and underlined: “Should this proposal become law, Lyft will be forced to cease operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Uber’s Carlson called the ordinance “problematic.” On Aug. 21, Carlson emailed a senior aide at City Hall, saying he had spoken with the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber understands the importance and optics to provide a thoughtful response to the council’s vote and have offered to him the opportunity to announce the following if he chooses,” the email reads. Carlson said the mayor could announce that Uber pledges to give drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum on all trips. He sent suggested language for the mayor’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Minneapolis, the median take-home wage for ride-hail drivers is nearly $2 less than the minimum wage. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Frey \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/22/minneapolis-mayor-jacob-frey-vetoes-rideshare-bill\">vetoed the ordinance\u003c/a>. In his \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/32370/2023_052-Veto-Letter.pdf\">veto letter (PDF)\u003c/a>, he said he’d work on another ordinance that included all stakeholders. The mayor also wrote that he was “pleased to share” that he secured a commitment from Uber to provide drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum per ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says the minimum wage guarantee “was not part of any negotiations.” A spokesperson for Frey says the commitment from Uber “was not in exchange for a veto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonsley says she was outraged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are we having city leaders now supporting a multibillion-dollar corporation and having an exemption from a city policy that hundreds of small businesses have been in compliance with?” she says, referring to the city’s minimum wage law. “And then he announced a nonbinding agreement with Uber, saying, ‘Look, we don’t need to change nothing, the company has made a commitment, a symbolic commitment to pay drivers more.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were like ‘Wait, what?’ ” Wonsley adds. “That makes absolutely no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frey’s spokesperson says the commitment from Uber “was never intended to be a permanent solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Public pressure campaign\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s veto, coming after the governor’s veto, could have been the end for MULDA drivers’ quest to get a minimum wage law. In other states that went through similar scenarios, such setbacks have taken the wind out of organizing efforts. But Ali and Badel say they came too close to give up. And council member Wonsley says she wasn’t ready to back down either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her colleagues introduced two more ordinances in October 2023. One focused on minimum wage, the other on worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than six months later, the council passed the new minimum wage \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/34129/Transportation-Rideshare-Compensation-Ordinance.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> by a 9–4 vote. The next day, once again, Frey vetoed the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the City Council to wait one day,” says Frey, until after the release of the statewide report on driver earnings. “Both times I vetoed it because it wasn’t supported by the data. And so, we should be listening to the data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, however, the council had enough votes to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2024/03/14/minneapolis-city-council-overrides-freys-veto-on-ordinance-boosting-rideshare-driver-pay\">override his veto\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With this go-round, Uber and Lyft kicked their pressure campaign up a notch. Instead of mostly working with lawmakers behind closed doors, the companies brought their lobbying to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a full-court press campaign,” Wonsley says. “Every single day there are several articles, interviews in the press, basically demonizing our actions and creating a lot of confusion for the public around what our policy actually accomplished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the veto override, Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">announced they were leaving Minneapolis\u003c/a> as soon as the ordinance went into effect. It was around this time that Matthew McGlory, a MULDA member and longtime Uber and Lyft driver, started getting in-app messages and emails from the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis on May 26. McGlory says drivers in other states have been watching Minnesota, waiting to see what happened. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that this decision will have a huge negative effect,” a message from Uber read. “It will put thousands of drivers — like you — out of work.” Uber provided a link to email lawmakers urging them to pass statewide legislation that could preempt the city ordinance and be more favorable to the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft, meanwhile, sent an email to its riders saying the ordinance would make rides “unaffordable” for the majority of residents. Lyft’s spokesperson didn’t respond to questions about the in-app messages. Uber’s spokesperson says, “The message speaks for itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also a flurry of activity in the local news. Uber put an online ad in the \u003cem>Star Tribune\u003c/em> saying Minneapolis was “forcing” it to leave and offered a button to click to “save our rides.” Dan Meyers, a director at disability advocacy group Rise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/minneapolis-rideshare-driver-pay-proposal-looks-at-only-one-side-of-equation/600348209/\">wrote an op-ed\u003c/a> saying the ordinance would be “devastating to the disability community.” Lyft and Rise are \u003ca href=\"https://rise.org/12858-2/\">longtime partners\u003c/a>, which wasn’t disclosed in the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Rise says, “Our work with Lyft is well-known among our peers and partners.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about any possible involvement with the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the ordinance set to go into effect in Minneapolis, MULDA drivers say they were still nervous. A statewide bill could preempt the city ordinance and undercut their pay. It was hard to tell which way it would go.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘No one else has been able to do this in the country’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same day Farhan Badel took the podium in early May pleading with state lawmakers to not let the ride-hail companies dictate the law, Uber’s Carlson also spoke. They were discussing a compromise state bill that would preempt the Minneapolis ordinance — it offered drivers a rate of $1.27 per mile and 49¢ per minute. Carlson told the lawmakers this wouldn’t work for Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Uber has calculated that if you reasonably calculate the expenses you come up with a rate of 41¢ per mile and 68¢ per minute,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislators left that hearing without giving any indication\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which way it would go. But a couple of weeks later, they made a move that stunned observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of May 19, \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2024/05/21/heres-whats-in-the-bill-regulating-uber-and-lyft-driver-pay-and-labor-standards/\">the state passed a new bill\u003c/a> giving drivers the minimum wage rate of $1.28 per mile and 31¢ per minute. Even though it was slightly lower and preempted the Minneapolis ordinance, Wonsley and the council backed it. Frey says