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"content": "\u003cp>Of all the products that would be affected by President-elect Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/26/nx-s1-5206441/trumps-tariffs-china-canada-mexico\">proposed tariffs on Mexico\u003c/a>, avocados stand out: 90% of avocados consumed in the U.S. are imported. And almost all of those imports come from Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has said he plans to impose a blanket tariff of 25% on imports from Mexico and Canada, along with an additional 10% tax on goods from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the tariffs will be implemented or if they will serve merely as a negotiating tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted, they could have multiple effects on the avocado industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad tariffs, like what’s being proposed, is not something that we’ve seen” before, says David Ortega, a food economist and professor at Michigan State University. “We had the trade war with China back in 2018 that affected steel and aluminum, but when it comes to food, these types of policy proposals are not something that are very common or that we’ve seen recently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With one of the biggest guacamole-eating events of the year — the Super Bowl — approaching in February, here’s what to know about avocados, tariffs, and why so many avocados are grown in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Prices will rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Avocados are displayed in a grocery store in Washington, DC, on June 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Stefani Reynolds/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First, a 25% tariff on imports from Mexico would lead to higher avocado prices at the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But estimating just how much higher is hard to say. It’s possible that producers and importers will absorb some of the costs to keep prices down and stay more competitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortega says there could be “pretty significant increases in the price of avocados. Maybe not the full 25%, but pretty close, given that there’s very little substitute ability with regards to where we would source avocados.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he cautions that because the tariffs apply only to the product’s value at the border, and not to other costs like transportation and distribution within the U.S., prices may not go up by the full 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of these potential price increases, however, people in the U.S. love their avocados and they’re willing to pay more. Avocado consumption tripled in the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/chart-gallery/gallery/chart-detail/?chartId=103810\">between 2000 and 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that avocado is a staple of our consumption here, I would say that the elasticity is not very high, meaning that even with a big increase in price, consumption is not going to change that much,” says Luis Ribera, a professor and extension economist in the agricultural economics department at Texas A&M University.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why Mexico\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmer works at an avocado plantation at the Los Cerritos avocado group ranch in Ciudad Guzman, state of Jalisco, Mexico, on Feb. 10, 2023. Most of the avocados consumed in the US are grown in Mexico. \u003ccite>(Ulises Ruiz/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mexico is the biggest \u003ca href=\"https://apps.fas.usda.gov/newgainapi/api/Report/DownloadReportByFileName?fileName=Avocado%20Annual_Mexico%20City_Mexico_MX2024-0018.pdf\">producer of avocados\u003c/a> in the world and exported $3.3 billion worth of avocados in 2023. A \u003ca href=\"https://avocadoinstitute.org/avo-economics/avo-economics-fact-sheet/\">study funded by the industry\u003c/a> estimated that avocado production supports 78,000 permanent jobs and 310,000 seasonal jobs in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very important business in Mexico, very lucrative,” Ribera says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico emerged as the largest foreign supplier of fruits and vegetables to the U.S. for a few reasons, he says. One: Its proximity to the U.S. market. With a perishable product, closer is better. Peru is the second-largest source of foreign avocados in the U.S., but its greater distance means avocados need to be shipped farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other reasons for Mexico are favorable weather that allows for year-round production of avocados and access to cheap labor, according to Ribera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avocados are grown in the U.S. too, \u003ca href=\"https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/publication/FE1150\">mostly in California\u003c/a> and to a lesser extent Florida and Hawaii, but U.S. growers can’t meet Americans’ big appetite. Avocado production in the U.S. has declined, even as Americans grew fonder of the green fruit, according to the USDA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California avocado growers have faced droughts and wildfires in recent years, making it difficult to offer the year-round availability that American consumers crave, Ortega says. In addition, \u003ca href=\"https://www.producebluebook.com/2024/08/30/mexican-avocado-exports-to-u-s-expected-to-total-2-7b-in-2024/\">land is expensive\u003c/a> and water is limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the goal of implementing tariffs is to force avocado production to move somewhere besides Mexico, that isn’t easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes about eight years for avocado trees to produce fruit, according to the USDA. “This is not a product that you can just simply plant more of this season and you get more of in a few months,” Ortega says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other countries where the U.S. sources avocados — Peru, the Dominican Republic and Chile — “just simply don’t have the production capacity to replace Mexico’s supply,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tariffs could impact the organic avocado market\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tariffs could also alter the market dynamic when it comes to organic vs. conventional foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If prices rise across the board, consumers who typically buy organic avocados might switch to conventional ones to save money. Organic produce makes up about 15% of total fruit and vegetable sales in the U.S., according to the Organic Trade Association, which represents hundreds of organic businesses and thousands of farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hypothesis is that the price of conventional products would increase more than the premium organic product,” Ortega says. He reasons that because people who are used to buying organic avocados would move to buy conventional ones, “that in turn increases the demand and would make prices rise more for that category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Dillon, co-CEO of the Organic Trade Association, says those in the organic food industry are looking at diversifying their supply chains away from Mexico, but there’s a three-year transition period required for farmers to switch from producing conventional to organic produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply chains are not incredibly elastic in organic. It takes more time to pivot and change when there’s a supply chain disruption. And tariffs are in some ways a form of supply chain disruption for a company, because it creates unpredictable pricing,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together with grocery prices that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5223469\">gone up more than 26%\u003c/a> since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Trump’s plans for tariffs on Mexico, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/19/g-s1-34736/trumps-threats-of-mass-deportations-lead-to-hard-discussions-for-families\">mass deportations\u003c/a>, could create “a perfect storm of high inflationary pressure on the organic sector,” Dillon says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, retaliatory tariffs from Mexico could have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/27/nx-s1-5206854/officials-in-mexico-are-monitoring-trumps-comments-on-proposed-tariffs\">their own impacts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Avocado producers face uncertainty as Trump’s return looms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Picture of avocados in boxes at a packing plant in the municipality of Ario de Rosales, Michoacan State, Mexico, on Sept. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Alfredo Estrella/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aside from the threat of tariffs, the avocado industry has other challenges to deal with: climate change \u003ca href=\"https://openknowledge.fao.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/c1062d72-ae62-43b1-97ae-aab32c75cadf/content\">presents several problems\u003c/a>, and avocados \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/04/05/health/everyday-foods-water-drought-climate-intl/index.html\">require a large amount of water\u003c/a> to grow. Meanwhile, \u003ca>environmentalists say\u003c/a> some avocado growers are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-government-plants-caribbean-canada-6270df8d94e295da9cab759825b1bd28\">cutting down forests\u003c/a> to plant avocados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Producers also face extortion from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/08/06/1192413115/the-violent-underbelly-of-the-avocado-industry\">criminal gangs in Mexico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now with Trump’s tariff threats, producers are left to wonder about their next steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Producers, they react to market fundamentals,” Ribera says. For example, people can foresee how bad weather in Mexico would affect avocado prices. Producers and retailers will adjust to higher and lower demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue with a tariff is it’s not a market fundamental — it’s a policy. It’s a political move,” he says. “It could happen or it could not happen, or it could be increased or it could be decreased, you know. So it’s hard for the whole supply chain to adjust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Of all the products that would be affected by President-elect Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/26/nx-s1-5206441/trumps-tariffs-china-canada-mexico\">proposed tariffs on Mexico\u003c/a>, avocados stand out: 90% of avocados consumed in the U.S. are imported. And almost all of those imports come from Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has said he plans to impose a blanket tariff of 25% on imports from Mexico and Canada, along with an additional 10% tax on goods from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the tariffs will be implemented or if they will serve merely as a negotiating tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enacted, they could have multiple effects on the avocado industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad tariffs, like what’s being proposed, is not something that we’ve seen” before, says David Ortega, a food economist and professor at Michigan State University. “We had the trade war with China back in 2018 that affected steel and aluminum, but when it comes to food, these types of policy proposals are not something that are very common or that we’ve seen recently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With one of the biggest guacamole-eating events of the year — the Super Bowl — approaching in February, here’s what to know about avocados, tariffs, and why so many avocados are grown in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Prices will rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Avocados are displayed in a grocery store in Washington, DC, on June 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Stefani Reynolds/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First, a 25% tariff on imports from Mexico would lead to higher avocado prices at the grocery store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But estimating just how much higher is hard to say. It’s possible that producers and importers will absorb some of the costs to keep prices down and stay more competitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortega says there could be “pretty significant increases in the price of avocados. Maybe not the full 25%, but pretty close, given that there’s very little substitute ability with regards to where we would source avocados.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he cautions that because the tariffs apply only to the product’s value at the border, and not to other costs like transportation and distribution within the U.S., prices may not go up by the full 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of these potential price increases, however, people in the U.S. love their avocados and they’re willing to pay more. Avocado consumption tripled in the U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/chart-gallery/gallery/chart-detail/?chartId=103810\">between 2000 and 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that avocado is a staple of our consumption here, I would say that the elasticity is not very high, meaning that even with a big increase in price, consumption is not going to change that much,” says Luis Ribera, a professor and extension economist in the agricultural economics department at Texas A&M University.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why Mexico\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmer works at an avocado plantation at the Los Cerritos avocado group ranch in Ciudad Guzman, state of Jalisco, Mexico, on Feb. 10, 2023. Most of the avocados consumed in the US are grown in Mexico. \u003ccite>(Ulises Ruiz/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mexico is the biggest \u003ca href=\"https://apps.fas.usda.gov/newgainapi/api/Report/DownloadReportByFileName?fileName=Avocado%20Annual_Mexico%20City_Mexico_MX2024-0018.pdf\">producer of avocados\u003c/a> in the world and exported $3.3 billion worth of avocados in 2023. A \u003ca href=\"https://avocadoinstitute.org/avo-economics/avo-economics-fact-sheet/\">study funded by the industry\u003c/a> estimated that avocado production supports 78,000 permanent jobs and 310,000 seasonal jobs in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very important business in Mexico, very lucrative,” Ribera says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexico emerged as the largest foreign supplier of fruits and vegetables to the U.S. for a few reasons, he says. One: Its proximity to the U.S. market. With a perishable product, closer is better. Peru is the second-largest source of foreign avocados in the U.S., but its greater distance means avocados need to be shipped farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other reasons for Mexico are favorable weather that allows for year-round production of avocados and access to cheap labor, according to Ribera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avocados are grown in the U.S. too, \u003ca href=\"https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/publication/FE1150\">mostly in California\u003c/a> and to a lesser extent Florida and Hawaii, but U.S. growers can’t meet Americans’ big appetite. Avocado production in the U.S. has declined, even as Americans grew fonder of the green fruit, according to the USDA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California avocado growers have faced droughts and wildfires in recent years, making it difficult to offer the year-round availability that American consumers crave, Ortega says. In addition, \u003ca href=\"https://www.producebluebook.com/2024/08/30/mexican-avocado-exports-to-u-s-expected-to-total-2-7b-in-2024/\">land is expensive\u003c/a> and water is limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the goal of implementing tariffs is to force avocado production to move somewhere besides Mexico, that isn’t easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes about eight years for avocado trees to produce fruit, according to the USDA. “This is not a product that you can just simply plant more of this season and you get more of in a few months,” Ortega says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other countries where the U.S. sources avocados — Peru, the Dominican Republic and Chile — “just simply don’t have the production capacity to replace Mexico’s supply,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tariffs could impact the organic avocado market\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tariffs could also alter the market dynamic when it comes to organic vs. conventional foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If prices rise across the board, consumers who typically buy organic avocados might switch to conventional ones to save money. Organic produce makes up about 15% of total fruit and vegetable sales in the U.S., according to the Organic Trade Association, which represents hundreds of organic businesses and thousands of farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My hypothesis is that the price of conventional products would increase more than the premium organic product,” Ortega says. He reasons that because people who are used to buying organic avocados would move to buy conventional ones, “that in turn increases the demand and would make prices rise more for that category.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Dillon, co-CEO of the Organic Trade Association, says those in the organic food industry are looking at diversifying their supply chains away from Mexico, but there’s a three-year transition period required for farmers to switch from producing conventional to organic produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supply chains are not incredibly elastic in organic. It takes more time to pivot and change when there’s a supply chain disruption. And tariffs are in some ways a form of supply chain disruption for a company, because it creates unpredictable pricing,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together with grocery prices that have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5223469\">gone up more than 26%\u003c/a> since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Trump’s plans for tariffs on Mexico, along with \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/19/g-s1-34736/trumps-threats-of-mass-deportations-lead-to-hard-discussions-for-families\">mass deportations\u003c/a>, could create “a perfect storm of high inflationary pressure on the organic sector,” Dillon says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Furthermore, retaliatory tariffs from Mexico could have \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/27/nx-s1-5206854/officials-in-mexico-are-monitoring-trumps-comments-on-proposed-tariffs\">their own impacts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Avocado producers face uncertainty as Trump’s return looms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Picture of avocados in boxes at a packing plant in the municipality of Ario de Rosales, Michoacan State, Mexico, on Sept. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Alfredo Estrella/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Aside from the threat of tariffs, the avocado industry has other challenges to deal with: climate change \u003ca href=\"https://openknowledge.fao.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/c1062d72-ae62-43b1-97ae-aab32c75cadf/content\">presents several problems\u003c/a>, and avocados \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2019/04/05/health/everyday-foods-water-drought-climate-intl/index.html\">require a large amount of water\u003c/a> to grow. Meanwhile, \u003ca>environmentalists say\u003c/a> some avocado growers are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mexico-government-plants-caribbean-canada-6270df8d94e295da9cab759825b1bd28\">cutting down forests\u003c/a> to plant avocados.