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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But those revenue spikes did not last as inflation slowed the economy, contributing to rising unemployment and a slowdown in the tech industry that has driven much of the state’s growth. The Newsom administration then badly miscalculated how much money California would have last year after a seven-month delay in the tax filing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has historically been prone to large budget swings, given its \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-california-pandemics-coronavirus-pandemic-2522f2b710bbb32383ab33865a1a9333\">reliance on its wealthiest taxpayers\u003c/a>. But these deficits have come at a bad time for Newsom, who has been building his national profile ahead of a potential future run for president and has been tapped as a top surrogate for President Joe Biden’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget includes an agreement that Newsom and lawmakers will try to change the state constitution to let California put more money in reserve for future shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, however, said they were left out of negotiations. They criticized the tax increase on businesses, which applies to companies with at least $1 million in revenue and will last for three years, bringing in more than $5 billion extra for the state next year. And they criticized Democrats for some cuts to social safety net programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What does a job scam look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When illustrator \u003ca href=\"https://lillianansell.com/commissioned-work\">Lillian Ansell\u003c/a> was just out of college in 2019, she spotted an ad for freelance work on the websites Indeed and Glassdoor purporting to be from King Arthur Baking Company in Vermont. It seemed like a dream gig. “I reached out. I sent my resume over. They sent me an email back. ‘We’d love to do an interview with you.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #1: \u003c/strong>Instead of a live interview on the phone, zoom or in person, Ansell was interviewed over text. “‘We do all our interviews over Google Chat,’” Ansell said the “hiring manager” told her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #2: \u003c/strong>Ansell was excited when the fraudster said King Arthur wanted her to start ASAP, and she wasn’t thrown off when told the company would front her money to purchase work-from-home equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #3: \u003c/strong>The “hiring manager” then sent Ansell a check for $1,500 to purchase equipment from what looked like another legitimate company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #4: \u003c/strong>Presuming the check would clear, she dutifully sent out postal money orders using the debit card tied to her account, which her parents cosigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fraudster then sent a second check, and Ansell tried to send a second batch of postal money orders, but a savvy FedEx employee put a stop to it. When all was said and done, Ansell — well, really, her parents — were out about $1,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back on her experience several years ago now, Ansell said, “I definitely have become less trusting of online sources for jobs.” She is shopping for an agent now in New York. Her parents say they are excited about that. They figure experienced human agents are much safer go-betweens with potential employers than online platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Job scams are on the rise \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/one-million-kids-were-victims-of-id-theft-last-year/\">Identity Theft Resource Center\u003c/a> released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/post/itrc-online-job-scam-reports-rising/\">report this week\u003c/a> that found a 118% increase in job scams in 2023. That is to say, the ITRC received 492 calls from job scam victims in 2023, compared to 226 in 2022. The nonprofit walks victims through the process of determining what, exactly, has been compromised, then helps craft a customized recovery plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11991230,news_11982634,news_11973657\"]“The vulnerable population when it comes to job scams are people who simply aren’t familiar with the process,” said Eva Velasquez, who heads the center. That could be young people like Ansell just starting out. Or new immigrants. Or stay-at-home parents returning to the job market after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is they’re going to give you money and then ask for a refund in some manner. And that’s where I always tell people, ‘Don’t even engage,’” Velasquez said. She added that a request for money — or sensitive personal data — are common signs you’re dealing with a fraudster, but we often miss those because the scam artist confuses us with a false sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phone a friend. Take five and phone a friend. Asking someone else kind of takes you out of that emotional state. And helps you to see things in a more factual, logical state,” Velasquez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What the online job boards say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the onus is primarily on the job hunter to steer clear of scams, the top online job boards all told KQED fake job posts are against their company rules. Perhaps more helpfully, most have processes in place to identify and remove fake listings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Indeed:\u003c/strong> “Indeed removes tens of millions of job listings each month that do not meet our quality guidelines.” Additionally, a spokesperson wrote, “We encourage all job seekers to review our \u003ca href=\"https://support.indeed.com/hc/en-us/articles/216354123-Guidelines-for-Safe-Job-Search\">Guidelines for a Safe Job Search.\u003c/a>”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Glassdoor:\u003c/strong> “Like all content posted on Glassdoor, job listings are actively monitored to ensure they meet our rigorous guidelines. We encourage users who suspect they have been a victim of fraud to flag the content to Glassdoor and, if necessary, to their local authorities as well.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>LinkedIn:\u003c/strong> “We’ve evolved our defenses by investing in technologies such as advanced network algorithms that detect communities of fake accounts through similarities in their content and behavior, computer vision and natural language processing algorithms for detecting AI-generated elements in fake profiles, anomaly detection of risky behaviors, and deep learning models for detecting sequences of activity that are associated with abusive automation.” Additionally, the platform has added a \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/help/linkedin/answer/a1359065\">verification badge\u003c/a> to job postings as well as job seeker and \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/hsrinivasan1_good-news-were-rolling-out-a-verification-activity-7183463626194767872-uvGU/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop\">recruiter profiles\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>ZipRecruiter:\u003c/strong> “We take steps to educate job seekers about how to spot suspicious activity and encourage reporting of all such activity to us so we can investigate and take prompt remedial action.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if you do get scammed?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts say it’s always a good idea to report a scam to the relevant job board, local law enforcement, and the \u003ca href=\"https://consumer.ftc.gov/articles/job-scams\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a>, even though few scam artists are prosecuted at any level of law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts also say the money — often sent voluntarily by the victim in postal money orders, gift cards, or cryptocurrency — is typically impossible to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What does a job scam look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When illustrator \u003ca href=\"https://lillianansell.com/commissioned-work\">Lillian Ansell\u003c/a> was just out of college in 2019, she spotted an ad for freelance work on the websites Indeed and Glassdoor purporting to be from King Arthur Baking Company in Vermont. It seemed like a dream gig. “I reached out. I sent my resume over. They sent me an email back. ‘We’d love to do an interview with you.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #1: \u003c/strong>Instead of a live interview on the phone, zoom or in person, Ansell was interviewed over text. “‘We do all our interviews over Google Chat,’” Ansell said the “hiring manager” told her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #2: \u003c/strong>Ansell was excited when the fraudster said King Arthur wanted her to start ASAP, and she wasn’t thrown off when told the company would front her money to purchase work-from-home equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #3: \u003c/strong>The “hiring manager” then sent Ansell a check for $1,500 to purchase equipment from what looked like another legitimate company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Red flag #4: \u003c/strong>Presuming the check would clear, she dutifully sent out postal money orders using the debit card tied to her account, which her parents cosigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fraudster then sent a second check, and Ansell tried to send a second batch of postal money orders, but a savvy FedEx employee put a stop to it. When all was said and done, Ansell — well, really, her parents — were out about $1,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back on her experience several years ago now, Ansell said, “I definitely have become less trusting of online sources for jobs.” She is shopping for an agent now in New York. Her parents say they are excited about that. They figure experienced human agents are much safer go-betweens with potential employers than online platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Job scams are on the rise \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/one-million-kids-were-victims-of-id-theft-last-year/\">Identity Theft Resource Center\u003c/a> released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.idtheftcenter.org/post/itrc-online-job-scam-reports-rising/\">report this week\u003c/a> that found a 118% increase in job scams in 2023. That is to say, the ITRC received 492 calls from job scam victims in 2023, compared to 226 in 2022. The nonprofit walks victims through the process of determining what, exactly, has been compromised, then helps craft a customized recovery plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The vulnerable population when it comes to job scams are people who simply aren’t familiar with the process,” said Eva Velasquez, who heads the center. That could be young people like Ansell just starting out. Or new immigrants. Or stay-at-home parents returning to the job market after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is they’re going to give you money and then ask for a refund in some manner. And that’s where I always tell people, ‘Don’t even engage,’” Velasquez said. She added that a request for money — or sensitive personal data — are common signs you’re dealing with a fraudster, but we often miss those because the scam artist confuses us with a false sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phone a friend. Take five and phone a friend. Asking someone else kind of takes you out of that emotional state. And helps you to see things in a more factual, logical state,” Velasquez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What the online job boards say\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the onus is primarily on the job hunter to steer clear of scams, the top online job boards all told KQED fake job posts are against their company rules. Perhaps more helpfully, most have processes in place to identify and remove fake listings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Indeed:\u003c/strong> “Indeed removes tens of millions of job listings each month that do not meet our quality guidelines.” Additionally, a spokesperson wrote, “We encourage all job seekers to review our \u003ca href=\"https://support.indeed.com/hc/en-us/articles/216354123-Guidelines-for-Safe-Job-Search\">Guidelines for a Safe Job Search.\u003c/a>”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Glassdoor:\u003c/strong> “Like all content posted on Glassdoor, job listings are actively monitored to ensure they meet our rigorous guidelines. We encourage users who suspect they have been a victim of fraud to flag the content to Glassdoor and, if necessary, to their local authorities as well.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>LinkedIn:\u003c/strong> “We’ve evolved our defenses by investing in technologies such as advanced network algorithms that detect communities of fake accounts through similarities in their content and behavior, computer vision and natural language processing algorithms for detecting AI-generated elements in fake profiles, anomaly detection of risky behaviors, and deep learning models for detecting sequences of activity that are associated with abusive automation.” Additionally, the platform has added a \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/help/linkedin/answer/a1359065\">verification badge\u003c/a> to job postings as well as job seeker and \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/hsrinivasan1_good-news-were-rolling-out-a-verification-activity-7183463626194767872-uvGU/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=member_desktop\">recruiter profiles\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>ZipRecruiter:\u003c/strong> “We take steps to educate job seekers about how to spot suspicious activity and encourage reporting of all such activity to us so we can investigate and take prompt remedial action.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What if you do get scammed?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts say it’s always a good idea to report a scam to the relevant job board, local law enforcement, and the \u003ca href=\"https://consumer.ftc.gov/articles/job-scams\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a>, even though few scam artists are prosecuted at any level of law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts also say the money — often sent voluntarily by the victim in postal money orders, gift cards, or cryptocurrency — is typically impossible to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget deal that delays gradually increasing the minimum hourly wage in health care to $25 will have a greater impact outside of the San Francisco Bay Area, according to economic experts. That’s because some large health care employers already pay workers higher wages, especially in the state’s most expensive regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t lessen the sting for those who currently earn much less than $25 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers gave final approval Thursday to a compromise deferring the first programmed wage hikes until mid-October, if state revenues exceed projections by at least 3% for the next three months. If they don’t, the raises would be effective no later than January 1, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986998/first-of-californias-healthcare-minimum-wage-hikes-likely-to-be-delayed\">already delayed\u003c/a> the health care wage boost once from June 1 to July 1 due to concerns that costs would exacerbate the state’s multibillion-dollar budget deficit. The legislation outlining the increases, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">SB 525\u003c/a>, was approved last year to try to ease labor shortages in the industry and improve patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers led the way in this victory for wages that will lift 400,000 workers out of poverty,” said state Sen. María Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), who authored SB 525, in a statement after the latest delay was announced. “The impact of this community win will be greatest in our most underserved communities, a critical step forward for health care for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier figures by the Department of Finance pointed to $4 billion in costs to the state in the first year of implementing the legislation, which worker advocates criticized as too high. The department has since revised its cost estimates to $1.4 billion in 2025, and more later on, including increased pay for 26,000 state employees and higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers that will also be required to raise salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where health care workers are paid less\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Large health care employers in the Bay Area tend to offer higher wages for their lowest-paid workers than smaller hospitals in the Central Valley, the Inland Empire and northern rural counties, said Joanne Spetz, an economist who directs the Institute for Health Policy Studies at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/hospital-annual-financial-data-selected-data-pivot-tables\">hospital data\u003c/a> reviewed by Spetz for KQED show that medical assistants and other aides at the Walnut Creek Medical Center, a Kaiser hospital, for instance, earned on average $40.73 in 2022, compared to $16.99 at an Adventist Health hospital in Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986998,news_11986871,news_11984163\"]“The Bay Area definitely has among the highest average wages that you see across California for the jobs that tend to have the lowest wages in the hospital,” Spetz said, adding that employers in the Bay Area and other pricey regions face more competitive labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are in San José or Santa Barbara, you’ve got a limited talent pool that you are competing against all these other employers to get, so you are going to have to raise your wages,” she added. “In areas like the Central Valley, you’ve got a combination of the housing being cheaper, in general, the cost of living is lower, so wages tend to be lower.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/ca-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-feb2024/\">426,000 people\u003c/a> statewide — or about 36% of the health care workforce — will benefit from the minimum wage hike, said Laurel Lucia, who directs the health care program at the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some workers disappointed with the delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Workers who are set to get higher pay include clerical and food service staff, medical and nursing assistants, and hemodialysis technicians. Some, like Tessa Tuliao, who works at a dialysis clinic in San José, said the delay saddened them. Tuliao, 23, said her plans to become more financially independent and help support her parents, so they don’t have to work two jobs, will have to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out, it was very, very disappointing because many private hospitals, which is a majority of California’s health care system, have the money to implement that minimum wage,” said a crestfallen Tuliao, who expected her hourly wage to jump from $19.75 to $23 on July 1. “And actually, many hospitals and clinics already have. So there’s no reason that others like ours shouldn’t start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuliao believes the higher pay would help retain workers in the industry and attract new ones, easing the staffing shortages that make her job more difficult and stressful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990963\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Satellite Healthcare dialysis clinic in San José on June 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She often has to take on more patients during her shifts at a dialysis clinic, while patients with kidney disease face longer wait times for the life-saving treatment they need, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with Satellite Healthcare, Tuliao’s employer, said the nonprofit company had already increased its minimum wage to $23 an hour — which is also the first change outlined for dialysis clinics under SB 525 — but only for workers who are not part of ongoing collective bargaining negotiations. The raise excluded Tuliao and other employees at 11 Satellite Healthcare clinics who SEIU United Healthcare Workers said it has represented in contract negotiations that began in September 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A small portion of our employees have chosen to be represented by SEIU and we continue to bargain in good faith,” the Satellite Healthcare spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Kidney Care Alliance and California Hospital Association confirmed some of its members have also raised employee pay while others are working to meet the new requirements when they go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dialysis providers in California value their caregivers and are following the requirements laid out in SB 525, and in the new state budget deal, to establish a health care minimum wage,” said Jaycob Bytel, spokesperson for California Kidney Care Alliance. “In fact, many providers have already increased wages well ahead of the requirements of the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state budget deal that delays gradually increasing the minimum hourly wage in health care to $25 will have a greater impact outside of the San Francisco Bay Area, according to economic experts. That’s because some large health care employers already pay workers higher wages, especially in the state’s most expensive regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that doesn’t lessen the sting for those who currently earn much less than $25 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers gave final approval Thursday to a compromise deferring the first programmed wage hikes until mid-October, if state revenues exceed projections by at least 3% for the next three months. If they don’t, the raises would be effective no later than January 1, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986998/first-of-californias-healthcare-minimum-wage-hikes-likely-to-be-delayed\">already delayed\u003c/a> the health care wage boost once from June 1 to July 1 due to concerns that costs would exacerbate the state’s multibillion-dollar budget deficit. The legislation outlining the increases, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">SB 525\u003c/a>, was approved last year to try to ease labor shortages in the industry and improve patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers led the way in this victory for wages that will lift 400,000 workers out of poverty,” said state Sen. María Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), who authored SB 525, in a statement after the latest delay was announced. “The impact of this community win will be greatest in our most underserved communities, a critical step forward for health care for all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier figures by the Department of Finance pointed to $4 billion in costs to the state in the first year of implementing the legislation, which worker advocates criticized as too high. The department has since revised its cost estimates to $1.4 billion in 2025, and more later on, including increased pay for 26,000 state employees and higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers that will also be required to raise salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where health care workers are paid less\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Large health care employers in the Bay Area tend to offer higher wages for their lowest-paid workers than smaller hospitals in the Central Valley, the Inland Empire and northern rural counties, said Joanne Spetz, an economist who directs the Institute for Health Policy Studies at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/hospital-annual-financial-data-selected-data-pivot-tables\">hospital data\u003c/a> reviewed by Spetz for KQED show that medical assistants and other aides at the Walnut Creek Medical Center, a Kaiser hospital, for instance, earned on average $40.73 in 2022, compared to $16.99 at an Adventist Health hospital in Tulare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The Bay Area definitely has among the highest average wages that you see across California for the jobs that tend to have the lowest wages in the hospital,” Spetz said, adding that employers in the Bay Area and other pricey regions face more competitive labor markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are in San José or Santa Barbara, you’ve got a limited talent pool that you are competing against all these other employers to get, so you are going to have to raise your wages,” she added. “In areas like the Central Valley, you’ve got a combination of the housing being cheaper, in general, the cost of living is lower, so wages tend to be lower.