he was opposed to the preemption, but that he ultimately supported the bill too since he says it was “nearly identical” to what he proposed months earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a major win for the MULDA drivers. After the bill’s passage, in a moment of jubilation in the Capitol’s hallways, they hoisted one of the state legislators in the air and chanted “MULDA” over and over. The legislator, Sen. Omar Fateh, who was instrumental in getting the bill passed, said, “It was Uber and Lyft versus MULDA and MULDA won.” The crowd erupted in cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990771\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare vehicles share the road with other drivers in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the companies accepted the compromise, and that neither will shutter operations in the state. Unlike the minimum pay laws for ride-hail drivers in California and Washington state, Minnesota’s bill doesn’t mandate that drivers remain independent contractors — something Uber and Lyft had sought, but didn’t get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 28, Walz signed the bill into law with Ali by his side wearing a white MULDA T-shirt. During a press conference announcing its passage, the governor congratulated state lawmakers. “No one else has been able to do this in the country,” Walz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The driver McGlory says MULDA has heard from drivers in other states who have been watching Minnesota over the past year and a half, waiting to see what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing this not just for drivers in Minneapolis. I’m doing this for the drivers in Nashville, Tenn. I’m doing this for drivers in Jackson, Miss.,” McGlory says, pausing for a moment before continuing. “Because when we educate ourselves, when we organize ourselves and we mobilize ourselves, we can win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like my favorite physics teacher said, ‘We have to become an unstoppable force that meets an immovable object.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Five Bay Area counties could lose a collective $180 million annually if lawmakers pass the governor’s current budget proposal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The money is at the center of an ongoing battle between the state and counties with some of the highest property taxes in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">San Francisco, Marin, San Mateo, Napa and Santa Clara are the only five counties in California that generate more property taxes than their obligations to the Educational Revenue Augmentation Fund, which is used to meet funding mandates for public schools across the state. The leftovers are called “excess ERAF.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For years, the state Department of Finance has said those counties are miscalculating the amount they owe to the fund by omitting kids in charter schools from their daily attendance counts. The state uses those figures to determine how much money it allocates to school districts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The counties thought recent lawsuits had settled the issue in their favor. However, under the governor’s current budget, charter schools would be counted for ERAF funding, which would essentially remove the excess property tax revenue that the counties use in their general funds. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For more than 30 years, these revenues have been directed to fund K–12 schools, but charter schools have been recently left out of the equation,” H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, said. “This proposal would ensure that all local educational agencies receive these funds.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In February, Matthew Hymel, then-Marin County executive, wrote \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/executive/budget-and-priority-setting/legislative-support-and-advocacy/legislative-3\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a letter to state lawmakers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> calling the move unconstitutional, saying it would cost the county $1.1 million per year, affecting some 65 governmental entities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is the latest in a series of attempts by the State Department of Finance (DOF) to take constitutionally protected funds from local governments for State use at the expense of local health and safety programs and services,” Hymel’s statement reads.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More than $47 million is at stake in Santa Clara County, between the county and its cities. County Executive James Williams argues that the governor’s proposal goes against a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/03-04/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sca_4_cfa_20040729_111134_asm_floor.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2004 constitutional amendment\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> passed by voters that precludes state lawmakers from enacting new “ERAF shifts” to take property tax money away from local governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There should be no more grab of local government money, and that’s why we’re urging the legislature to reject this,” Williams said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Michelle Allersma, director of budget and analysis in the San Francisco Controller’s Office, said San Francisco alone risks losing $43 million a year, which it uses to pay for basic services. It began using excess ERAF in the 2016–17 budget year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We’re still kind of pulling ourselves out of the kind of pandemic aftermath,” Allersma said. “We’re still working on building back our local economy, so $43 million is objectively just an incredibly large number for us to backfill.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Williams said the dispute goes back to 1988 when California voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm#:~:text=Generally%2C%20Proposition%2098%20provides%20K,and%20local%20property%20tax%20revenues.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 98\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which guarantees funding for K–14 schools through a combination of money from the state’s general fund and local property taxes, creating ERAF. Property taxes fill those funding buckets first. If the counties don’t supply enough, the state’s general fund fills the rest. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area counties at issue have five of the six highest property taxes per resident in the state. That means their share of the buckets gets filled, and the leftover flows back into the counties to fund other services, like public health and safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The specific change that they’re proposing is to add another bucket: charter schools,” Williams said. “Today, that bucket gets filled by the state general fund. Instead, the Department of Finance wants that bucket to get filled by ERAF.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Department of Finance previously tried to make that change through a directive from the state controller. That ended up with all interested parties in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4193\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2020 report from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> said the five counties were calculating their ERAF “in ways that seem contrary to state law and shift too much property tax revenue from schools to other agencies” to the tune of roughly $170 million per year. They anticipated that the amount would rise every year as property taxes increase.