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Producers also face extortion from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/08/06/1192413115/the-violent-underbelly-of-the-avocado-industry\">criminal gangs in Mexico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now with Trump’s tariff threats, producers are left to wonder about their next steps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Producers, they react to market fundamentals,” Ribera says. For example, people can foresee how bad weather in Mexico would affect avocado prices. Producers and retailers will adjust to higher and lower demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue with a tariff is it’s not a market fundamental — it’s a policy. It’s a political move,” he says. “It could happen or it could not happen, or it could be increased or it could be decreased, you know. So it’s hard for the whole supply chain to adjust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at noon Dec. 13\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has emerged as a microcosm of how tech and cryptocurrency leaders are expanding their growing political influence from local to national elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2024 election saw the city’s most expensive political action committee (PAC), created and funded by billionaire investors, successfully defeat incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston. But other campaigns with big tech money behind them, like efforts to elect a more right-leaning mayor or to unseat progressive Supervisor Connie Chan, fell flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mixed outcomes show the limits of campaign spending in local politics, but political analysts and campaign finance experts say that won’t stop billionaires from trying in San Francisco and, increasingly, in other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They realize that they have skin in the game even at the local level, and it behooves them to try and have candidates on these city councils or county board of supervisors that are friendly to their policy views,” said Sean McMorris, who leads the transparency, ethics and accountability program at California Common Cause. “You will see it, I believe, in bigger cities where there are more opportunities for special interests to increase their bottom lines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley power players have poured money into local elections for decades. But political analysts and grassroots organizers say tech and cryptocurrency billionaires’ spending went even further this past election cycle, which brought in more than $62 million in total donations. Mayor-elect Daniel Lurie raised about $16 million — about half of which was self-funded — making his campaign the most expensive in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Larsen, an early donor for Mayor London Breed who co-founded the cryptocurrency company Ripple Labs, donated more than $1 million to San Francisco races this year, largely into a PAC supporting the mayor created by the Abundance Network, a YIMBY (Yes In My Backyard) political organizing group. Started in San Francisco in 2022, the Abundance Network has expanded to Oakland, Santa Monica and has plans to grow into New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed lost her bid for a second term to philanthropist Daniel Lurie, but Larsen’s investments paid off in the local supervisor race for District 5, where he donated $50,000 to a PAC started by GrowSF, another moderate political organizing group working to unseat the board’s sole Democratic Socialist, Dean Preston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What was absolutely clear was the huge amount of spending in our race by tech millionaires and billionaires against progressive candidates. That was certainly the case in District 5,” Preston told KQED. “It was much more of just a negative attack disinformation campaign on me rather than propping up a different candidate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political watchdogs digesting this year’s election are seeing similar efforts across the Bay and nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coinbase’s Jesse Pollak helped the Abundance Network raise nearly $500,000 to back a moderate slate of candidates for city council in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a Super PAC backed by crypto industry leaders spent nearly $10 million on ads against Katie Porter’s run for Senate. The progressive candidate lost to fellow Democrat Adam Schiff in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Silicon Valley poured more than $394.1 million into the presidential election this year, according to the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/dec/07/campaign-spending-crypto-tech-influence\">Guardian\u003c/a>\u003c/em>. While most came from Elon Musk supporting Donald Trump, players like Larsen, who donated about $13 million to Vice President Kamala Harris’ campaign, also made a significant contribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ripple and Coinbase specifically are two cryptocurrency companies spending on the local level and people connected to them directly are pushing big money behind local politics,” said Jeremy Mack, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/\">Phoenix Project\u003c/a>, a nonprofit tracking money and influence in San Francisco politics. “Those two companies also ended up becoming the two biggest backers of nationwide cryptocurrency PACs that spent huge on elections across the country, largely both to unseat progressives and get the Republicans elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Abundance Network and GrowSF are just a few of the political organizing groups that have sprung up in San Francisco since the pandemic, tapping into some residents’ frustration over the city’s struggles with homelessness, a drug overdose crisis and crime. Others included TogetherSF, backed by tech billionaire Michael Moritz, and Stop Crime SF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 2024 election cycle, tech leaders like Garry Tan, CEO of Y-Combinator and a board member of GrowSF, got directly involved with local political action and messaging. Tan became a prominent critic of Preston on social media, along with Musk, who notably called for the supervisor to be \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/elonmusk/status/1709236386841170389?s=20\">“thrown in prison” on social media platform X\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tech money alone didn’t sway voters. Nancy Tung, who was elected chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party this spring as part of the board’s shift to a moderate-majority, points to how Supervisor Chan held her seat with big donations from organized labor, defeating efforts from GrowSF and TogetherSF to replace Chan with a moderate Democrat, Marjan Philhour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is big money on both sides,” Tung told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017320/s-f-democratic-partys-nancy-tung-on-steering-the-party-toward-the-middle\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “The misconception is that there is money being spent only on one side. Really what it is, is that voters decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Bilal Mahmood, who unseated Preston, said the outcome came down to messaging and voters wanting change.[aside tag=\"politics,crypto\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]“Money was not the deciding factor of who won or lost in this race,” Mahmood told KQED. “[Preston] lost because his messaging was out of touch with what the district wanted. There’s now people in tech who are involved at the grassroots level, and that’s on both sides as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big donors themselves did not agree on candidates across the board, another reason why some efforts succeeded and others didn’t in San Francisco, said progressive political consultant Jim Ross.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at that District 5 race, they were able to use their money to back a new candidate and get people to knock on doors and develop strong messaging that was compelling to people in that district,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, the rapid emergence of so many political groups at the local level in San Francisco was unique this election, Ross added. “In the past, we had one or two, but it seems like every day there was a new billionaire-backed political action committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMorris of Common Cause and others say strengthening campaign finance laws could help level the playing field as elections grow expensive and candidates increasingly have to navigate disinformation campaigns from special interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, the worst lesson tech billionaires will draw from [this election] is that funding massive disinformation campaigns against progressives works,” Preston said. “Progressives will need to be prepared for that and need to battle more on rebutting disinformation early and making sure that allies and progressive donors step up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: This story has been updated to reflect the total amount of campaign donations this past election cycle.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at noon Dec. 13\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has emerged as a microcosm of how tech and cryptocurrency leaders are expanding their growing political influence from local to national elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2024 election saw the city’s most expensive political action committee (PAC), created and funded by billionaire investors, successfully defeat incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston. But other campaigns with big tech money behind them, like efforts to elect a more right-leaning mayor or to unseat progressive Supervisor Connie Chan, fell flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mixed outcomes show the limits of campaign spending in local politics, but political analysts and campaign finance experts say that won’t stop billionaires from trying in San Francisco and, increasingly, in other cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They realize that they have skin in the game even at the local level, and it behooves them to try and have candidates on these city councils or county board of supervisors that are friendly to their policy views,” said Sean McMorris, who leads the transparency, ethics and accountability program at California Common Cause. “You will see it, I believe, in bigger cities where there are more opportunities for special interests to increase their bottom lines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley power players have poured money into local elections for decades. But political analysts and grassroots organizers say tech and cryptocurrency billionaires’ spending went even further this past election cycle, which brought in more than $62 million in total donations. Mayor-elect Daniel Lurie raised about $16 million — about half of which was self-funded — making his campaign the most expensive in the city’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Larsen, an early donor for Mayor London Breed who co-founded the cryptocurrency company Ripple Labs, donated more than $1 million to San Francisco races this year, largely into a PAC supporting the mayor created by the Abundance Network, a YIMBY (Yes In My Backyard) political organizing group. Started in San Francisco in 2022, the Abundance Network has expanded to Oakland, Santa Monica and has plans to grow into New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed lost her bid for a second term to philanthropist Daniel Lurie, but Larsen’s investments paid off in the local supervisor race for District 5, where he donated $50,000 to a PAC started by GrowSF, another moderate political organizing group working to unseat the board’s sole Democratic Socialist, Dean Preston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What was absolutely clear was the huge amount of spending in our race by tech millionaires and billionaires against progressive candidates. That was certainly the case in District 5,” Preston told KQED. “It was much more of just a negative attack disinformation campaign on me rather than propping up a different candidate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political watchdogs digesting this year’s election are seeing similar efforts across the Bay and nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coinbase’s Jesse Pollak helped the Abundance Network raise nearly $500,000 to back a moderate slate of candidates for city council in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a Super PAC backed by crypto industry leaders spent nearly $10 million on ads against Katie Porter’s run for Senate. The progressive candidate lost to fellow Democrat Adam Schiff in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationally, Silicon Valley poured more than $394.1 million into the presidential election this year, according to the \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/dec/07/campaign-spending-crypto-tech-influence\">Guardian\u003c/a>\u003c/em>. While most came from Elon Musk supporting Donald Trump, players like Larsen, who donated about $13 million to Vice President Kamala Harris’ campaign, also made a significant contribution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ripple and Coinbase specifically are two cryptocurrency companies spending on the local level and people connected to them directly are pushing big money behind local politics,” said Jeremy Mack, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.phoenixprojectnow.com/\">Phoenix Project\u003c/a>, a nonprofit tracking money and influence in San Francisco politics. “Those two companies also ended up becoming the two biggest backers of nationwide cryptocurrency PACs that spent huge on elections across the country, largely both to unseat progressives and get the Republicans elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Abundance Network and GrowSF are just a few of the political organizing groups that have sprung up in San Francisco since the pandemic, tapping into some residents’ frustration over the city’s struggles with homelessness, a drug overdose crisis and crime. Others included TogetherSF, backed by tech billionaire Michael Moritz, and Stop Crime SF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the 2024 election cycle, tech leaders like Garry Tan, CEO of Y-Combinator and a board member of GrowSF, got directly involved with local political action and messaging. Tan became a prominent critic of Preston on social media, along with Musk, who notably called for the supervisor to be \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/elonmusk/status/1709236386841170389?s=20\">“thrown in prison” on social media platform X\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But tech money alone didn’t sway voters. Nancy Tung, who was elected chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party this spring as part of the board’s shift to a moderate-majority, points to how Supervisor Chan held her seat with big donations from organized labor, defeating efforts from GrowSF and TogetherSF to replace Chan with a moderate Democrat, Marjan Philhour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is big money on both sides,” Tung told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017320/s-f-democratic-partys-nancy-tung-on-steering-the-party-toward-the-middle\">KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “The misconception is that there is money being spent only on one side. Really what it is, is that voters decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Bilal Mahmood, who unseated Preston, said the outcome came down to messaging and voters wanting change.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Money was not the deciding factor of who won or lost in this race,” Mahmood told KQED. “[Preston] lost because his messaging was out of touch with what the district wanted. There’s now people in tech who are involved at the grassroots level, and that’s on both sides as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big donors themselves did not agree on candidates across the board, another reason why some efforts succeeded and others didn’t in San Francisco, said progressive political consultant Jim Ross.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at that District 5 race, they were able to use their money to back a new candidate and get people to knock on doors and develop strong messaging that was compelling to people in that district,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, the rapid emergence of so many political groups at the local level in San Francisco was unique this election, Ross added. “In the past, we had one or two, but it seems like every day there was a new billionaire-backed political action committee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMorris of Common Cause and others say strengthening campaign finance laws could help level the playing field as elections grow expensive and candidates increasingly have to navigate disinformation campaigns from special interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, the worst lesson tech billionaires will draw from [this election] is that funding massive disinformation campaigns against progressives works,” Preston said. “Progressives will need to be prepared for that and need to battle more on rebutting disinformation early and making sure that allies and progressive donors step up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: This story has been updated to reflect the total amount of campaign donations this past election cycle.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Nearly 30% of US Drugstores Closed Over the Last Decade, Study Shows",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly three out of 10 U.S. drugstores that were open during the previous decade had closed by 2021, new research shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino neighborhoods were most vulnerable to the retail pharmacy closures, which can chip away at already-limited care options in those communities, researchers said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2024.00192\">study published Tuesday in Health Affairs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trend has potentially gained momentum since the study’s timeframe because many drugstores are still struggling. In the last three years, the major chains Walgreens and CVS have closed hundreds of additional stores, and Rite Aid shrank as it went through a bankruptcy reorganization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drugstores have been dealing with shrinking reimbursement for prescriptions, rising costs and changing customer shopping habits. The chains have been closing money-losing stores and transferring prescription files to more profitable locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, for example, a Walgreens spokesperson told \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/12/02/2-walgreens-in-east-oakland-will-close-in-january/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> it’s closing two locations in East Oakland – at I-580 and High Street and one on Foothill Boulevard and Seminary Avenue – and transferring prescriptions and other employees to nearby stores that generate more business. Another Walgreens location in a low-income section of East Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/07/22/deep-east-oakland-residents-walgreens-pharmacy-closure/\">closed in 2021.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, in 2021, Walgreens said publicly it was closing five stores in San Francisco due to organized crime, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Is-shoplifting-forcing-Walgreens-to-cut-back-in-16536960.php\">police data didn’t back that up\u003c/a>. The study in Health Affairs did not address crime as a potential contributing factor for store closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study found that more than 29% of the nearly 89,000 retail U.S. pharmacies that operated between 2010 and 2020 had closed by 2021. That amounts to more than 26,000 stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s closure rate was 25.5%. Mississippi experienced the most closures at nearly 41%, while North Dakota experienced the fewest at 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nine-county Bay Area, San Francisco, Santa Clara and Contra Costa counties had a net loss in pharmacies, while the other six counties were stable or had more pharmacies open in the study’s timeframe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers using data from the National Council for Prescription Drug Programs found that the number of U.S. pharmacies had actually increased from 2010 to 2017 because of store openings, but the pace of closings picked up starting in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also highlighted which stores were more likely to close. Those include independent pharmacies, which were more likely than chain stores to be in Black, Latino and low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside tag='walgreens' label='Walgreens Coverage' ]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without safeguarding pharmacies in marginalized neighborhoods, expanding health care services at pharmacies may enhance convenience for more affluent populations while failing to address the health needs of communities disproportionately affected by pharmacy closures, particularly Black and Brown populations in low-income urban areas,” said first author \u003ca href=\"https://publichealth.berkeley.edu/people/jenny-guadamuz\">Jenny Guadamuz\u003c/a>, an Assistant Professor at the UC Berkeley School of Public Health, Division of Health Policy and Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacies in neighborhoods with higher rates of patients on government-funded Medicaid and Medicare also were at greater risk for closing, said Dima Qato, a University of Southern California pharmacy professor who was the study’s lead author. Those programs tend to reimburse less than private health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers also noted that the exclusion of some pharmacies, particularly independent drugstores, from pharmacy benefit manager networks can hurt. That can mean fewer prescriptions and customers visiting those stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retail drugstores can be important sources for vaccinations, contraception, overdose prevention and opioid use disorder treatments, aside from prescriptions, Qato said. She noted that Black and Latino communities often have fewer pharmacies to begin with, so store closings hit residents of those communities particularly hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t many other options for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Brian Krans contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly three out of 10 U.S. drugstores that were open during the previous decade had closed by 2021, new research shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino neighborhoods were most vulnerable to the retail pharmacy closures, which can chip away at already-limited care options in those communities, researchers said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2024.00192\">study published Tuesday in Health Affairs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trend has potentially gained momentum since the study’s timeframe because many drugstores are still struggling. In the last three years, the major chains Walgreens and CVS have closed hundreds of additional stores, and Rite Aid shrank as it went through a bankruptcy reorganization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drugstores have been dealing with shrinking reimbursement for prescriptions, rising costs and changing customer shopping habits. The chains have been closing money-losing stores and transferring prescription files to more profitable locations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, for example, a Walgreens spokesperson told \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/12/02/2-walgreens-in-east-oakland-will-close-in-january/\">The Oaklandside\u003c/a> it’s closing two locations in East Oakland – at I-580 and High Street and one on Foothill Boulevard and Seminary Avenue – and transferring prescriptions and other employees to nearby stores that generate more business. Another Walgreens location in a low-income section of East Oakland \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/07/22/deep-east-oakland-residents-walgreens-pharmacy-closure/\">closed in 2021.