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"content": "\u003cp>Wildfires continue to strain government resources throughout California, creating a vicious cycle of fires and land burdened with excess fuels, which leads to bigger fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nobody knows that better than Steve Hawks. The nearly 30-year firefighter works out of a nondescript office building in Sacramento overseeing Cal Fire’s Wildland Fire Prevention Engineering Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this time of year, he wears another hat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, I guess in essence it kind of is a fire accountant,” Hawks says with a laugh of his other role with Cal Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actual job title is Finance Section chief, and Hawks is one of six throughout the state. It’s part of the Incident Command System that Cal Fire uses on major wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11619717\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11619717\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"When a major wildfire hits on state land, Steve Hawks is dispatched as a Section Finance Chief for Cal Fire. In his day job, he leads the agency's Wildland Fire Prevention Engineering program.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When a major wildfire hits on state land, Steve Hawks is dispatched as a Finance Section chief for Cal Fire. In his day job, he leads the agency’s Wildland Fire Prevention Engineering Program. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Hawks is sent to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2014/09/23/using-calculators-to-fight-king-fire/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major fire\u003c/a> as the Finance Section chief, it’s his job to oversee a small team that handles all things money for the fire. That includes everything from equipment procurement like helicopters and bulldozers to personnel costs and workers’ compensation claims. At the end of each day, his team puts together a finance package that gives a snapshot of how much it costs to fight the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working in the Finance Section really gives you a different perspective,” Hawks said. “What is shown typically on TV is the firefighting resources out on the line suppressing the fire and working on the fire, but it’s a collaborative effort with all the people behind the scenes, including the Finance Section, to allow that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fires are relatively small — less than 10 acres — and funding to fight them comes from Cal Fire’s regular operating budget, which was squeezed under former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, leading to cuts in things like the number of crew members on fire engines. But Cal Fire says those cuts have been restored. New investments made by Gov. Jerry Brown have increased its budget by almost 50 percent in the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Real work on the ground to reduce the intensity of fires isn’t getting done or is being delayed.’\u003ccite>Ken Pimlott, Cal Fire\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Big fires — the kind where Hawks would be dispatched — are paid for out of the Emergency Wildland Fire Suppression Fund. Often referred to as the Emergency Fund, it was established decades ago specifically to cover the extraordinary costs associated with fighting catastrophic fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just three months, Cal Fire has spent more than $250 million of its $426.9 million emergency fund for the 2017-2018 fiscal year, intended to last until next June. If it runs out, Cal Fire can ask for additional funds from the state’s more than $1.4 billion budget reserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that solves only part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a third of California is federal land, where fire response and prevention fall mostly to the U.S. Forest Service. It doesn’t have an emergency fund. All Forest Service fire funds come from its base operating budget, so when firefighting costs shoot skyward as they have over the last several years, resources have to be cribbed from other budget lines, like fire prevention and forest health, in a system called “fire borrowing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11619961\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11619961 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"Inmate firefighters clear brush from a roadside in the Berkeley Hills in September. Fire officials say fuel reduction projects like this are critical to preventing major wildfires, but funding for fuel reduction on federal land has been squeezed to pay for increasing firefighting costs.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Inmate firefighters clear brush from a roadside in the Berkeley Hills in September. Fire officials say fuel reduction projects like this are critical to preventing major wildfires, but funding for fuel reduction on federal land has been squeezed to pay for increasing firefighting costs. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“So real work on the ground to reduce the intensity of fires isn’t getting done or is being delayed,” says Ken Pimlott, the director of Cal Fire. “It really just further exacerbates the intensity of fires because we can’t get on the federal ground in particular to get the fuels treated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pimlott was in Washington, D.C., last month lobbying to give the Forest Service its own version of California’s Emergency Fund, so it can keep up with rising firefighting costs without having to raid its other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Forest Service has already spent a record-breaking $2 billion-plus on fire suppression this year, and it estimates that it will have to transfer more than a half-billion dollars from other Forest Service programs to cover fire response for the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, Cal Fire’s prevention and forest health programs have been funded by a \u003ca href=\"http://www.fire.ca.gov/firepreventionfee/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fee\u003c/a> on homeowners who live on lands where firefighting falls mainly to the state, and starting this year, they’ll be funded by revenues from California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2017/07/31/cap-and-trade-deal-extinguishes-controversial-fire-protection-fee/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cap-and-trade program\u003c/a>, in which industry pays for the right to produce greenhouse gases (the link being that burning of fossil fuels is deemed a contributor to global warming and hence to more intense wildfires).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Sonny Perdue, who oversees the Forest Service, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2017/09/08/sonny-perdue-vows-solve-fire-borrowing-fight-wildfires/647489001/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">repeatedly spoken out\u003c/a> about the need for Congress to establish a dedicated reserve funding source for wildfires similar to what exists for other natural disasters like hurricanes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole department at USDA is going to fight hard to communicate to Congress and the administration that we need permanent fire funding and stop this fire borrowing once and for all,” Perdue said at an event last month to introduce new Forest Service Chief Tony Tooke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7cQelGgNdmc&t=54s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. Dianne Feinstein is a co-sponsor of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wyden.senate.gov/download/?id=8F055B7A-4C7B-45CC-9A70-FA06D95CD85B&download=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wildfire Disaster Funding Act\u003c/a>, which was introduced last month and would create the kind of emergency fund that could prevent the necessity of fire borrowing. Pimlott says there’s renewed interest in Washington to tackle the issue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m certainly hopeful that this will be the year that it gets moved across the finish line,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Wildfires continue to strain government resources throughout California, creating a vicious cycle of fires and land burdened with excess fuels, which leads to bigger fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nobody knows that better than Steve Hawks. The nearly 30-year firefighter works out of a nondescript office building in Sacramento overseeing Cal Fire’s Wildland Fire Prevention Engineering Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this time of year, he wears another hat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, I guess in essence it kind of is a fire accountant,” Hawks says with a laugh of his other role with Cal Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actual job title is Finance Section chief, and Hawks is one of six throughout the state. It’s part of the Incident Command System that Cal Fire uses on major wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11619717\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11619717\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"When a major wildfire hits on state land, Steve Hawks is dispatched as a Section Finance Chief for Cal Fire. In his day job, he leads the agency's Wildland Fire Prevention Engineering program.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27059_Steve-Hawks-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">When a major wildfire hits on state land, Steve Hawks is dispatched as a Finance Section chief for Cal Fire. In his day job, he leads the agency’s Wildland Fire Prevention Engineering Program. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Hawks is sent to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2014/09/23/using-calculators-to-fight-king-fire/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major fire\u003c/a> as the Finance Section chief, it’s his job to oversee a small team that handles all things money for the fire. That includes everything from equipment procurement like helicopters and bulldozers to personnel costs and workers’ compensation claims. At the end of each day, his team puts together a finance package that gives a snapshot of how much it costs to fight the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working in the Finance Section really gives you a different perspective,” Hawks said. “What is shown typically on TV is the firefighting resources out on the line suppressing the fire and working on the fire, but it’s a collaborative effort with all the people behind the scenes, including the Finance Section, to allow that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fires are relatively small — less than 10 acres — and funding to fight them comes from Cal Fire’s regular operating budget, which was squeezed under former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, leading to cuts in things like the number of crew members on fire engines. But Cal Fire says those cuts have been restored. New investments made by Gov. Jerry Brown have increased its budget by almost 50 percent in the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Real work on the ground to reduce the intensity of fires isn’t getting done or is being delayed.’