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/ca-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-feb2024/\">426,000 people\u003c/a> statewide — or about 36% of the health care workforce — will benefit from the minimum wage hike, said Laurel Lucia, who directs the health care program at the UC Berkeley Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some workers disappointed with the delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Workers who are set to get higher pay include clerical and food service staff, medical and nursing assistants, and hemodialysis technicians. Some, like Tessa Tuliao, who works at a dialysis clinic in San José, said the delay saddened them. Tuliao, 23, said her plans to become more financially independent and help support her parents, so they don’t have to work two jobs, will have to wait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out, it was very, very disappointing because many private hospitals, which is a majority of California’s health care system, have the money to implement that minimum wage,” said a crestfallen Tuliao, who expected her hourly wage to jump from $19.75 to $23 on July 1. “And actually, many hospitals and clinics already have. So there’s no reason that others like ours shouldn’t start.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuliao believes the higher pay would help retain workers in the industry and attract new ones, easing the staffing shortages that make her job more difficult and stressful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990963\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Satellite Healthcare dialysis clinic in San José on June 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She often has to take on more patients during her shifts at a dialysis clinic, while patients with kidney disease face longer wait times for the life-saving treatment they need, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with Satellite Healthcare, Tuliao’s employer, said the nonprofit company had already increased its minimum wage to $23 an hour — which is also the first change outlined for dialysis clinics under SB 525 — but only for workers who are not part of ongoing collective bargaining negotiations. The raise excluded Tuliao and other employees at 11 Satellite Healthcare clinics who SEIU United Healthcare Workers said it has represented in contract negotiations that began in September 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A small portion of our employees have chosen to be represented by SEIU and we continue to bargain in good faith,” the Satellite Healthcare spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Kidney Care Alliance and California Hospital Association confirmed some of its members have also raised employee pay while others are working to meet the new requirements when they go into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dialysis providers in California value their caregivers and are following the requirements laid out in SB 525, and in the new state budget deal, to establish a health care minimum wage,” said Jaycob Bytel, spokesperson for California Kidney Care Alliance. “In fact, many providers have already increased wages well ahead of the requirements of the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uber-and-lyft-are-fighting-minimum-wage-laws-but-in-this-state-the-drivers-won",
"title": "Uber and Lyft Are Fighting Minimum Wage Laws. But in This State, the Drivers Won",
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"headTitle": "Uber and Lyft Are Fighting Minimum Wage Laws. But in This State, the Drivers Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a windowless room, Uber driver Farhan Badel took the podium in front of a committee of Minnesota state legislators in early May. As Badel leaned into the microphone and started speaking, the room quieted. Testifying before lawmakers was something he’d done nearly a dozen times before, but he says this time felt like his last chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been fighting for two long years,” Badel stated, referencing ride-hail drivers’ battle to get a minimum wage law passed in the state. He said his message to lawmakers was this: “Uber and Lyft, especially Uber, notorious for their shady lobbying … should not be allowed to dictate what becomes law in this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lobbying Badel referenced is part of a playbook Uber and Lyft have used in cities across the country to curb minimum wage laws for drivers. The San Francisco-based companies have barraged lawmakers with emails, sent warning messages to riders and drivers, and threatened to vacate states if they were forced to pay minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Minnesota, the campaign was particularly aggressive. Interviews with drivers and lawmakers, along with internal emails and documents obtained by NPR, show that Minnesota was the target of an intense operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hearing where Badel testified was the latest twist in a whiplash series of events. Over the last two years, ride-hail drivers had organized and grown into a more than 1,300-member group that marched at City Hall, met with lawmakers and brought national attention to their plight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They had seen wins and losses in dizzying succession: Three separate bills mandating minimum wage for ride-hail drivers passed at the state and city levels, only to get unexpectedly vetoed by Gov. Tim Walz or Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey. The drivers say it felt to them like a true David and Goliath situation, pitting them against multibillion-dollar corporations that seemed to hold far more power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990764\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990764\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farhan Badel, an Uber/Lyft driver and MULDA organizer, in Apple Valley, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This spring it reached a boiling point. After gains by the drivers, Uber and Lyft stepped up their lobbying campaign and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">threatened to pull out of Minneapolis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is part of their corporate playbook,” says Laura Padin, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.datocms-assets.com/64990/1714149807-the-bullys-playbook-april-2024.pdf\">studies lobbying in the gig economy (PDF)\u003c/a> at the National Employment Law Project, a labor rights advocacy organization. “The fact that they can issue threats and say ‘We’re going to leave if you treat us like everyone else’ is a big problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the proposed minimum wage would have left the companies unable to sustain their businesses in the state. Uber says it would have made Minnesota “one of the most expensive markets in the country,” and Lyft says it would have made “prices rise so much that we would have seen a 51% decrease in ride requests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walz and Frey, both labor-friendly Democrats, had been adamant that they wanted ride-hail drivers to make a livable wage. They also took the companies, and their warnings, seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I had two primary goals,” Frey told NPR in an interview. “To get a very significant pay increase for drivers and to keep this very important rideshare service, including Uber and Lyft, in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar scenarios have played out in New York and Seattle, which ultimately passed city minimum wage laws. But every state law governing driver pay and protections that has been crafted to date has included provisions backed by Uber and Lyft — through their \u003ca href=\"https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/05/09/inside-uber-political-machine/?utm_source=Twitter&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=2024-05-09_Wells-Uber-1\">lobbying and public campaigns\u003c/a>. For example, in California, the companies \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1422181&session=2019&view=received\">spent a combined $108.5 million\u003c/a> on a successful \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/05/931561150/california-voters-give-uber-lyft-a-win-but-some-drivers-arent-so-sure\">ballot measure campaign\u003c/a> to exempt them from a state labor law. Another statewide battle happened in Washington, and one is underway in Massachusetts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Minnesota, something wholly unexpected happened last month — the drivers won.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The worst I’ve seen in eight years’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It all started in a small coffee shop in Minneapolis. In the summer of 2022, ride-hail driver Eid Ali gathered with about 20 Uber and Lyft drivers to talk about low pay, safety concerns and other issues that come with the job. Ali is a father of five and the sole provider for his family. Before he started driving for Uber and Lyft in 2014, Ali was a taxi driver and had done some organizing. He says this helped him and the other drivers come up with a game plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first step was to recruit more drivers. Ali and the others went to shopping malls and airport parking lots to speak with drivers. They also went to mosques — the majority of ride-hail drivers in Minneapolis are immigrants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">state data (PDF)\u003c/a>, with many from East Africa, especially Somalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drivers coalesced in a group called Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association, or MULDA, and Ali became the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eid Ali, president of Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association (MULDA), at the organization’s offices in Bloomington, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He says drivers reached out to him constantly about not being able to make ends meet. “Family folks raising kids, who depend on this income, are coming to me every day and telling me ‘I don’t know what to do,’” Ali says. “I was thinking that if I don’t do anything, if I don’t fight a few more days or maybe a few more weeks, who’s going to do that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft categorize drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. This means drivers pay their own expenses such as gas, car maintenance and cellphones, and they don’t have employee benefits, including health insurance, sick days and workers’ compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low pay is the top problem, drivers say, as their earnings have steadily shrunk and become harder to predict. In 2022, both Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/working-for-an-algorithm/2022/03/01/secretive-algorithm-will-now-determine-uber-driver-pay-in-many-cities\">switched how they paid drivers\u003c/a>, going from a time-and-mileage calculation to an opaque algorithm. Uber and Lyft say the software helps drivers pick and choose trips, but drivers say since that change they’ve seen the companies take a bigger cut, while they’ve gotten less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergio Avedian, a longtime ride-hail driver in Los Angeles and senior contributor to the popular blog the \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>, says thousands of drivers regularly send him their pay stubs. “This is the worst I’ve seen in eight years,” he says, estimating he often earns less than minimum wage after expenses. “But people are driving, they’re desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Twin Cities metro area, where 95% of all of Minnesota’s ride-hail trips happen, the median take-home wage for drivers is $13.63 per hour, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">report (PDF)\u003c/a> by the Minnesota Department of Labor and Industry. That’s below the minimum wage for large businesses in St. Paul ($15) and Minneapolis ($15.57).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson calls this report “\u003ca href=\"https://uberpubpolicy.medium.com/excessive-rates-and-their-negative-effects-a-review-of-minnesotas-proposed-pay-standard-9747c14d0254\">flawed\u003c/a>.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about driver pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have shaped minimum wage laws in their favor in other states. In Washington, for example, after Seattle passed a minimum wage for ride-hail drivers, the two companies \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/news/2022/03/04/bill-in-washington-state-would-be-first-to-bar-uber-and-lyft-drivers-from-being-classified-as-employees\">lobbied legislators\u003c/a> to pass a state law. That law gives drivers a minimum pay floor but also grants a key concession to the companies: ensuring that the drivers remain classified as independent contractors, which exempts the companies from providing customary worker benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990766\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990766\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Symbols for Uber and Lyft adorn Farhan Badel’s vehicle in Apple Valley, Minn. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the fall of 2022, hundreds of drivers had joined MULDA, with the campaign crystallizing around the push for a minimum wage. That October, they \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2022/10/20/uber-and-lyft-drivers-press-lawmakers-to-address-long-standing-labor-complaints/\">held their first press conference\u003c/a> at the Minnesota state Capitol. “Drivers are at a breaking point,” Ali announced, alongside state lawmakers that day. From there, their cause quickly picked up steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2023, state legislators had introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/bill.php?b=House&f=HF2369&ssn=0&y=2023\">bill\u003c/a> that set out minimum pay and other protections for ride-hail drivers. It swiftly passed the House and Senate and landed on Walz’s desk in late May 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All signs pointed to Walz signing the bill, Badel says. The drivers got ready to celebrate a victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insiders told us to come to the state Capitol the day when they signed all these bills,” Badel says. “They told us to come there dressed well — you know, look presentable, look happy. So, we were getting all these checkmarks that he was going to sign the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A lobbying blitz\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What Badel and Ali didn’t know was that Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists were hard at work behind the scenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the governor received the bill, the companies’ lobbyists sent a slew of emails to his staffers and colleagues, according to public records obtained by NPR. Those included “talking points and numbers” that said rider fares would skyrocket if the bill passed. In Minneapolis, they said fares would go up 70%, without citing specific data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/lyft-uber-playbook-20240610/aiTimeline.html?initialWidth=840&childId=responsive-embed-lyft-uber-playbook-20240610-aiTimeline&parentTitle=Uber%20and%20Lyft%20use%20lobbying%20to%20fight%20minimum%20wage%20law%20in%20Minnesota%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F06%2F17%2Fnx-s1-4942958%2Fuber-minimum-wage-minnesota-lyft-lobbying\" width=\"800\" height=\"2200\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brent Kent, a registered lobbyist for Lyft and the company’s director of public policy, sent a letter to Minnesota’s Senate president saying the bill would have a “catastrophic impact” and create “transportation deserts.” Rides in Minneapolis would go from $17 to $54, he said, also not citing specific data for that statistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As signing day neared, the lobbyists ramped up their efforts. They requested phone calls between Walz and the CEOs of both Uber and Lyft. At one point, Uber lobbyist Joel Carlson emailed the governor’s legislative assistant asking for an alternative email for the office, because he said he had a lot of people wanting to write in with opposition to the bill and didn’t want to “email bomb” her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson also fired off “veto request” letters he collected from 11 community groups — business and hospitality associations as well as organizations that work with people with disabilities, the elderly and domestic violence survivors. At least half of those groups have partnered with Uber or Lyft, but that wasn’t disclosed in their letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says it “engaged many organizations and local stakeholders to ensure they understood the impact of the legislation” and “many decided to express their concerns.” The spokesperson also confirmed that Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi had spoken with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990767\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990767\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We urged the governor to veto the bill publicly, as well, via issued statements and in emails to riders and drivers,” the spokesperson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft didn’t respond to questions about its involvement with the letters from community groups or conversations between its CEO and the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the anticipated signing, the companies rolled out a tactic they’d used in California, New York, Texas and other states: They \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/uber-minnesota-rideshare-driver-bill-veto-tim-walz/\">threatened to leave the state\u003c/a> if the bill was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By May 25, 2023, Ali says he and the other drivers were anxious about the outcome. They gathered in front of Walz’s office chanting, “Governor sign the bill!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That afternoon, Walz issued his \u003ca href=\"https://www.house.mn.gov/NewLaws/story/2023/5502\">first and only veto\u003c/a> in four years as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His veto letter started off saying the minimum wage bill “could make Minnesota one of the most expensive states in the country for rideshare.” It cited the need to maintain ride-hail services in the state and also referenced the letters from community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for Walz says that alongside the veto, the governor \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/assets/EO%2023-07%20TNC_tcm1055-579270.pdf\">formed a task force (PDF)\u003c/a> to study the issue. She pointed NPR to a \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/newsroom/press-releases/#/detail/appId/1/id/579275\">press release\u003c/a> where he said, “Rideshare drivers deserve fair wages and safe working conditions … This is not the right bill to achieve these goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali says it was a big surprise and a major blow for MULDA. “That was my worst nightmare, because I didn’t know what to say to those drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re our last resort’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the state bill made its way through the Legislature, the MULDA drivers were also simultaneously working with city council members in Minneapolis. After the governor’s veto, the drivers reorganized and went all in at the local level — becoming ever-present at City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They came to City Hall many, many times, saying: ‘Government officials, you’re our last resort,’” says Robin Wonsley, the Minneapolis council member for Ward 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The makeup of the workforce for the rideshare companies is predominantly Black, predominantly immigrant and also predominantly low income,” she added. “And many of these drivers, or a disproportionate number of these drivers, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">actually on public assistance (PDF)\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990768\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Wonsley, Minneapolis council member for Ward 2, outside City Hall in Bloomington, Minn., on May 26. Wonsley and colleagues worked on a city ordinance to give ride-hail drivers a minimum wage in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She joined fellow council members Jamal Osman, who’d introduced her to MULDA, and Jason Chavez to work on a city ordinance. They reached out to economists and experts to come up with a calculation that would be equivalent to the city’s minimum wage. Uber and Lyft only pay drivers when they’re giving rides and not when they’re waiting for a passenger, so a straight hourly wage wouldn’t work. The \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/MetaData/31233/2023-052_Id_31233.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> they introduced mandated that drivers be paid $1.40 per mile and 51¢ per minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/17/minneapolis-approves-measure-to-boost-pay-for-uber-lyft-drivers\">passed the council\u003c/a> in August 2023 by a 7–5 vote. But behind the scenes, the companies’ lobbyists were leaning hard on Frey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with the governor, Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists targeted the mayor, according to internal emails obtained by NPR through public records requests. Lyft’s Kent reached out to staffers saying the company had “grave concerns.” He sent the mayor and council members an opposition letter from a Lyft executive that had one sentence bolded and underlined: “Should this proposal become law, Lyft will be forced to cease operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Uber’s Carlson called the ordinance “problematic.” On Aug. 21, Carlson emailed a senior aide at City Hall, saying he had spoken with the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber understands the importance and optics to provide a thoughtful response to the council’s vote and have offered to him the opportunity to announce the following if he chooses,” the email reads. Carlson said the mayor could announce that Uber pledges to give drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum on all trips. He sent suggested language for the mayor’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Minneapolis, the median take-home wage for ride-hail drivers is nearly $2 less than the minimum wage. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Frey \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/22/minneapolis-mayor-jacob-frey-vetoes-rideshare-bill\">vetoed the ordinance\u003c/a>. In his \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/32370/2023_052-Veto-Letter.pdf\">veto letter (PDF)\u003c/a>, he said he’d work on another ordinance that included all stakeholders. The mayor also wrote that he was “pleased to share” that he secured a commitment from Uber to provide drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum per ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says the minimum wage guarantee “was not part of any negotiations.” A spokesperson for Frey says the commitment from Uber “was not in exchange for a veto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonsley says she was outraged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are we having city leaders now supporting a multibillion-dollar corporation and having an exemption from a city policy that hundreds of small businesses have been in compliance with?” she says, referring to the city’s minimum wage law. “And then he announced a nonbinding agreement with Uber, saying, ‘Look, we don’t need to change nothing, the company has made a commitment, a symbolic commitment to pay drivers more.