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, in 2021, Walgreens said publicly it was closing five stores in San Francisco due to organized crime, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/Is-shoplifting-forcing-Walgreens-to-cut-back-in-16536960.php\">police data didn’t back that up\u003c/a>. The study in Health Affairs did not address crime as a potential contributing factor for store closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study found that more than 29% of the nearly 89,000 retail U.S. pharmacies that operated between 2010 and 2020 had closed by 2021. That amounts to more than 26,000 stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s closure rate was 25.5%. Mississippi experienced the most closures at nearly 41%, while North Dakota experienced the fewest at 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nine-county Bay Area, San Francisco, Santa Clara and Contra Costa counties had a net loss in pharmacies, while the other six counties were stable or had more pharmacies open in the study’s timeframe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers using data from the National Council for Prescription Drug Programs found that the number of U.S. pharmacies had actually increased from 2010 to 2017 because of store openings, but the pace of closings picked up starting in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also highlighted which stores were more likely to close. Those include independent pharmacies, which were more likely than chain stores to be in Black, Latino and low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without safeguarding pharmacies in marginalized neighborhoods, expanding health care services at pharmacies may enhance convenience for more affluent populations while failing to address the health needs of communities disproportionately affected by pharmacy closures, particularly Black and Brown populations in low-income urban areas,” said first author \u003ca href=\"https://publichealth.berkeley.edu/people/jenny-guadamuz\">Jenny Guadamuz\u003c/a>, an Assistant Professor at the UC Berkeley School of Public Health, Division of Health Policy and Management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pharmacies in neighborhoods with higher rates of patients on government-funded Medicaid and Medicare also were at greater risk for closing, said Dima Qato, a University of Southern California pharmacy professor who was the study’s lead author. Those programs tend to reimburse less than private health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers also noted that the exclusion of some pharmacies, particularly independent drugstores, from pharmacy benefit manager networks can hurt. That can mean fewer prescriptions and customers visiting those stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retail drugstores can be important sources for vaccinations, contraception, overdose prevention and opioid use disorder treatments, aside from prescriptions, Qato said. She noted that Black and Latino communities often have fewer pharmacies to begin with, so store closings hit residents of those communities particularly hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t many other options for them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Brian Krans contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President-elect Donald Trump gained ground across \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/11/19/us/politics/voter-turnout-election-trump-harris.html\">nearly every California county\u003c/a> this election cycle, even while losing the state overall. Pollsters expected blowout results for Vice President Kamala Harris from female voters, but exit polls suggest women turned out for Harris in much smaller numbers than expected, according to CNN.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the liberal Bay Area, KQED heard from many people, especially moms, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/interactive/2024/politics/2020-2016-exit-polls-2024-dg/\">wrestling with what message Trump’s victory sends their daughters\u003c/a>. But other mothers, even those who voted for Democrats in the past, now support Trump. They like his policies on kitchen table issues, such as the economy, and described feeling a growing discomfort with what they perceive as the extreme social policies on the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conversations with these women about their journeys reveal complex voter sentiment. Their transitions underscore how responses to concrete local events like growing antisemitism or vaccine policies can realign political allegiances. The women remind us that voters are not monolithic but dynamic individuals whose choices are shaped by lived experiences, shifting narratives and a hope for a safer, more transparent society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Democrat’s transformation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sara Dudley, a Jewish lawyer and mother of an 11-year-old in Sacramento, still considered herself a staunch Democrat as recently as last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was blue no matter who,” she said of her long allegiance and activism on issues like climate change, worker protections and LGBTQ rights. But then came the Sacramento City Council push for a Gaza cease-fire resolution proposed by leaders in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article286837715.html\">region’s Jewish and Muslim communities\u003c/a>. At that meeting, Dudley said protesters shouted antisemitic slurs at her and created a threatening atmosphere. Twelve people were arrested, and Mayor Darrell Steinberg cleared the chambers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders eventually passed the cease-fire resolution and championed it as an example of the community coming together — Steinberg said at the time that “we are not at war with each other here in Sacramento.” But Dudley saw this as another example of rising antisemitism in California and thought the Democratic party leadership response was not only indifferent but permissive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected my elected officials to condemn this behavior, but they were silent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dudley was also disappointed by media coverage of the event, which led her to explore more conservative sources of information, which began to reshape how she saw the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about foreign policy — it’s about what’s happening here in California, in our schools and in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From her perspective, Republican representatives at all levels of government are attacking antisemitism more aggressively and “supporting Israel unconditionally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These events drew her to the GOP, but it was Trump’s aggressive positions on border security and energy independence that further swayed her. Suddenly, Trump’s call for more domestic energy production started to make more sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not developing that fossil fuel here in America with good paying union jobs, where are we getting our fossil fuel and gas from?” she said, adding that she trusts Trump to combat terrorism, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Republican plank is actually really important for national security. As a mother, I’m concerned with my son’s health and safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Policy over personality’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marilee Saurenman, a social worker and mother of three in a suburb east of Los Angeles, said she feels cautiously optimistic about the incoming administration. “It was policy over personality,” she said, explaining her decision to support Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her mind, she separated his controversial rhetoric — which she didn’t like — from his campaign promises, which she did. Saurenman identifies as a biracial feminist, but Harris failed to win her support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t feel that Vice President Harris was really feeling the entire pulse of the nation,” she said. “Just because you’re a female is not a good enough reason for me to vote for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was specifically disappointed in Harris’s handling of border security during her vice presidency. “As a mother, I want my children to be safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saurenman said her values have shifted increasingly right over the last decade, influenced by her pro-life stance and perception that conservatives are more focused on issues that are important to her, like family, education and safety. For example, she would like her school district to provide more transparency over what topics and framing of history will be taught to her children so she can opt in or out of lesson plans that do not align with her Catholic values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she feels quickly judged by liberals for her support of Trump, cast as a person who is uneducated or supports criminals, which she finds “really upsetting.” In the future, she hopes people can listen more and share ideas constructively. “Although you may not agree with me, we can have mutual respect,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In four years, she hopes the country will be less polarized, and parents will be more involved in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A stand for parental rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alayna Nord, a mother of two adolescents in a Los Angeles suburb, voted for Trump in the last three elections. She said his core motivations match hers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Christian values first and foremost,” Nord said. “And, I would say the biggest thing on my list is parental rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was put off when California passed a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1955\">law\u003c/a> that prevents schools from disclosing information about a student’s sexual orientation or gender identity. Proponents of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/16/nx-s1-5041437/california-bans-school-rules-requiring-parents-notification-of-childs-pronoun-change\">legislation\u003c/a> said it will help protect LGBTQ+ students who live in hostile households. But opponents said it sidesteps parental involvement.[aside label='More politics Coverage' tag='politics']“I feel that when parents are involved, you get better results on most issues, including things that are as sensitive as gender dysphoria,” Nord asserted, citing the constitution as a safeguard for parents to steer “our children and make decisions for them without interference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her concerns extend beyond gender identity to vaccine mandates. She is one of the California parents who is upset by the vaccine requirements for California public schools. She was further inflamed when public health officials pushed the COVID-19 vaccine as a way to save lives. “The pandemic opened my eyes to agendas that I don’t feel are aligned with my values,” said Nord, stressing her support for what she described as medical freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she is persuaded by Robert F. Kennedy’s pitch to “Make America Healthy Again” by regulating food toxins and holding pharmaceutical companies accountable. He’s Trump’s selection for head of the Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that a healthier, safe and more successful America will be a unifier over time,” Nord said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of these mothers — Dudley, Saurenman and Nord — prioritize what they perceive as their families’ safety and values over party affiliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Some California women who voted for Trump were driven by concerns over parental rights, national security and perceived Democratic Party drift, revealing a complex political moment.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President-elect Donald Trump gained ground across \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/11/19/us/politics/voter-turnout-election-trump-harris.html\">nearly every California county\u003c/a> this election cycle, even while losing the state overall. Pollsters expected blowout results for Vice President Kamala Harris from female voters, but exit polls suggest women turned out for Harris in much smaller numbers than expected, according to CNN.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the liberal Bay Area, KQED heard from many people, especially moms, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/interactive/2024/politics/2020-2016-exit-polls-2024-dg/\">wrestling with what message Trump’s victory sends their daughters\u003c/a>. But other mothers, even those who voted for Democrats in the past, now support Trump. They like his policies on kitchen table issues, such as the economy, and described feeling a growing discomfort with what they perceive as the extreme social policies on the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conversations with these women about their journeys reveal complex voter sentiment. Their transitions underscore how responses to concrete local events like growing antisemitism or vaccine policies can realign political allegiances. The women remind us that voters are not monolithic but dynamic individuals whose choices are shaped by lived experiences, shifting narratives and a hope for a safer, more transparent society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Democrat’s transformation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sara Dudley, a Jewish lawyer and mother of an 11-year-old in Sacramento, still considered herself a staunch Democrat as recently as last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was blue no matter who,” she said of her long allegiance and activism on issues like climate change, worker protections and LGBTQ rights. But then came the Sacramento City Council push for a Gaza cease-fire resolution proposed by leaders in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article286837715.html\">region’s Jewish and Muslim communities\u003c/a>. At that meeting, Dudley said protesters shouted antisemitic slurs at her and created a threatening atmosphere. Twelve people were arrested, and Mayor Darrell Steinberg cleared the chambers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders eventually passed the cease-fire resolution and championed it as an example of the community coming together — Steinberg said at the time that “we are not at war with each other here in Sacramento.” But Dudley saw this as another example of rising antisemitism in California and thought the Democratic party leadership response was not only indifferent but permissive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I expected my elected officials to condemn this behavior, but they were silent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dudley was also disappointed by media coverage of the event, which led her to explore more conservative sources of information, which began to reshape how she saw the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about foreign policy — it’s about what’s happening here in California, in our schools and in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From her perspective, Republican representatives at all levels of government are attacking antisemitism more aggressively and “supporting Israel unconditionally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These events drew her to the GOP, but it was Trump’s aggressive positions on border security and energy independence that further swayed her. Suddenly, Trump’s call for more domestic energy production started to make more sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not developing that fossil fuel here in America with good paying union jobs, where are we getting our fossil fuel and gas from?” she said, adding that she trusts Trump to combat terrorism, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Republican plank is actually really important for national security. As a mother, I’m concerned with my son’s health and safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Policy over personality’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marilee Saurenman, a social worker and mother of three in a suburb east of Los Angeles, said she feels cautiously optimistic about the incoming administration. “It was policy over personality,” she said, explaining her decision to support Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her mind, she separated his controversial rhetoric — which she didn’t like — from his campaign promises, which she did. Saurenman identifies as a biracial feminist, but Harris failed to win her support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t feel that Vice President Harris was really feeling the entire pulse of the nation,” she said. “Just because you’re a female is not a good enough reason for me to vote for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was specifically disappointed in Harris’s handling of border security during her vice presidency. “As a mother, I want my children to be safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saurenman said her values have shifted increasingly right over the last decade, influenced by her pro-life stance and perception that conservatives are more focused on issues that are important to her, like family, education and safety. For example, she would like her school district to provide more transparency over what topics and framing of history will be taught to her children so she can opt in or out of lesson plans that do not align with her Catholic values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she feels quickly judged by liberals for her support of Trump, cast as a person who is uneducated or supports criminals, which she finds “really upsetting.” In the future, she hopes people can listen more and share ideas constructively. “Although you may not agree with me, we can have mutual respect,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In four years, she hopes the country will be less polarized, and parents will be more involved in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A stand for parental rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alayna Nord, a mother of two adolescents in a Los Angeles suburb, voted for Trump in the last three elections. She said his core motivations match hers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Christian values first and foremost,” Nord said. “And, I would say the biggest thing on my list is parental rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was put off when California passed a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1955\">law\u003c/a> that prevents schools from disclosing information about a student’s sexual orientation or gender identity. Proponents of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/16/nx-s1-5041437/california-bans-school-rules-requiring-parents-notification-of-childs-pronoun-change\">legislation\u003c/a> said it will help protect LGBTQ+ students who live in hostile households. But opponents said it sidesteps parental involvement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I feel that when parents are involved, you get better results on most issues, including things that are as sensitive as gender dysphoria,” Nord asserted, citing the constitution as a safeguard for parents to steer “our children and make decisions for them without interference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her concerns extend beyond gender identity to vaccine mandates. She is one of the California parents who is upset by the vaccine requirements for California public schools. She was further inflamed when public health officials pushed the COVID-19 vaccine as a way to save lives. “The pandemic opened my eyes to agendas that I don’t feel are aligned with my values,” said Nord, stressing her support for what she described as medical freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she is persuaded by Robert F. Kennedy’s pitch to “Make America Healthy Again” by regulating food toxins and holding pharmaceutical companies accountable. He’s Trump’s selection for head of the Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that a healthier, safe and more successful America will be a unifier over time,” Nord said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of these mothers — Dudley, Saurenman and Nord — prioritize what they perceive as their families’ safety and values over party affiliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Gavin Newsom Vows to 'Leave No Region Behind' on California Jobs",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Central Valley will be left behind no more, its leaders and Gov. Gavin Newsom said Thursday as the region became the first in the state to meet with the governor to submit its 20-year economic development plan, which aims to boost its agricultural industry and prepare for a key role in the green economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event in West Fresno \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/11/21/regional-economic-development-plans/\">builds on the governor’s initiative\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/03/08/california-jobs-first-state-launches-first-of-its-kind-council-to-create-thousands-of-more-jobs-across-all-regions/\">he introduced in March\u003c/a>, to invest in economic and workforce development with a focus on 13 regions as the state tries to help create more opportunities outside of its traditional jobs centers, such as the Bay Area and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A thriving Sierra San Joaquin region is essential to California’s future,” said Ashley Swearengin, chief executive of the Central Valley Community Foundation, which helped bring together the counties in the region to create the 502-page plan, which was funded by the state. She handed a binder with the plan to Newsom during the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other things, the counties of Madera, Fresno, Kings and Tulare are asking for $58 billion in public and private investments in the region over the next couple of decades, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.s2j2initiative.org/\">a draft of the plan\u003c/a> from August. The region, which produces 25% of the nation’s food supply, has an annual output of $70 billion, the plan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite its agricultural contributions and the major role it’s expected to play in helping generate the state’s renewable energy, 1 in 5 people in the region live below the poverty line, said Swearengin, a former Fresno mayor. “The challenges that confront this region’s families must always be present in our minds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/CAgovernor/status/1859747021906903384\">expects to take the other regions’ plans\u003c/a> and release a statewide blueprint in\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>January. The state has set aside $182 million so far in grants to follow through on the plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s optimism around the state’s focus on regions. Kate Gordon, CEO of California Forward, a nonprofit organization that focuses on the California economy and a former director of the governor’s Office of Planning and Research under Newsom, said “across California, stakeholders are getting together on a thoughtful approach” to creating high-quality jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon added that some people “don’t feel themselves as part of the economy right now,” and that the regions working on their own strategies was “an incredibly inclusive process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom acknowledged what he called economic uneasiness among the state’s residents despite fairly low unemployment.