\u003ccite>Ken Pimlott, Cal Fire\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Big fires — the kind where Hawks would be dispatched — are paid for out of the Emergency Wildland Fire Suppression Fund. Often referred to as the Emergency Fund, it was established decades ago specifically to cover the extraordinary costs associated with fighting catastrophic fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just three months, Cal Fire has spent more than $250 million of its $426.9 million emergency fund for the 2017-2018 fiscal year, intended to last until next June. If it runs out, Cal Fire can ask for additional funds from the state’s more than $1.4 billion budget reserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that solves only part of the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a third of California is federal land, where fire response and prevention fall mostly to the U.S. Forest Service. It doesn’t have an emergency fund. All Forest Service fire funds come from its base operating budget, so when firefighting costs shoot skyward as they have over the last several years, resources have to be cribbed from other budget lines, like fire prevention and forest health, in a system called “fire borrowing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11619961\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11619961 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"Inmate firefighters clear brush from a roadside in the Berkeley Hills in September. Fire officials say fuel reduction projects like this are critical to preventing major wildfires, but funding for fuel reduction on federal land has been squeezed to pay for increasing firefighting costs.\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS27070_Inmate-Firefighters-1-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Inmate firefighters clear brush from a roadside in the Berkeley Hills in September. Fire officials say fuel reduction projects like this are critical to preventing major wildfires, but funding for fuel reduction on federal land has been squeezed to pay for increasing firefighting costs. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“So real work on the ground to reduce the intensity of fires isn’t getting done or is being delayed,” says Ken Pimlott, the director of Cal Fire. “It really just further exacerbates the intensity of fires because we can’t get on the federal ground in particular to get the fuels treated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pimlott was in Washington, D.C., last month lobbying to give the Forest Service its own version of California’s Emergency Fund, so it can keep up with rising firefighting costs without having to raid its other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Forest Service has already spent a record-breaking $2 billion-plus on fire suppression this year, and it estimates that it will have to transfer more than a half-billion dollars from other Forest Service programs to cover fire response for the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, Cal Fire’s prevention and forest health programs have been funded by a \u003ca href=\"http://www.fire.ca.gov/firepreventionfee/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fee\u003c/a> on homeowners who live on lands where firefighting falls mainly to the state, and starting this year, they’ll be funded by revenues from California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2017/07/31/cap-and-trade-deal-extinguishes-controversial-fire-protection-fee/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cap-and-trade program\u003c/a>, in which industry pays for the right to produce greenhouse gases (the link being that burning of fossil fuels is deemed a contributor to global warming and hence to more intense wildfires).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Sonny Perdue, who oversees the Forest Service, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2017/09/08/sonny-perdue-vows-solve-fire-borrowing-fight-wildfires/647489001/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">repeatedly spoken out\u003c/a> about the need for Congress to establish a dedicated reserve funding source for wildfires similar to what exists for other natural disasters like hurricanes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole department at USDA is going to fight hard to communicate to Congress and the administration that we need permanent fire funding and stop this fire borrowing once and for all,” Perdue said at an event last month to introduce new Forest Service Chief Tony Tooke.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/7cQelGgNdmc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/7cQelGgNdmc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>California Sen. Dianne Feinstein is a co-sponsor of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wyden.senate.gov/download/?id=8F055B7A-4C7B-45CC-9A70-FA06D95CD85B&download=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wildfire Disaster Funding Act\u003c/a>, which was introduced last month and would create the kind of emergency fund that could prevent the necessity of fire borrowing. Pimlott says there’s renewed interest in Washington to tackle the issue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m certainly hopeful that this will be the year that it gets moved across the finish line,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Economists have used the term “full employment” to describe the Bay Area’s job market, and the region has a reputation of having plenty of jobs. Take Santa Clara County: The unemployment rate hovers around 3.9 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the county actually lost jobs in August — 3,000, according to the state Employment Development Department.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The San Francisco-San Mateo area saw a decline of 2,000 jobs during the same period. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Robert Kleinhenz, executive director of research for \u003ca href=\"https://beaconecon.com/people/bio/robert_kleinhenz\">Beacon Economics\u003c/a>, says the decline might give us a window into how the housing crisis is affecting job growth. \u003c/span>“We think that it’s a binding constraint on growth in the labor force,” he explains, “and in turn growth in the overall economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kleinhenz has been studying the \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">correlation between high housing prices and job growth in San Francisco and the Silicon Valley. “Those two areas, for several years, accounted for a huge share of job growth in the state as a whole. All of that has really slowed down,” says Kleinhenz. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Many of the losses were in the transportation, utilities, construction and service sectors — industries with more middle- and low-income employees. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, it’s been very hard for any employer to bring in anyone to this area who has not already been accustomed to high housing costs,” says San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Liccardo says he’s not putting much weight on one month’s worth of numbers, but he has heard for years that housing is a major barrier for employers. That’s why he’s pushing for more of it. “In a region as expensive as this one, you’ll need a public subsidy in order to restrict rents to enable many residents to afford to live.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> A recent KQED analysis shows that the San Jose area may be \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/09/13/1-in-5-californians-live-in-poverty/\">the most expensive place to be poor in the country\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, the mayor is in the beginning stages of proposing a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/02/san-jose-is-growing-will-more-housing-follow-the-city-says-yes/\">15-point housing plan\u003c/a> to spur housing growth, focusing on building more dense housing, like condos and apartment complexes in the downtown core. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Economists have used the term “full employment” to describe the Bay Area’s job market, and the region has a reputation of having plenty of jobs. Take Santa Clara County: The unemployment rate hovers around 3.9 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the county actually lost jobs in August — 3,000, according to the state Employment Development Department.\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The San Francisco-San Mateo area saw a decline of 2,000 jobs during the same period. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Robert Kleinhenz, executive director of research for \u003ca href=\"https://beaconecon.com/people/bio/robert_kleinhenz\">Beacon Economics\u003c/a>, says the decline might give us a window into how the housing crisis is affecting job growth. \u003c/span>“We think that it’s a binding constraint on growth in the labor force,” he explains, “and in turn growth in the overall economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kleinhenz has been studying the \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">correlation between high housing prices and job growth in San Francisco and the Silicon Valley. “Those two areas, for several years, accounted for a huge share of job growth in the state as a whole. All of that has really slowed down,” says Kleinhenz. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Many of the losses were in the transportation, utilities, construction and service sectors — industries with more middle- and low-income employees. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, it’s been very hard for any employer to bring in anyone to this area who has not already been accustomed to high housing costs,” says San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Liccardo says he’s not putting much weight on one month’s worth of numbers, but he has heard for years that housing is a major barrier for employers. That’s why he’s pushing for more of it. “In a region as expensive as this one, you’ll need a public subsidy in order to restrict rents to enable many residents to afford to live.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> A recent KQED analysis shows that the San Jose area may be \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/09/13/1-in-5-californians-live-in-poverty/\">the most expensive place to be poor in the country\u003c/a>. Meanwhile, the mayor is in the beginning stages of proposing a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/02/san-jose-is-growing-will-more-housing-follow-the-city-says-yes/\">15-point housing plan\u003c/a> to spur housing growth, focusing on building more dense housing, like condos and apartment complexes in the downtown core. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Las Vegas Shooting Update\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s been five days since the horrific mass shooting in Las Vegas that left at least 58 people dead and more than 500 injured. We get an update from Nevada Public Radio’s Joe Schoenmann on the investigation into shooter Stephen Paddock’s motives and how families, friends and the Las Vegas community are working to pick up the pieces.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gun Control Debate\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the wake of the worst mass shooting in modern U.S. history, renewed calls for stricter gun laws are reigniting a national debate. We look at California’s track record of gun control and whether increased regulation can be effective in preventing incidents like the tragedy in Las Vegas. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Allison Anderman, Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, managing attorney\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lois Beckett, The Guardian senior reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Supreme Court Fall Term\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The U.S. Supreme Court’s docket this fall includes a number of cases with significance for California. UC Hastings law professor Rory Little offers analysis on several cases with potentially lasting impact on immigration, data privacy and First Amendment rights.