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were like ‘Wait, what?’ ” Wonsley adds. “That makes absolutely no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frey’s spokesperson says the commitment from Uber “was never intended to be a permanent solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Public pressure campaign\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s veto, coming after the governor’s veto, could have been the end for MULDA drivers’ quest to get a minimum wage law. In other states that went through similar scenarios, such setbacks have taken the wind out of organizing efforts. But Ali and Badel say they came too close to give up. And council member Wonsley says she wasn’t ready to back down either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her colleagues introduced two more ordinances in October 2023. One focused on minimum wage, the other on worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than six months later, the council passed the new minimum wage \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/34129/Transportation-Rideshare-Compensation-Ordinance.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> by a 9–4 vote. The next day, once again, Frey vetoed the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the City Council to wait one day,” says Frey, until after the release of the statewide report on driver earnings. “Both times I vetoed it because it wasn’t supported by the data. And so, we should be listening to the data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, however, the council had enough votes to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2024/03/14/minneapolis-city-council-overrides-freys-veto-on-ordinance-boosting-rideshare-driver-pay\">override his veto\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With this go-round, Uber and Lyft kicked their pressure campaign up a notch. Instead of mostly working with lawmakers behind closed doors, the companies brought their lobbying to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a full-court press campaign,” Wonsley says. “Every single day there are several articles, interviews in the press, basically demonizing our actions and creating a lot of confusion for the public around what our policy actually accomplished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the veto override, Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">announced they were leaving Minneapolis\u003c/a> as soon as the ordinance went into effect. It was around this time that Matthew McGlory, a MULDA member and longtime Uber and Lyft driver, started getting in-app messages and emails from the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis on May 26. McGlory says drivers in other states have been watching Minnesota, waiting to see what happened. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that this decision will have a huge negative effect,” a message from Uber read. “It will put thousands of drivers — like you — out of work.” Uber provided a link to email lawmakers urging them to pass statewide legislation that could preempt the city ordinance and be more favorable to the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft, meanwhile, sent an email to its riders saying the ordinance would make rides “unaffordable” for the majority of residents. Lyft’s spokesperson didn’t respond to questions about the in-app messages. Uber’s spokesperson says, “The message speaks for itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also a flurry of activity in the local news. Uber put an online ad in the \u003cem>Star Tribune\u003c/em> saying Minneapolis was “forcing” it to leave and offered a button to click to “save our rides.” Dan Meyers, a director at disability advocacy group Rise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/minneapolis-rideshare-driver-pay-proposal-looks-at-only-one-side-of-equation/600348209/\">wrote an op-ed\u003c/a> saying the ordinance would be “devastating to the disability community.” Lyft and Rise are \u003ca href=\"https://rise.org/12858-2/\">longtime partners\u003c/a>, which wasn’t disclosed in the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Rise says, “Our work with Lyft is well-known among our peers and partners.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about any possible involvement with the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the ordinance set to go into effect in Minneapolis, MULDA drivers say they were still nervous. A statewide bill could preempt the city ordinance and undercut their pay. It was hard to tell which way it would go.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘No one else has been able to do this in the country’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same day Farhan Badel took the podium in early May pleading with state lawmakers to not let the ride-hail companies dictate the law, Uber’s Carlson also spoke. They were discussing a compromise state bill that would preempt the Minneapolis ordinance — it offered drivers a rate of $1.27 per mile and 49¢ per minute. Carlson told the lawmakers this wouldn’t work for Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986533,news_11987167,forum_2010101905828\"]“Uber has calculated that if you reasonably calculate the expenses you come up with a rate of 41¢ per mile and 68¢ per minute,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislators left that hearing without giving any indication\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which way it would go. But a couple of weeks later, they made a move that stunned observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of May 19, \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2024/05/21/heres-whats-in-the-bill-regulating-uber-and-lyft-driver-pay-and-labor-standards/\">the state passed a new bill\u003c/a> giving drivers the minimum wage rate of $1.28 per mile and 31¢ per minute. Even though it was slightly lower and preempted the Minneapolis ordinance, Wonsley and the council backed it. Frey says he was opposed to the preemption, but that he ultimately supported the bill too since he says it was “nearly identical” to what he proposed months earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a major win for the MULDA drivers. After the bill’s passage, in a moment of jubilation in the Capitol’s hallways, they hoisted one of the state legislators in the air and chanted “MULDA” over and over. The legislator, Sen. Omar Fateh, who was instrumental in getting the bill passed, said, “It was Uber and Lyft versus MULDA and MULDA won.” The crowd erupted in cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990771\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare vehicles share the road with other drivers in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the companies accepted the compromise, and that neither will shutter operations in the state. Unlike the minimum pay laws for ride-hail drivers in California and Washington state, Minnesota’s bill doesn’t mandate that drivers remain independent contractors — something Uber and Lyft had sought, but didn’t get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 28, Walz signed the bill into law with Ali by his side wearing a white MULDA T-shirt. During a press conference announcing its passage, the governor congratulated state lawmakers. “No one else has been able to do this in the country,” Walz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The driver McGlory says MULDA has heard from drivers in other states who have been watching Minnesota over the past year and a half, waiting to see what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing this not just for drivers in Minneapolis. I’m doing this for the drivers in Nashville, Tenn. I’m doing this for drivers in Jackson, Miss.,” McGlory says, pausing for a moment before continuing. “Because when we educate ourselves, when we organize ourselves and we mobilize ourselves, we can win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like my favorite physics teacher said, ‘We have to become an unstoppable force that meets an immovable object.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Uber and Lyft have lobbied in cities across the country to curb minimum wage laws for drivers, but drivers of the ride-hail companies in Minnesota scored a hard-fought victory after years of struggle.",
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"title": "Uber and Lyft Are Fighting Minimum Wage Laws. But in This State, the Drivers Won | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a windowless room, Uber driver Farhan Badel took the podium in front of a committee of Minnesota state legislators in early May. As Badel leaned into the microphone and started speaking, the room quieted. Testifying before lawmakers was something he’d done nearly a dozen times before, but he says this time felt like his last chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been fighting for two long years,” Badel stated, referencing ride-hail drivers’ battle to get a minimum wage law passed in the state. He said his message to lawmakers was this: “Uber and Lyft, especially Uber, notorious for their shady lobbying … should not be allowed to dictate what becomes law in this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lobbying Badel referenced is part of a playbook Uber and Lyft have used in cities across the country to curb minimum wage laws for drivers. The San Francisco-based companies have barraged lawmakers with emails, sent warning messages to riders and drivers, and threatened to vacate states if they were forced to pay minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Minnesota, the campaign was particularly aggressive. Interviews with drivers and lawmakers, along with internal emails and documents obtained by NPR, show that Minnesota was the target of an intense operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That hearing where Badel testified was the latest twist in a whiplash series of events. Over the last two years, ride-hail drivers had organized and grown into a more than 1,300-member group that marched at City Hall, met with lawmakers and brought national attention to their plight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They had seen wins and losses in dizzying succession: Three separate bills mandating minimum wage for ride-hail drivers passed at the state and city levels, only to get unexpectedly vetoed by Gov. Tim Walz or Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey. The drivers say it felt to them like a true David and Goliath situation, pitting them against multibillion-dollar corporations that seemed to hold far more power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990764\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990764\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farhan Badel, an Uber/Lyft driver and MULDA organizer, in Apple Valley, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This spring it reached a boiling point. After gains by the drivers, Uber and Lyft stepped up their lobbying campaign and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">threatened to pull out of Minneapolis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is part of their corporate playbook,” says Laura Padin, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.datocms-assets.com/64990/1714149807-the-bullys-playbook-april-2024.pdf\">studies lobbying in the gig economy (PDF)\u003c/a> at the National Employment Law Project, a labor rights advocacy organization. “The fact that they can issue threats and say ‘We’re going to leave if you treat us like everyone else’ is a big problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the proposed minimum wage would have left the companies unable to sustain their businesses in the state. Uber says it would have made Minnesota “one of the most expensive markets in the country,” and Lyft says it would have made “prices rise so much that we would have seen a 51% decrease in ride requests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walz and Frey, both labor-friendly Democrats, had been adamant that they wanted ride-hail drivers to make a livable wage. They also took the companies, and their warnings, seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the very beginning, I had two primary goals,” Frey told NPR in an interview. “To get a very significant pay increase for drivers and to keep this very important rideshare service, including Uber and Lyft, in our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar scenarios have played out in New York and Seattle, which ultimately passed city minimum wage laws. But every state law governing driver pay and protections that has been crafted to date has included provisions backed by Uber and Lyft — through their \u003ca href=\"https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/05/09/inside-uber-political-machine/?utm_source=Twitter&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=2024-05-09_Wells-Uber-1\">lobbying and public campaigns\u003c/a>. For example, in California, the companies \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1422181&session=2019&view=received\">spent a combined $108.5 million\u003c/a> on a successful \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/05/931561150/california-voters-give-uber-lyft-a-win-but-some-drivers-arent-so-sure\">ballot measure campaign\u003c/a> to exempt them from a state labor law. Another statewide battle happened in Washington, and one is underway in Massachusetts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Minnesota, something wholly unexpected happened last month — the drivers won.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The worst I’ve seen in eight years’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It all started in a small coffee shop in Minneapolis. In the summer of 2022, ride-hail driver Eid Ali gathered with about 20 Uber and Lyft drivers to talk about low pay, safety concerns and other issues that come with the job. Ali is a father of five and the sole provider for his family. Before he started driving for Uber and Lyft in 2014, Ali was a taxi driver and had done some organizing. He says this helped him and the other drivers come up with a game plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first step was to recruit more drivers. Ali and the others went to shopping malls and airport parking lots to speak with drivers. They also went to mosques — the majority of ride-hail drivers in Minneapolis are immigrants, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">state data (PDF)\u003c/a>, with many from East Africa, especially Somalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drivers coalesced in a group called Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association, or MULDA, and Ali became the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990765\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn2-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eid Ali, president of Minnesota Uber/Lyft Drivers Association (MULDA), at the organization’s offices in Bloomington, Minn., on May 25. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He says drivers reached out to him constantly about not being able to make ends meet. “Family folks raising kids, who depend on this income, are coming to me every day and telling me ‘I don’t know what to do,’” Ali says. “I was thinking that if I don’t do anything, if I don’t fight a few more days or maybe a few more weeks, who’s going to do that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft categorize drivers as independent contractors rather than employees. This means drivers pay their own expenses such as gas, car maintenance and cellphones, and they don’t have employee benefits, including health insurance, sick days and workers’ compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low pay is the top problem, drivers say, as their earnings have steadily shrunk and become harder to predict. In 2022, both Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/working-for-an-algorithm/2022/03/01/secretive-algorithm-will-now-determine-uber-driver-pay-in-many-cities\">switched how they paid drivers\u003c/a>, going from a time-and-mileage calculation to an opaque algorithm. Uber and Lyft say the software helps drivers pick and choose trips, but drivers say since that change they’ve seen the companies take a bigger cut, while they’ve gotten less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sergio Avedian, a longtime ride-hail driver in Los Angeles and senior contributor to the popular blog the \u003ca href=\"https://therideshareguy.com/\">Rideshare Guy\u003c/a>, says thousands of drivers regularly send him their pay stubs. “This is the worst I’ve seen in eight years,” he says, estimating he often earns less than minimum wage after expenses. “But people are driving, they’re desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Twin Cities metro area, where 95% of all of Minnesota’s ride-hail trips happen, the median take-home wage for drivers is $13.63 per hour, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">report (PDF)\u003c/a> by the Minnesota Department of Labor and Industry. That’s below the minimum wage for large businesses in St. Paul ($15) and Minneapolis ($15.57).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson calls this report “\u003ca href=\"https://uberpubpolicy.medium.com/excessive-rates-and-their-negative-effects-a-review-of-minnesotas-proposed-pay-standard-9747c14d0254\">flawed\u003c/a>.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about driver pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have shaped minimum wage laws in their favor in other states. In Washington, for example, after Seattle passed a minimum wage for ride-hail drivers, the two companies \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/news/2022/03/04/bill-in-washington-state-would-be-first-to-bar-uber-and-lyft-drivers-from-being-classified-as-employees\">lobbied legislators\u003c/a> to pass a state law. That law gives drivers a minimum pay floor but also grants a key concession to the companies: ensuring that the drivers remain classified as independent contractors, which exempts the companies from providing customary worker benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990766\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990766\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn3-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Symbols for Uber and Lyft adorn Farhan Badel’s vehicle in Apple Valley, Minn. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>By the fall of 2022, hundreds of drivers had joined MULDA, with the campaign crystallizing around the push for a minimum wage. That October, they \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2022/10/20/uber-and-lyft-drivers-press-lawmakers-to-address-long-standing-labor-complaints/\">held their first press conference\u003c/a> at the Minnesota state Capitol. “Drivers are at a breaking point,” Ali announced, alongside state lawmakers that day. From there, their cause quickly picked up steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2023, state legislators had introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.revisor.mn.gov/bills/bill.php?b=House&f=HF2369&ssn=0&y=2023\">bill\u003c/a> that set out minimum pay and other protections for ride-hail drivers. It swiftly passed the House and Senate and landed on Walz’s desk in late May 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All signs pointed to Walz signing the bill, Badel says. The drivers got ready to celebrate a victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insiders told us to come to the state Capitol the day when they signed all these bills,” Badel says. “They told us to come there dressed well — you know, look presentable, look happy. So, we were getting all these checkmarks that he was going to sign the bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A lobbying blitz\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What Badel and Ali didn’t know was that Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists were hard at work behind the scenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the governor received the bill, the companies’ lobbyists sent a slew of emails to his staffers and colleagues, according to public records obtained by NPR. Those included “talking points and numbers” that said rider fares would skyrocket if the bill passed. In Minneapolis, they said fares would go up 70%, without citing specific data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/lyft-uber-playbook-20240610/aiTimeline.html?initialWidth=840&childId=responsive-embed-lyft-uber-playbook-20240610-aiTimeline&parentTitle=Uber%20and%20Lyft%20use%20lobbying%20to%20fight%20minimum%20wage%20law%20in%20Minnesota%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F06%2F17%2Fnx-s1-4942958%2Fuber-minimum-wage-minnesota-lyft-lobbying\" width=\"800\" height=\"2200\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brent Kent, a registered lobbyist for Lyft and the company’s director of public policy, sent a letter to Minnesota’s Senate president saying the bill would have a “catastrophic impact” and create “transportation deserts.” Rides in Minneapolis would go from $17 to $54, he said, also not citing specific data for that statistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As signing day neared, the lobbyists ramped up their efforts. They requested phone calls between Walz and the CEOs of both Uber and Lyft. At one point, Uber lobbyist Joel Carlson emailed the governor’s legislative assistant asking for an alternative email for the office, because he said he had a lot of people wanting to write in with opposition to the bill and didn’t want to “email bomb” her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson also fired off “veto request” letters he collected from 11 community groups — business and hospitality associations as well as organizations that work with people with disabilities, the elderly and domestic violence survivors. At least half of those groups have partnered with Uber or Lyft, but that wasn’t disclosed in their letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says it “engaged many organizations and local stakeholders to ensure they understood the impact of the legislation” and “many decided to express their concerns.” The spokesperson also confirmed that Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi had spoken with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990767\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990767\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn4-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We urged the governor to veto the bill publicly, as well, via issued statements and in emails to riders and drivers,” the spokesperson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft didn’t respond to questions about its involvement with the letters from community groups or conversations between its CEO and the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days before the anticipated signing, the companies rolled out a tactic they’d used in California, New York, Texas and other states: They \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/uber-minnesota-rideshare-driver-bill-veto-tim-walz/\">threatened to leave the state\u003c/a> if the bill was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By May 25, 2023, Ali says he and the other drivers were anxious about the outcome. They gathered in front of Walz’s office chanting, “Governor sign the bill!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That afternoon, Walz issued his \u003ca href=\"https://www.house.mn.gov/NewLaws/story/2023/5502\">first and only veto\u003c/a> in four years as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His veto letter started off saying the minimum wage bill “could make Minnesota one of the most expensive states in the country for rideshare.” It cited the need to maintain ride-hail services in the state and also referenced the letters from community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for Walz says that alongside the veto, the governor \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/assets/EO%2023-07%20TNC_tcm1055-579270.pdf\">formed a task force (PDF)\u003c/a> to study the issue. She pointed NPR to a \u003ca href=\"https://mn.gov/governor/newsroom/press-releases/#/detail/appId/1/id/579275\">press release\u003c/a> where he said, “Rideshare drivers deserve fair wages and safe working conditions … This is not the right bill to achieve these goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ali says it was a big surprise and a major blow for MULDA. “That was my worst nightmare, because I didn’t know what to say to those drivers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re our last resort’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the state bill made its way through the Legislature, the MULDA drivers were also simultaneously working with city council members in Minneapolis. After the governor’s veto, the drivers reorganized and went all in at the local level — becoming ever-present at City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They came to City Hall many, many times, saying: ‘Government officials, you’re our last resort,’” says Robin Wonsley, the Minneapolis council member for Ward 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The makeup of the workforce for the rideshare companies is predominantly Black, predominantly immigrant and also predominantly low income,” she added. “And many of these drivers, or a disproportionate number of these drivers, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.dli.mn.