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12014595,news_12011869,news_12005655\"]“This is about people feeling on edge,” the governor said, adding that he is “excited” to support grant applications from the region. “It’s not talking about macro conditions, but about micro lived reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A common takeaway from this year’s elections is that voters made their decisions partly because of their economic concerns, at least according to exit polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who is heading into his final two years as governor, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/21/us/newsom-california-counties-trump.html\">he’s responding to those concerns\u003c/a>. Republicans continually criticize him for being out of touch with the daily struggles of many Californians. Even as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/11/gavin-newsom-trump-president/\">his national stature has grown\u003c/a>, the state’s voters are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-election-newsom-republicans/\">split on his performance as governor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor made Thursday’s announcement in Fresno County, where 51% of residents voted for Donald Trump and 46% voted for Vice President Kamala Harris, with all but 7,100 votes counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County, which has a per capita income of about $50,000 a year, among the lowest in California, has also consistently had among the highest unemployment claims in the state, according to data from the Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s unemployment rate inched up in October, to 5.4% from 5.3% the previous month. That’s the second-highest jobless rate in the nation, behind Nevada, while the U.S. unemployment rate is 4.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the state’s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s office noted in its \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4939\">fiscal outlook for the next year\u003c/a>: “Outside of government and health care, the state has added no jobs in a year and a half.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Central Valley will be left behind no more, its leaders and Gov. Gavin Newsom said Thursday as the region became the first in the state to meet with the governor to submit its 20-year economic development plan, which aims to boost its agricultural industry and prepare for a key role in the green economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event in West Fresno \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/11/21/regional-economic-development-plans/\">builds on the governor’s initiative\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/03/08/california-jobs-first-state-launches-first-of-its-kind-council-to-create-thousands-of-more-jobs-across-all-regions/\">he introduced in March\u003c/a>, to invest in economic and workforce development with a focus on 13 regions as the state tries to help create more opportunities outside of its traditional jobs centers, such as the Bay Area and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A thriving Sierra San Joaquin region is essential to California’s future,” said Ashley Swearengin, chief executive of the Central Valley Community Foundation, which helped bring together the counties in the region to create the 502-page plan, which was funded by the state. She handed a binder with the plan to Newsom during the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among other things, the counties of Madera, Fresno, Kings and Tulare are asking for $58 billion in public and private investments in the region over the next couple of decades, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.s2j2initiative.org/\">a draft of the plan\u003c/a> from August. The region, which produces 25% of the nation’s food supply, has an annual output of $70 billion, the plan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite its agricultural contributions and the major role it’s expected to play in helping generate the state’s renewable energy, 1 in 5 people in the region live below the poverty line, said Swearengin, a former Fresno mayor. “The challenges that confront this region’s families must always be present in our minds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said he \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/CAgovernor/status/1859747021906903384\">expects to take the other regions’ plans\u003c/a> and release a statewide blueprint in\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>January. The state has set aside $182 million so far in grants to follow through on the plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s optimism around the state’s focus on regions. Kate Gordon, CEO of California Forward, a nonprofit organization that focuses on the California economy and a former director of the governor’s Office of Planning and Research under Newsom, said “across California, stakeholders are getting together on a thoughtful approach” to creating high-quality jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon added that some people “don’t feel themselves as part of the economy right now,” and that the regions working on their own strategies was “an incredibly inclusive process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom acknowledged what he called economic uneasiness among the state’s residents despite fairly low unemployment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is about people feeling on edge,” the governor said, adding that he is “excited” to support grant applications from the region. “It’s not talking about macro conditions, but about micro lived reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A common takeaway from this year’s elections is that voters made their decisions partly because of their economic concerns, at least according to exit polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who is heading into his final two years as governor, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/21/us/newsom-california-counties-trump.html\">he’s responding to those concerns\u003c/a>. Republicans continually criticize him for being out of touch with the daily struggles of many Californians. Even as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/11/gavin-newsom-trump-president/\">his national stature has grown\u003c/a>, the state’s voters are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-election-newsom-republicans/\">split on his performance as governor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor made Thursday’s announcement in Fresno County, where 51% of residents voted for Donald Trump and 46% voted for Vice President Kamala Harris, with all but 7,100 votes counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fresno County, which has a per capita income of about $50,000 a year, among the lowest in California, has also consistently had among the highest unemployment claims in the state, according to data from the Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s unemployment rate inched up in October, to 5.4% from 5.3% the previous month. That’s the second-highest jobless rate in the nation, behind Nevada, while the U.S. unemployment rate is 4.1%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the state’s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s office noted in its \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4939\">fiscal outlook for the next year\u003c/a>: “Outside of government and health care, the state has added no jobs in a year and a half.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Air Regulators Approve Changes to Climate Program That Could Raise Gas Prices",
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"headTitle": "California Air Regulators Approve Changes to Climate Program That Could Raise Gas Prices | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California air regulators voted to approve changes to a key climate program aimed at reducing planet-warming emissions that has a wide swath of critics and could increase gas prices statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board voted to make significant updates to the low carbon fuel standard, or LCFS, which requires the state to reduce the environmental impact of gas and other transportation fuels by incentivizing producers to cut emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan approved late Friday at the end of a 12-hour meeting will increase the state’s emission reduction targets and fund charging infrastructure for zero-emission vehicles. It also will phase out incentives for capturing methane emissions from dairy farms to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dairies-digesters-methane-c4c39b3519fce4219d76d17332e4aa8a\">turn into fuel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental groups have criticized the program for stimulating the production of biofuels, which are derived from sources including plants and animal waste, when they say the state should focus more on supporting power for electric vehicles. They argue the proposal fails to adequately address those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry, state lawmakers and others have said the agency hasn’t been transparent about how the proposed updates could increase gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency staff released a cost-benefit analysis last year estimating the initial proposal could have led to an increase in gas prices by 47 cents per gallon by 2025. But the staff has not repeated the analysis since later updating the proposal and the agency contends it cannot accurately predict gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re going to ask drivers to pay a lot, which is what this program proposal is going to do, I think you need to be able to make the case that it’s worth paying for,” said Danny Cullenward, a climate economist with the University of Pennsylvania’s Kleinman Center for Energy Policy. “What concerns me most about this is I think a lot of the things that are being credited do not actually help the climate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gas prices could increase by as high as 85 cents per gallon by 2030 and $1.50 per gallon by 2035 under the proposal, according to an estimate from Cullenward. Cullenward said his figures and the estimates initially released by board staff are not an apples-to-apples comparison, in part because his projection uses 2023 dollars and the board staff used 2021 dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a Republican representing Palmdale in Southern California, said at the meeting that his constituents cannot afford an increase in gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On behalf of the people of the 34th Assembly District, I ask you to not approve this rulemaking and find other alternatives that won’t cost us quite that much,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board says the program will ultimately lower the cost of sustainable transportation fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency first approved the low carbon fuel standard in 2009, the first of its kind in the nation. It is part of California’s overall plan to achieve so-called \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-agriculture-climate-and-environment-2591f7c60f1a143e08b599610dc49fce\">carbon neutrality by 2045\u003c/a>, meaning the state will remove as many carbon emissions from the atmosphere as it emits. The state has passed policies in recent years to phase out the sale of new fossil-fuel powered \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-california-air-resources-board-climate-and-environment-dc75c11280f85a8ab134cf392497be68\">cars\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-truck-drayage-emissions-climate-change-ab703c7f6274e35d408e020c7a1a823e\">trucks\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-rail-train-emissions-climate-change-1b3e39ea4731422bc630a07c08c6a826\">trains\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-gavin-newsom-california-pollution-environment-and-nature-a0110d773785d920558134c0009ba694\">lawn mowers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The low carbon fuel standard has already successfully created lower-cost, lower-carbon alternatives, and the benefits of the proposal vastly outweigh those costs,” Steven Cliff, the agency’s executive officer, said last month.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"science_1991185,science_1992222,news_11980088\"]Suncheth Bhat, chief commercial officer for EV Realty, an electric vehicle infrastructure company, called the program “one of the most powerful, transformational policies” to speed up the transition to electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote comes a day after Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom called the state Legislature into a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-donald-trump-gavin-newsom-special-session-32511d5887409d68d692e094ed50a272\">special session\u003c/a> to protect some of California’s environmental and other liberal policies ahead of former President Donald Trump’s second term in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CARB’s justification for this version of the LCFS as a bridge for combustion fuels while we transition to zero-emissions needs to be reconsidered in light of the profoundly altered landscape we suddenly landed in this week,” Adrian Martinez, deputy managing attorney at environmental nonprofit Earthjustice, said of Trump’s election win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/a4f50324410e45f9b28907c48270ce95\">revoked California’s ability\u003c/a> to enforce its own tailpipe emissions standards. President Joe Biden later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-technology-business-donald-trump-environment-5934e806a1f72f8010780bb8fd922c0c\">restored the state’s authority\u003c/a>, which was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-vehicle-emissions-rules-b649b3fe05a97876a51b55a52af7ea1e\">upheld in federal court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Future challenges from the Trump administration could lead to long court battles, said David Pettit, a senior attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, I think we still need something … to enhance the development of electric vehicles and the electric vehicle infrastructure,” Pettit said. “The LCFS is a way that we might be able to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California air regulators voted to approve changes to a key climate program aimed at reducing planet-warming emissions that has a wide swath of critics and could increase gas prices statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board voted to make significant updates to the low carbon fuel standard, or LCFS, which requires the state to reduce the environmental impact of gas and other transportation fuels by incentivizing producers to cut emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan approved late Friday at the end of a 12-hour meeting will increase the state’s emission reduction targets and fund charging infrastructure for zero-emission vehicles. It also will phase out incentives for capturing methane emissions from dairy farms to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dairies-digesters-methane-c4c39b3519fce4219d76d17332e4aa8a\">turn into fuel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental groups have criticized the program for stimulating the production of biofuels, which are derived from sources including plants and animal waste, when they say the state should focus more on supporting power for electric vehicles. They argue the proposal fails to adequately address those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil industry, state lawmakers and others have said the agency hasn’t been transparent about how the proposed updates could increase gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency staff released a cost-benefit analysis last year estimating the initial proposal could have led to an increase in gas prices by 47 cents per gallon by 2025. But the staff has not repeated the analysis since later updating the proposal and the agency contends it cannot accurately predict gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re going to ask drivers to pay a lot, which is what this program proposal is going to do, I think you need to be able to make the case that it’s worth paying for,” said Danny Cullenward, a climate economist with the University of Pennsylvania’s Kleinman Center for Energy Policy. “What concerns me most about this is I think a lot of the things that are being credited do not actually help the climate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gas prices could increase by as high as 85 cents per gallon by 2030 and $1.50 per gallon by 2035 under the proposal, according to an estimate from Cullenward. Cullenward said his figures and the estimates initially released by board staff are not an apples-to-apples comparison, in part because his projection uses 2023 dollars and the board staff used 2021 dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblymember Tom Lackey, a Republican representing Palmdale in Southern California, said at the meeting that his constituents cannot afford an increase in gas prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On behalf of the people of the 34th Assembly District, I ask you to not approve this rulemaking and find other alternatives that won’t cost us quite that much,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Air Resources Board says the program will ultimately lower the cost of sustainable transportation fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency first approved the low carbon fuel standard in 2009, the first of its kind in the nation. It is part of California’s overall plan to achieve so-called \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-agriculture-climate-and-environment-2591f7c60f1a143e08b599610dc49fce\">carbon neutrality by 2045\u003c/a>, meaning the state will remove as many carbon emissions from the atmosphere as it emits. The state has passed policies in recent years to phase out the sale of new fossil-fuel powered \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-california-air-resources-board-climate-and-environment-dc75c11280f85a8ab134cf392497be68\">cars\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-truck-drayage-emissions-climate-change-ab703c7f6274e35d408e020c7a1a823e\">trucks\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-rail-train-emissions-climate-change-1b3e39ea4731422bc630a07c08c6a826\">trains\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-gavin-newsom-california-pollution-environment-and-nature-a0110d773785d920558134c0009ba694\">lawn mowers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The low carbon fuel standard has already successfully created lower-cost, lower-carbon alternatives, and the benefits of the proposal vastly outweigh those costs,” Steven Cliff, the agency’s executive officer, said last month.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Suncheth Bhat, chief commercial officer for EV Realty, an electric vehicle infrastructure company, called the program “one of the most powerful, transformational policies” to speed up the transition to electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote comes a day after Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom called the state Legislature into a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-donald-trump-gavin-newsom-special-session-32511d5887409d68d692e094ed50a272\">special session\u003c/a> to protect some of California’s environmental and other liberal policies ahead of former President Donald Trump’s second term in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CARB’s justification for this version of the LCFS as a bridge for combustion fuels while we transition to zero-emissions needs to be reconsidered in light of the profoundly altered landscape we suddenly landed in this week,” Adrian Martinez, deputy managing attorney at environmental nonprofit Earthjustice, said of Trump’s election win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/a4f50324410e45f9b28907c48270ce95\">revoked California’s ability\u003c/a> to enforce its own tailpipe emissions standards. President Joe Biden later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-technology-business-donald-trump-environment-5934e806a1f72f8010780bb8fd922c0c\">restored the state’s authority\u003c/a>, which was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-vehicle-emissions-rules-b649b3fe05a97876a51b55a52af7ea1e\">upheld in federal court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Future challenges from the Trump administration could lead to long court battles, said David Pettit, a senior attorney with the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the meantime, I think we still need something … to enhance the development of electric vehicles and the electric vehicle infrastructure,” Pettit said. “The LCFS is a way that we might be able to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "daniel-lurie-leads-as-early-results-for-san-franciscos-mayors-race-come-in",