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Museum of Ice Cream\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rhinestone-studded popsicles, a pool filled with a million sprinkles and an ice cream “flavor of the week” are all part of the experience at the new Museum of Ice Cream. KQED’s Sheraz Sadiq gets a rare tour from co-founder Madison Utendahl. Located at 1 Grant Avenue in San Francisco, the museum opened its doors in September 2017 and will run through February 2018.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Payday and car-title lenders must issue loans only to consumers who demonstrate they can afford them, much like banks and other financial institutions do, according to a nationwide rule issued this week by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule, which applies to loans that require all or most of the debt to be paid at once, will force lenders to check a borrower’s ability to repay a loan — and still meet basic living expenses — before issuing that credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area lawmakers and California Attorney General Xavier Becerra welcomed the new regulations, which do not go into effect until the summer of 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I applaud the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau for taking action today to rein in abusive payday loan vendors,” said Becerra in a statement. “Sadly, many of these businesses make money by preying on the most vulnerable — hardworking men and women, families with young children, seniors, and people with disabilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Borrowers often give permission to payday lenders to take repayments straight from their bank accounts. But lenders can charge payments even when the account is empty, which can rack up overdraft fees for the consumer. The CFPB’s new rule will also limit a lender’s ability to dip into a borrower’s bank account after two unsuccessful attempts, a move that could help consumers avoid those overdraft fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statewide industry group, the California Financial Service Providers Association, countered that the CFPB’s decision will deprive millions of Americans of their right to “quick and affordable credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe this rule will be devastating to consumers seeking access to credit, thereby causing irreversible harm to the very Americans the CFPB purports to help,” said Thomas Leonard, executive director of the association, which represents dozens of payday and other non-bank lenders statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates anticipate the alternative loan industry might fight back with lawsuits and extensive lobbying in Congress to prevent the new regulations from going into effect. But they said most Americans support implementing these reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"http://www.responsiblelending.org/media/poll-strong-bipartisan-support-reining-abusive-payday-lenders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 2015 poll\u003c/a> sponsored by the Center for Responsible Lending found 78 percent of respondents, including 80 percent of Republicans, support requiring payday lenders to issue a loan only after determining the borrower can pay it back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, seniors have become the largest group of borrowers for payday loans, which had an average annual interest rate of 372 percent last year, according a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2017/Release%20-%202016%20payday%20loans%20report%207-5-17%20-%20final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Business Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said the new regulations aim to aim to stop “payday debt traps” that are often marketed to financially vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many payday loan customers have to borrow again in order to pay the original loan amount. More than four out of five payday loans are re-borrowed because payments are too expensive for cash-strapped consumers, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too often, borrowers who need quick cash end up trapped in loans they can’t afford,” said CFPB Director Richard Cordray. “The rule’s common sense ability-to-repay protections prevent lenders from succeeding by setting up borrowers to fail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consumer watchdog and its director have been under attack by Republican lawmakers in Congress. Representative Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), who chairs the House Financial Services Committee, has accused the agency of overstepping its authority and Cordray of using this payday rule for political gain.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statewide industry group, the California Financial Service Providers Association, countered that the CFPB’s decision will deprive millions of Americans of their right to “quick and affordable credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe this rule will be devastating to consumers seeking access to credit, thereby causing irreversible harm to the very Americans the CFPB purports to help,” said Thomas Leonard, executive director of the association, which represents dozens of payday and other non-bank lenders statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates anticipate the alternative loan industry might fight back with lawsuits and extensive lobbying in Congress to prevent the new regulations from going into effect. But they said most Americans support implementing these reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"http://www.responsiblelending.org/media/poll-strong-bipartisan-support-reining-abusive-payday-lenders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 2015 poll\u003c/a> sponsored by the Center for Responsible Lending found 78 percent of respondents, including 80 percent of Republicans, support requiring payday lenders to issue a loan only after determining the borrower can pay it back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, seniors have become the largest group of borrowers for payday loans, which had an average annual interest rate of 372 percent last year, according a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2017/Release%20-%202016%20payday%20loans%20report%207-5-17%20-%20final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Business Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said the new regulations aim to aim to stop “payday debt traps” that are often marketed to financially vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many payday loan customers have to borrow again in order to pay the original loan amount. More than four out of five payday loans are re-borrowed because payments are too expensive for cash-strapped consumers, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too often, borrowers who need quick cash end up trapped in loans they can’t afford,” said CFPB Director Richard Cordray. “The rule’s common sense ability-to-repay protections prevent lenders from succeeding by setting up borrowers to fail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consumer watchdog and its director have been under attack by Republican lawmakers in Congress. Representative Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), who chairs the House Financial Services Committee, has accused the agency of overstepping its authority and Cordray of using this payday rule for political gain.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump and congressional Republicans have pitched their tax plan as a boost for the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rich will not be gaining at all with this plan,” Trump \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/09/13/trump-rich-people-tax-plan-242671\">told reporters\u003c/a> during a meeting with lawmakers in mid-September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But analysts at the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/publications/preliminary-analysis-unified-framework\">Tax Policy Center\u003c/a> who studied the proposal reached a very different conclusion. They predict that nearly three-quarters of the savings from the tax overhaul would go to the top 20 percent of earners — those making more than $149,000. More than half the savings would go to the top 1 percent — people who earn more than $732,800. The tax breaks are even more tilted to the wealthy by the 10th year of the overhaul, when the Tax Policy Center projects nearly 80 percent of the savings would go to the top 1 percent of earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administration officials have tried to discredit the center’s analysis, noting the tax plan is so far just a framework with many of the details still to be filled in by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you is that no one can make real detailed analysis of the plan yet, because it’s not finished,” White House budget director Mick Mulvaney said Sunday on CNN’s “State of the Union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center analysts acknowledge having to make some assumptions as they did their review. They based those assumptions on reasonable sources, including past Republican tax blueprints and the administration’s own April outline. [contextly_sidebar id=”tbMQxje1qZePfC3FUyqtynUOW4nPGvpQ”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center has promised to revise its forecast as lawmakers fill in the blanks of the tax plan. But the big picture is not likely to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be hard to mold this into something where the middle class is the big winner. And the reason for that, or course, is that the upper-income earners are those that pay the most in taxes,” said Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. “If you’re going to reform the tax code, a lot of times it’s going to be the people who pay the most taxes who end up with those bigger breaks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wins for middle class appear largely indirect\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax benefits for the rich in the GOP plan are direct, obvious and easily quantified. Many of the promised benefits for the middle class, on the other hand, are indirect, speculative and uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the wealthy, the government is promising to cut their tax bill directly, by offering a lower-income tax rate and by doing away with targeted levies such as the alternative minimum tax and the estate tax. The AMT hits only upper-income taxpayers and the estate tax hits only people with nearly $5.5 million in assets (or nearly $11 million for married couples). The Tax Policy Center says eliminating those taxes provides a direct $678 billion benefit to top earners over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many middle-class families would also benefit from a lower-income tax rate, but their savings would be dwarfed by those the wealthy enjoy. The Tax Policy Center estimates the average middle-class taxpayer would get a break of $940 from the GOP plan next year, while a taxpayer in the top 1 percent would save $146,470. For those on the lower rungs of the income ladder, the Republican plan actually boosts the tax rate from 10 to 12 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a GOP tax plan?” tweeted an incredulous Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., on Monday, noting the Tax Policy Center’s projection that nearly 30 percent of middle-class families could see their tax bills rise by decade’s end. “I hope the final details are better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">This is a GOP tax plan? Possibly 30% of middle class gets a tax hike? I hope the final details are better than this. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\">https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Senator Rand Paul (@RandPaul) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RandPaul/status/914928161498046464?