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the time, the Department of Finance said ERAF funding calculations should include charter school daily attendance numbers. In response, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-revenue-and-taxation-code/division-1-property-taxation/part-05-implementation-of-article-xiiia-of-the-california-constitution/chapter-6-allocation-of-property-tax-revenue/article-3-revenue-allocation-shifts-for-education/section-972-modifications-for-certain-fiscal-years\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">state lawmakers compromised\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with the five Bay Area counties, holding them harmless for past years so long as they followed guidance from the state controller. The Legislature passed the 2020–21 budget, assuming counties would meet the higher Proposition 98 guarantee by counting charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sco.ca.gov/Files-ARD-Local/sco_eraf_guidance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the controller’s guidance (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, issued in February 2021, omitted charter schools from the definition of a school district in terms of ERAF funding “because they do not directly receive property tax revenue.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986893,news_11981977,news_11985798\"]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California School Boards Association (CSBA) objected, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://publications.csba.org/reports/ela/2022-annual-report/school-funding-educational-revenue-augmentation-fund/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">arguing in a lawsuit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> against the state controller that the guidance was unlawful, violating the California constitution’s minimum funding guarantee because charter schools should not be excluded from daily attendance-based funding or minimum property tax funding, with local funding being “passed through” a school district to the charter school. They estimated that nearly $1 billion was lost to excess ERAF at that time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Three of the five counties — Marin, San Francisco and Santa Clara — intervened in the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In June 2022, a judge found the controller’s guidance was within the law. The CSBA appealed, and local governments that use excess ERAF funding closely watched the case, with some even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.milpitas.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3397/FY23-24-Proposed-Budget-20230425-FINAL\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">budgeting for legal bills in the case\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Last July, an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-sch-bds-assn-v-cohen\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appellate court ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the controller’s and counties’ favor, essentially putting the issue to rest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Or so they thought, until the release of the governor’s current budget proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To explicitly address charter schools and their interaction with existing ERAF distribution statutes, the Budget proposes statutory changes to clarify that charter schools are eligible to receive ERAF,” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/BudgetSummary/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the budget states (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the governor’s budget proposes counting charter school kids, the legislative version of the budget doesn’t. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even if the governor’s proposal makes it into the final budget, counties would still have another year before the change takes effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The worst case scenario is that they agree on it, and it goes into effect on July 1, 2025,” Allersma said. “If it goes into effect, it would be at least out one year.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">State lawmakers are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/budget/californias-budget-process/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">required to vote\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the budget by June 15.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Five Bay Area counties could lose a collective $180 million annually if lawmakers pass the governor’s current budget proposal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The money is at the center of an ongoing battle between the state and counties with some of the highest property taxes in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">San Francisco, Marin, San Mateo, Napa and Santa Clara are the only five counties in California that generate more property taxes than their obligations to the Educational Revenue Augmentation Fund, which is used to meet funding mandates for public schools across the state. The leftovers are called “excess ERAF.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For years, the state Department of Finance has said those counties are miscalculating the amount they owe to the fund by omitting kids in charter schools from their daily attendance counts. The state uses those figures to determine how much money it allocates to school districts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The counties thought recent lawsuits had settled the issue in their favor. However, under the governor’s current budget, charter schools would be counted for ERAF funding, which would essentially remove the excess property tax revenue that the counties use in their general funds. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For more than 30 years, these revenues have been directed to fund K–12 schools, but charter schools have been recently left out of the equation,” H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, said. “This proposal would ensure that all local educational agencies receive these funds.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In February, Matthew Hymel, then-Marin County executive, wrote \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/executive/budget-and-priority-setting/legislative-support-and-advocacy/legislative-3\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a letter to state lawmakers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> calling the move unconstitutional, saying it would cost the county $1.1 million per year, affecting some 65 governmental entities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is the latest in a series of attempts by the State Department of Finance (DOF) to take constitutionally protected funds from local governments for State use at the expense of local health and safety programs and services,” Hymel’s statement reads.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More than $47 million is at stake in Santa Clara County, between the county and its cities. County Executive James Williams argues that the governor’s proposal goes against a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/03-04/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sca_4_cfa_20040729_111134_asm_floor.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2004 constitutional amendment\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> passed by voters that precludes state lawmakers from enacting new “ERAF shifts” to take property tax money away from local governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There should be no more grab of local government money, and that’s why we’re urging the legislature to reject this,” Williams said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Michelle Allersma, director of budget and analysis in the San Francisco Controller’s Office, said San Francisco alone risks losing $43 million a year, which it uses to pay for basic services. It began using excess ERAF in the 2016–17 budget year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We’re still kind of pulling ourselves out of the kind of pandemic aftermath,” Allersma said. “We’re still working on building back our local economy, so $43 million is objectively just an incredibly large number for us to backfill.