"title": "Daniel Lurie Leads as Early Results for San Francisco's Mayoral Race Come In",
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"headTitle": "Daniel Lurie Leads as Early Results for San Francisco’s Mayoral Race Come In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024\">Follow KQED’s live blog for the latest election updates\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial voting results on election night show that philanthropist and political outsider Daniel Lurie is leading the race to become \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s next mayor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A victory for Lurie, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, would symbolize voters’ desire to shake up City Hall, a central promise of Lurie’s campaign platform. If elected, he would oversee the city’s 800,000 people and its nearly $15 billion budget at a time when tech and business leaders are pouring millions of dollars into local elections and efforts to influence public safety, housing development and accountability in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be a long night nationally and locally. The first returns here in San Francisco are making us feel optimistic. But we do not need to know the final results to know what this city means to us,” Lurie told supporters from an election watch party on Tuesday night at the Chapel, a music venue in the Mission District. “We launched this campaign 13 months ago because we believe, strongly, it is time for accountable leadership in City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Official race outcomes have not yet been finalized. However, results released late Tuesday night had Lurie in first place with 28% of first-choice votes, followed by incumbent Mayor London Breed with 24.4% of votes. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had 21.5% of first-choice votes, and former interim Mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell had 18.4% of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco uses ranked choice voting, where voters can list up to 10 candidates on their ballot. After accounting for ranked choice votes, Lurie and Breed led with 56.3% and 43.7% of votes, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie campaigned as an alternative to City Hall insiders. But without a track record in governing, it’s unclear exactly what his approach to leadership of a major city will actually look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founder of the anti-poverty nonprofit Tipping Point, Lurie has never held an elected office or a position in government before. The native San Franciscan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990068/daniel-lurie-runs-against-city-hall-in-quest-for-mayors-office\">leaned into that background\u003c/a> throughout his run for mayor, casting problems like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999069/what-can-the-sf-mayor-actually-do-about-homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a>, corruption and crime as a product of dysfunctional City Hall insiders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12012998\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12012998\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed speaks at an election night party at Little Skillet in San Francisco on Nov. 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He’s been fighting to unseat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008296/mayor-london-breed-says-shes-just-getting-started\">incumbent Mayor London Breed\u003c/a>, a fellow moderate Democrat who has held the seat since 2018. Breed steered the city through the COVID-19 pandemic, but her opponents have attacked her for not doing enough to resolve issues around homelessness, public safety and drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew this would not be easy,” Lurie said. “We see it every day on our streets. We cannot solve today’s problems with yesterday’s solutions.”[aside label=\"Live 2024 Election Results\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Stay informed with the latest results for elected leaders and measures passed' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/10/Aside-Results-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s mayoral race is one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">the most expensive since the city adopted ranked choice voting in 2004\u003c/a>, largely due to Lurie, who has raised more than any other mayoral candidate before him. A pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million includes $8.7 million from his own fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her election party on Tuesday night, Breed criticized Lurie’s wealth advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is not for sale,” she said, referring to Lurie’s record-breaking campaign fundraising. “It’s really unfortunate and pretty disgusting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incumbent did not appear too swayed by Tuesday night’s early results. In 2018, Breed was similarly behind the leading candidate on the night of the election, she told supporters, “And you see me standing here right now as the mayor of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed faced — and at times leaned into — “doom loop” narratives casting the city as stuck in perpetual economic and social crises during her tenure. But on the campaign trail, she became the cheerleader candidate, telling voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999634/are-the-political-fortunes-of-mayor-london-breed-improving\">the city was finally on the upswing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re still hopeful,” Breed said Tuesday. “It’s going to take time to count all of these votes. There are a lot of votes in the mail. There are a lot of provisional ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Aaron Peskin speaks during an election night party at Bimbo’s in San Francisco on Nov. 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year’s mayoral race is one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">the most expensive since the city adopted ranked choice voting in 2004\u003c/a>, largely due to Lurie, who has raised more than any other mayoral candidate before him. A pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million includes $8.7 million from his own fortune. Breed’s campaign has raised $3.1 million, including $1.45 million from former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and $850,000 from Chris Larsen, a cryptocurrency investor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Peskin’s campaign\u003c/a> meanwhile surged in polling in the last leg of the race, but he trailed Breed and Lurie on Tuesday night. His campaign has fundraised a modest amount compared to both opponents, nabbing big donations from labor unions and a broad base of small, individual contributions totaling around $2.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell has received nearly $1 million from conservative donor William Oberndorf and $500,000 from real estate investor Thomas Coates. Meanwhile, billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz, who penned an op-ed in the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> attacking Peskin in October, has contributed nearly $3.1 million to Proposition D, a measure that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004606/commission-reform-clash-heres-how-mayoral-candidates-want-to-rewrite-san-franciscos-charter\">cut the number of city commissions in half\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell conceded the race at a watch party with supporters and his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, early results are not what we want them to be in this mayoral race,” Farrell told supporters at Campus, a swanky Marina District bar. “Let’s make sure that as San Franciscans, whoever the next mayor is, we get behind him or her. It’s the right thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Lurie, a philanthropist and Levi Strauss heir, was ahead of incumbent Mayor London Breed as initial votes in the ranked choice mayoral race came Tuesday night. ",
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"title": "Daniel Lurie Leads as Early Results for San Francisco's Mayoral Race Come In | KQED",
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"headline": "Daniel Lurie Leads as Early Results for San Francisco's Mayoral Race Come In",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024\">Follow KQED’s live blog for the latest election updates\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial voting results on election night show that philanthropist and political outsider Daniel Lurie is leading the race to become \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">San Francisco’s next mayor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A victory for Lurie, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, would symbolize voters’ desire to shake up City Hall, a central promise of Lurie’s campaign platform. If elected, he would oversee the city’s 800,000 people and its nearly $15 billion budget at a time when tech and business leaders are pouring millions of dollars into local elections and efforts to influence public safety, housing development and accountability in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be a long night nationally and locally. The first returns here in San Francisco are making us feel optimistic. But we do not need to know the final results to know what this city means to us,” Lurie told supporters from an election watch party on Tuesday night at the Chapel, a music venue in the Mission District. “We launched this campaign 13 months ago because we believe, strongly, it is time for accountable leadership in City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Official race outcomes have not yet been finalized. However, results released late Tuesday night had Lurie in first place with 28% of first-choice votes, followed by incumbent Mayor London Breed with 24.4% of votes. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had 21.5% of first-choice votes, and former interim Mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell had 18.4% of votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco uses ranked choice voting, where voters can list up to 10 candidates on their ballot. After accounting for ranked choice votes, Lurie and Breed led with 56.3% and 43.7% of votes, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie campaigned as an alternative to City Hall insiders. But without a track record in governing, it’s unclear exactly what his approach to leadership of a major city will actually look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Founder of the anti-poverty nonprofit Tipping Point, Lurie has never held an elected office or a position in government before. The native San Franciscan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990068/daniel-lurie-runs-against-city-hall-in-quest-for-mayors-office\">leaned into that background\u003c/a> throughout his run for mayor, casting problems like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999069/what-can-the-sf-mayor-actually-do-about-homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a>, corruption and crime as a product of dysfunctional City Hall insiders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12012998\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12012998\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-18-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor London Breed speaks at an election night party at Little Skillet in San Francisco on Nov. 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He’s been fighting to unseat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008296/mayor-london-breed-says-shes-just-getting-started\">incumbent Mayor London Breed\u003c/a>, a fellow moderate Democrat who has held the seat since 2018. Breed steered the city through the COVID-19 pandemic, but her opponents have attacked her for not doing enough to resolve issues around homelessness, public safety and drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew this would not be easy,” Lurie said. “We see it every day on our streets. We cannot solve today’s problems with yesterday’s solutions.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s mayoral race is one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">the most expensive since the city adopted ranked choice voting in 2004\u003c/a>, largely due to Lurie, who has raised more than any other mayoral candidate before him. A pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million includes $8.7 million from his own fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her election party on Tuesday night, Breed criticized Lurie’s wealth advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is not for sale,” she said, referring to Lurie’s record-breaking campaign fundraising. “It’s really unfortunate and pretty disgusting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incumbent did not appear too swayed by Tuesday night’s early results. In 2018, Breed was similarly behind the leading candidate on the night of the election, she told supporters, “And you see me standing here right now as the mayor of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed faced — and at times leaned into — “doom loop” narratives casting the city as stuck in perpetual economic and social crises during her tenure. But on the campaign trail, she became the cheerleader candidate, telling voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999634/are-the-political-fortunes-of-mayor-london-breed-improving\">the city was finally on the upswing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re still hopeful,” Breed said Tuesday. “It’s going to take time to count all of these votes. There are a lot of votes in the mail. There are a lot of provisional ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241105-ELECTIONNIGHT-29-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Aaron Peskin speaks during an election night party at Bimbo’s in San Francisco on Nov. 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year’s mayoral race is one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">the most expensive since the city adopted ranked choice voting in 2004\u003c/a>, largely due to Lurie, who has raised more than any other mayoral candidate before him. A pro-Lurie PAC totaling nearly $10 million includes $8.7 million from his own fortune. Breed’s campaign has raised $3.1 million, including $1.45 million from former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and $850,000 from Chris Larsen, a cryptocurrency investor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Peskin’s campaign\u003c/a> meanwhile surged in polling in the last leg of the race, but he trailed Breed and Lurie on Tuesday night. His campaign has fundraised a modest amount compared to both opponents, nabbing big donations from labor unions and a broad base of small, individual contributions totaling around $2.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell has received nearly $1 million from conservative donor William Oberndorf and $500,000 from real estate investor Thomas Coates. Meanwhile, billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz, who penned an op-ed in the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> attacking Peskin in October, has contributed nearly $3.1 million to Proposition D, a measure that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004606/commission-reform-clash-heres-how-mayoral-candidates-want-to-rewrite-san-franciscos-charter\">cut the number of city commissions in half\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell conceded the race at a watch party with supporters and his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, early results are not what we want them to be in this mayoral race,” Farrell told supporters at Campus, a swanky Marina District bar. “Let’s make sure that as San Franciscans, whoever the next mayor is, we get behind him or her. It’s the right thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "a-sonoma-county-ballot-measure-seeks-to-outlaw-big-animal-farms-farmers-say-it-would-be-devastating",
"title": "A Sonoma County Ballot Measure Seeks to Outlaw Big Animal Farms. Farmers Say It Would Be Devastating",
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"headTitle": "A Sonoma County Ballot Measure Seeks to Outlaw Big Animal Farms. Farmers Say It Would Be Devastating | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More than 300,000 hens live on Weber Family Farms in Petaluma. Some are certified organic, meaning they eat organic food and roam cage-free through an old, wooden hen house, clucking in the fresh air. The rest are conventional hens and inhabit a dimly lit warehouse where they lay eggs once a day, which ultimately end up in supermarkets around the Bay Area and in southern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The farm has been in the Weber family for four generations. Mike Weber is the current co-owner, and while his farm is humane-certified — meaning a third-party animal welfare expert has visited and given their stamp of approval — he’s facing closure \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">if Sonoma County voters approve Measure J\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is designed to put agricultural interests like ours out of business,” Weber said about the measure, which asks voters to ban certain large farms in the county in this November election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011472\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011472 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Weber, farmer and co-owner of Weber Family Farms, poses for a photo at the farm in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J borrows the federal definition of a large concentrated animal feeding operation or CAFO. Under the Clean Water Act, the Environmental Protection Agency \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/npdes/pubs/cafo_permitmanual_chapter2.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">defines a large CAFO (PDF) \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the number of animals it has — 700 or more cows, 82,000 or more laying hens, for example. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s not based on how well you manage your flocks, how well you take care of your animals and the level of animal welfare you have,” Weber said. “It’s all about a number. And if you exceed that number, you’re punished, and you’re shut down.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/cafos\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J have identified 21 large CAFOs\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Sonoma County — including Weber’s — that fall under this CAFO definition and would be forced to downsize or shut down altogether if it passes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a pretty drastic measure,” said Silvia Secchi, a professor who studies agriculture at the University of Iowa. “I think it’s really interesting because, finally, there are some stakes attached to this definition that have not been there before.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Secchi, this is the first attempt ever in the U.S. to ban large CAFOs outright. Other states, including North Carolina, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.deq.nc.gov/about/divisions/water-resources/water-quality-permitting/animal-feeding-operations/program-summary\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">have passed moratoria\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but this is the first time they would be eliminated altogether, and existing ones would have to shut down or be forced to move.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J argue these kinds of large farms are inherently cruel to the animals. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Bull, a fruit and vegetable farmer in Sebastopol, plans to vote “yes” on J. She said she has seen photos of farms like Weber’s and doesn’t think they should exist in Sonoma County.