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">October 2, 2017\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So how do the tax plan’s supporters claim that it’s focused on the middle class? By highlighting speculative, indirect gains that are supposed to result from economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a revolutionary change,” Trump said in announcing the plan in Indiana last week. “The biggest winners will be the everyday American workers as jobs start pouring into our country, as companies start competing for American labor, and as wages start going up at levels that you haven’t seen in many years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., makes a similar claim. “This is a once in a lifetime opportunity that is all about more jobs, fairer taxes and bigger paychecks for American families,” Ryan told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than simply promise that the government will cut the tax bill for working families — many of whom pay little income tax already — the GOP is arguing that its tax plan will promote growth, which in turn will boost employment, and over time result in higher wages. Break any link of that chain and the middle-class “winnings” end up in someone else’s pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cut to corporate tax rate\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A centerpiece of the GOP plan is a deep cut in the corporate tax rate, from 35 percent to 20 percent. The Tax Policy Center estimates that provision, along with repeal of the corporate AMT, would save corporations nearly $2 trillion over the next decade. Where would that money go? Traditionally, it’s been assumed that most of the savings of a corporate tax cut go to business owners or shareholders, who tend to be upper income. But some portion also goes to workers in the form of higher wages. How those spoils are divided determines the big winner when corporate taxes are reduced. [contextly_sidebar id=”RaSpIKeNoRVD0kyTMDeGfcxR5ofphrMU”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasters at the Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation, for example, assume that about three-quarters of the savings from a corporate tax cut goes to shareholders, while the remaining one-quarter goes to workers. Until recently, the Treasury Department assumed a similar breakdown, with owners taking the lion’s share and workers receiving about 18 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argues that a much larger share of corporate tax cuts — 70 percent or more — will ultimately flow to workers. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.factcheck.org/2017/09/benefits-corporate-tax-cut/\">far from a consensus view\u003c/a>, but it’s the position advocated by \u003ca href=\"http://www.aei.org/publication/a-spatial-model-of-corporate-tax-incidence/\">Kevin Hassett\u003c/a>, an economist formerly with the conservative American Enterprise Institute who now chairs Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers. If Hassett is correct, that would shift more of the $2 trillion in savings from the corporate tax cut down the income ladder, from wealthy shareholders to middle-class employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Standard deduction vs. personal exemptions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the GOP plan say many middle- and working-class families would benefit from the near doubling of the standard deduction. That would exempt the first $12,000 of earnings for individuals and $24,000 for couples from income tax. The higher standard deduction would also free many taxpayers from having to itemize, making tax filing simpler. But while Republicans want to expand this tax break, they’re planning to take away many others, including personal and dependent exemptions, which reduce taxable income by $4,050 for each taxpayer, spouse and dependent in a household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This combination could leave a couple with two children worse off. Their standard deduction would increase by $11,300 (from $12,700 to $24,000). But their four exemptions, totaling $16,200, would disappear, leaving them with more taxable income and a higher tax bill. For couples with three or more children, the situation is potentially worse. This might be offset by a larger child tax credit Republicans have promised, but that depends on details that have not yet been worked out. In addition, taxpayers who continue to itemize would lose their personal exemptions without the offsetting benefit of a larger standard deduction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center estimates that boosting the standard deduction will leave an extra $830 billion in taxpayers’ pockets over the next decade, while eliminating personal and dependent exemptions will increase taxes by $1.6 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>State and local tax deduction\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have promised to preserve the tax deductions for mortgage interest and charitable giving, along with unspecified tax incentives for retirement savings, work and higher education. Most other tax breaks are on the chopping block, but the only one that lawmakers and the administration have singled out for elimination is the deduction for state and local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions.’\u003ccite>Steven Mnuchin, Treasury Secretary\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions,” Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “One of those deductions is about getting the federal government out of the business of subsidizing the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If state and local taxes were no longer deductible, the federal government would collect an extra $1.3 trillion over the next decade, according to Tax Policy Center. The move would particularly hurt taxpayers in relatively high-tax states, many of which lean Democratic. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://taxfoundation.org/state-and-local-tax-deduction-primer/\">Tax Foundation\u003c/a>, more than half the total value of the deduction is claimed by taxpayers in just six states — California, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Texas and Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the exception of Texas, all of those are blue states. But as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., points out, there are many taxpayers in GOP districts who would be unhappy to see the deduction for state and local taxes taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My guess is you’re going to have 30, 40, 50 Congress members — Republican — who say, ‘I can’t vote for this because it raises taxes on my core constituency,’ ” Schumer said on Sept. 27, the day the plan was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The role of economic growth \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration and congressional Republicans describe their tax plan as a key ingredient in the recipe for faster economic growth. They’re counting on that to boost federal revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe there will be $2 trillion of additional growth” over the next decade, Mnuchin told ABC’s “This Week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many independent observers think that’s overly optimistic, especially with the economy near full employment, an aging workforce and an administration determined to limit immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.’\u003ccite>Maya MacGuineas, President, Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen a lot of modeling of tax plans before and we’ve seen what’s happened when we’ve reformed the tax code before,” said MacGuineas. “You can grow the economy by — perhaps if it’s done well — a couple of additional tenths-of-a percent of GDP. And that would be great. We should celebrate getting that done. But we should also be realistic and we shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center says it expects the GOP plan would have “little macroeconomic feedback effect on revenues over the first decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Effect on deficits and debt\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax cuts in the GOP proposal would reduce government revenues by trillions of dollars. Some of that would be offset by closing (mostly unspecified) loopholes. But the Tax Policy Center still predicts an extra $2.4 trillion in red ink over the next decade. If Republicans’ promised level of economic growth fails to materialize, all of that would be added to the federal debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That worries deficit hawks like Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn. He expects to raise some revenue by eliminating tax breaks and through economic growth. But Corker told NBC’s Chuck Todd that he’s not willing to put the balance on the government’s credit card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it looks like to me, Chuck, we’re adding one penny to the deficit, I am not going to be for it, OK?” said Corker, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/09/26/553798939/tennessee-republican-sen-bob-corker-wont-seek-reelection-in-2018\">who is not planning to run for re-election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a narrow two-vote majority in the Senate, Republicans can ill afford further defections.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump and congressional Republicans have pitched their tax plan as a boost for the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rich will not be gaining at all with this plan,” Trump \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/09/13/trump-rich-people-tax-plan-242671\">told reporters\u003c/a> during a meeting with lawmakers in mid-September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But analysts at the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/publications/preliminary-analysis-unified-framework\">Tax Policy Center\u003c/a> who studied the proposal reached a very different conclusion. They predict that nearly three-quarters of the savings from the tax overhaul would go to the top 20 percent of earners — those making more than $149,000. More than half the savings would go to the top 1 percent — people who earn more than $732,800. The tax breaks are even more tilted to the wealthy by the 10th year of the overhaul, when the Tax Policy Center projects nearly 80 percent of the savings would go to the top 1 percent of earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administration officials have tried to discredit the center’s analysis, noting the tax plan is so far just a framework with many of the details still to be filled in by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you is that no one can make real detailed analysis of the plan yet, because it’s not finished,” White House budget director Mick Mulvaney said Sunday on CNN’s “State of the Union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center analysts acknowledge having to make some assumptions as they did their review. They based those assumptions on reasonable sources, including past Republican tax blueprints and the administration’s own April outline. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center has promised to revise its forecast as lawmakers fill in the blanks of the tax plan. But the big picture is not likely to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be hard to mold this into something where the middle class is the big winner. And the reason for that, or course, is that the upper-income earners are those that pay the most in taxes,” said Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. “If you’re going to reform the tax code, a lot of times it’s going to be the people who pay the most taxes who end up with those bigger breaks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wins for middle class appear largely indirect\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax benefits for the rich in the GOP plan are direct, obvious and easily quantified. Many of the promised benefits for the middle class, on the other hand, are indirect, speculative and uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the wealthy, the government is promising to cut their tax bill directly, by offering a lower-income tax rate and by doing away with targeted levies such as the alternative minimum tax and the estate tax. The AMT hits only upper-income taxpayers and the estate tax hits only people with nearly $5.5 million in assets (or nearly $11 million for married couples). The Tax Policy Center says eliminating those taxes provides a direct $678 billion benefit to top earners over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many middle-class families would also benefit from a lower-income tax rate, but their savings would be dwarfed by those the wealthy enjoy. The Tax Policy Center estimates the average middle-class taxpayer would get a break of $940 from the GOP plan next year, while a taxpayer in the top 1 percent would save $146,470. For those on the lower rungs of the income ladder, the Republican plan actually boosts the tax rate from 10 to 12 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a GOP tax plan?” tweeted an incredulous Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., on Monday, noting the Tax Policy Center’s projection that nearly 30 percent of middle-class families could see their tax bills rise by decade’s end. “I hope the final details are better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">This is a GOP tax plan? Possibly 30% of middle class gets a tax hike? I hope the final details are better than this. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\">https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Senator Rand Paul (@RandPaul) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RandPaul/status/914928161498046464?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">October 2, 2017\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So how do the tax plan’s supporters claim that it’s focused on the middle class? By highlighting speculative, indirect gains that are supposed to result from economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a revolutionary change,” Trump said in announcing the plan in Indiana last week. “The biggest winners will be the everyday American workers as jobs start pouring into our country, as companies start competing for American labor, and as wages start going up at levels that you haven’t seen in many years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., makes a similar claim. “This is a once in a lifetime opportunity that is all about more jobs, fairer taxes and bigger paychecks for American families,” Ryan told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than simply promise that the government will cut the tax bill for working families — many of whom pay little income tax already — the GOP is arguing that its tax plan will promote growth, which in turn will boost employment, and over time result in higher wages. Break any link of that chain and the middle-class “winnings” end up in someone else’s pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cut to corporate tax rate\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A centerpiece of the GOP plan is a deep cut in the corporate tax rate, from 35 percent to 20 percent. The Tax Policy Center estimates that provision, along with repeal of the corporate AMT, would save corporations nearly $2 trillion over the next decade. Where would that money go? Traditionally, it’s been assumed that most of the savings of a corporate tax cut go to business owners or shareholders, who tend to be upper income. But some portion also goes to workers in the form of higher wages. How those spoils are divided determines the big winner when corporate taxes are reduced. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasters at the Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation, for example, assume that about three-quarters of the savings from a corporate tax cut goes to shareholders, while the remaining one-quarter goes to workers. Until recently, the Treasury Department assumed a similar breakdown, with owners taking the lion’s share and workers receiving about 18 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argues that a much larger share of corporate tax cuts — 70 percent or more — will ultimately flow to workers. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.factcheck.org/2017/09/benefits-corporate-tax-cut/\">far from a consensus view\u003c/a>, but it’s the position advocated by \u003ca href=\"http://www.aei.org/publication/a-spatial-model-of-corporate-tax-incidence/\">Kevin Hassett\u003c/a>, an economist formerly with the conservative American Enterprise Institute who now chairs Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers. If Hassett is correct, that would shift more of the $2 trillion in savings from the corporate tax cut down the income ladder, from wealthy shareholders to middle-class employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Standard deduction vs. personal exemptions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the GOP plan say many middle- and working-class families would benefit from the near doubling of the standard deduction. That would exempt the first $12,000 of earnings for individuals and $24,000 for couples from income tax. The higher standard deduction would also free many taxpayers from having to itemize, making tax filing simpler. But while Republicans want to expand this tax break, they’re planning to take away many others, including personal and dependent exemptions, which reduce taxable income by $4,050 for each taxpayer, spouse and dependent in a household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This combination could leave a couple with two children worse off. Their standard deduction would increase by $11,300 (from $12,700 to $24,000). But their four exemptions, totaling $16,200, would disappear, leaving them with more taxable income and a higher tax bill. For couples with three or more children, the situation is potentially worse. This might be offset by a larger child tax credit Republicans have promised, but that depends on details that have not yet been worked out. In addition, taxpayers who continue to itemize would lose their personal exemptions without the offsetting benefit of a larger standard deduction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center estimates that boosting the standard deduction will leave an extra $830 billion in taxpayers’ pockets over the next decade, while eliminating personal and dependent exemptions will increase taxes by $1.6 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>State and local tax deduction\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have promised to preserve the tax deductions for mortgage interest and charitable giving, along with unspecified tax incentives for retirement savings, work and higher education. Most other tax breaks are on the chopping block, but the only one that lawmakers and the administration have singled out for elimination is the deduction for state and local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions.’\u003ccite>Steven Mnuchin, Treasury Secretary\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions,” Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “One of those deductions is about getting the federal government out of the business of subsidizing the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If state and local taxes were no longer deductible, the federal government would collect an extra $1.3 trillion over the next decade, according to Tax Policy Center. The move would particularly hurt taxpayers in relatively high-tax states, many of which lean Democratic. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://taxfoundation.org/state-and-local-tax-deduction-primer/\">Tax Foundation\u003c/a>, more than half the total value of the deduction is claimed by taxpayers in just six states — California, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Texas and Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the exception of Texas, all of those are blue states. But as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., points out, there are many taxpayers in GOP districts who would be unhappy to see the deduction for state and local taxes taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My guess is you’re going to have 30, 40, 50 Congress members — Republican — who say, ‘I can’t vote for this because it raises taxes on my core constituency,’ ” Schumer said on Sept. 27, the day the plan was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The role of economic growth \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration and congressional Republicans describe their tax plan as a key ingredient in the recipe for faster economic growth. They’re counting on that to boost federal revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe there will be $2 trillion of additional growth” over the next decade, Mnuchin told ABC’s “This Week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many independent observers think that’s overly optimistic, especially with the economy near full employment, an aging workforce and an administration determined to limit immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.’\u003ccite>Maya MacGuineas, President, Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen a lot of modeling of tax plans before and we’ve seen what’s happened when we’ve reformed the tax code before,” said MacGuineas. “You can grow the economy by — perhaps if it’s done well — a couple of additional tenths-of-a percent of GDP. And that would be great. We should celebrate getting that done. But we should also be realistic and we shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center says it expects the GOP plan would have “little macroeconomic feedback effect on revenues over the first decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Effect on deficits and debt\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax cuts in the GOP proposal would reduce government revenues by trillions of dollars. Some of that would be offset by closing (mostly unspecified) loopholes. But the Tax Policy Center still predicts an extra $2.4 trillion in red ink over the next decade. If Republicans’ promised level of economic growth fails to materialize, all of that would be added to the federal debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That worries deficit hawks like Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn. He expects to raise some revenue by eliminating tax breaks and through economic growth. But Corker told NBC’s Chuck Todd that he’s not willing to put the balance on the government’s credit card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it looks like to me, Chuck, we’re adding one penny to the deficit, I am not going to be for it, OK?” said Corker, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/09/26/553798939/tennessee-republican-sen-bob-corker-wont-seek-reelection-in-2018\">who is not planning to run for re-election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a narrow two-vote majority in the Senate, Republicans can ill afford further defections.