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Williams said the dispute goes back to 1988 when California voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm#:~:text=Generally%2C%20Proposition%2098%20provides%20K,and%20local%20property%20tax%20revenues.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 98\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which guarantees funding for K–14 schools through a combination of money from the state’s general fund and local property taxes, creating ERAF. Property taxes fill those funding buckets first. If the counties don’t supply enough, the state’s general fund fills the rest. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area counties at issue have five of the six highest property taxes per resident in the state. That means their share of the buckets gets filled, and the leftover flows back into the counties to fund other services, like public health and safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The specific change that they’re proposing is to add another bucket: charter schools,” Williams said. “Today, that bucket gets filled by the state general fund. Instead, the Department of Finance wants that bucket to get filled by ERAF.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Department of Finance previously tried to make that change through a directive from the state controller. That ended up with all interested parties in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4193\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2020 report from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> said the five counties were calculating their ERAF “in ways that seem contrary to state law and shift too much property tax revenue from schools to other agencies” to the tune of roughly $170 million per year. They anticipated that the amount would rise every year as property taxes increase.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the time, the Department of Finance said ERAF funding calculations should include charter school daily attendance numbers. In response, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-revenue-and-taxation-code/division-1-property-taxation/part-05-implementation-of-article-xiiia-of-the-california-constitution/chapter-6-allocation-of-property-tax-revenue/article-3-revenue-allocation-shifts-for-education/section-972-modifications-for-certain-fiscal-years\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">state lawmakers compromised\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with the five Bay Area counties, holding them harmless for past years so long as they followed guidance from the state controller. The Legislature passed the 2020–21 budget, assuming counties would meet the higher Proposition 98 guarantee by counting charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sco.ca.gov/Files-ARD-Local/sco_eraf_guidance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the controller’s guidance (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, issued in February 2021, omitted charter schools from the definition of a school district in terms of ERAF funding “because they do not directly receive property tax revenue.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California School Boards Association (CSBA) objected, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://publications.csba.org/reports/ela/2022-annual-report/school-funding-educational-revenue-augmentation-fund/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">arguing in a lawsuit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> against the state controller that the guidance was unlawful, violating the California constitution’s minimum funding guarantee because charter schools should not be excluded from daily attendance-based funding or minimum property tax funding, with local funding being “passed through” a school district to the charter school. They estimated that nearly $1 billion was lost to excess ERAF at that time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Three of the five counties — Marin, San Francisco and Santa Clara — intervened in the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In June 2022, a judge found the controller’s guidance was within the law. The CSBA appealed, and local governments that use excess ERAF funding closely watched the case, with some even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.milpitas.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3397/FY23-24-Proposed-Budget-20230425-FINAL\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">budgeting for legal bills in the case\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Last July, an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-sch-bds-assn-v-cohen\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appellate court ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the controller’s and counties’ favor, essentially putting the issue to rest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Or so they thought, until the release of the governor’s current budget proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To explicitly address charter schools and their interaction with existing ERAF distribution statutes, the Budget proposes statutory changes to clarify that charter schools are eligible to receive ERAF,” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/BudgetSummary/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the budget states (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the governor’s budget proposes counting charter school kids, the legislative version of the budget doesn’t. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even if the governor’s proposal makes it into the final budget, counties would still have another year before the change takes effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The worst case scenario is that they agree on it, and it goes into effect on July 1, 2025,” Allersma said. “If it goes into effect, it would be at least out one year.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">State lawmakers are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/budget/californias-budget-process/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">required to vote\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the budget by June 15.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When I meet Chris Iglesias in the Fruitvale Transit Village in Oakland, he points to retail shops, restaurants, office tenants and several apartment buildings developed by the Unity Council, the nonprofit he runs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teenagers hang out drinking smoothies in the plaza. Elders pass by on their way to the senior center. Commuters rush to and from BART. It’s the type of vibrant urban development that city planners dream of, but this one serves mostly working-class Latinos and immigrants, not affluent gentrifiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fruitvale has its bright spots like the transit village, it has been a neighborhood impacted by gang violence, property crime and poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, 62, became CEO of Unity Council, an affordable housing developer and social services provider, in 2013. In that time, the Bay Area experienced an economic boom that pushed out thousands of low-wage workers. Then, the pandemic laid bare how important and vulnerable essential workers are to our local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic changed a lot about how people view affordable housing and what essential workers are,” said Iglesias, who I first met when I reported on housing development for the San Francisco Business Times. “We need to have essential workers, and we need to have them close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to be part of the economy of the Bay. They can’t be coming from the Central Valley every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Unity Council completed the first phase of the Fruitvale Transit Village, including 47 apartments