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just too crowded,” she said. “It’s just devastating, horrendous cruelty to the animals.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011471\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011471 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers package eggs in cartons at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coalition to End Factory Farming\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a group of animal rights and environmental organizations, put forward the measure. Another big sponsor is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.directactioneverywhere.com/campaigns/end-factory-farming-in-sonoma-county\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Direct Action Everywhere\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Berkeley-based animal rights activist group known for its open rescue demonstrations. Last year, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/animal-activist-sentenced-in-conspiracy-case-involving-petaluma-poultry-far/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the organization’s cofounder was jailed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for breaking into Petaluma poultry farms — including Weber’s — as part of an animal welfare demonstration. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma,Sonoma County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Sonoma-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All the large poultry and dairy farms in Sonoma County are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/blog/2012/03/22/organic-101-what-usda-organic-label-means\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">certified organic\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — which addresses both the manner in which foods are grown and animals are raised.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As for the environmental concerns, CAFOs \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/resources/cafos-what-we-dont-know-hurting-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are a major source\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of air and water pollution nationally. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/why-measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of Measure J say\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> outlawing them in Sonoma County would benefit local waterways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re one of the most egregious trashers of the planet, and they’ve got to go,” Bull said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, according to the local water quality control board, animal agriculture does not pose an outsized threat to waterways in Sonoma County when compared to other land uses, including commercial vineyards and residential areas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because of “very low herd densities on grazing lands, the predominance of pasture-based, organic dairies (which sharply contrasts with operations located in the Central Valley), and the ongoing implementation of the Regional Water Boards’ regulatory permitting programs for animal-based ag operations,” a spokesperson for the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/northcoast/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> wrote in an email to KQED. “These programs are designed to ensure that such operations do not cause or contribute to water quality impairments, and rates of compliance are relatively high.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011473\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘No on J’ sign is posted along Stony Point Road in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J’s opponents include the county board of supervisors, various city councils and both the Democratic and Republican parties of Sonoma County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it passes or not, Secchi said the measure could still have ripple effects outside of Sonoma County and even outside California. She points to other pieces of legislation that have passed via ballot measure in the state, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/AHFSS/AnimalCare/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">like Proposition 12\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which prohibits producing and selling meat in California from animals that were raised in “extreme confinement.” The measure faced intense backlash from the pork industry and even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/21-468_5if6.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">went before the U.S. Supreme Court (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If a ban on large CAFOs went into effect across California, it could just displace livestock operations to places like Secchi’s home state of Iowa that have looser regulations for animal welfare, environmental pollution and even child labor laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People need to also understand that depending on how you do things in California, you do have these indirect effects out of state and need to be mindful of that,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she added, it’s important to keep scrutinizing the livestock industry. Most meat eaters in the U.S. don’t think hard enough about where their food comes from, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do think that all this attention is a signal that people are thinking about these issues,” Secchi said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Measure J asks voters to ban large animal farms in Sonoma County. Proponents are concerned about animal welfare and environmental pollution. Opponents say those concerns are unfounded and, if approved, the proposal would devastate the long-standing agriculture industry in the region.",
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"title": "A Sonoma County Ballot Measure Seeks to Outlaw Big Animal Farms. Farmers Say It Would Be Devastating | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More than 300,000 hens live on Weber Family Farms in Petaluma. Some are certified organic, meaning they eat organic food and roam cage-free through an old, wooden hen house, clucking in the fresh air. The rest are conventional hens and inhabit a dimly lit warehouse where they lay eggs once a day, which ultimately end up in supermarkets around the Bay Area and in southern California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The farm has been in the Weber family for four generations. Mike Weber is the current co-owner, and while his farm is humane-certified — meaning a third-party animal welfare expert has visited and given their stamp of approval — he’s facing closure \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">if Sonoma County voters approve Measure J\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is designed to put agricultural interests like ours out of business,” Weber said about the measure, which asks voters to ban certain large farms in the county in this November election.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011472\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011472 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Weber, farmer and co-owner of Weber Family Farms, poses for a photo at the farm in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J borrows the federal definition of a large concentrated animal feeding operation or CAFO. Under the Clean Water Act, the Environmental Protection Agency \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www3.epa.gov/npdes/pubs/cafo_permitmanual_chapter2.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">defines a large CAFO (PDF) \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">by the number of animals it has — 700 or more cows, 82,000 or more laying hens, for example. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s not based on how well you manage your flocks, how well you take care of your animals and the level of animal welfare you have,” Weber said. “It’s all about a number. And if you exceed that number, you’re punished, and you’re shut down.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/cafos\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J have identified 21 large CAFOs\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Sonoma County — including Weber’s — that fall under this CAFO definition and would be forced to downsize or shut down altogether if it passes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a pretty drastic measure,” said Silvia Secchi, a professor who studies agriculture at the University of Iowa. “I think it’s really interesting because, finally, there are some stakes attached to this definition that have not been there before.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Secchi, this is the first attempt ever in the U.S. to ban large CAFOs outright. Other states, including North Carolina, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.deq.nc.gov/about/divisions/water-resources/water-quality-permitting/animal-feeding-operations/program-summary\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">have passed moratoria\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, but this is the first time they would be eliminated altogether, and existing ones would have to shut down or be forced to move.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proponents of Measure J argue these kinds of large farms are inherently cruel to the animals. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mary Bull, a fruit and vegetable farmer in Sebastopol, plans to vote “yes” on J. She said she has seen photos of farms like Weber’s and doesn’t think they should exist in Sonoma County.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It’s just too crowded,” she said. “It’s just devastating, horrendous cruelty to the animals.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011471\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011471 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers package eggs in cartons at Weber Family Farms in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Coalition to End Factory Farming\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a group of animal rights and environmental organizations, put forward the measure. Another big sponsor is \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.directactioneverywhere.com/campaigns/end-factory-farming-in-sonoma-county\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Direct Action Everywhere\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a Berkeley-based animal rights activist group known for its open rescue demonstrations. Last year, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/animal-activist-sentenced-in-conspiracy-case-involving-petaluma-poultry-far/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the organization’s cofounder was jailed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> for breaking into Petaluma poultry farms — including Weber’s — as part of an animal welfare demonstration. \u003c/span>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma,Sonoma County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All the large poultry and dairy farms in Sonoma County are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.usda.gov/media/blog/2012/03/22/organic-101-what-usda-organic-label-means\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">certified organic\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> — which addresses both the manner in which foods are grown and animals are raised.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As for the environmental concerns, CAFOs \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/resources/cafos-what-we-dont-know-hurting-us\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are a major source\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> of air and water pollution nationally. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.endfactoryfarming.vote/why-measure-j\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supporters of Measure J say\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> outlawing them in Sonoma County would benefit local waterways.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“They’re one of the most egregious trashers of the planet, and they’ve got to go,” Bull said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">However, according to the local water quality control board, animal agriculture does not pose an outsized threat to waterways in Sonoma County when compared to other land uses, including commercial vineyards and residential areas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s because of “very low herd densities on grazing lands, the predominance of pasture-based, organic dairies (which sharply contrasts with operations located in the Central Valley), and the ongoing implementation of the Regional Water Boards’ regulatory permitting programs for animal-based ag operations,” a spokesperson for the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/northcoast/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">North Coast Regional Water Quality Control Board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> wrote in an email to KQED. “These programs are designed to ensure that such operations do not cause or contribute to water quality impairments, and rates of compliance are relatively high.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011473\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011473\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20241028_MEASUREJ_GC-36-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ‘No on J’ sign is posted along Stony Point Road in Petaluma on Oct. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Measure J’s opponents include the county board of supervisors, various city councils and both the Democratic and Republican parties of Sonoma County. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Whether it passes or not, Secchi said the measure could still have ripple effects outside of Sonoma County and even outside California. She points to other pieces of legislation that have passed via ballot measure in the state, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/AHFSS/AnimalCare/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">like Proposition 12\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which prohibits producing and selling meat in California from animals that were raised in “extreme confinement.” The measure faced intense backlash from the pork industry and even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/21-468_5if6.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">went before the U.S. Supreme Court (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If a ban on large CAFOs went into effect across California, it could just displace livestock operations to places like Secchi’s home state of Iowa that have looser regulations for animal welfare, environmental pollution and even child labor laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“People need to also understand that depending on how you do things in California, you do have these indirect effects out of state and need to be mindful of that,” she said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, she added, it’s important to keep scrutinizing the livestock industry. Most meat eaters in the U.S. don’t think hard enough about where their food comes from, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I do think that all this attention is a signal that people are thinking about these issues,” Secchi said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight",
"title": "SF Hotel Worker Strike Enters 6th Week, No Deal in Sight",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tannia Turcios Brizuela picked up a megaphone on a recent morning and joined the loud chants of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">striking workers\u003c/a> — “Contract now! Contract now!” — near the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel where she has set up banquets for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her co-workers took turns drumming, stocking a sidewalk tent with water and snacks, and cooking pupusas and quesadillas to sustain the picket line during six-hour shifts, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult. Today it’s cold, it’s windy. I’d rather be inside working,” Turcios Brizuela said in Spanish outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel. “But we’ve got to be strong and hold out for better benefits for us and our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">strike against three of the industry’s most iconic global brands\u003c/a> has expanded to include nearly 2,000 workers. Most are entering their sixth week on the picket line. The employees at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels near Union Square want \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010145/were-going-to-fight-more-than-100-sf-marriott-workers-go-on-strike-joining-other-hotel-walkouts-across-city\">wage increases and pensions\u003c/a> that keep up with the cost of living. Additional demands include maintaining health benefits and the reversal of COVID-era staffing cuts that exacerbate workloads when there are surges of guests, according to the hospitality union Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout comes during a wave of strikes across the country by Unite Here members. In Honolulu, more than 1,800 Hilton staffers at Hawaii’s largest resort walked off the job more than a month ago. In Boston, a picket line by 600 workers has continued for over three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Turcios, the work stoppage poses additional challenges as her husband, Marcos, is also a Hilton employee on strike. The couple, who have two children ages 10 and 12, rely on financial aid from Unite Here Local 2, which amounts to just a fraction of their usual earnings. The family has dipped into savings to keep up with mortgage payments for their home in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s stressful to think how much longer we are going to be outside,” said Turcios, 40, who is originally from El Salvador. “We feel a little disappointed because we’ve been here for a month now, and there’s not much we’ve seen from the company of wanting to sit down, to negotiate, to offer us a fair contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In separate statements, spokespeople for Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott emphasized their commitment to negotiating fair agreements and noted that their hotels are working to minimize strike-related disruptions for guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hilton makes every effort to maintain a cooperative and productive relationship with the unions that represent some of our Team Members, including Team Members at Hilton San Francisco Union Square,” a Hilton spokesperson said. “Our hotels have contingency plans in place to ensure operations continue to run as smoothly as possible, and hotel teams are engaging with guests to ensure they are taken care of during their stay with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers picket outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Oct. 22, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hyatt touted a long history of cooperating with their employees’ unions. Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the company is disappointed the walkout continues in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UNITE HERE Local 2 has not reached out to us to continue bargaining since the strike started,” he said. “We have offered competitive wages, health care and retirement benefits at the hotel that is on strike at this time, including an economic package that maintains no-cost health care for our colleagues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2, countered that Hyatt’s proposed pay and benefits are insufficient, and the company has not yet responded to an offer made by the union in August before the strike, which included making pay increases contingent on hotel profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they’re ready to engage in real negotiations, they should reach out to us because we’re not going to waste our time if they’re just going to maintain the same — refusing to contribute to our health care plans and no real wage increases,” Tapia said, adding that the two parties remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel occupancy rates in the city remain lower than in 2019. San Francisco collected $414 million in hotel tax revenue in the 2018-2019 fiscal year but just over two-thirds of that amount in 2022–2023, according to Ted Egan, the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast looks brighter next year, with a projected increase in visitors and gains in lodging and tourism spending, according to the nonprofit San Francisco Travel Association, the city’s official tourism marketing organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Striking hotel workers use pots, buckets and metallic barrels as drums beside an entrance to the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel as part of the hotel workers strike on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most strikes tend to last less than a week, in large part because workers sacrifice some or all of their pay during the work stoppage. The longer a labor disruption continues, the more pressure can grow for employers as well, said Johnnie Kallas, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://striketracker.ilr.cornell.edu/\">Labor Action Tracker\u003c/a>, documenting work stoppages of all sizes since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers are going to have a difficult time finding replacement workers, paying for replacement workers, keeping operations going, potentially having some pressure from external stakeholders in the community or maybe potentially even from guests,” said Kallas, an assistant professor at the University of Illinois School of Labor and Employment Relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12010145 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strike activity has intensified as workers contend with wages that haven’t kept up with inflation. Meanwhile, low unemployment gives unions some leverage, as it’s harder for some industries to attract and retain workers, said John Logan, who directs labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large, successful walkouts, such as the United Auto Workers against three major manufacturers last fall, have also emboldened union members, he added. The UAW strike lasted six weeks and resulted in a deal with pay increases of \u003ca href=\"https://uaw.org/uaw-members-ratify-historic-contracts-at-ford-gm-and-stellantis/\">at least 33%\u003c/a> over a four-and-a-half-year contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing an increase in the willingness of unions to threaten strikes and to go out and strike in support of major pay increases because of the cost of living,” Logan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan believes the hotel workers will likely hold out for the kind of substantial pay raises Unite Here achieved with 73 hotels in Southern California and Arizona over the last year. According to Unite Here Local 11, the intermittent strikes involving 10,000 workers secured average wage increases of $11.25 an hour over four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a new sort of confidence within the labor movement at this moment,” Logan said. “You just get a sort of feeling that, ‘This is our moment to make up for losses of the past decade, particularly since the pandemic. So if we don’t strike now to get a big pay increase, then we might not have a better opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tannia Turcios Brizuela picked up a megaphone on a recent morning and joined the loud chants of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">striking workers\u003c/a> — “Contract now! Contract now!” — near the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel where she has set up banquets for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her co-workers took turns drumming, stocking a sidewalk tent with water and snacks, and cooking pupusas and quesadillas to sustain the picket line during six-hour shifts, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult. Today it’s cold, it’s windy. I’d rather be inside working,” Turcios Brizuela said in Spanish outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel. “But we’ve got to be strong and hold out for better benefits for us and our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">strike against three of the industry’s most iconic global brands\u003c/a> has expanded to include nearly 2,000 workers. Most are entering their sixth week on the picket line. The employees at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels near Union Square want \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010145/were-going-to-fight-more-than-100-sf-marriott-workers-go-on-strike-joining-other-hotel-walkouts-across-city\">wage increases and pensions\u003c/a> that keep up with the cost of living. Additional demands include maintaining health benefits and the reversal of COVID-era staffing cuts that exacerbate workloads when there are surges of guests, according to the hospitality union Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout comes during a wave of strikes across the country by Unite Here members. In Honolulu, more than 1,800 Hilton staffers at Hawaii’s largest resort walked off the job more than a month ago. In Boston, a picket line by 600 workers has continued for over three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Turcios, the work stoppage poses additional challenges as her husband, Marcos, is also a Hilton employee on strike. The couple, who have two children ages 10 and 12, rely on financial aid from Unite Here Local 2, which amounts to just a fraction of their usual earnings. The family has dipped into savings to keep up with mortgage payments for their home in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s stressful to think how much longer we are going to be outside,” said Turcios, 40, who is originally from El Salvador. “We feel a little disappointed because we’ve been here for a month now, and there’s not much we’ve seen from the company of wanting to sit down, to negotiate, to offer us a fair contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In separate statements, spokespeople for Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott emphasized their commitment to negotiating fair agreements and noted that their hotels are working to minimize strike-related disruptions for guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hilton makes every effort to maintain a cooperative and productive relationship with the unions that represent some of our Team Members, including Team Members at Hilton San Francisco Union Square,” a Hilton spokesperson said. “Our hotels have contingency plans in place to ensure operations continue to run as smoothly as possible, and hotel teams are engaging with guests to ensure they are taken care of during their stay with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers picket outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Oct. 22, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hyatt touted a long history of cooperating with their employees’ unions. Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the company is disappointed the walkout continues in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UNITE HERE Local 2 has not reached out to us to continue bargaining since the strike started,” he said. “We have offered competitive wages, health care and retirement benefits at the hotel that is on strike at this time, including an economic package that maintains no-cost health care for our colleagues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2, countered that Hyatt’s proposed pay and benefits are insufficient, and the company has not yet responded to an offer made by the union in August before the strike, which included making pay increases contingent on hotel profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they’re ready to engage in real negotiations, they should reach out to us because we’re not going to waste our time if they’re just going to maintain the same — refusing to contribute to our health care plans and no real wage increases,” Tapia said, adding that the two parties remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel occupancy rates in the city remain lower than in 2019. San Francisco collected $414 million in hotel tax revenue in the 2018-2019 fiscal year but just over two-thirds of that amount in 2022–2023, according to Ted Egan, the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast looks brighter next year, with a projected increase in visitors and gains in lodging and tourism spending, according to the nonprofit San Francisco Travel Association, the city’s official tourism marketing organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Striking hotel workers use pots, buckets and metallic barrels as drums beside an entrance to the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel as part of the hotel workers strike on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most strikes tend to last less than a week, in large part because workers sacrifice some or all of their pay during the work stoppage. The longer a labor disruption continues, the more pressure can grow for employers as well, said Johnnie Kallas, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://striketracker.ilr.cornell.edu/\">Labor Action Tracker\u003c/a>, documenting work stoppages of all sizes since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers are going to have a difficult time finding replacement workers, paying for replacement workers, keeping operations going, potentially having some pressure from external stakeholders in the community or maybe potentially even from guests,” said Kallas, an assistant professor at the University of Illinois School of Labor and Employment Relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strike activity has intensified as workers contend with wages that haven’t kept up with inflation. Meanwhile, low unemployment gives unions some leverage, as it’s harder for some industries to attract and retain workers, said John Logan, who directs labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large, successful walkouts, such as the United Auto Workers against three major manufacturers last fall, have also emboldened union members, he added. The UAW strike lasted six weeks and resulted in a deal with pay increases of \u003ca href=\"https://uaw.org/uaw-members-ratify-historic-contracts-at-ford-gm-and-stellantis/\">at least 33%\u003c/a> over a four-and-a-half-year contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing an increase in the willingness of unions to threaten strikes and to go out and strike in support of major pay increases because of the cost of living,” Logan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan believes the hotel workers will likely hold out for the kind of substantial pay raises Unite Here achieved with 73 hotels in Southern California and Arizona over the last year. According to Unite Here Local 11, the intermittent strikes involving 10,000 workers secured average wage increases of $11.25 an hour over four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a new sort of confidence within the labor movement at this moment,” Logan said. “You just get a sort of feeling that, ‘This is our moment to make up for losses of the past decade, particularly since the pandemic. So if we don’t strike now to get a big pay increase, then we might not have a better opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Alameda Hospital Among Those Scrambling to Meet Earthquake Retrofit Deadline",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='health']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than half of the 410 hospitals in California have at least one building that likely wouldn’t be able to operate after a major earthquake hit their region, and with many institutions claiming they don’t have the money to meet a 2030 legal deadline for earthquake retrofits, the state is now granting relief to some while ramping up pressure on others to get the work done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom in September vetoed legislation championed by the California Hospital Association that would have allowed all hospitals to apply for an extension of the deadline for up to five years. Instead, the Democratic governor signed a more narrowly tailored bill that allows small, rural, or “distressed” hospitals to get an extension of up to three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an expensive thing and a complicated thing for hospitals — independent hospitals in particular,” said Elizabeth Mahler, an associate chief medical officer for Alameda Health System, which is undertaking a $25 million retrofit of its hospital in Alameda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over how seismically safe California hospitals should be dates to the 1971 Sylmar quake near Los Angeles, which prompted a law requiring new hospitals to be built to withstand an earthquake and continue operating. In 1994, after the magnitude 6.7 Northridge quake killed at least 57 people, lawmakers required existing facilities to be upgraded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two laws have left California hospitals with two sets of standards to meet. The first — which originally had a deadline of 2008 but was pushed to 2020 — required hospital buildings to stay standing after an earthquake. About 20 facilities have yet to meet that requirement for at least one of their buildings, although some have received extensions from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many more — 674 buildings spread across 251 licensed hospitals — do not meet the second set of standards, which require hospital facilities to remain functional in the event of a major earthquake. That work is supposed to be done by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The importance of it is hard to argue with,” said Jonathan Stewart, a professor at UCLA’s Samueli School of Engineering, citing a 2023 earthquake in Turkey that damaged or destroyed multiple hospitals. “There were a number of hospitals that were intact but not usable. That’s better than a collapsed structure. But still not what you need at a time of emergency like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influential hospital industry has unsuccessfully lobbied lawmakers for years to extend the 2030 deadline, though the state has granted various extensions to specific facilities. Newsom’s signature on one of the three bills addressing the issue this year represents a partial victory for the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hospital administrators have long complained about the steep cost of seismic retrofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While hospitals are working to meet these requirements, many will simply not make the 2030 deadline and be forced by state law to close,” wrote Carmela Coyle, president and CEO of the California Hospital Association, in a letter to Newsom before he vetoed the CHA bill. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/news/press/2019/03/28.html\">2019 Rand Corp. study\u003c/a> paid for by the CHA pinned the price of meeting the 2030 standards at between $34 billion and $143 billion statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions representing nurses and other medical workers, however, say the hospitals have had plenty of time to get their buildings into compliance and that most have the money to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve had 30 years to do this,” Cathy Kennedy, a nurse in Roseville and one of the presidents of the California Nurses Association, said in an interview prior to the governor’s action. “We are kicking the can down the road year after year, and unfortunately, lives are going to be lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his veto message on the CHA bill, Newsom wrote that a blanket five-year extension wasn’t justified and that any extension “should be limited in scope, granted only on a case-by-case basis to hospitals with demonstrated need and a clear path to compliance, and in combination with strong accountability and enforcement mechanisms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also vetoed a bill directed specifically at helping several hospitals operated by Providence, a Catholic hospital chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he signed a third bill, which allows small, rural, and “critical access” hospitals, and some others, to apply for a three-year extension and directs the Department of Health Care Access and Information to offer them “technical assistance” in meeting the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state designates 37 hospitals as providing “critical access,” while 56 are considered “small,” meaning they have fewer than 50 beds, 59 are considered “rural,” and 32 are “district” hospitals, meaning special government entities fund them called “health care districts.” They can seek a three-year extension as long as they submit a seismic compliance plan and identify milestones for implementing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debi Stebbins, executive director of the Alameda Health Care District, which owns the Alameda Hospital buildings, said small hospitals face a big challenge. Even though Alameda is very close to San Francisco and Oakland, the tunnels, bridges, and ferries that connect it to the mainland could easily be shut in an emergency, making the island’s hospital a lifeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an unfunded mandate,” Stebbins said of the state’s 2030 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rand study estimated the average cost of a retrofit at \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RR3059.html\">more than $92 million\u003c/a> per building, but the amount could vary greatly depending on whether it’s a building that houses hospital beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small and rural hospitals can get some aid from the state via grants financed by the California Electronic Cigarette Excise Tax, but HCAI spokesperson Andrew DiLuccia said it would yield just $2-3 million total annually. He added that the Small and Rural Hospital Relief Program has also received a one-time infusion of $50 million from a tax on health insurers to help with the seismic work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions and critics of the extensions often point to the large profits that some hospitals reap: A California Health Care Foundation report published in August found that California’s hospitals made $3.2 billion in profit during the first quarter of 2024. The study notes that there “continues to be wide variation in financial performance among hospitals, with the bottom quartile showing a net income margin of -5%, compared to +13% for the top quartile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stebbins has had to help her district figure out a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11937937\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt='A beige building with \"Alameda Hospital\" written on it in blue lettering and a carpark in the foreground.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/010323-ALAMEDA-HOSPITAL-MHN-05-CM-2-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of Alameda Hospital, which serves the city of Alameda, on Jan. 3, 2023. Alameda Hospital sought a 2-year extension for seismic retrofits in 2022, but Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed it. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have granted an extension on the seismic retrofit deadline specifically for Alameda Hospital, the hospital system and its partner health care district used parcel tax money to help back \u003ca href=\"https://www.alamedahealthsystem.org/alameda-hospital-seismic-updates-and-faqs/\">a loan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost to retrofit will be about $25 million, and the system is also investing millions more into other projects, such as a new skilled nursing facility. The construction work is set to be completed in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one wants things crashing in an earthquake or anything else, but at the same time, it’s a burden,” Mahler, the Alameda Health System associate chief medical officer, said. “How do we make sure that they get what they need to stay open?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was produced by \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/about-us\">\u003cem>KFF Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, which publishes \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\">\u003cem>California Healthline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an editorially independent service of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\">\u003cem>California Health Care Foundation\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-senate-passes-bill-aimed-at-preventing-gas-price-spikes",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007232,news_12006862,news_12003090\"]Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-saw-a-huge-tax-windfall-this-summer-that-points-to-silicon-valley",
"title": "California Saw a Huge Tax Windfall This Summer That Points to Silicon Valley",