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/TNC_driver_earnings_analysis_pay_standard_options_report_030824.pdf\">actually on public assistance (PDF)\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990768\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn5-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robin Wonsley, Minneapolis council member for Ward 2, outside City Hall in Bloomington, Minn., on May 26. Wonsley and colleagues worked on a city ordinance to give ride-hail drivers a minimum wage in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She joined fellow council members Jamal Osman, who’d introduced her to MULDA, and Jason Chavez to work on a city ordinance. They reached out to economists and experts to come up with a calculation that would be equivalent to the city’s minimum wage. Uber and Lyft only pay drivers when they’re giving rides and not when they’re waiting for a passenger, so a straight hourly wage wouldn’t work. The \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/MetaData/31233/2023-052_Id_31233.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> they introduced mandated that drivers be paid $1.40 per mile and 51¢ per minute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/17/minneapolis-approves-measure-to-boost-pay-for-uber-lyft-drivers\">passed the council\u003c/a> in August 2023 by a 7–5 vote. But behind the scenes, the companies’ lobbyists were leaning hard on Frey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with the governor, Uber and Lyft’s lobbyists targeted the mayor, according to internal emails obtained by NPR through public records requests. Lyft’s Kent reached out to staffers saying the company had “grave concerns.” He sent the mayor and council members an opposition letter from a Lyft executive that had one sentence bolded and underlined: “Should this proposal become law, Lyft will be forced to cease operations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Uber’s Carlson called the ordinance “problematic.” On Aug. 21, Carlson emailed a senior aide at City Hall, saying he had spoken with the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber understands the importance and optics to provide a thoughtful response to the council’s vote and have offered to him the opportunity to announce the following if he chooses,” the email reads. Carlson said the mayor could announce that Uber pledges to give drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum on all trips. He sent suggested language for the mayor’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn6-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In Minneapolis, the median take-home wage for ride-hail drivers is nearly $2 less than the minimum wage. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The next day, Frey \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2023/08/22/minneapolis-mayor-jacob-frey-vetoes-rideshare-bill\">vetoed the ordinance\u003c/a>. In his \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/32370/2023_052-Veto-Letter.pdf\">veto letter (PDF)\u003c/a>, he said he’d work on another ordinance that included all stakeholders. The mayor also wrote that he was “pleased to share” that he secured a commitment from Uber to provide drivers a minimum wage and a $5 minimum per ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber’s spokesperson says the minimum wage guarantee “was not part of any negotiations.” A spokesperson for Frey says the commitment from Uber “was not in exchange for a veto.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wonsley says she was outraged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are we having city leaders now supporting a multibillion-dollar corporation and having an exemption from a city policy that hundreds of small businesses have been in compliance with?” she says, referring to the city’s minimum wage law. “And then he announced a nonbinding agreement with Uber, saying, ‘Look, we don’t need to change nothing, the company has made a commitment, a symbolic commitment to pay drivers more.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were like ‘Wait, what?’ ” Wonsley adds. “That makes absolutely no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frey’s spokesperson says the commitment from Uber “was never intended to be a permanent solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Public pressure campaign\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s veto, coming after the governor’s veto, could have been the end for MULDA drivers’ quest to get a minimum wage law. In other states that went through similar scenarios, such setbacks have taken the wind out of organizing efforts. But Ali and Badel say they came too close to give up. And council member Wonsley says she wasn’t ready to back down either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her colleagues introduced two more ordinances in October 2023. One focused on minimum wage, the other on worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than six months later, the council passed the new minimum wage \u003ca href=\"https://lims.minneapolismn.gov/Download/FileV2/34129/Transportation-Rideshare-Compensation-Ordinance.pdf\">ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a> by a 9–4 vote. The next day, once again, Frey vetoed the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I asked the City Council to wait one day,” says Frey, until after the release of the statewide report on driver earnings. “Both times I vetoed it because it wasn’t supported by the data. And so, we should be listening to the data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, however, the council had enough votes to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mprnews.org/story/2024/03/14/minneapolis-city-council-overrides-freys-veto-on-ordinance-boosting-rideshare-driver-pay\">override his veto\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With this go-round, Uber and Lyft kicked their pressure campaign up a notch. Instead of mostly working with lawmakers behind closed doors, the companies brought their lobbying to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a full-court press campaign,” Wonsley says. “Every single day there are several articles, interviews in the press, basically demonizing our actions and creating a lot of confusion for the public around what our policy actually accomplished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the veto override, Uber and Lyft \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/15/1238885721/uber-lyft-minneapolis-minimum-wage-law\">announced they were leaving Minneapolis\u003c/a> as soon as the ordinance went into effect. It was around this time that Matthew McGlory, a MULDA member and longtime Uber and Lyft driver, started getting in-app messages and emails from the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn7-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew McGlory, a rideshare driver and active member of MULDA, in downtown Minneapolis on May 26. McGlory says drivers in other states have been watching Minnesota, waiting to see what happened. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that this decision will have a huge negative effect,” a message from Uber read. “It will put thousands of drivers — like you — out of work.” Uber provided a link to email lawmakers urging them to pass statewide legislation that could preempt the city ordinance and be more favorable to the companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyft, meanwhile, sent an email to its riders saying the ordinance would make rides “unaffordable” for the majority of residents. Lyft’s spokesperson didn’t respond to questions about the in-app messages. Uber’s spokesperson says, “The message speaks for itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was also a flurry of activity in the local news. Uber put an online ad in the \u003cem>Star Tribune\u003c/em> saying Minneapolis was “forcing” it to leave and offered a button to click to “save our rides.” Dan Meyers, a director at disability advocacy group Rise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.startribune.com/minneapolis-rideshare-driver-pay-proposal-looks-at-only-one-side-of-equation/600348209/\">wrote an op-ed\u003c/a> saying the ordinance would be “devastating to the disability community.” Lyft and Rise are \u003ca href=\"https://rise.org/12858-2/\">longtime partners\u003c/a>, which wasn’t disclosed in the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Rise says, “Our work with Lyft is well-known among our peers and partners.” Lyft didn’t respond to questions about any possible involvement with the op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the ordinance set to go into effect in Minneapolis, MULDA drivers say they were still nervous. A statewide bill could preempt the city ordinance and undercut their pay. It was hard to tell which way it would go.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘No one else has been able to do this in the country’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The same day Farhan Badel took the podium in early May pleading with state lawmakers to not let the ride-hail companies dictate the law, Uber’s Carlson also spoke. They were discussing a compromise state bill that would preempt the Minneapolis ordinance — it offered drivers a rate of $1.27 per mile and 49¢ per minute. Carlson told the lawmakers this wouldn’t work for Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Uber has calculated that if you reasonably calculate the expenses you come up with a rate of 41¢ per mile and 68¢ per minute,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislators left that hearing without giving any indication\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which way it would go. But a couple of weeks later, they made a move that stunned observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of May 19, \u003ca href=\"https://minnesotareformer.com/2024/05/21/heres-whats-in-the-bill-regulating-uber-and-lyft-driver-pay-and-labor-standards/\">the state passed a new bill\u003c/a> giving drivers the minimum wage rate of $1.28 per mile and 31¢ per minute. Even though it was slightly lower and preempted the Minneapolis ordinance, Wonsley and the council backed it. Frey says he was opposed to the preemption, but that he ultimately supported the bill too since he says it was “nearly identical” to what he proposed months earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a major win for the MULDA drivers. After the bill’s passage, in a moment of jubilation in the Capitol’s hallways, they hoisted one of the state legislators in the air and chanted “MULDA” over and over. The legislator, Sen. Omar Fateh, who was instrumental in getting the bill passed, said, “It was Uber and Lyft versus MULDA and MULDA won.” The crowd erupted in cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990771\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1700px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1700\" height=\"1134\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy.jpg 1700w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/npr.brightspotcdn8-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1700px) 100vw, 1700px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare vehicles share the road with other drivers in downtown Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Jenn Ackerman for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Uber and Lyft say the companies accepted the compromise, and that neither will shutter operations in the state. Unlike the minimum pay laws for ride-hail drivers in California and Washington state, Minnesota’s bill doesn’t mandate that drivers remain independent contractors — something Uber and Lyft had sought, but didn’t get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 28, Walz signed the bill into law with Ali by his side wearing a white MULDA T-shirt. During a press conference announcing its passage, the governor congratulated state lawmakers. “No one else has been able to do this in the country,” Walz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The driver McGlory says MULDA has heard from drivers in other states who have been watching Minnesota over the past year and a half, waiting to see what happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing this not just for drivers in Minneapolis. I’m doing this for the drivers in Nashville, Tenn. I’m doing this for drivers in Jackson, Miss.,” McGlory says, pausing for a moment before continuing. “Because when we educate ourselves, when we organize ourselves and we mobilize ourselves, we can win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like my favorite physics teacher said, ‘We have to become an unstoppable force that meets an immovable object.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Five Bay Area counties could lose a collective $180 million annually if lawmakers pass the governor’s current budget proposal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The money is at the center of an ongoing battle between the state and counties with some of the highest property taxes in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">San Francisco, Marin, San Mateo, Napa and Santa Clara are the only five counties in California that generate more property taxes than their obligations to the Educational Revenue Augmentation Fund, which is used to meet funding mandates for public schools across the state. The leftovers are called “excess ERAF.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For years, the state Department of Finance has said those counties are miscalculating the amount they owe to the fund by omitting kids in charter schools from their daily attendance counts. The state uses those figures to determine how much money it allocates to school districts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The counties thought recent lawsuits had settled the issue in their favor. However, under the governor’s current budget, charter schools would be counted for ERAF funding, which would essentially remove the excess property tax revenue that the counties use in their general funds. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For more than 30 years, these revenues have been directed to fund K–12 schools, but charter schools have been recently left out of the equation,” H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, said. “This proposal would ensure that all local educational agencies receive these funds.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In February, Matthew Hymel, then-Marin County executive, wrote \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/executive/budget-and-priority-setting/legislative-support-and-advocacy/legislative-3\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a letter to state lawmakers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> calling the move unconstitutional, saying it would cost the county $1.1 million per year, affecting some 65 governmental entities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is the latest in a series of attempts by the State Department of Finance (DOF) to take constitutionally protected funds from local governments for State use at the expense of local health and safety programs and services,” Hymel’s statement reads.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More than $47 million is at stake in Santa Clara County, between the county and its cities. County Executive James Williams argues that the governor’s proposal goes against a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/03-04/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sca_4_cfa_20040729_111134_asm_floor.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2004 constitutional amendment\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> passed by voters that precludes state lawmakers from enacting new “ERAF shifts” to take property tax money away from local governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There should be no more grab of local government money, and that’s why we’re urging the legislature to reject this,” Williams said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Michelle Allersma, director of budget and analysis in the San Francisco Controller’s Office, said San Francisco alone risks losing $43 million a year, which it uses to pay for basic services. It began using excess ERAF in the 2016–17 budget year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We’re still kind of pulling ourselves out of the kind of pandemic aftermath,” Allersma said. “We’re still working on building back our local economy, so $43 million is objectively just an incredibly large number for us to backfill.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Williams said the dispute goes back to 1988 when California voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm#:~:text=Generally%2C%20Proposition%2098%20provides%20K,and%20local%20property%20tax%20revenues.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 98\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which guarantees funding for K–14 schools through a combination of money from the state’s general fund and local property taxes, creating ERAF. Property taxes fill those funding buckets first. If the counties don’t supply enough, the state’s general fund fills the rest. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area counties at issue have five of the six highest property taxes per resident in the state. That means their share of the buckets gets filled, and the leftover flows back into the counties to fund other services, like public health and safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The specific change that they’re proposing is to add another bucket: charter schools,” Williams said. “Today, that bucket gets filled by the state general fund. Instead, the Department of Finance wants that bucket to get filled by ERAF.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Department of Finance previously tried to make that change through a directive from the state controller. That ended up with all interested parties in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4193\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2020 report from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> said the five counties were calculating their ERAF “in ways that seem contrary to state law and shift too much property tax revenue from schools to other agencies” to the tune of roughly $170 million per year. They anticipated that the amount would rise every year as property taxes increase.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the time, the Department of Finance said ERAF funding calculations should include charter school daily attendance numbers. In response, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-revenue-and-taxation-code/division-1-property-taxation/part-05-implementation-of-article-xiiia-of-the-california-constitution/chapter-6-allocation-of-property-tax-revenue/article-3-revenue-allocation-shifts-for-education/section-972-modifications-for-certain-fiscal-years\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">state lawmakers compromised\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with the five Bay Area counties, holding them harmless for past years so long as they followed guidance from the state controller. The Legislature passed the 2020–21 budget, assuming counties would meet the higher Proposition 98 guarantee by counting charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sco.ca.gov/Files-ARD-Local/sco_eraf_guidance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the controller’s guidance (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, issued in February 2021, omitted charter schools from the definition of a school district in terms of ERAF funding “because they do not directly receive property tax revenue.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986893,news_11981977,news_11985798\"]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California School Boards Association (CSBA) objected, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://publications.csba.org/reports/ela/2022-annual-report/school-funding-educational-revenue-augmentation-fund/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">arguing in a lawsuit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> against the state controller that the guidance was unlawful, violating the California constitution’s minimum funding guarantee because charter schools should not be excluded from daily attendance-based funding or minimum property tax funding, with local funding being “passed through” a school district to the charter school. They estimated that nearly $1 billion was lost to excess ERAF at that time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Three of the five counties — Marin, San Francisco and Santa Clara — intervened in the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In June 2022, a judge found the controller’s guidance was within the law. The CSBA appealed, and local governments that use excess ERAF funding closely watched the case, with some even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.milpitas.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3397/FY23-24-Proposed-Budget-20230425-FINAL\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">budgeting for legal bills in the case\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Last July, an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-sch-bds-assn-v-cohen\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appellate court ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the controller’s and counties’ favor, essentially putting the issue to rest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Or so they thought, until the release of the governor’s current budget proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To explicitly address charter schools and their interaction with existing ERAF distribution statutes, the Budget proposes statutory changes to clarify that charter schools are eligible to receive ERAF,” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/BudgetSummary/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the budget states (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the governor’s budget proposes counting charter school kids, the legislative version of the budget doesn’t. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even if the governor’s proposal makes it into the final budget, counties would still have another year before the change takes effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The worst case scenario is that they agree on it, and it goes into effect on July 1, 2025,” Allersma said. “If it goes into effect, it would be at least out one year.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">State lawmakers are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/budget/californias-budget-process/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">required to vote\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the budget by June 15.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Five Bay Area counties could lose a collective $180 million annually if lawmakers pass the governor’s current budget proposal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The money is at the center of an ongoing battle between the state and counties with some of the highest property taxes in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">San Francisco, Marin, San Mateo, Napa and Santa Clara are the only five counties in California that generate more property taxes than their obligations to the Educational Revenue Augmentation Fund, which is used to meet funding mandates for public schools across the state. The leftovers are called “excess ERAF.