for low-income residents, in 2004. Since then, the organization has developed, rehabilitated or preserved 591 apartments in Oakland and 235,000 square feet of commercial space across 10 properties in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Unity Council partnered with Bridge Housing to complete Casa Sueños, a 181-unit apartment building at 3511 East 12th St. in Oakland. The organization is now working to redevelop the site of the tragic Ghost Ship fire, where 36 people died in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides housing, the Unity Council runs Head Start child care centers for low-income preschoolers, operates a teen mentorship program in local high schools and provides workforce training, among other programs. The organization has an operating budget of $34.8 million and 347 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just kind of evolved over 60 years to meet the needs in the community,” Iglesias said. “It’s not because we want to be a big organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization rose to the occasion and so did Iglesias, albeit reluctantly. When former CEO Gilda Gonzalez approached him about taking her job, he thought, “Are you out of your mind?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before joining the Unity Council, he’d spent more than two decades working in city government in San Francisco. He trained and recruited workers for city-financed construction jobs and connected small businesses with city contracts. He also ran San Francisco’s Human Rights Commission and later a construction workforce development program called City Build for then-Mayor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, who was born in Oakland into a large family with roots in Mexico, recalled spending much of his childhood at his paternal grandmother’s home in West Oakland, and he had aunts, uncles and cousins all over the town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was culture, the language and food were always kind of front and center with how I grew up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was 7, his parents bought a home in Concord because, even in the 1970s, affording a home in Oakland was challenging for working-class families. He went to San Jose State University on a football scholarship. There, he discovered an interest in real estate after working on construction during summer breaks in college and after graduating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enjoyed watching empty lots turn into finished buildings and remembers one day seeing a group of men in suits overlooking the workers. He recalled telling his father that he wanted to be the one planning and making decisions on buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout his career, he’s combined his technical knowledge of construction with an understanding of connecting communities with opportunities and resources. Leading the Unity Council allowed him to reconnect with Oakland, and he regularly runs into relatives and family friends when he’s out eating lunch or at events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like a homecoming,” he said. “Not just for me, but like my tias and my cousins and for everybody. We feel like this is where we all started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to stay optimistic given the onslaught of today’s social problems, so Iglesias focuses on strengthening the organization’s programs, finding more ways to provide affordable housing and connecting with future Latinx leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see this wave of talent coming up, and I feel like I’m at \u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">[\u003c/span>the\u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">]\u003c/span> point in my career — I need to tee them up as much as I can and lay the groundwork for them,” he said. “I tell them, ‘You can take this job. You could have my job, or you could have the governor’s job. But you need to be thinking like that.’ And a lot of times, it startles them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s observed that people in the Latine community often want to be humble, stay in the background and not take up too much space. It’s a cultural trait that doesn’t always serve us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an organization, I felt like I had to remind folks that it’s OK to have money and it’s OK to go get money,” he said. “We have to be able to get what we need to do the work because our work is really important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When I meet Chris Iglesias in the Fruitvale Transit Village in Oakland, he points to retail shops, restaurants, office tenants and several apartment buildings developed by the Unity Council, the nonprofit he runs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teenagers hang out drinking smoothies in the plaza. Elders pass by on their way to the senior center. Commuters rush to and from BART. It’s the type of vibrant urban development that city planners dream of, but this one serves mostly working-class Latinos and immigrants, not affluent gentrifiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fruitvale has its bright spots like the transit village, it has been a neighborhood impacted by gang violence, property crime and poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, 62, became CEO of Unity Council, an affordable housing developer and social services provider, in 2013. In that time, the Bay Area experienced an economic boom that pushed out thousands of low-wage workers. Then, the pandemic laid bare how important and vulnerable essential workers are to our local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic changed a lot about how people view affordable housing and what essential workers are,” said Iglesias, who I first met when I reported on housing development for the San Francisco Business Times. “We need to have essential workers, and we need to have them close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to be part of the economy of the Bay. They can’t be coming from the Central Valley every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Unity Council completed the first phase of the Fruitvale Transit Village, including 47 apartments for low-income residents, in 2004. Since then, the organization has developed, rehabilitated or preserved 591 apartments in Oakland and 235,000 square feet of commercial space across 10 properties in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Unity Council partnered with Bridge Housing to complete Casa Sueños, a 181-unit apartment building at 3511 East 12th St. in Oakland. The organization is now working to redevelop the site of the tragic Ghost Ship fire, where 36 people died in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides housing, the Unity Council runs Head Start child care centers for low-income preschoolers, operates a teen mentorship program in local high schools and provides workforce training, among other programs. The organization has an operating budget of $34.8 million and 347 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just kind of evolved over 60 years to meet the needs in the community,” Iglesias said. “It’s not because we want to be a big organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization rose to the occasion and so did Iglesias, albeit reluctantly. When former CEO Gilda Gonzalez approached him about taking her job, he thought, “Are you out of your mind?