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"content": "\u003cp>No sooner had Gov. Gavin Newsom cut billions of dollars in spending to close a budget deficit in June than California received an unexpected tax windfall, one that has people in the Capitol speculating about where the avalanche of money came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More corporate taxes than expected poured into state coffers this summer, with cash receipts exceeding forecasts by nearly $2 billion since April. An especially big surge came in July, and state officials and accounting experts think the extra receipts came from a small number of companies — most likely one or more Silicon Valley tech firms, with artificial intelligence chipmaker Nvidia a leading candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx highlights a growing tension in California between its tendency to further regulate tech companies — the governor has signed six bills governing the use of artificial intelligence so far this year — and its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/01/ca-tech-tax-withholding/\">reliance on them for tax revenue\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a single day, July 16, the state received more than $800 million than expected in corporate tax payments, “by far its single biggest day of collections” for a July going back at least four decades, state deputy legislative analyst Brian Uhler told CalMatters. (He excluded 2020 because the pandemic delayed tax deadlines.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, the Finance Department said it collected about $1.4 billion in corporate taxes, nearly three times the agency’s forecast of $500 million. In June, corporate taxes were $263 million above forecast, and in May, $752 million over. “The July average was likely due to large payments by a small number of companies and may not necessarily be indicative of overall corporation tax revenue trends,” the department \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2024/08/Finance-Bulletin-August-2024.pdf\">said in its monthly bulletin (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tax records are confidential, and representatives from both the Finance Department and the Franchise Tax Board stressed that nobody at the state is allowed to discuss details or information from specific tax returns or payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July influx in corporate tax payments was likely related to changes in state tax rules adopted in June, according to state and accounting experts who spoke with CalMatters. The tax changes, intended to help close the deficit, include a suspension of a deduction businesses can claim to offset profit, called the net operating loss deduction, as well as a $5 million limit on how much businesses can claim for research and development and other tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible that companies expecting to have outsized profit realized they owed more in taxes and needed to make large estimated tax payments immediately after the changes were enacted, accounting experts said. Corporations that expect to owe taxes are required to make quarterly estimated tax payments and can incur penalties if the payments are late. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">State analysts believe\u003c/a> the new taxes could disproportionately come from “businesses in riskier or more innovative industries — such as the technology, motion picture, and transportation sectors,” as they put it when the changes were proposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a red-hot tech company fits the bill of outsized profits and risky innovation: Nvidia, which is raking in record amounts of money because of the artificial intelligence boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As other companies scramble to get ahead in the AI race, they are buying Nvidia’s chips and propelling the company to new heights. On Aug. 28, Nvidia reported second-quarter net income of $16.6 billion, which was more than double its profit from the same period last year — and about the same amount spent by \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2022/11/total-cost-of-2022-state-and-federal-elections-projected-to-exceed-16-7-billion/\">all state and federal campaigns\u003c/a> in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s annual financial report from 2023 shows that it had $1.5 billion in unused California tax credits for research and development. Between the cap on that tax credit and the suspension of the loss deduction the company could have claimed against its rising profit, Nvidia probably realized it would have a larger tax bill, accounting experts told CalMatters. That’s why it may have been the company or one of the companies that made the sizable estimated tax payment to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s most recent quarterly filing provides additional clues: The company paid a total of $7.21 billion in income taxes in the second quarter, a whopping 31-fold increase from the $227 million it paid in taxes in the same period last year. For the first six months of its 2024 fiscal year, Nvidia paid $7.45 billion in income taxes, compared with $328 million in the first half of 2023. Those totals included federal and state taxes. California has a flat corporate tax rate of 8.84% of a company’s net income, while the federal tax rate is a flat 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Nvidia was largely responsible for the July tax windfall, due to an estimated tax payment, the company likely expects a lot of taxable income this year, said Francine McKenna, an independent financial journalist who writes the Dig newsletter and has taught financial accounting at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton business school. McKenna said if that’s the case, and because there’s a limit on how much the company can claim in terms of other tax credits, Nvidia will likely make another sizable estimated tax payment in the third quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Nvidia spokesperson would not comment. Neither would a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d expect payments from other companies as well, potentially,” said Brett Whitaker, a former tax executive at Ernst & Young, Nike and Mattel who now teaches corporate tax accounting at Indiana University. “They depend on these credits often to avoid paying tax, so suspending them could drive tax for many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitaker said most companies try to take advantage of R&D tax credits: “Big Four (accounting) firms have entire teams dedicated solely to this effort.” But he added that the credits are especially commonly used by tech companies and others whose businesses rely on innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to tell exactly when those other estimated tax payments will come and how significant they will be, Finance Department spokesperson H.D. Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimated tax payments are due in April, June, September and January, but those payments are not always made on time so can come in at any time, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CalMatters examination of Silicon Valley’s biggest tech companies’ financial filings with the federal Securities and Exchange Commission suggests that some of them may also be affected by the tax changes. That means the companies could make estimated tax payments that could be similar in size to the ones the state received in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apple, Google parent Alphabet and Facebook parent Meta are among the companies whose financial filings show they have past losses, which they could normally deduct, and/or unused research and development tax credits in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of last Dec. 31, Alphabet had $18.6 billion in old losses in California. The tech giant also had $6.3 billion in research and development credits.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>As of the same date, Meta had $2.78 billion in past losses in the state, as well as $4.08 billion in unspecified state tax credits from prior periods. And as of Sept. 30, 2023, Apple had $3 billion in research and development credits. All these companies are highly profitable, and whatever deductions and credits they were expecting to use are now either on hold or limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb167?slug=CA_202320240SB167\">the analysis of the budget bill that included the tax changes\u003c/a>, California’s deduction suspension and tax-credit limits could increase state revenue by $5.95 billion this fiscal year, $5.5 billion the following fiscal year and $3.4 billion the year after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11972309,news_11992607,forum_2010101906396\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax changes split state lawmakers mostly along party lines when the governor proposed them in his budget earlier this year. Democrats characterized the changes as necessary, while Republicans decried them as a burden on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener from San Francisco, a supporter of the changes, said in an emailed statement to CalMatters: “It is important not to read too much into any single month revenue numbers, but we believe that tough decisions we made this year will strengthen the state’s fiscal health going forward while protecting our core programs and benefiting the overall economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Roger Niello, a Republican from Roseville, an opponent of the changes and a former accountant, told CalMatters he checked with his fiscal staff as well as the Legislative Analyst’s Office about the bigger-than-expected corporate tax payments in July. “It’s reasonable to consider that it’s because of tax changes, but they really don’t know,” he said.”It does appear to be from large deposits from a few companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niello said the state has disallowed the deduction for operating losses in nearly half of the years between 2008 and 2027, citing a finding by the Legislative Analyst’s Office in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">a May report\u003c/a>. The deductions are supposed to help make taxes roughly even for businesses with similar total profits over the course of multiple years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suspending that deduction “appears to be a go-to measure by the state for accounting for revenue shortfalls,” Niello said. “It’s something that businesses cannot rely on now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the tax changes, California tech firms have navigated various legislative fights and new regulations this year. The biggest battle was over a bill to force them to test powerful artificial intelligence models for their potential to enable cyberattacks, the creation of weapons of mass destruction, and other threats to infrastructure. Several big tech companies opposed the legislation, saying it would hinder innovation, while prominent whistleblowers said it would help mitigate the reckless pursuit of tech profits. The measure, from Wiener, cleared the Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/california-artificial-intelligence-bill-veto/\">only to be vetoed\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom this past weekend. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/\">governor also signed into law bills\u003c/a> that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">protect voters from deepfakes\u003c/a> and allow victims of doxxing to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/doxxing-bill-california/\">sue their attackers in civil court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "California Saw a Huge Tax Windfall This Summer That Points to Silicon Valley | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/levi-sumagaysay/\">Levi Sumagaysay\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No sooner had Gov. Gavin Newsom cut billions of dollars in spending to close a budget deficit in June than California received an unexpected tax windfall, one that has people in the Capitol speculating about where the avalanche of money came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More corporate taxes than expected poured into state coffers this summer, with cash receipts exceeding forecasts by nearly $2 billion since April. An especially big surge came in July, and state officials and accounting experts think the extra receipts came from a small number of companies — most likely one or more Silicon Valley tech firms, with artificial intelligence chipmaker Nvidia a leading candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx highlights a growing tension in California between its tendency to further regulate tech companies — the governor has signed six bills governing the use of artificial intelligence so far this year — and its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/01/ca-tech-tax-withholding/\">reliance on them for tax revenue\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a single day, July 16, the state received more than $800 million than expected in corporate tax payments, “by far its single biggest day of collections” for a July going back at least four decades, state deputy legislative analyst Brian Uhler told CalMatters. (He excluded 2020 because the pandemic delayed tax deadlines.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, the Finance Department said it collected about $1.4 billion in corporate taxes, nearly three times the agency’s forecast of $500 million. In June, corporate taxes were $263 million above forecast, and in May, $752 million over. “The July average was likely due to large payments by a small number of companies and may not necessarily be indicative of overall corporation tax revenue trends,” the department \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2024/08/Finance-Bulletin-August-2024.pdf\">said in its monthly bulletin (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tax records are confidential, and representatives from both the Finance Department and the Franchise Tax Board stressed that nobody at the state is allowed to discuss details or information from specific tax returns or payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July influx in corporate tax payments was likely related to changes in state tax rules adopted in June, according to state and accounting experts who spoke with CalMatters. The tax changes, intended to help close the deficit, include a suspension of a deduction businesses can claim to offset profit, called the net operating loss deduction, as well as a $5 million limit on how much businesses can claim for research and development and other tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible that companies expecting to have outsized profit realized they owed more in taxes and needed to make large estimated tax payments immediately after the changes were enacted, accounting experts said. Corporations that expect to owe taxes are required to make quarterly estimated tax payments and can incur penalties if the payments are late. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">State analysts believe\u003c/a> the new taxes could disproportionately come from “businesses in riskier or more innovative industries — such as the technology, motion picture, and transportation sectors,” as they put it when the changes were proposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a red-hot tech company fits the bill of outsized profits and risky innovation: Nvidia, which is raking in record amounts of money because of the artificial intelligence boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As other companies scramble to get ahead in the AI race, they are buying Nvidia’s chips and propelling the company to new heights. On Aug. 28, Nvidia reported second-quarter net income of $16.6 billion, which was more than double its profit from the same period last year — and about the same amount spent by \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2022/11/total-cost-of-2022-state-and-federal-elections-projected-to-exceed-16-7-billion/\">all state and federal campaigns\u003c/a> in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s annual financial report from 2023 shows that it had $1.5 billion in unused California tax credits for research and development. Between the cap on that tax credit and the suspension of the loss deduction the company could have claimed against its rising profit, Nvidia probably realized it would have a larger tax bill, accounting experts told CalMatters. That’s why it may have been the company or one of the companies that made the sizable estimated tax payment to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s most recent quarterly filing provides additional clues: The company paid a total of $7.21 billion in income taxes in the second quarter, a whopping 31-fold increase from the $227 million it paid in taxes in the same period last year. For the first six months of its 2024 fiscal year, Nvidia paid $7.45 billion in income taxes, compared with $328 million in the first half of 2023. Those totals included federal and state taxes. California has a flat corporate tax rate of 8.84% of a company’s net income, while the federal tax rate is a flat 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Nvidia was largely responsible for the July tax windfall, due to an estimated tax payment, the company likely expects a lot of taxable income this year, said Francine McKenna, an independent financial journalist who writes the Dig newsletter and has taught financial accounting at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton business school. McKenna said if that’s the case, and because there’s a limit on how much the company can claim in terms of other tax credits, Nvidia will likely make another sizable estimated tax payment in the third quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Nvidia spokesperson would not comment. Neither would a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d expect payments from other companies as well, potentially,” said Brett Whitaker, a former tax executive at Ernst & Young, Nike and Mattel who now teaches corporate tax accounting at Indiana University. “They depend on these credits often to avoid paying tax, so suspending them could drive tax for many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitaker said most companies try to take advantage of R&D tax credits: “Big Four (accounting) firms have entire teams dedicated solely to this effort.” But he added that the credits are especially commonly used by tech companies and others whose businesses rely on innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to tell exactly when those other estimated tax payments will come and how significant they will be, Finance Department spokesperson H.D. Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimated tax payments are due in April, June, September and January, but those payments are not always made on time so can come in at any time, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CalMatters examination of Silicon Valley’s biggest tech companies’ financial filings with the federal Securities and Exchange Commission suggests that some of them may also be affected by the tax changes. That means the companies could make estimated tax payments that could be similar in size to the ones the state received in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apple, Google parent Alphabet and Facebook parent Meta are among the companies whose financial filings show they have past losses, which they could normally deduct, and/or unused research and development tax credits in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of last Dec. 31, Alphabet had $18.6 billion in old losses in California. The tech giant also had $6.3 billion in research and development credits.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>As of the same date, Meta had $2.78 billion in past losses in the state, as well as $4.08 billion in unspecified state tax credits from prior periods. And as of Sept. 30, 2023, Apple had $3 billion in research and development credits. All these companies are highly profitable, and whatever deductions and credits they were expecting to use are now either on hold or limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb167?slug=CA_202320240SB167\">the analysis of the budget bill that included the tax changes\u003c/a>, California’s deduction suspension and tax-credit limits could increase state revenue by $5.95 billion this fiscal year, $5.5 billion the following fiscal year and $3.4 billion the year after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax changes split state lawmakers mostly along party lines when the governor proposed them in his budget earlier this year. Democrats characterized the changes as necessary, while Republicans decried them as a burden on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener from San Francisco, a supporter of the changes, said in an emailed statement to CalMatters: “It is important not to read too much into any single month revenue numbers, but we believe that tough decisions we made this year will strengthen the state’s fiscal health going forward while protecting our core programs and benefiting the overall economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Roger Niello, a Republican from Roseville, an opponent of the changes and a former accountant, told CalMatters he checked with his fiscal staff as well as the Legislative Analyst’s Office about the bigger-than-expected corporate tax payments in July. “It’s reasonable to consider that it’s because of tax changes, but they really don’t know,” he said.”It does appear to be from large deposits from a few companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niello said the state has disallowed the deduction for operating losses in nearly half of the years between 2008 and 2027, citing a finding by the Legislative Analyst’s Office in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">a May report\u003c/a>. The deductions are supposed to help make taxes roughly even for businesses with similar total profits over the course of multiple years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suspending that deduction “appears to be a go-to measure by the state for accounting for revenue shortfalls,” Niello said. “It’s something that businesses cannot rely on now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the tax changes, California tech firms have navigated various legislative fights and new regulations this year. The biggest battle was over a bill to force them to test powerful artificial intelligence models for their potential to enable cyberattacks, the creation of weapons of mass destruction, and other threats to infrastructure. Several big tech companies opposed the legislation, saying it would hinder innovation, while prominent whistleblowers said it would help mitigate the reckless pursuit of tech profits. The measure, from Wiener, cleared the Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/california-artificial-intelligence-bill-veto/\">only to be vetoed\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom this past weekend. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/\">governor also signed into law bills\u003c/a> that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">protect voters from deepfakes\u003c/a> and allow victims of doxxing to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/doxxing-bill-california/\">sue their attackers in civil court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/global-news-podcast/id135067274?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
}
},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/26099305-72af-4542-9dde-ac1807fe36d5/kqed-s-the-california-report",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Magazine-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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}
},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/4s8b",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "One of public radio's most dynamic voices, Sam Sanders helped launch The NPR Politics Podcast and hosted NPR's hit show It's Been A Minute. Now, the award-winning host returns with something brand new, The Sam Sanders Show. Every week, Sam Sanders and friends dig into the culture that shapes our lives: what's driving the biggest trends, how artists really think, and even the memes you can't stop scrolling past. Sam is beloved for his way of unpacking the world and bringing you up close to fresh currents and engaging conversations. The Sam Sanders Show is smart, funny and always a good time.",
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}
}
}