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For years, the state Department of Finance has said those counties are miscalculating the amount they owe to the fund by omitting kids in charter schools from their daily attendance counts. The state uses those figures to determine how much money it allocates to school districts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The counties thought recent lawsuits had settled the issue in their favor. However, under the governor’s current budget, charter schools would be counted for ERAF funding, which would essentially remove the excess property tax revenue that the counties use in their general funds. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For more than 30 years, these revenues have been directed to fund K–12 schools, but charter schools have been recently left out of the equation,” H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, said. “This proposal would ensure that all local educational agencies receive these funds.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In February, Matthew Hymel, then-Marin County executive, wrote \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/executive/budget-and-priority-setting/legislative-support-and-advocacy/legislative-3\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a letter to state lawmakers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> calling the move unconstitutional, saying it would cost the county $1.1 million per year, affecting some 65 governmental entities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is the latest in a series of attempts by the State Department of Finance (DOF) to take constitutionally protected funds from local governments for State use at the expense of local health and safety programs and services,” Hymel’s statement reads.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More than $47 million is at stake in Santa Clara County, between the county and its cities. County Executive James Williams argues that the governor’s proposal goes against a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/03-04/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sca_4_cfa_20040729_111134_asm_floor.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2004 constitutional amendment\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> passed by voters that precludes state lawmakers from enacting new “ERAF shifts” to take property tax money away from local governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There should be no more grab of local government money, and that’s why we’re urging the legislature to reject this,” Williams said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Michelle Allersma, director of budget and analysis in the San Francisco Controller’s Office, said San Francisco alone risks losing $43 million a year, which it uses to pay for basic services. It began using excess ERAF in the 2016–17 budget year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We’re still kind of pulling ourselves out of the kind of pandemic aftermath,” Allersma said. “We’re still working on building back our local economy, so $43 million is objectively just an incredibly large number for us to backfill.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Williams said the dispute goes back to 1988 when California voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm#:~:text=Generally%2C%20Proposition%2098%20provides%20K,and%20local%20property%20tax%20revenues.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 98\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which guarantees funding for K–14 schools through a combination of money from the state’s general fund and local property taxes, creating ERAF. Property taxes fill those funding buckets first. If the counties don’t supply enough, the state’s general fund fills the rest. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area counties at issue have five of the six highest property taxes per resident in the state. That means their share of the buckets gets filled, and the leftover flows back into the counties to fund other services, like public health and safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The specific change that they’re proposing is to add another bucket: charter schools,” Williams said. “Today, that bucket gets filled by the state general fund. Instead, the Department of Finance wants that bucket to get filled by ERAF.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Department of Finance previously tried to make that change through a directive from the state controller. That ended up with all interested parties in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4193\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2020 report from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> said the five counties were calculating their ERAF “in ways that seem contrary to state law and shift too much property tax revenue from schools to other agencies” to the tune of roughly $170 million per year. They anticipated that the amount would rise every year as property taxes increase.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the time, the Department of Finance said ERAF funding calculations should include charter school daily attendance numbers. In response, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-revenue-and-taxation-code/division-1-property-taxation/part-05-implementation-of-article-xiiia-of-the-california-constitution/chapter-6-allocation-of-property-tax-revenue/article-3-revenue-allocation-shifts-for-education/section-972-modifications-for-certain-fiscal-years\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">state lawmakers compromised\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with the five Bay Area counties, holding them harmless for past years so long as they followed guidance from the state controller. The Legislature passed the 2020–21 budget, assuming counties would meet the higher Proposition 98 guarantee by counting charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sco.ca.gov/Files-ARD-Local/sco_eraf_guidance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the controller’s guidance (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, issued in February 2021, omitted charter schools from the definition of a school district in terms of ERAF funding “because they do not directly receive property tax revenue.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California School Boards Association (CSBA) objected, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://publications.csba.org/reports/ela/2022-annual-report/school-funding-educational-revenue-augmentation-fund/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">arguing in a lawsuit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> against the state controller that the guidance was unlawful, violating the California constitution’s minimum funding guarantee because charter schools should not be excluded from daily attendance-based funding or minimum property tax funding, with local funding being “passed through” a school district to the charter school. They estimated that nearly $1 billion was lost to excess ERAF at that time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Three of the five counties — Marin, San Francisco and Santa Clara — intervened in the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In June 2022, a judge found the controller’s guidance was within the law. The CSBA appealed, and local governments that use excess ERAF funding closely watched the case, with some even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.milpitas.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3397/FY23-24-Proposed-Budget-20230425-FINAL\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">budgeting for legal bills in the case\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Last July, an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-sch-bds-assn-v-cohen\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appellate court ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the controller’s and counties’ favor, essentially putting the issue to rest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Or so they thought, until the release of the governor’s current budget proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To explicitly address charter schools and their interaction with existing ERAF distribution statutes, the Budget proposes statutory changes to clarify that charter schools are eligible to receive ERAF,” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/BudgetSummary/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the budget states (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the governor’s budget proposes counting charter school kids, the legislative version of the budget doesn’t. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even if the governor’s proposal makes it into the final budget, counties would still have another year before the change takes effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The worst case scenario is that they agree on it, and it goes into effect on July 1, 2025,” Allersma said. “If it goes into effect, it would be at least out one year.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">State lawmakers are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/budget/californias-budget-process/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">required to vote\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the budget by June 15.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When I meet Chris Iglesias in the Fruitvale Transit Village in Oakland, he points to retail shops, restaurants, office tenants and several apartment buildings developed by the Unity Council, the nonprofit he runs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teenagers hang out drinking smoothies in the plaza. Elders pass by on their way to the senior center. Commuters rush to and from BART. It’s the type of vibrant urban development that city planners dream of, but this one serves mostly working-class Latinos and immigrants, not affluent gentrifiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fruitvale has its bright spots like the transit village, it has been a neighborhood impacted by gang violence, property crime and poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, 62, became CEO of Unity Council, an affordable housing developer and social services provider, in 2013. In that time, the Bay Area experienced an economic boom that pushed out thousands of low-wage workers. Then, the pandemic laid bare how important and vulnerable essential workers are to our local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic changed a lot about how people view affordable housing and what essential workers are,” said Iglesias, who I first met when I reported on housing development for the San Francisco Business Times. “We need to have essential workers, and we need to have them close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to be part of the economy of the Bay. They can’t be coming from the Central Valley every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Unity Council completed the first phase of the Fruitvale Transit Village, including 47 apartments for low-income residents, in 2004. Since then, the organization has developed, rehabilitated or preserved 591 apartments in Oakland and 235,000 square feet of commercial space across 10 properties in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Unity Council partnered with Bridge Housing to complete Casa Sueños, a 181-unit apartment building at 3511 East 12th St. in Oakland. The organization is now working to redevelop the site of the tragic Ghost Ship fire, where 36 people died in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides housing, the Unity Council runs Head Start child care centers for low-income preschoolers, operates a teen mentorship program in local high schools and provides workforce training, among other programs. The organization has an operating budget of $34.8 million and 347 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just kind of evolved over 60 years to meet the needs in the community,” Iglesias said. “It’s not because we want to be a big organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization rose to the occasion and so did Iglesias, albeit reluctantly. When former CEO Gilda Gonzalez approached him about taking her job, he thought, “Are you out of your mind?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before joining the Unity Council, he’d spent more than two decades working in city government in San Francisco. He trained and recruited workers for city-financed construction jobs and connected small businesses with city contracts. He also ran San Francisco’s Human Rights Commission and later a construction workforce development program called City Build for then-Mayor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, who was born in Oakland into a large family with roots in Mexico, recalled spending much of his childhood at his paternal grandmother’s home in West Oakland, and he had aunts, uncles and cousins all over the town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was culture, the language and food were always kind of front and center with how I grew up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was 7, his parents bought a home in Concord because, even in the 1970s, affording a home in Oakland was challenging for working-class families. He went to San Jose State University on a football scholarship. There, he discovered an interest in real estate after working on construction during summer breaks in college and after graduating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enjoyed watching empty lots turn into finished buildings and remembers one day seeing a group of men in suits overlooking the workers. He recalled telling his father that he wanted to be the one planning and making decisions on buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout his career, he’s combined his technical knowledge of construction with an understanding of connecting communities with opportunities and resources. Leading the Unity Council allowed him to reconnect with Oakland, and he regularly runs into relatives and family friends when he’s out eating lunch or at events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like a homecoming,” he said. “Not just for me, but like my tias and my cousins and for everybody. We feel like this is where we all started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to stay optimistic given the onslaught of today’s social problems, so Iglesias focuses on strengthening the organization’s programs, finding more ways to provide affordable housing and connecting with future Latinx leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see this wave of talent coming up, and I feel like I’m at \u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">[\u003c/span>the\u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">]\u003c/span> point in my career — I need to tee them up as much as I can and lay the groundwork for them,” he said. “I tell them, ‘You can take this job. You could have my job, or you could have the governor’s job. But you need to be thinking like that.’ And a lot of times, it startles them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s observed that people in the Latine community often want to be humble, stay in the background and not take up too much space. It’s a cultural trait that doesn’t always serve us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an organization, I felt like I had to remind folks that it’s OK to have money and it’s OK to go get money,” he said. “We have to be able to get what we need to do the work because our work is really important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When I meet Chris Iglesias in the Fruitvale Transit Village in Oakland, he points to retail shops, restaurants, office tenants and several apartment buildings developed by the Unity Council, the nonprofit he runs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teenagers hang out drinking smoothies in the plaza. Elders pass by on their way to the senior center. Commuters rush to and from BART. It’s the type of vibrant urban development that city planners dream of, but this one serves mostly working-class Latinos and immigrants, not affluent gentrifiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Fruitvale has its bright spots like the transit village, it has been a neighborhood impacted by gang violence, property crime and poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, 62, became CEO of Unity Council, an affordable housing developer and social services provider, in 2013. In that time, the Bay Area experienced an economic boom that pushed out thousands of low-wage workers. Then, the pandemic laid bare how important and vulnerable essential workers are to our local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pandemic changed a lot about how people view affordable housing and what essential workers are,” said Iglesias, who I first met when I reported on housing development for the San Francisco Business Times. “We need to have essential workers, and we need to have them close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to be part of the economy of the Bay. They can’t be coming from the Central Valley every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Unity Council completed the first phase of the Fruitvale Transit Village, including 47 apartments for low-income residents, in 2004. Since then, the organization has developed, rehabilitated or preserved 591 apartments in Oakland and 235,000 square feet of commercial space across 10 properties in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Unity Council partnered with Bridge Housing to complete Casa Sueños, a 181-unit apartment building at 3511 East 12th St. in Oakland. The organization is now working to redevelop the site of the tragic Ghost Ship fire, where 36 people died in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides housing, the Unity Council runs Head Start child care centers for low-income preschoolers, operates a teen mentorship program in local high schools and provides workforce training, among other programs. The organization has an operating budget of $34.8 million and 347 employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve just kind of evolved over 60 years to meet the needs in the community,” Iglesias said. “It’s not because we want to be a big organization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization rose to the occasion and so did Iglesias, albeit reluctantly. When former CEO Gilda Gonzalez approached him about taking her job, he thought, “Are you out of your mind?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before joining the Unity Council, he’d spent more than two decades working in city government in San Francisco. He trained and recruited workers for city-financed construction jobs and connected small businesses with city contracts. He also ran San Francisco’s Human Rights Commission and later a construction workforce development program called City Build for then-Mayor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iglesias, who was born in Oakland into a large family with roots in Mexico, recalled spending much of his childhood at his paternal grandmother’s home in West Oakland, and he had aunts, uncles and cousins all over the town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was culture, the language and food were always kind of front and center with how I grew up,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was 7, his parents bought a home in Concord because, even in the 1970s, affording a home in Oakland was challenging for working-class families. He went to San Jose State University on a football scholarship. There, he discovered an interest in real estate after working on construction during summer breaks in college and after graduating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enjoyed watching empty lots turn into finished buildings and remembers one day seeing a group of men in suits overlooking the workers. He recalled telling his father that he wanted to be the one planning and making decisions on buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout his career, he’s combined his technical knowledge of construction with an understanding of connecting communities with opportunities and resources. Leading the Unity Council allowed him to reconnect with Oakland, and he regularly runs into relatives and family friends when he’s out eating lunch or at events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like a homecoming,” he said. “Not just for me, but like my tias and my cousins and for everybody. We feel like this is where we all started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to stay optimistic given the onslaught of today’s social problems, so Iglesias focuses on strengthening the organization’s programs, finding more ways to provide affordable housing and connecting with future Latinx leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see this wave of talent coming up, and I feel like I’m at \u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">[\u003c/span>the\u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">]\u003c/span> point in my career — I need to tee them up as much as I can and lay the groundwork for them,” he said. “I tell them, ‘You can take this job. You could have my job, or you could have the governor’s job. But you need to be thinking like that.’ And a lot of times, it startles them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s observed that people in the Latine community often want to be humble, stay in the background and not take up too much space. It’s a cultural trait that doesn’t always serve us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an organization, I felt like I had to remind folks that it’s OK to have money and it’s OK to go get money,” he said. “We have to be able to get what we need to do the work because our work is really important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>State regulators denied the University of California’s claim that recent academic workers’ strikes are illegal, clearing the way for thousands of graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others to continue walking off the job as the union expands its strikes this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision by the California Public Employment Relations Board, or PERB, found the UC did not demonstrate “sufficient grounds” for bringing its complaint, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987737/academic-workers-strike-will-roll-on-as-ucs-request-for-court-order-is-denied\">second time in recent weeks\u003c/a> that it declined to order an immediate end to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael Jaime, a Ph.D. student at UCLA and president of United Auto Workers Local 4811, which represents 48,000 academic workers across the UC system, said it was “heartening to see that PERB has once again upheld the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We said last week that if UC did not make progress in addressing the serious unfair labor practices, as many as three more campuses could be called to stand up,” Jaime said. “UC instead chose another week of legal saber-rattling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC system will now seek to elevate its complaint to a breach-of-contract action in state court, said Melissa Matella, associate vice president for systemwide labor relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that UC has exhausted the PERB process for injunctive relief, UC will move to state court and is hopeful for quick and decisive action so that our students can end their quarter with their focus on academics,” Matella said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='uc-strike']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1,500 academic workers at UC Santa Cruz walked off the job last month, the first campus to go on strike after an authorization vote by union members. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987499/academic-workers-at-ucla-davis-are-next-to-strike-over-response-to-protests\">UCLA and UC Davis workers joined in the strike soon after\u003c/a>, with three more campuses following this week: UC Santa Barbara and UC San Diego on Monday and UC Irvine on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials have alleged the walkouts, which academic workers are carrying out in response to campuses’ handling of pro-Palestinian protests and the police actions against them, are a breach of the no-strike clause in UAW 4811’s contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that the state agency dedicated to the oversight of public employment could not take decisive and immediate action to end this unlawful strike – a decision that harms UC’s students who are nearing the end of their academic year,” Matella said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW alleges the UC changed workplace speech policies by using police in riot gear against peaceful protesters at UCLA, UC San Diego and UC Irvine – some of whom were faculty and other staff members – and disciplined employees engaged in peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If management wants work to resume, they should resolve their serious unfair labor practices and stop wasting time and public resources on legal maneuvers,” Jaime said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also Monday, the \u003ca href=\"https://uclafa.org/\">UCLA faculty association\u003c/a> said it would file for unfair labor practices with PERB against UCLA for interfering with faculty during their efforts to support student protesters on the nights of April 30 and May 1, when counterprotesters attacked a pro-Palestinian student encampment before police were asked the next night to break up the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a related move, a group of UCLA faculty invited to speak to the university’s provost about “recent events” publicly declined the invitation in an op-ed published in the Daily Bruin, the campus newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope that these two actions together add to pressure for the UCLA administration to negotiate with the leaders of the Palestine Solidarity Encampment — which they have yet to do even once except when the Provost came and announced in the encampment the police had been called on the night of May 1 to clear it,” Graeme Blair of the UCLA faculty association said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State regulators denied the University of California’s claim that recent academic workers’ strikes are illegal, clearing the way for thousands of graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others to continue walking off the job as the union expands its strikes this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision by the California Public Employment Relations Board, or PERB, found the UC did not demonstrate “sufficient grounds” for bringing its complaint, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987737/academic-workers-strike-will-roll-on-as-ucs-request-for-court-order-is-denied\">second time in recent weeks\u003c/a> that it declined to order an immediate end to the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael Jaime, a Ph.D. student at UCLA and president of United Auto Workers Local 4811, which represents 48,000 academic workers across the UC system, said it was “heartening to see that PERB has once again upheld the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We said last week that if UC did not make progress in addressing the serious unfair labor practices, as many as three more campuses could be called to stand up,” Jaime said. “UC instead chose another week of legal saber-rattling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC system will now seek to elevate its complaint to a breach-of-contract action in state court, said Melissa Matella, associate vice president for systemwide labor relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1,500 academic workers at UC Santa Cruz walked off the job last month, the first campus to go on strike after an authorization vote by union members. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987499/academic-workers-at-ucla-davis-are-next-to-strike-over-response-to-protests\">UCLA and UC Davis workers joined in the strike soon after\u003c/a>, with three more campuses following this week: UC Santa Barbara and UC San Diego on Monday and UC Irvine on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials have alleged the walkouts, which academic workers are carrying out in response to campuses’ handling of pro-Palestinian protests and the police actions against them, are a breach of the no-strike clause in UAW 4811’s contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that the state agency dedicated to the oversight of public employment could not take decisive and immediate action to end this unlawful strike – a decision that harms UC’s students who are nearing the end of their academic year,” Matella said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW alleges the UC changed workplace speech policies by using police in riot gear against peaceful protesters at UCLA, UC San Diego and UC Irvine – some of whom were faculty and other staff members – and disciplined employees engaged in peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If management wants work to resume, they should resolve their serious unfair labor practices and stop wasting time and public resources on legal maneuvers,” Jaime said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also Monday, the \u003ca href=\"https://uclafa.org/\">UCLA faculty association\u003c/a> said it would file for unfair labor practices with PERB against UCLA for interfering with faculty during their efforts to support student protesters on the nights of April 30 and May 1, when counterprotesters attacked a pro-Palestinian student encampment before police were asked the next night to break up the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a related move, a group of UCLA faculty invited to speak to the university’s provost about “recent events” publicly declined the invitation in an op-ed published in the Daily Bruin, the campus newspaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope that these two actions together add to pressure for the UCLA administration to negotiate with the leaders of the Palestine Solidarity Encampment — which they have yet to do even once except when the Provost came and announced in the encampment the police had been called on the night of May 1 to clear it,” Graeme Blair of the UCLA faculty association said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland’s plan to sell its share of the Oakland Coliseum Complex will help the city to close its budget deficit without laying off city employees or cutting public safety, Mayor Sheng Thao announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is facing a $117 million shortfall this year and $175 million next year. At a press conference on Thursday, Thao laid out her priorities for the mid-cycle budget adjustment and said Oakland is contending with some of the same financial difficulties as other cities: High interest rates have slowed construction and real estate sales, inflation has led to higher costs, and businesses are still recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Oakland got a boost with the announcement on Wednesday that it plans to sell its half of the Coliseum property for at least $105 million to the Oakland-based African American Sports & Entertainment Group. Francis Zamora, spokesperson for the mayor, said the city’s plan has been years in the making, but the timing didn’t hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zamora said the influx of cash means they will no longer go through with their plan to lay off around 100 police officers and between 50 and 90 civil servants. The mayor’s new proposal also no longer includes plans to close four fire stations, cancel some of the city’s police academies, or shorten the hours of some recreation centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for the remaining shortfall, the mayor’s plan would consolidate some administrative and financial services and initiate a review of the city’s contracts, ending those that are underperforming or non-critical. Just under a hundred unfilled positions, paid for through the city’s general fund, will be frozen and might be eliminated down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said the city is working to develop the Coliseum site with AASEG, which is also in negotiations with the Oakland A’s to buy the other half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working with them to transform the Coliseum Complex into a world-class housing, entertainment, and entertainment center, retail and sports destination,” Thao said, describing the potential development as the biggest infusion of capital in East Oakland in decades. “And when we build, we’re going to make sure those jobs go to Oakland residents and that that money stays right here in our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11981232,news_11986294,news_11981876\"]Moving forward, Zamora said property taxes from the Coliseum will help the city address some of its structural deficit. To further boost revenue, the mayor’s plan includes an initiative designed to draw filmmakers to the city. The mayor said the initiative will maximize the city’s benefit from productions like the 2018 film \u003cem>Blindspotting\u003c/em>, set in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parts of it were filmed here; however, if 100% of that film was filmed here, and if we had the infrastructure for the film initiative, then that means that about $85 million would have been pushed back as revenues into our economy here,” Thao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office is expected to release its complete mid-cycle budget adjustment plan on Friday. After that, the City Council and labor leaders will weigh in before the June 30 budget deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland’s plan to sell its share of the Oakland Coliseum Complex will help the city to close its budget deficit without laying off city employees or cutting public safety, Mayor Sheng Thao announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is facing a $117 million shortfall this year and $175 million next year. At a press conference on Thursday, Thao laid out her priorities for the mid-cycle budget adjustment and said Oakland is contending with some of the same financial difficulties as other cities: High interest rates have slowed construction and real estate sales, inflation has led to higher costs, and businesses are still recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Oakland got a boost with the announcement on Wednesday that it plans to sell its half of the Coliseum property for at least $105 million to the Oakland-based African American Sports & Entertainment Group. Francis Zamora, spokesperson for the mayor, said the city’s plan has been years in the making, but the timing didn’t hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zamora said the influx of cash means they will no longer go through with their plan to lay off around 100 police officers and between 50 and 90 civil servants. The mayor’s new proposal also no longer includes plans to close four fire stations, cancel some of the city’s police academies, or shorten the hours of some recreation centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make up for the remaining shortfall, the mayor’s plan would consolidate some administrative and financial services and initiate a review of the city’s contracts, ending those that are underperforming or non-critical. Just under a hundred unfilled positions, paid for through the city’s general fund, will be frozen and might be eliminated down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said the city is working to develop the Coliseum site with AASEG, which is also in negotiations with the Oakland A’s to buy the other half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are working with them to transform the Coliseum Complex into a world-class housing, entertainment, and entertainment center, retail and sports destination,” Thao said, describing the potential development as the biggest infusion of capital in East Oakland in decades. “And when we build, we’re going to make sure those jobs go to Oakland residents and that that money stays right here in our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Moving forward, Zamora said property taxes from the Coliseum will help the city address some of its structural deficit. To further boost revenue, the mayor’s plan includes an initiative designed to draw filmmakers to the city. The mayor said the initiative will maximize the city’s benefit from productions like the 2018 film \u003cem>Blindspotting\u003c/em>, set in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parts of it were filmed here; however, if 100% of that film was filmed here, and if we had the infrastructure for the film initiative, then that means that about $85 million would have been pushed back as revenues into our economy here,” Thao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office is expected to release its complete mid-cycle budget adjustment plan on Friday. After that, the City Council and labor leaders will weigh in before the June 30 budget deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California Forever continues its campaign to build a new city in Solano County, the billionaire-backed company announced on Tuesday that it had paid $500,000 in grants to 45 nonprofits working within the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The awardees include Dixon Family Services, the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, Journey Downtown Theater and the Boys & Girls Empowerment Group in Vallejo. A representative from California Forever said the money has already been distributed, though they did not disclose how much each organization received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing the grant program in December, company representatives “listened to what the community wanted and needed,” said Michael Fortney, who was part of California Forever’s citizens advisory committee last year and later became the company’s director of partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the team heard over and over, ‘We need nonprofit money,’” he said. “And a lot of people came back and said, ‘We don’t want [the money] to be tied to the ballot initiative. You need to prove to us that you’re willing to come in and be a good partner and a good stakeholder in the community.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the grants announced Tuesday are only the first round of community funding, according to California Forever, all future money is tied to the November ballot initiative that would clear the way for the new city. That includes $500 million in what the company is calling “community benefits commitments” that would go toward housing, education, parks and family farms, and $200 million that would go toward investing in and renovating homes, offices and shops in downtown Benicia, Dixon, Fairfield, Rio Vista, Suisun City, Vacaville and Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initial round of funding comes with no strings attached, Fortney said, and some of the organizations have not publicly expressed their support for the ballot initiative yet. Others offered their thanks to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so few direct services available for unhoused transitional-aged youth in Vallejo,” said Adjoa McDonald, the founder of the youth services organization Vallejo Project. “[California Forever]’s resources will ensure that a handful of the many vulnerable youth in our community have the skills and mentors needed to establish gainful employment.”[aside tag=\"california-forever\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986569/california-forever-says-12-start-ups-will-open-workplaces-in-its-new-city\">California Forever announced a partnership with 12 companies\u003c/a> that promised to open factories, farms and offices in the new town if approved. Representatives also announced plans to build one of the largest solar farms in the state, using local labor to construct and operate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many of the companies are based in California, some are start-ups, and some skeptics of the plan wonder whether those companies will still be able to fulfill their promise after a decade, when the town will potentially be built and ready to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming weeks, company representatives have said California Forever will announce another round of employer partnerships and more details about its promises of increased recreation and entertainment opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "California Forever Hands Out $500K to Solano Nonprofits Ahead of November Election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California Forever continues its campaign to build a new city in Solano County, the billionaire-backed company announced on Tuesday that it had paid $500,000 in grants to 45 nonprofits working within the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The awardees include Dixon Family Services, the Food Bank of Contra Costa and Solano, Journey Downtown Theater and the Boys & Girls Empowerment Group in Vallejo. A representative from California Forever said the money has already been distributed, though they did not disclose how much each organization received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before announcing the grant program in December, company representatives “listened to what the community wanted and needed,” said Michael Fortney, who was part of California Forever’s citizens advisory committee last year and later became the company’s director of partnerships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the team heard over and over, ‘We need nonprofit money,’” he said. “And a lot of people came back and said, ‘We don’t want [the money] to be tied to the ballot initiative. You need to prove to us that you’re willing to come in and be a good partner and a good stakeholder in the community.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the grants announced Tuesday are only the first round of community funding, according to California Forever, all future money is tied to the November ballot initiative that would clear the way for the new city. That includes $500 million in what the company is calling “community benefits commitments” that would go toward housing, education, parks and family farms, and $200 million that would go toward investing in and renovating homes, offices and shops in downtown Benicia, Dixon, Fairfield, Rio Vista, Suisun City, Vacaville and Vallejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This initial round of funding comes with no strings attached, Fortney said, and some of the organizations have not publicly expressed their support for the ballot initiative yet. Others offered their thanks to the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so few direct services available for unhoused transitional-aged youth in Vallejo,” said Adjoa McDonald, the founder of the youth services organization Vallejo Project. “[California Forever]’s resources will ensure that a handful of the many vulnerable youth in our community have the skills and mentors needed to establish gainful employment.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986569/california-forever-says-12-start-ups-will-open-workplaces-in-its-new-city\">California Forever announced a partnership with 12 companies\u003c/a> that promised to open factories, farms and offices in the new town if approved. Representatives also announced plans to build one of the largest solar farms in the state, using local labor to construct and operate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many of the companies are based in California, some are start-ups, and some skeptics of the plan wonder whether those companies will still be able to fulfill their promise after a decade, when the town will potentially be built and ready to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming weeks, company representatives have said California Forever will announce another round of employer partnerships and more details about its promises of increased recreation and entertainment opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Says California Water Tunnel Will Cost $20 Billion. Officials and Experts Say It's Worth It",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says Thursday it will now cost more than $20 billion to build a giant tunnel to catch more water when it rains and store it to better prepare for longer droughts caused by climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators have been trying to build some version of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-water-tunnel-gavin-newsom-7948a83b9db5e6cdaebede07ca456316\">a water tunnel system\u003c/a> for decades. The latest form championed by the Democratic governor is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-sacramento-jerry-brown-trending-news-82c1f2b378ef01793dc69fb3140cf294\">a single giant tunnel\u003c/a>, down from two tunnels proposed by his predecessor, Jerry Brown. Newsom’s administration says the state can capture more water from the Sacramento River during major storms and send it south for storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last cost estimate, from 2020, put the price tag for a single tunnel project at $16 billion. The new analysis says the tunnel will cost $20.1 billion, an increase they attribute almost entirely to inflation, which soared after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project would be paid for by 29 local public water agencies, which get their money from customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis, conducted by the Berkeley Research Group but paid for by the state, says the tunnel would yield $38 billion in benefits, mostly because of an increased water supply that would be better protected from natural disasters like earthquakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The benefits clearly justify the costs,” says David Sunding, emeritus professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who led the analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rosy outlook, the tunnel remains one of the most controversial projects in recent memory. Environmental groups say its construction would have devastating impacts on the already vanishing ecosystem of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta, the largest estuary on the West Coast that is home to endangered species of salmon and other fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday notes the environmental impacts, which include lost agricultural land, reduced water quality in the Delta, and impacts on air quality, transportation and noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of foisting the costs of this boondoggle project onto Californians, the state should invest in sustainable water solutions that promise to restore the Delta ecosystem, not destroy it,” says Barbara Barrigan-Parrilla, executive director of the environmental advocacy group Restore the Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials note the project now includes $200 million for grants to fund local projects in areas impacted by construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond environmental concerns, the project has become a political landmine throughout the Central Valley’s farming communities, where it is seen as yet another attempt by Southern California to steal their water. While most of California’s population lives in the southern part of the state, most of the state’s water comes from the north. In the state Legislature, lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-delta-water-tunnel-newsom-bc1fb2a61ebb8b2bcb077312c69b3fd1\">blocked any effort\u003c/a> to benefit or speed up the tunnel’s construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new analysis acknowledges what we’ve known all along: the Delta Tunnel is meant to benefit Beverly Hills and leave Delta communities out to dry,” says U.S. Rep. Josh Harder, a Democrat whose district includes the Central Valley communities like Stockton, Lodi and Galt. “I’m sick and tired of politicians in Sacramento ignoring our Valley voices, and I will do everything in my power to stop them from stealing our water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tunnel would be part of the State Water Project — a complex system of reservoirs, dams and canals that provides water to 27 million people while irrigating 750,000 acres of farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11969648,science_1992194,news_11981787\"]Climate change is threatening that supply. A recent drought saw the three driest years on record, which dropped reservoirs around the state to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-droughts-government-and-politics-science-business-76709d5854394905e0f46880ed6dab9c\">dangerously low levels\u003c/a> and prompted mandatory rationing and even caused some hydroelectric power plants to shut down. State officials predict that by 2070, State Water Project deliveries will decline by 22% because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed tunnel would be about 45 miles long and 36 feet wide or large enough to carry more than 161 million gallons of water per hour. State officials say this tunnel would let the state capture more water when hit by “atmospheric rivers” — large storms that can drench the state for weeks during the rainy season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday says the tunnel would increase water deliveries by about 17%, nearly accounting for the anticipated decline because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a very real cost to do nothing. It is vastly more efficient and economical to avoid declining supplies,” says Karla Nemeth, director of the California Department of Water Resources. “Water shortages, mandatory restrictions, land fallowing and job loss all impact our state and local economies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says Thursday it will now cost more than $20 billion to build a giant tunnel to catch more water when it rains and store it to better prepare for longer droughts caused by climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators have been trying to build some version of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-water-tunnel-gavin-newsom-7948a83b9db5e6cdaebede07ca456316\">a water tunnel system\u003c/a> for decades. The latest form championed by the Democratic governor is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-sacramento-jerry-brown-trending-news-82c1f2b378ef01793dc69fb3140cf294\">a single giant tunnel\u003c/a>, down from two tunnels proposed by his predecessor, Jerry Brown. Newsom’s administration says the state can capture more water from the Sacramento River during major storms and send it south for storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last cost estimate, from 2020, put the price tag for a single tunnel project at $16 billion. The new analysis says the tunnel will cost $20.1 billion, an increase they attribute almost entirely to inflation, which soared after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project would be paid for by 29 local public water agencies, which get their money from customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis, conducted by the Berkeley Research Group but paid for by the state, says the tunnel would yield $38 billion in benefits, mostly because of an increased water supply that would be better protected from natural disasters like earthquakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The benefits clearly justify the costs,” says David Sunding, emeritus professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who led the analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rosy outlook, the tunnel remains one of the most controversial projects in recent memory. Environmental groups say its construction would have devastating impacts on the already vanishing ecosystem of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta, the largest estuary on the West Coast that is home to endangered species of salmon and other fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday notes the environmental impacts, which include lost agricultural land, reduced water quality in the Delta, and impacts on air quality, transportation and noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of foisting the costs of this boondoggle project onto Californians, the state should invest in sustainable water solutions that promise to restore the Delta ecosystem, not destroy it,” says Barbara Barrigan-Parrilla, executive director of the environmental advocacy group Restore the Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials note the project now includes $200 million for grants to fund local projects in areas impacted by construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond environmental concerns, the project has become a political landmine throughout the Central Valley’s farming communities, where it is seen as yet another attempt by Southern California to steal their water. While most of California’s population lives in the southern part of the state, most of the state’s water comes from the north. In the state Legislature, lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-delta-water-tunnel-newsom-bc1fb2a61ebb8b2bcb077312c69b3fd1\">blocked any effort\u003c/a> to benefit or speed up the tunnel’s construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new analysis acknowledges what we’ve known all along: the Delta Tunnel is meant to benefit Beverly Hills and leave Delta communities out to dry,” says U.S. Rep. Josh Harder, a Democrat whose district includes the Central Valley communities like Stockton, Lodi and Galt. “I’m sick and tired of politicians in Sacramento ignoring our Valley voices, and I will do everything in my power to stop them from stealing our water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tunnel would be part of the State Water Project — a complex system of reservoirs, dams and canals that provides water to 27 million people while irrigating 750,000 acres of farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Climate change is threatening that supply. A recent drought saw the three driest years on record, which dropped reservoirs around the state to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-droughts-government-and-politics-science-business-76709d5854394905e0f46880ed6dab9c\">dangerously low levels\u003c/a> and prompted mandatory rationing and even caused some hydroelectric power plants to shut down. State officials predict that by 2070, State Water Project deliveries will decline by 22% because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed tunnel would be about 45 miles long and 36 feet wide or large enough to carry more than 161 million gallons of water per hour. State officials say this tunnel would let the state capture more water when hit by “atmospheric rivers” — large storms that can drench the state for weeks during the rainy season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday says the tunnel would increase water deliveries by about 17%, nearly accounting for the anticipated decline because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a very real cost to do nothing. It is vastly more efficient and economical to avoid declining supplies,” says Karla Nemeth, director of the California Department of Water Resources. “Water shortages, mandatory restrictions, land fallowing and job loss all impact our state and local economies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Gig Companies Spent $200 Million to Write Their Own Labor Law. The State Supreme Court Could Throw It Out",
"headTitle": "Gig Companies Spent $200 Million to Write Their Own Labor Law. The State Supreme Court Could Throw It Out | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>The California Supreme Court will hear oral arguments next Tuesday in a case that could change the fate of more than 1 million gig workers in the state — and perhaps how we hail rides, order takeout or get groceries delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, voters approved Proposition 22, a ballot measure sponsored by Uber, Lyft, DoorDash and Instacart that allowed the companies to continue treating their ride-hailing drivers and delivery workers as independent contractors. Proposition 22 was the industry’s response to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that codified a state Supreme Court decision that would have required the companies \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/09/whos-in-whos-out-of-ab-5/\">to classify those workers as employees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Treating gig workers as independent contractors is central to the business model of the California-based companies, the middlemen who gave rise to the on-demand, app-based gig economy that has permeated our culture. The companies are fighting to hang on to that model, saying it helps them provide gig workers with flexible schedules. Critics say it lets the companies avoid paying employment taxes and shift financial responsibility to their workers and customers, plus governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a Superior Court judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2021-08-20/prop-22-unconstitutional\">invalidated Proposition 22\u003c/a>, saying it limits the Legislature’s constitutional power to create and enforce a complete workers’ compensation system because it declares gig workers independent contractors ineligible for the benefit. While the state Supreme Court will be considering this narrow issue, because of a clause in the initiative, it’s possible the whole law will be thrown out because of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gig companies appealed the judge’s decision, and a state appeals court ruled 2 to 1 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/03/prop-22-appeal/\">in their favor\u003c/a> last year. SEIU California then appealed that decision, and the state’s highest court agreed to hear the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/after-gig-companies-prop-22-win-labor-groups-vow-challenges/\">Fifty-eight percent of voters passed Proposition 22\u003c/a> after gig companies spent more than $200 million on the campaign. After it became law, app-based platform workers became eligible for some benefits, such as guaranteed weekly earnings of 120% of minimum wage, health care stipends, and occupational accident and accidental death insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although industry-backed polls show many gig workers voted for Proposition 22 and have benefited from some of its provisions, gig workers continue to complain about their pay and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/04/uber-lyft-drivers-rally-at-mission-safeway-to-demand-higher-pay/\">drivers protested, as they have many times\u003c/a>, at Uber and Lyft headquarters in San Francisco. They said they were there because of low wages, safety concerns and “\u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/uber-and-lyft-drivers-are-facing-discrimination-from-customers-and-getting-banned-from-the-apps-report-finds-5b6513dc\">deactivations\u003c/a>” — getting kicked off the apps and losing their ability to work, sometimes suddenly and without knowing why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for drivers to make ends meet,” said Cesar Palancares, a field organizer for Bay Area-based worker-advocacy groups Gig Workers Rising and Working Partnerships USA, and a leader of the protests. Nowadays, he said, “Drivers often have to work 12 hours to earn what they used to earn working six or seven hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palancares said pay is still low because workers’ eligibility for the earnings guarantee is based on the time they agree to take on a gig and the time they spend on that ride or delivery, but not on the time they spend waiting for a gig.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based Rideshare Drivers United is so concerned about gig-worker pay that it plans to push for pay standards, like those in \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2018/12/5/18127208/new-york-uber-lyft-minimum-wage\">New York City\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/uber-and-lyft-get-their-first-legislative-win-in-campaign-to-write-new-labor-laws-11648820705\">Seattle\u003c/a>, even if Proposition 22 is overturned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to build pay regulation on top of labor rights, specifically catering to how we work in this industry,” said Nicole Moore, president of Rideshare Drivers United, which plans to advocate for legislation or ordinances that would establish a rate card with a minimum rate based on miles and minutes driven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve learned from NYC is you can set a rate card, and you can have data from the companies that ensures that pay is high enough so your expenses are being covered,” Moore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gig industry’s current estimates for average worker earnings differ widely from labor groups’ estimates: A DoorDash spokesperson said delivery workers’ average earnings were $36 an hour last year; an Uber spokesperson said its drivers’ average earnings were $33 “per utilized hour” as of the fourth quarter of last year. Industry-wide, Molly Weedn, a spokesperson for Protect App-Based Drivers + Services, said that in 2022, California drivers earned an average of $34.46 per “active hour,” including tips, an increase of 26% compared with pre-Proposition 22 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, labor groups and academics have long disputed those figures, including in the legal briefs they submitted before the Supreme Court hearing because companies do not count the time gig workers wait for an actual ride or delivery. They also say the industry figures don’t factor in workers’ costs for fuel, maintaining their vehicles, health care costs — not all gig workers are eligible for the stipends — and more. A study by National Equity Atlas and others, done in 2021 after Proposition 22 took effect, found that the workers’ average earnings were \u003ca href=\"https://nationalequityatlas.org/prop22-paystudy\">as little as $6.20 an hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Oral arguments’ focus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The SEIU and the four gig-worker plaintiffs will argue that the state constitution grants the Legislature “unlimited power to enforce a complete workers’ compensation system.” The Legislature already spoke when it passed AB 5, they say. So they contend that “the Legislature’s exercise of that power can be withdrawn only by a constitutional amendment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The interveners and appellants — the gig companies and the state, which is required to defend the law — will argue that the Legislature’s “plenary,” or absolute, power over workers’ comp is not exclusive. And they will say no subject is beyond the scope of the initiative process.[aside tag=\"gig-workers\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legal issue is actually pretty straightforward,” said Kurt Oneto, a lawyer for the gig companies. Oneto said a constitutional amendment adopted by California voters in 1918 that gave the Legislature power over workers’ comp “unlimited by any provision” in the constitution was “only enacted to prevent courts from invalidating workers’ comp” — not to limit voters’ power over it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This decision could set a national precedent in the nagging issue of worker classification. So, despite the narrow focus of what the Supreme Court is set to consider, a wide array of legal briefs in the case rehash the pros and cons of the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Proposition 22 proponents’ arguments\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Those urging the court to uphold Proposition 22 stress that the Legislature doesn’t have exclusive reign over workers’ comp. They say the people — through the ballot initiative — have just as much say. They also say the gig economy helps marginalized workers and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Former state Sens. Robert Timothy Leslie and Stephen James Peace:\u003c/strong> Based on their experience as lawmakers, they say “the state Legislature is far from powerless when it comes to amending an initiative” and that lawmakers can amend Proposition 22 if they want.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>David A. Carrillo and Stephen M. Duvernay (California constitution scholars):\u003c/strong> “Excluding workers’ compensation (or any subject) would partly invalidate the electorate’s lawmaking power by creating a new subject matter exemption from the initiative.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Crum & Forster, a holding company of various insurance underwriting companies:\u003c/strong> Occupational accident insurance, which is based on individual use, is cheaper to provide than full workers’ comp, which is charged per employee and based on a formula. The former makes more sense for gig workers because many of them work part time. “Because the risks confronted by app-based drivers are few and easily defined, premiums need not reflect potential exposure to the myriad risks confronted by employees working in offices, factories, warehouses, agriculture, and other occupations.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Independent Drivers Alliance of California:\u003c/strong> This group of 400 gig workers said the benefits under Proposition 22 are “something that many of them have come to expect and even need.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Citizens in Charge and The Initiative and Referendum Institute at the University of Southern California:\u003c/strong> “Large corporations are not the only type of special interest that can forestall the will of the People.” They say the SEIU is a special interest that influenced the Legislature to pass AB 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>California Asian Pacific Chamber of Commerce, California Hispanic Chambers of Commerce, NAACP California Hawaii State Conference, National Action Network Los Angeles, National Action Network Sacramento Chapter Inc., and National Diversity Coalition:\u003c/strong> The independent contractor model provides not just marginalized workers with earning opportunities, it also helps “the provision of transportation, food, and delivery services to communities of color that have been historically underserved.” If Proposition 22 is overturned, they say gig companies will reduce the number of gig workers on their platforms, and there will be fewer earning opportunities for “communities of color,” which, according to a Pew survey, are “more likely to have earned money in the gig economy than White counterparts.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Proposition 22 opponents’ arguments\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those asking the court to declare the law unconstitutional warn of a slippery slope. They say allowing corporations to carve out their own labor laws could lead to a continued gig-ification of work in other industries, which will affect not just the workers who will largely be without a safety net but also the government and the rest of society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/dave-cortese-164699?_gl=1*1ifamyu*_ga*Nzg1MzMzODU1LjE3MTM3MDc0MDU.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4zLjEuMTcxNTg4MzM0MS41MC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4yLjAuMTcxNTg4MzAwNS4wLjAuMA..\">Dave Cortese\u003c/a> and Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/liz-ortega-165416?_gl=1*1ifamyu*_ga*Nzg1MzMzODU1LjE3MTM3MDc0MDU.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4zLjEuMTcxNTg4MzM0MS41MC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4yLjAuMTcxNTg4MzAwNS4wLjAuMA..\">Liz Ortega\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> The “minimal insurance benefits” offered by Proposition 22 — occupational accident insurance and accidental death insurance — are not a complete workers’ comp system, and “the wholesale removal of app-based drivers from the system established by the Legislature over the past century runs contrary” to the power the state constitution gives lawmakers to enforce a complete workers’ comp system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>California Applicants’ Attorneys Association:\u003c/strong> The group also said the occupational accident insurance offered under Proposition 22 is limited compared to what workers’ comp offers: medical treatment; temporary or permanent payments depending on the injury; and supplemental job retraining benefits. “The likely result is more injured app-based drivers will seek benefits through public systems” like state or federal disability systems.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>City and County of San Francisco, the City of Oakland, the City of San Diego, and the County of Santa Clara:\u003c/strong> “The wholesale elimination of worker protection laws (including minimum wage protections for all hours worked, overtime, and expense reimbursement laws) can mean the difference between needing to visit a food pantry or not.” The municipalities say they administer such programs, and therefore taxpayers end up subsidizing “what the law asks employers to contribute through wages and benefits.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Law professors Sameer Ashar, Veena Dubal, Catherine Fisk, Charlotte Garden, Joseph Grodin, William B. Gould IV, Stephen Lee, Leticia Saucedo, Reuel Schiller, Katherine Stone, and Noah D. Zatz:\u003c/strong> This group writes that the law lacks a “provision for an administrative body or system to adjudicate claims or disputes. Instead, as is well-known, they are consigned to asserting their claims in the companies’ secret arbitration system.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>National Employment Law Project, California Labor Federation, Rideshare Drivers United, Gig Workers Rising, Asian Americans Advancing Justice – Asian Law Caucus, Asian Americans Advancing Justice Southern California, PowerSwitch Action, Worksafe, Action Center on Race & the Economy, the Economic Policy Institute, Bet Tzedek, and the California Immigrant Policy Center:\u003c/strong> Gig workers have few legal protections against opaque, “powerful, algorithmically-driven pay systems, and ‘the possibility remains,’ in the words of one scholar, that on-demand companies… (are offering) vulnerable workers lower wages based on their willingness to accept work at lower prices.” They cite a recent Uber earnings call during which its CEO said the company is “offering the right trip at the right price to the right driver.” Along the same lines, the fact that gig workers are from marginalized groups and communities is unsurprising; they say: “It is no accident that Prop. 22 reinforces and legalizes a second-tier workforce (composed) disproportionately of people of color.” They also cite federal data that shows app-based driving is “one of the most dangerous jobs in America” that includes risks of violence, harassment, injuries and even death on the job.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Teamsters Locals 396, 542 and 848 and Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, AFL-CIO:\u003c/strong> “Already, a growing number of secure jobs across the state are being replaced by app-based drivers — including jobs where Amici Curiae have fought for decades to ensure a living wage and strong benefits.” Those include delivery drivers formerly \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/the-rise-of-the-gig-economy-spells-the-end-for-these-workers-were-the-vestiges-of-the-old-system-11626283673\">employed by Albertsons\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "If Proposition 22 is thrown out, Uber, Lyft, DoorDash and Instacart’s classification of gig workers as independent contractors would be in danger — upending the gig economy.