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before joining the Unity Council, he’d spent more than two decades working in city government in San Francisco. He trained and recruited workers for city-financed construction jobs and connected small businesses with city contracts. He also ran San Francisco’s Human Rights Commission and later a construction workforce development program called City Build for then-Mayor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, who was born in Oakland into a large family with roots in Mexico, recalled spending much of his childhood at his paternal grandmother’s home in West Oakland, and he had aunts, uncles and cousins all over the town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was culture, the language and food were always kind of front and center with how I grew up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was 7, his parents bought a home in Concord because, even in the 1970s, affording a home in Oakland was challenging for working-class families. He went to San Jose State University on a football scholarship. There, he discovered an interest in real estate after working on construction during summer breaks in college and after graduating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enjoyed watching empty lots turn into finished buildings and remembers one day seeing a group of men in suits overlooking the workers. He recalled telling his father that he wanted to be the one planning and making decisions on buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout his career, he’s combined his technical knowledge of construction with an understanding of connecting communities with opportunities and resources. Leading the Unity Council allowed him to reconnect with Oakland, and he regularly runs into relatives and family friends when he’s out eating lunch or at events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like a homecoming,” he said. “Not just for me, but like my tias and my cousins and for everybody. We feel like this is where we all started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to stay optimistic given the onslaught of today’s social problems, so Iglesias focuses on strengthening the organization’s programs, finding more ways to provide affordable housing and connecting with future Latinx leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see this wave of talent coming up, and I feel like I’m at \u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">[\u003c/span>the\u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">]\u003c/span> point in my career — I need to tee them up as much as I can and lay the groundwork for them,” he said. “I tell them, ‘You can take this job. You could have my job, or you could have the governor’s job. But you need to be thinking like that.’ And a lot of times, it startles them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s observed that people in the Latine community often want to be humble, stay in the background and not take up too much space. It’s a cultural trait that doesn’t always serve us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an organization, I felt like I had to remind folks that it’s OK to have money and it’s OK to go get money,” he said. “We have to be able to get what we need to do the work because our work is really important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>State regulators denied the University of California’s claim that recent academic workers’ strikes are illegal, clearing the way for thousands of graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others to continue walking off the job as the union expands its strikes this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision by the California Public Employment Relations Board, or PERB, found the UC did not demonstrate “sufficient grounds” for bringing its complaint, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987737/academic-workers-strike-will-roll-on-as-ucs-request-for-court-order-is-denied\">second time in recent weeks\u003c/a> that it declined to order an immediate end to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael Jaime, a Ph.D. student at UCLA and president of United Auto Workers Local 4811, which represents 48,000 academic workers across the UC system, said it was “heartening to see that PERB has once again upheld the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We said last week that if UC did not make progress in addressing the serious unfair labor practices, as many as three more campuses could be called to stand up,” Jaime said. “UC instead chose another week of legal saber-rattling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC system will now seek to elevate its complaint to a breach-of-contract action in state court, said Melissa Matella, associate vice president for systemwide labor relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that UC has exhausted the PERB process for injunctive relief, UC will move to state court and is hopeful for quick and decisive action so that our students can end their quarter with their focus on academics,” Matella said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='uc-strike']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1,500 academic workers at UC Santa Cruz walked off the job last month, the first campus to go on strike after an authorization vote by union members. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987499/academic-workers-at-ucla-davis-are-next-to-strike-over-response-to-protests\">UCLA and UC Davis workers joined in the strike soon after\u003c/a>, with three more campuses following this week: UC Santa Barbara and UC San Diego on Monday and UC Irvine on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials have alleged the walkouts, which academic workers are carrying out in response to campuses’ handling of pro-Palestinian protests and the police actions against them, are a breach of the no-strike clause in UAW 4811’s contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that the state agency dedicated to the oversight of public employment could not take decisive and immediate action to end this unlawful strike – a decision that harms UC’s students who are nearing the end of their academic year,” Matella said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW alleges the UC changed workplace speech policies by using police in riot gear against peaceful protesters at UCLA, UC San Diego and UC Irvine – some of whom were faculty and other staff members – and disciplined employees engaged in peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If management wants work to resume, they should resolve their serious unfair labor practices and stop wasting time and public resources on legal maneuvers,” Jaime said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also Monday, the \u003ca href=\"https://uclafa.org/\">UCLA faculty association\u003c/a> said it would file for unfair labor practices with PERB against UCLA for interfering with faculty during their efforts to support student protesters on the nights of April 30 and May 1, when counterprotesters attacked a pro-Palestinian student encampment before police were asked the next night to break up the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a related move, a group of UCLA faculty invited to speak to the university’s provost about “recent events” publicly declined the invitation in an op-ed published in the Daily Bruin, the campus newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope that these two actions together add to pressure for the UCLA administration to negotiate with the leaders of the Palestine Solidarity Encampment — which they have yet to do even once except when the Provost came and announced in the encampment the police had been called on the night of May 1 to clear it,” Graeme Blair of the UCLA faculty association said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State regulators denied the University of California’s claim that recent academic workers’ strikes are illegal, clearing the way for thousands of graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others to continue walking off the job as the union expands its strikes this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision by the California Public Employment Relations Board, or PERB, found the UC did not demonstrate “sufficient grounds” for bringing its complaint, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987737/academic-workers-strike-will-roll-on-as-ucs-request-for-court-order-is-denied\">second time in recent weeks\u003c/a> that it declined to order an immediate end to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael Jaime, a Ph.D. student at UCLA and president of United Auto Workers Local 4811, which represents 48,000 academic workers across the UC system, said it was “heartening to see that PERB has once again upheld the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We said last week that if UC did not make progress in addressing the serious unfair labor practices, as many as three more campuses could be called to stand up,” Jaime said. “UC instead chose another week of legal saber-rattling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC system will now seek to elevate its complaint to a breach-of-contract action in state court, said Melissa Matella, associate vice president for systemwide labor relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1,500 academic workers at UC Santa Cruz walked off the job last month, the first campus to go on strike after an authorization vote by union members. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987499/academic-workers-at-ucla-davis-are-next-to-strike-over-response-to-protests\">UCLA and UC Davis workers joined in the strike soon after\u003c/a>, with three more campuses following this week: UC Santa Barbara and UC San Diego on Monday and UC Irvine on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials have alleged the walkouts, which academic workers are carrying out in response to campuses’ handling of pro-Palestinian protests and the police actions against them, are a breach of the no-strike clause in UAW 4811’s contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that the state agency dedicated to the oversight of public employment could not take decisive and immediate action to end this unlawful strike – a decision that harms UC’s students who are nearing the end of their academic year,” Matella said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW alleges the UC changed workplace speech policies by using police in riot gear against peaceful protesters at UCLA, UC San Diego and UC Irvine – some of whom were faculty and other staff members – and disciplined employees engaged in peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If management wants work to resume, they should resolve their serious unfair labor practices and stop wasting time and public resources on legal maneuvers,” Jaime said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also Monday, the \u003ca href=\"https://uclafa.org/\">UCLA faculty association\u003c/a> said it would file for unfair labor practices with PERB against UCLA for interfering with faculty during their efforts to support student protesters on the nights of April 30 and May 1, when counterprotesters attacked a pro-Palestinian student encampment before police were asked the next night to break up the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a related move, a group of UCLA faculty invited to speak to the university’s provost about “recent events” publicly declined the invitation in an op-ed published in the Daily Bruin, the campus newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope that these two actions together add to pressure for the UCLA administration to negotiate with the leaders of the Palestine Solidarity Encampment — which they have yet to do even once except when the Provost came and announced in the encampment the police had been called on the night of May 1 to clear it,” Graeme Blair of the UCLA faculty association said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland’s plan to sell its share of the Oakland Coliseum Complex will help the city to close its budget deficit without laying off city employees or cutting public safety, Mayor Sheng Thao announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is facing a $117 million shortfall this year and $175 million next year. At a press conference on Thursday, Thao laid out her priorities for the mid-cycle budget adjustment and said Oakland is contending with some of the same financial difficulties as other cities: High interest rates have slowed construction and real estate sales, inflation has led to higher costs, and businesses are still recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Oakland got a boost with the announcement on Wednesday that it plans to sell its half of the Coliseum property for at least $105 million to the Oakland-based African American Sports & Entertainment Group. Francis Zamora, spokesperson for the mayor, said the city’s plan has been years in the making, but the timing didn’t hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zamora said the influx of cash means they will no longer go through with their plan to lay off around 100 police officers and between 50 and 90 civil servants. The mayor’s new proposal also no longer includes plans to close four fire stations, cancel some of the city’s police academies, or shorten the hours of some recreation centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for the remaining shortfall, the mayor’s plan would consolidate some administrative and financial services and initiate a review of the city’s contracts, ending those that are underperforming or non-critical. Just under a hundred unfilled positions, paid for through the city’s general fund, will be frozen and might be eliminated down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said the city is working to develop the Coliseum site with AASEG, which is also in negotiations with the Oakland A’s to buy the other half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working with them to transform the Coliseum Complex into a world-class housing, entertainment, and entertainment center, retail and sports destination,” Thao said, describing the potential development as the biggest infusion of capital in East Oakland in decades. “And when we build, we’re going to make sure those jobs go to Oakland residents and that that money stays right here in our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11981232,news_11986294,news_11981876\"]Moving forward, Zamora said property taxes from the Coliseum will help the city address some of its structural deficit. To further boost revenue, the mayor’s plan includes an initiative designed to draw filmmakers to the city. The mayor said the initiative will maximize the city’s benefit from productions like the 2018 film \u003cem>Blindspotting\u003c/em>, set in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parts of it were filmed here; however, if 100% of that film was filmed here, and if we had the infrastructure for the film initiative, then that means that about $85 million would have been pushed back as revenues into our economy here,” Thao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office is expected to release its complete mid-cycle budget adjustment plan on Friday. After that, the City Council and labor leaders will weigh in before the June 30 budget deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zamora said the influx of cash means they will no longer go through with their plan to lay off around 100 police officers and between 50 and 90 civil servants. The mayor’s new proposal also no longer includes plans to close four fire stations, cancel some of the city’s police academies, or shorten the hours of some recreation centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for the remaining shortfall, the mayor’s plan would consolidate some administrative and financial services and initiate a review of the city’s contracts, ending those that are underperforming or non-critical. Just under a hundred unfilled positions, paid for through the city’s general fund, will be frozen and might be eliminated down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said the city is working to develop the Coliseum site with AASEG, which is also in negotiations with the Oakland A’s to buy the other half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working with them to transform the Coliseum Complex into a world-class housing, entertainment, and entertainment center, retail and sports destination,” Thao said, describing the potential development as the biggest infusion of capital in East Oakland in decades. “And when we build, we’re going to make sure those jobs go to Oakland residents and that that money stays right here in our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Moving forward, Zamora said property taxes from the Coliseum will help the city address some of its structural deficit. To further boost revenue, the mayor’s plan includes an initiative designed to draw filmmakers to the city. The mayor said the initiative will maximize the city’s benefit from productions like the 2018 film \u003cem>Blindspotting\u003c/em>, set in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parts of it were filmed here; however, if 100% of that film was filmed here, and if we had the infrastructure for the film initiative, then that means that about $85 million would have been pushed back as revenues into our economy here,” Thao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office is expected to release its complete mid-cycle budget adjustment plan on Friday. After that, the City Council and labor leaders will weigh in before the June 30 budget deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California Forever continues its campaign to build a new city in Solano County, the billionaire-backed company announced on Tuesday that it had paid $500,000 in grants to 45 nonprofits working within the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The awardees include Dixon Family Services, the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, Journey Downtown Theater and the Boys & Girls Empowerment Group in Vallejo. A representative from California Forever said the money has already been distributed, though they did not disclose how much each organization received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing the grant program in December, company representatives “listened to what the community wanted and needed,” said Michael Fortney, who was part of California Forever’s citizens advisory committee last year and later became the company’s director of partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the team heard over and over, ‘We need nonprofit money,’” he said. “And a lot of people came back and said, ‘We don’t want [the money] to be tied to the ballot initiative. You need to prove to us that you’re willing to come in and be a good partner and a good stakeholder in the community.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the grants announced Tuesday are only the first round of community funding, according to California Forever, all future money is tied to the November ballot initiative that would clear the way for the new city. That includes $500 million in what the company is calling “community benefits commitments” that would go toward housing, education, parks and family farms, and $200 million that would go toward investing in and renovating homes, offices and shops in downtown Benicia, Dixon, Fairfield, Rio Vista, Suisun City, Vacaville and Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initial round of funding comes with no strings attached, Fortney said, and some of the organizations have not publicly expressed their support for the ballot initiative yet. Others offered their thanks to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so few direct services available for unhoused transitional-aged youth in Vallejo,” said Adjoa McDonald, the founder of the youth services organization Vallejo Project. “[California Forever]’s resources will ensure that a handful of the many vulnerable youth in our community have the skills and mentors needed to establish gainful employment.”[aside tag=\"california-forever\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986569/california-forever-says-12-start-ups-will-open-workplaces-in-its-new-city\">California Forever announced a partnership with 12 companies\u003c/a> that promised to open factories, farms and offices in the new town if approved. Representatives also announced plans to build one of the largest solar farms in the state, using local labor to construct and operate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many of the companies are based in California, some are start-ups, and some skeptics of the plan wonder whether those companies will still be able to fulfill their promise after a decade, when the town will potentially be built and ready to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming weeks, company representatives have said California Forever will announce another round of employer partnerships and more details about its promises of increased recreation and entertainment opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "California Forever Hands Out $500K to Solano Nonprofits Ahead of November Election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California Forever continues its campaign to build a new city in Solano County, the billionaire-backed company announced on Tuesday that it had paid $500,000 in grants to 45 nonprofits working within the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The awardees include Dixon Family Services, the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, Journey Downtown Theater and the Boys & Girls Empowerment Group in Vallejo. A representative from California Forever said the money has already been distributed, though they did not disclose how much each organization received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing the grant program in December, company representatives “listened to what the community wanted and needed,” said Michael Fortney, who was part of California Forever’s citizens advisory committee last year and later became the company’s director of partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the team heard over and over, ‘We need nonprofit money,’” he said. “And a lot of people came back and said, ‘We don’t want [the money] to be tied to the ballot initiative. You need to prove to us that you’re willing to come in and be a good partner and a good stakeholder in the community.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the grants announced Tuesday are only the first round of community funding, according to California Forever, all future money is tied to the November ballot initiative that would clear the way for the new city. That includes $500 million in what the company is calling “community benefits commitments” that would go toward housing, education, parks and family farms, and $200 million that would go toward investing in and renovating homes, offices and shops in downtown Benicia, Dixon, Fairfield, Rio Vista, Suisun City, Vacaville and Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initial round of funding comes with no strings attached, Fortney said, and some of the organizations have not publicly expressed their support for the ballot initiative yet. Others offered their thanks to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so few direct services available for unhoused transitional-aged youth in Vallejo,” said Adjoa McDonald, the founder of the youth services organization Vallejo Project. “[California Forever]’s resources will ensure that a handful of the many vulnerable youth in our community have the skills and mentors needed to establish gainful employment.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986569/california-forever-says-12-start-ups-will-open-workplaces-in-its-new-city\">California Forever announced a partnership with 12 companies\u003c/a> that promised to open factories, farms and offices in the new town if approved. Representatives also announced plans to build one of the largest solar farms in the state, using local labor to construct and operate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many of the companies are based in California, some are start-ups, and some skeptics of the plan wonder whether those companies will still be able to fulfill their promise after a decade, when the town will potentially be built and ready to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming weeks, company representatives have said California Forever will announce another round of employer partnerships and more details about its promises of increased recreation and entertainment opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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