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Supreme Court will hear oral arguments next Tuesday in a case that could change the fate of more than 1 million gig workers in the state — and perhaps how we hail rides, order takeout or get groceries delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, voters approved Proposition 22, a ballot measure sponsored by Uber, Lyft, DoorDash and Instacart that allowed the companies to continue treating their ride-hailing drivers and delivery workers as independent contractors. Proposition 22 was the industry’s response to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that codified a state Supreme Court decision that would have required the companies \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2019/09/whos-in-whos-out-of-ab-5/\">to classify those workers as employees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Treating gig workers as independent contractors is central to the business model of the California-based companies, the middlemen who gave rise to the on-demand, app-based gig economy that has permeated our culture. The companies are fighting to hang on to that model, saying it helps them provide gig workers with flexible schedules. Critics say it lets the companies avoid paying employment taxes and shift financial responsibility to their workers and customers, plus governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a Superior Court judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2021-08-20/prop-22-unconstitutional\">invalidated Proposition 22\u003c/a>, saying it limits the Legislature’s constitutional power to create and enforce a complete workers’ compensation system because it declares gig workers independent contractors ineligible for the benefit. While the state Supreme Court will be considering this narrow issue, because of a clause in the initiative, it’s possible the whole law will be thrown out because of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gig companies appealed the judge’s decision, and a state appeals court ruled 2 to 1 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/03/prop-22-appeal/\">in their favor\u003c/a> last year. SEIU California then appealed that decision, and the state’s highest court agreed to hear the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2020/11/after-gig-companies-prop-22-win-labor-groups-vow-challenges/\">Fifty-eight percent of voters passed Proposition 22\u003c/a> after gig companies spent more than $200 million on the campaign. After it became law, app-based platform workers became eligible for some benefits, such as guaranteed weekly earnings of 120% of minimum wage, health care stipends, and occupational accident and accidental death insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although industry-backed polls show many gig workers voted for Proposition 22 and have benefited from some of its provisions, gig workers continue to complain about their pay and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/04/uber-lyft-drivers-rally-at-mission-safeway-to-demand-higher-pay/\">drivers protested, as they have many times\u003c/a>, at Uber and Lyft headquarters in San Francisco. They said they were there because of low wages, safety concerns and “\u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/uber-and-lyft-drivers-are-facing-discrimination-from-customers-and-getting-banned-from-the-apps-report-finds-5b6513dc\">deactivations\u003c/a>” — getting kicked off the apps and losing their ability to work, sometimes suddenly and without knowing why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for drivers to make ends meet,” said Cesar Palancares, a field organizer for Bay Area-based worker-advocacy groups Gig Workers Rising and Working Partnerships USA, and a leader of the protests. Nowadays, he said, “Drivers often have to work 12 hours to earn what they used to earn working six or seven hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palancares said pay is still low because workers’ eligibility for the earnings guarantee is based on the time they agree to take on a gig and the time they spend on that ride or delivery, but not on the time they spend waiting for a gig.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based Rideshare Drivers United is so concerned about gig-worker pay that it plans to push for pay standards, like those in \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2018/12/5/18127208/new-york-uber-lyft-minimum-wage\">New York City\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/uber-and-lyft-get-their-first-legislative-win-in-campaign-to-write-new-labor-laws-11648820705\">Seattle\u003c/a>, even if Proposition 22 is overturned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to build pay regulation on top of labor rights, specifically catering to how we work in this industry,” said Nicole Moore, president of Rideshare Drivers United, which plans to advocate for legislation or ordinances that would establish a rate card with a minimum rate based on miles and minutes driven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve learned from NYC is you can set a rate card, and you can have data from the companies that ensures that pay is high enough so your expenses are being covered,” Moore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gig industry’s current estimates for average worker earnings differ widely from labor groups’ estimates: A DoorDash spokesperson said delivery workers’ average earnings were $36 an hour last year; an Uber spokesperson said its drivers’ average earnings were $33 “per utilized hour” as of the fourth quarter of last year. Industry-wide, Molly Weedn, a spokesperson for Protect App-Based Drivers + Services, said that in 2022, California drivers earned an average of $34.46 per “active hour,” including tips, an increase of 26% compared with pre-Proposition 22 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, labor groups and academics have long disputed those figures, including in the legal briefs they submitted before the Supreme Court hearing because companies do not count the time gig workers wait for an actual ride or delivery. They also say the industry figures don’t factor in workers’ costs for fuel, maintaining their vehicles, health care costs — not all gig workers are eligible for the stipends — and more. A study by National Equity Atlas and others, done in 2021 after Proposition 22 took effect, found that the workers’ average earnings were \u003ca href=\"https://nationalequityatlas.org/prop22-paystudy\">as little as $6.20 an hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Oral arguments’ focus\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The SEIU and the four gig-worker plaintiffs will argue that the state constitution grants the Legislature “unlimited power to enforce a complete workers’ compensation system.” The Legislature already spoke when it passed AB 5, they say. So they contend that “the Legislature’s exercise of that power can be withdrawn only by a constitutional amendment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The interveners and appellants — the gig companies and the state, which is required to defend the law — will argue that the Legislature’s “plenary,” or absolute, power over workers’ comp is not exclusive. And they will say no subject is beyond the scope of the initiative process.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legal issue is actually pretty straightforward,” said Kurt Oneto, a lawyer for the gig companies. Oneto said a constitutional amendment adopted by California voters in 1918 that gave the Legislature power over workers’ comp “unlimited by any provision” in the constitution was “only enacted to prevent courts from invalidating workers’ comp” — not to limit voters’ power over it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This decision could set a national precedent in the nagging issue of worker classification. So, despite the narrow focus of what the Supreme Court is set to consider, a wide array of legal briefs in the case rehash the pros and cons of the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Proposition 22 proponents’ arguments\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Those urging the court to uphold Proposition 22 stress that the Legislature doesn’t have exclusive reign over workers’ comp. They say the people — through the ballot initiative — have just as much say. They also say the gig economy helps marginalized workers and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Former state Sens. Robert Timothy Leslie and Stephen James Peace:\u003c/strong> Based on their experience as lawmakers, they say “the state Legislature is far from powerless when it comes to amending an initiative” and that lawmakers can amend Proposition 22 if they want.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>David A. Carrillo and Stephen M. Duvernay (California constitution scholars):\u003c/strong> “Excluding workers’ compensation (or any subject) would partly invalidate the electorate’s lawmaking power by creating a new subject matter exemption from the initiative.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Crum & Forster, a holding company of various insurance underwriting companies:\u003c/strong> Occupational accident insurance, which is based on individual use, is cheaper to provide than full workers’ comp, which is charged per employee and based on a formula. The former makes more sense for gig workers because many of them work part time. “Because the risks confronted by app-based drivers are few and easily defined, premiums need not reflect potential exposure to the myriad risks confronted by employees working in offices, factories, warehouses, agriculture, and other occupations.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Independent Drivers Alliance of California:\u003c/strong> This group of 400 gig workers said the benefits under Proposition 22 are “something that many of them have come to expect and even need.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Citizens in Charge and The Initiative and Referendum Institute at the University of Southern California:\u003c/strong> “Large corporations are not the only type of special interest that can forestall the will of the People.” They say the SEIU is a special interest that influenced the Legislature to pass AB 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>California Asian Pacific Chamber of Commerce, California Hispanic Chambers of Commerce, NAACP California Hawaii State Conference, National Action Network Los Angeles, National Action Network Sacramento Chapter Inc., and National Diversity Coalition:\u003c/strong> The independent contractor model provides not just marginalized workers with earning opportunities, it also helps “the provision of transportation, food, and delivery services to communities of color that have been historically underserved.” If Proposition 22 is overturned, they say gig companies will reduce the number of gig workers on their platforms, and there will be fewer earning opportunities for “communities of color,” which, according to a Pew survey, are “more likely to have earned money in the gig economy than White counterparts.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch3>Proposition 22 opponents’ arguments\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those asking the court to declare the law unconstitutional warn of a slippery slope. They say allowing corporations to carve out their own labor laws could lead to a continued gig-ification of work in other industries, which will affect not just the workers who will largely be without a safety net but also the government and the rest of society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/dave-cortese-164699?_gl=1*1ifamyu*_ga*Nzg1MzMzODU1LjE3MTM3MDc0MDU.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4zLjEuMTcxNTg4MzM0MS41MC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4yLjAuMTcxNTg4MzAwNS4wLjAuMA..\">Dave Cortese\u003c/a> and Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/liz-ortega-165416?_gl=1*1ifamyu*_ga*Nzg1MzMzODU1LjE3MTM3MDc0MDU.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4zLjEuMTcxNTg4MzM0MS41MC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTcxNTg4MzAwNS4yLjAuMTcxNTg4MzAwNS4wLjAuMA..\">Liz Ortega\u003c/a>:\u003c/strong> The “minimal insurance benefits” offered by Proposition 22 — occupational accident insurance and accidental death insurance — are not a complete workers’ comp system, and “the wholesale removal of app-based drivers from the system established by the Legislature over the past century runs contrary” to the power the state constitution gives lawmakers to enforce a complete workers’ comp system.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>California Applicants’ Attorneys Association:\u003c/strong> The group also said the occupational accident insurance offered under Proposition 22 is limited compared to what workers’ comp offers: medical treatment; temporary or permanent payments depending on the injury; and supplemental job retraining benefits. “The likely result is more injured app-based drivers will seek benefits through public systems” like state or federal disability systems.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>City and County of San Francisco, the City of Oakland, the City of San Diego, and the County of Santa Clara:\u003c/strong> “The wholesale elimination of worker protection laws (including minimum wage protections for all hours worked, overtime, and expense reimbursement laws) can mean the difference between needing to visit a food pantry or not.” The municipalities say they administer such programs, and therefore taxpayers end up subsidizing “what the law asks employers to contribute through wages and benefits.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Law professors Sameer Ashar, Veena Dubal, Catherine Fisk, Charlotte Garden, Joseph Grodin, William B. Gould IV, Stephen Lee, Leticia Saucedo, Reuel Schiller, Katherine Stone, and Noah D. Zatz:\u003c/strong> This group writes that the law lacks a “provision for an administrative body or system to adjudicate claims or disputes. Instead, as is well-known, they are consigned to asserting their claims in the companies’ secret arbitration system.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>National Employment Law Project, California Labor Federation, Rideshare Drivers United, Gig Workers Rising, Asian Americans Advancing Justice – Asian Law Caucus, Asian Americans Advancing Justice Southern California, PowerSwitch Action, Worksafe, Action Center on Race & the Economy, the Economic Policy Institute, Bet Tzedek, and the California Immigrant Policy Center:\u003c/strong> Gig workers have few legal protections against opaque, “powerful, algorithmically-driven pay systems, and ‘the possibility remains,’ in the words of one scholar, that on-demand companies… (are offering) vulnerable workers lower wages based on their willingness to accept work at lower prices.” They cite a recent Uber earnings call during which its CEO said the company is “offering the right trip at the right price to the right driver.” Along the same lines, the fact that gig workers are from marginalized groups and communities is unsurprising; they say: “It is no accident that Prop. 22 reinforces and legalizes a second-tier workforce (composed) disproportionately of people of color.” They also cite federal data that shows app-based driving is “one of the most dangerous jobs in America” that includes risks of violence, harassment, injuries and even death on the job.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Teamsters Locals 396, 542 and 848 and Los Angeles County Federation of Labor, AFL-CIO:\u003c/strong> “Already, a growing number of secure jobs across the state are being replaced by app-based drivers — including jobs where Amici Curiae have fought for decades to ensure a living wage and strong benefits.” Those include delivery drivers formerly \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/the-rise-of-the-gig-economy-spells-the-end-for-these-workers-were-the-vestiges-of-the-old-system-11626283673\">employed by Albertsons\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The billionaire-backed company seeking to build a city from scratch in eastern Solano County took its first steps toward bringing jobs there, announcing partnerships on Thursday with 12 companies that have pledged to open new offices, factories and farms in the proposed city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever has publicly promised to bring some 15,000 new jobs to the county. But it’s unclear how many new jobs the 12 partner companies would provide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for California Forever and the companies involved declined to provide specific details about whether they would bring their existing employees or add new ones. If voters approve the plan, there are also no binding financial or legal agreements compelling them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the companies are start-ups, mostly based in California, and their industries include aerospace engineering, self-driving robotics, indoor vertical farming and internet infrastructure. They are Hadrian, Living Carbon, Plenty, Serve Robotics, Meter, Motive, BREX, Cover, Build Casa, Zipline, Freethink and Instant Teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These employers have committed publicly that they’re interested in bringing jobs to the new community if Solano County voters approve the project this November,” California Forever’s Director of Partnerships Michael Fortney said in a statement to KQED. “Even though we’re a few years away from breaking ground, some of them have already started negotiating terms for acquiring space to operate in the new community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups, however, remain skeptical about California Forever’s promises. Sadie Wilson, director of planning and research with the Greenbelt Alliance, said this news is still “devoid of substance and lacking transparency.” She is particularly concerned that all the potential employers are start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certain questions about if and how these budding companies and ventures will look in 10 years or so,” when the city is eventually built, she said in a statement to KQED. “As November approaches, Solano County voters need real information, not more hypothetical plans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county lacks enough jobs for its residents. Almost half of those who live in Solano County commute outside of it to work, \u003ca href=\"https://labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/file/commute-maps/StateCommute2015.pdf\">according to a 2015 study\u003c/a> from the state’s Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11985195,news_11985711,news_11984830 label='Related Coverage']Included in its pledge to bring 15,000 new jobs, California Forever has said it would create nearly 1,400 construction-related jobs for a solar farm it is proposing to build near the site of its new city. After the solar farm is completed, it would employ roughly 300 people to maintain and operate the facility in Solano County, while about 130 jobs would be located elsewhere throughout California, company representatives said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed solar farm could potentially generate enough power for 1.5 million homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://assets.ctfassets.net/ivxuf0dn6dhw/5UZa0vW0DABZ5A3h4KfjCU/f2bb0baa7819c5fbb0126c29c6c5a7e7/Solar_Farm_Econ_Impacts_-_FINAL.pdf\">economic impact report created by Blue Sky Consulting\u003c/a> and paid for by California Forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the companies have released details on what they plan to build in the new city if it is approved. Chris Power, founder and CEO of the aerospace and defense manufacturing start-up Hadrian, said his company would be looking to acquire space for a new factory “if the East Solano Plan was shovel-ready today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are excited by the vision of amazing neighborhoods located next to a manufacturing zone designed to accelerate innovation in California,” he said in a statement. “Hadrian is building a series of factories across America to enable space and defense manufacturers to get parts 10 times faster and halve the cost of making rockets, satellites, jets and drones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Travis Air Force Base did not immediately return a request for comment about whether the proposed companies would compete with its operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984408/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-is-closer-to-november-ballot\">submitted signatures for its petition\u003c/a> to appear on the November ballot. A representative from the Solano County Registrar’s Office said it completed its raw count of the roughly 20,000 signatures submitted last week, but is now verifying those signatures to make sure at least 13,062 came from registered Solano County voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make it on the ballot, the initiative will then need a vote of the Solano County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The billionaire-backed company seeking to build a city from scratch in eastern Solano County took its first steps toward bringing jobs there, announcing partnerships on Thursday with 12 companies that have pledged to open new offices, factories and farms in the proposed city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever has publicly promised to bring some 15,000 new jobs to the county. But it’s unclear how many new jobs the 12 partner companies would provide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for California Forever and the companies involved declined to provide specific details about whether they would bring their existing employees or add new ones. If voters approve the plan, there are also no binding financial or legal agreements compelling them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the companies are start-ups, mostly based in California, and their industries include aerospace engineering, self-driving robotics, indoor vertical farming and internet infrastructure. They are Hadrian, Living Carbon, Plenty, Serve Robotics, Meter, Motive, BREX, Cover, Build Casa, Zipline, Freethink and Instant Teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These employers have committed publicly that they’re interested in bringing jobs to the new community if Solano County voters approve the project this November,” California Forever’s Director of Partnerships Michael Fortney said in a statement to KQED. “Even though we’re a few years away from breaking ground, some of them have already started negotiating terms for acquiring space to operate in the new community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups, however, remain skeptical about California Forever’s promises. Sadie Wilson, director of planning and research with the Greenbelt Alliance, said this news is still “devoid of substance and lacking transparency.” She is particularly concerned that all the potential employers are start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certain questions about if and how these budding companies and ventures will look in 10 years or so,” when the city is eventually built, she said in a statement to KQED. “As November approaches, Solano County voters need real information, not more hypothetical plans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county lacks enough jobs for its residents. Almost half of those who live in Solano County commute outside of it to work, \u003ca href=\"https://labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/file/commute-maps/StateCommute2015.pdf\">according to a 2015 study\u003c/a> from the state’s Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Included in its pledge to bring 15,000 new jobs, California Forever has said it would create nearly 1,400 construction-related jobs for a solar farm it is proposing to build near the site of its new city. After the solar farm is completed, it would employ roughly 300 people to maintain and operate the facility in Solano County, while about 130 jobs would be located elsewhere throughout California, company representatives said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed solar farm could potentially generate enough power for 1.5 million homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://assets.ctfassets.net/ivxuf0dn6dhw/5UZa0vW0DABZ5A3h4KfjCU/f2bb0baa7819c5fbb0126c29c6c5a7e7/Solar_Farm_Econ_Impacts_-_FINAL.pdf\">economic impact report created by Blue Sky Consulting\u003c/a> and paid for by California Forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the companies have released details on what they plan to build in the new city if it is approved. Chris Power, founder and CEO of the aerospace and defense manufacturing start-up Hadrian, said his company would be looking to acquire space for a new factory “if the East Solano Plan was shovel-ready today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are excited by the vision of amazing neighborhoods located next to a manufacturing zone designed to accelerate innovation in California,” he said in a statement. “Hadrian is building a series of factories across America to enable space and defense manufacturers to get parts 10 times faster and halve the cost of making rockets, satellites, jets and drones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Travis Air Force Base did not immediately return a request for comment about whether the proposed companies would compete with its operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984408/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-is-closer-to-november-ballot\">submitted signatures for its petition\u003c/a> to appear on the November ballot. A representative from the Solano County Registrar’s Office said it completed its raw count of the roughly 20,000 signatures submitted last week, but is now verifying those signatures to make sure at least 13,062 came from registered Solano County voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make it on the ballot, the initiative will then need a vote of the Solano County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
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"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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