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Athletes and Free Speech\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the gridiron to the living room, the controversy over NFL players taking a knee as a form of protest during the national anthem has revealed deep divisions among players, owners and fans alike. The issue has spilled over to other professional sports, while NFL teammates continue to lock arms in solidarity to support their right to make a statement on and off the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guests:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Ann Killion, San Francisco Chronicle sports columnist\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Kevin Lynch, KNBR contributor\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>North Korea and 21\u003csup>st\u003c/sup> Century Warfare\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, North Korea’s foreign minister escalated the war of words between the U.S. and North Korea by threatening to shoot down U.S. military planes even if they flew outside his nation’s airspace. We talk with UC Berkeley School of Law Professor John Yoo, who co-authored a new book on technology and warfare, about containing North Korea. The former George W. Bush Justice Department official also shares his thoughts on the constitutionality of the Trump administration’s latest travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tax Overhaul\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, President Trump and Republican lawmakers began promoting a massive reform of taxes. They claim their proposal would simplify the tax code and slash taxes for working-class Americans and small businesses. But details remain scant, and some economic experts think the plan would most benefit the rich while also driving up the national deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Professor Alan Auerbach, UC Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Athletes and Free Speech\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the gridiron to the living room, the controversy over NFL players taking a knee as a form of protest during the national anthem has revealed deep divisions among players, owners and fans alike. The issue has spilled over to other professional sports, while NFL teammates continue to lock arms in solidarity to support their right to make a statement on and off the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guests:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Ann Killion, San Francisco Chronicle sports columnist\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Kevin Lynch, KNBR contributor\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>North Korea and 21\u003csup>st\u003c/sup> Century Warfare\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, North Korea’s foreign minister escalated the war of words between the U.S. and North Korea by threatening to shoot down U.S. military planes even if they flew outside his nation’s airspace. We talk with UC Berkeley School of Law Professor John Yoo, who co-authored a new book on technology and warfare, about containing North Korea. The former George W. Bush Justice Department official also shares his thoughts on the constitutionality of the Trump administration’s latest travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Governor Signs '15 Good Bills' Aimed at California's Housing Crisis",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed a package of legislation to ease California's housing crunch, answering years of calls for a strong state response to skyrocketing home prices and rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills signed Friday combine new funding for housing construction with new rules to streamline the development process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is a big challenge. We have risen to it this year,\" said Brown, who put his signature on what he called \"15 good bills\" at a ceremony in San Francisco's Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New funding for housing construction, rental assistance and homeless programs will come from a housing bond (if voters approve it next year) and a fee on certain real estate transactions, like a mortgage refinancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Streamlining rules will make it harder for local governments to block certain housing developments, if they have failed to meet previous goals for approving units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620174\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"546\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1020x696.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1180x805.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-960x655.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-240x164.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-375x256.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-520x355.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We gotta figure out a way to streamline, and we're doing that in these bills,\" Brown added. He said government needs to subsidize housing in markets where prices have spiraled out of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In speeches celebrating the bills signed, legislators revealed details of the delicate process that culminated with Friday's signing ceremony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León said San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener \"squatted in my office every single day,\" as lawmakers worked on a housing deal that could pass both houses and win the governor's approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"hKBlBR6hiQSYg1JyOb6t1rIrpFWyGEsW\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco recounted the governor showing up unexpectedly in his office to promise a group of Assembly members that the housing package would get done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates and mayors from the state's largest cities attended the ceremony, and urged the Legislature to continue its work addressing the issue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown begrudgingly agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Have [the bills] ended the need for further legislation? Unfortunately not,\" Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He then pleaded, \"Not so many bills next year, guys.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed a package of legislation to ease California's housing crunch, answering years of calls for a strong state response to skyrocketing home prices and rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills signed Friday combine new funding for housing construction with new rules to streamline the development process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is a big challenge. We have risen to it this year,\" said Brown, who put his signature on what he called \"15 good bills\" at a ceremony in San Francisco's Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New funding for housing construction, rental assistance and homeless programs will come from a housing bond (if voters approve it next year) and a fee on certain real estate transactions, like a mortgage refinancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Streamlining rules will make it harder for local governments to block certain housing developments, if they have failed to meet previous goals for approving units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620174\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"546\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1020x696.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1180x805.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-960x655.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-240x164.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-375x256.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-520x355.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We gotta figure out a way to streamline, and we're doing that in these bills,\" Brown added. He said government needs to subsidize housing in markets where prices have spiraled out of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In speeches celebrating the bills signed, legislators revealed details of the delicate process that culminated with Friday's signing ceremony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León said San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener \"squatted in my office every single day,\" as lawmakers worked on a housing deal that could pass both houses and win the governor's approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco recounted the governor showing up unexpectedly in his office to promise a group of Assembly members that the housing package would get done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates and mayors from the state's largest cities attended the ceremony, and urged the Legislature to continue its work addressing the issue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown begrudgingly agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Have [the bills] ended the need for further legislation? Unfortunately not,\" Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He then pleaded, \"Not so many bills next year, guys.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "As Gov. Brown Signs New Housing Laws, Cities Get Ready -- On Their Own Terms",
"title": "As Gov. Brown Signs New Housing Laws, Cities Get Ready -- On Their Own Terms",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed into law more than a dozen bills to address California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">housing crisis\u003c/a>. Now it's up to cities and counties to begin faithfully (or maybe not so faithfully) enacting the state’s new housing agenda. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That process has already begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that we have to comply with these laws of the state of California now,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín, whose city has been defined for years by fights between pro- and slow-development forces. “And so how can we comply ... but also preserve some degree of local control?” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between cities’ traditional prerogative over local land use and the state’s broader interest in more housing for dwelling-strapped California framed much of the housing debate in Sacramento this year. Now officials in San Jose, San Luis Obispo, Redondo Beach and other locales are exploring how to work within the new rules -- on their own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín applauds state lawmakers for finally taking action on an issue that cities have been fighting alone for years. New funding is particularly welcome. A pair of new laws offer the promise of fresh dollars for affordable housing construction via a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fee\u003c/a> on real estate documents and a 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB3\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bond measure\u003c/a>. Those proposals earned the plaudits of local elected leaders and governance groups across the state, including the League of California Cities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620065\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín\" width=\"350\" height=\"233\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11620065\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg 350w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-240x160.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín \u003ccite>(City of Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But like most local leaders, Arreguín also has his share of reservations, especially about measures that could make it more difficult to deny new projects they disapprove of. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One will \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">require\u003c/a> cities that aren’t meeting their state-determined targets for housing production to offer developers an alternative, “streamlined” approval process. To qualify for fast-track treatment, new multifamily housing developments will have to meet current zoning standards, set aside a certain share of below-market units and pay their workers union wages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How many developers will be willing to tick those boxes is unclear, but proponents call streamlining a necessary measure to bypass NIMBY obstructionism. Many cities call it a usurpation of local authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB167\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a> will make it harder for cities to deny new housing projects if they otherwise comply with local rules, and will raise the penalty for municipalities that wrongly do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley did not officially adopt a position on either bill while lawmakers were considering them. But a local response is now in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín said he is developing a Berkeley-specific streamlining process that would be available to developers in addition to the new state process. His alternative is still in its early stages, but the mayor hopes it will steer developers toward low- and moderate-income projects and those providing additional community benefits that are still undefined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission is also working on tighter zoning laws that would feature new density requirements and design standards while staying in tune with state law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we set local requirements that still give the city some flexibility in shaping -- not denying -- but shaping projects, we can ensure compliance with [new laws] and still maintain some degree of control,” Arreguín said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar conversation is taking place across San Francisco Bay in Corte Madera, a small town in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since the town approved a 180-unit apartment complex along Highway 101 over the vociferous objections of some community members, Vice Mayor Carla Condon said the town is looking for less obtrusive ways to expand the housing stock. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620075\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One option the town is considering is to waive fees and loosen regulations on secondary dwellings, those fashioned within or near a main home. This might make it easier to convert a basement into an apartment or build a tiny house in a backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing our best to be compliant but also to try to maintain the small-town character that everybody really cherishes in this community,” Condon said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear that secondary units will accommodate the town’s housing needs indefinitely. But for now, Condon says, Corte Madera is producing more housing than the state requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Berkeley and Corte Madera try to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests, other cities are considering blunter instruments. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Redondo Beach placed a 10-and-a-half month-long moratorium on new mixed-use development projects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nils Nehrenheim, a city council member and local slow-growth activist, the ban has been in the works for years but now comes in the nick of time. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thankfully, we’re starting this this month,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office and the Department of Community Development are looking into how the various housing bills would affect planning decisions. The goal, Nehrenheim said, is “to learn if we can mitigate some of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders have also discussed pushing back against the state’s housing-production targets, though it isn’t yet clear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to start having more conversations with state legislators” about adjusting those targets, said Nehrenheim. “We’re all very concerned about the loss of local control -- no matter what side of the issue you stand on in terms of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local lawmakers often face tremendous pressure to block, stall or renegotiate unpopular projects. Soon they won’t have as much power to respond to that pressure -- but that isn’t necessarily a bad thing, said Aaron Gomez, who sits on the City Council in San Luis Obispo. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decisions about land use inevitably leave some constituents unhappy. Mandatory streamlining may allow local lawmakers to blame the state if faced with angry voters. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do like the political cover of that,” Gomez said. “It just limits that conversation.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have quietly stomached any threat to their authority over planning as the price of the help they need. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Philosophically, we don’t want the state to necessarily be encroaching on this part of the work that we do as a city,” said Jacky Morales-Ferrand, director of housing for the city of San Jose. But, she said, the city “wanted to create a path forward for some of those signature housing bills that we’ve been waiting on for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief among them is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1505\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">one\u003c/a> that will effectively reverse a 2009 California court \u003ca href=\"http://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-court-of-appeal/1077003.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">decision\u003c/a> that barred cities from forcing rental-property developers to offer a certain number of new units at below-market rates. Cities across the Bay Area, in Los Angeles and even in rural communities such as Tuolumne County are all now dusting off and re-examining their old inclusionary-housing ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales-Ferrand said she hopes the city will “turn on” the policy as soon as Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The tension between cities' traditional prerogative over local land use and the state's broader interest in alleviating California's housing crisis has framed much of the housing debate in Sacramento.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/ben-christopher/\">Ben Christopher\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed into law more than a dozen bills to address California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">housing crisis\u003c/a>. Now it's up to cities and counties to begin faithfully (or maybe not so faithfully) enacting the state’s new housing agenda. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That process has already begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that we have to comply with these laws of the state of California now,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín, whose city has been defined for years by fights between pro- and slow-development forces. “And so how can we comply ... but also preserve some degree of local control?” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between cities’ traditional prerogative over local land use and the state’s broader interest in more housing for dwelling-strapped California framed much of the housing debate in Sacramento this year. Now officials in San Jose, San Luis Obispo, Redondo Beach and other locales are exploring how to work within the new rules -- on their own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín applauds state lawmakers for finally taking action on an issue that cities have been fighting alone for years. New funding is particularly welcome. A pair of new laws offer the promise of fresh dollars for affordable housing construction via a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fee\u003c/a> on real estate documents and a 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB3\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bond measure\u003c/a>. Those proposals earned the plaudits of local elected leaders and governance groups across the state, including the League of California Cities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620065\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín\" width=\"350\" height=\"233\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11620065\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg 350w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-240x160.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín \u003ccite>(City of Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But like most local leaders, Arreguín also has his share of reservations, especially about measures that could make it more difficult to deny new projects they disapprove of. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One will \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">require\u003c/a> cities that aren’t meeting their state-determined targets for housing production to offer developers an alternative, “streamlined” approval process. To qualify for fast-track treatment, new multifamily housing developments will have to meet current zoning standards, set aside a certain share of below-market units and pay their workers union wages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How many developers will be willing to tick those boxes is unclear, but proponents call streamlining a necessary measure to bypass NIMBY obstructionism. Many cities call it a usurpation of local authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB167\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a> will make it harder for cities to deny new housing projects if they otherwise comply with local rules, and will raise the penalty for municipalities that wrongly do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley did not officially adopt a position on either bill while lawmakers were considering them. But a local response is now in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín said he is developing a Berkeley-specific streamlining process that would be available to developers in addition to the new state process. His alternative is still in its early stages, but the mayor hopes it will steer developers toward low- and moderate-income projects and those providing additional community benefits that are still undefined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission is also working on tighter zoning laws that would feature new density requirements and design standards while staying in tune with state law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we set local requirements that still give the city some flexibility in shaping -- not denying -- but shaping projects, we can ensure compliance with [new laws] and still maintain some degree of control,” Arreguín said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar conversation is taking place across San Francisco Bay in Corte Madera, a small town in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since the town approved a 180-unit apartment complex along Highway 101 over the vociferous objections of some community members, Vice Mayor Carla Condon said the town is looking for less obtrusive ways to expand the housing stock. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620075\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One option the town is considering is to waive fees and loosen regulations on secondary dwellings, those fashioned within or near a main home. This might make it easier to convert a basement into an apartment or build a tiny house in a backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing our best to be compliant but also to try to maintain the small-town character that everybody really cherishes in this community,” Condon said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear that secondary units will accommodate the town’s housing needs indefinitely. But for now, Condon says, Corte Madera is producing more housing than the state requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Berkeley and Corte Madera try to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests, other cities are considering blunter instruments. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Redondo Beach placed a 10-and-a-half month-long moratorium on new mixed-use development projects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nils Nehrenheim, a city council member and local slow-growth activist, the ban has been in the works for years but now comes in the nick of time. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thankfully, we’re starting this this month,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office and the Department of Community Development are looking into how the various housing bills would affect planning decisions. The goal, Nehrenheim said, is “to learn if we can mitigate some of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders have also discussed pushing back against the state’s housing-production targets, though it isn’t yet clear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to start having more conversations with state legislators” about adjusting those targets, said Nehrenheim. “We’re all very concerned about the loss of local control -- no matter what side of the issue you stand on in terms of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local lawmakers often face tremendous pressure to block, stall or renegotiate unpopular projects. Soon they won’t have as much power to respond to that pressure -- but that isn’t necessarily a bad thing, said Aaron Gomez, who sits on the City Council in San Luis Obispo. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decisions about land use inevitably leave some constituents unhappy. Mandatory streamlining may allow local lawmakers to blame the state if faced with angry voters. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do like the political cover of that,” Gomez said. “It just limits that conversation.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have quietly stomached any threat to their authority over planning as the price of the help they need. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Philosophically, we don’t want the state to necessarily be encroaching on this part of the work that we do as a city,” said Jacky Morales-Ferrand, director of housing for the city of San Jose. But, she said, the city “wanted to create a path forward for some of those signature housing bills that we’ve been waiting on for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief among them is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1505\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">one\u003c/a> that will effectively reverse a 2009 California court \u003ca href=\"http://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-court-of-appeal/1077003.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">decision\u003c/a> that barred cities from forcing rental-property developers to offer a certain number of new units at below-market rates. Cities across the Bay Area, in Los Angeles and even in rural communities such as Tuolumne County are all now dusting off and re-examining their old inclusionary-housing ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales-Ferrand said she hopes the city will “turn on” the policy as soon as Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Banks could be forced to collect and report data on the small-business loans they approve and reject — including the ethnicity and gender of the business owners — under new rules being crafted by a federal consumer protection agency. Economists and regulators say the data could help identify whether lenders discriminate against minority- or women-owned businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rules would aim to “facilitate enforcement of fair lending laws” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/about/laws/wallstreetreform-cpa.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">as directed by\u003c/a> Section 1071 of the Dodd-Frank Act. Congress approved the major financial reform legislation in direct response to the last financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage lenders already collect similar data, which help to “shed light on lending patterns that could be discriminatory,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/data-research/hmda/learn-more\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the agency tasked with implementing the reporting changes on small-business lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Bankers Association and other organizations representing lenders oppose the CFPB’s steps. The ABA has asked Congress to repeal this provision of Dodd-Frank, \u003ca href=\"https://bankingjournal.aba.com/2017/06/aba-wins-extension-on-cfpbs-small-business-lending-request-for-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arguing\u003c/a> the data collection is misguided and could end up reducing access to small-business loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The considerable burdens associated with this data collection and reporting regime would add significant costs and unnecessary red tape to small-business lending, discouraging a primary engine for economic growth,” said one \u003ca href=\"https://www.aba.com/Advocacy/Testimonies/Documents/ABAStatementfortheRecordSenateHearingJune152017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> the ABA recently submitted to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/09/RomeroBankLoans.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26601_GettyImages-609067644-qut-800x549.jpg\" Title=\"New Rules Would Target Discrimination in Small-Business Lending\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For business owners, submitting information to lenders would be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination against creditors on the basis of race and sex has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/equal-credit-opportunity-act-3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prohibited\u003c/a> in the U.S. since the 1970s. But several \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/files/rs403tot(2).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studies\u003c/a> have shown racial and ethnic gaps persist in access to credit, even when controlling for the creditworthiness of the borrower and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white-owned firms, minority business owners see their loan applications rejected more often; and when they do get loans, they face higher borrowing costs, according to research by economist Alicia Robb and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If banks had to report lending by race and ethnicity and gender, people could point out those that are not doing well in the market,” said Robb, a research fellow at the University of Colorado at Boulder. “That would lead to behavioral change to try and improve the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docketBrowser?rpp=25&so=DESC&sb=commentDueDate&po=0&D=CFPB-2017-0011\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hundreds\u003c/a> of public comments on the issue. Those include the results of a survey of California nonprofits that work with thousands of small businesses. More than half of respondents said that women and minorities applying for bank loans do face discrimination, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.calreinvest.org/news/new-report-california%E2%80%99s-small-business-owners-face-big-finance-challenges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the California Reinvestment Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These findings highlight the importance of the CFPB’s 1071 rule to identify and address discrimination in the small-business lending marketplace,” said Kevin Stein, deputy director at CRC in San Francisco. The organization is urging the CFPB to “move quickly” to begin implementing the new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has been under fire by Republican lawmakers and faces legal challenges that could undermine its authority. The pressure has intensified since President Trump was elected, and Stein and other small-business advocates fear the agency might be blocked from pursuing additional data from big banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the House approved along party lines the Financial \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Choice Act\u003c/a>, by Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), which would essentially defang the CFPB’s current enforcement and regulatory power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big banks dominate the lending market and offer the lowest interest rates and longest repayment terms, making their loan products an attractive option for entrepreneurs looking to grow their businesses. But banks have tightened their business lending since the Great Recession, making it harder for some small-business owners to get affordable credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among women and minority small-business owners in the Bay Area, anecdotes abound of rejections when applying for bank loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tina Paclebar, co-owner of the delivery company RevEx Inc. in Hayward, said her long-term bank cited some late credit card payments when denying her business loan application earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, she believed her chances were good of getting the $75,000 loan to upgrade her company’s aging vehicle fleet. Her financial statements showed she’d be able to repay it — her company has been in business for 14 years, and it’s growing and profitable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paclebar suspected other reasons influenced her bank’s decision. She wonders whether the fact that she’s Filipina could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a large amount of money in the bank account. We have positive cashflow and constant deposits,” said Paclebar, 46. “So I didn’t understand why we didn’t get the loan.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Banks could be forced to collect and report data on the small-business loans they approve and reject — including the ethnicity and gender of the business owners — under new rules being crafted by a federal consumer protection agency. Economists and regulators say the data could help identify whether lenders discriminate against minority- or women-owned businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rules would aim to “facilitate enforcement of fair lending laws” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/about/laws/wallstreetreform-cpa.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">as directed by\u003c/a> Section 1071 of the Dodd-Frank Act. Congress approved the major financial reform legislation in direct response to the last financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage lenders already collect similar data, which help to “shed light on lending patterns that could be discriminatory,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/data-research/hmda/learn-more\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the agency tasked with implementing the reporting changes on small-business lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Bankers Association and other organizations representing lenders oppose the CFPB’s steps. The ABA has asked Congress to repeal this provision of Dodd-Frank, \u003ca href=\"https://bankingjournal.aba.com/2017/06/aba-wins-extension-on-cfpbs-small-business-lending-request-for-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arguing\u003c/a> the data collection is misguided and could end up reducing access to small-business loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The considerable burdens associated with this data collection and reporting regime would add significant costs and unnecessary red tape to small-business lending, discouraging a primary engine for economic growth,” said one \u003ca href=\"https://www.aba.com/Advocacy/Testimonies/Documents/ABAStatementfortheRecordSenateHearingJune152017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> the ABA recently submitted to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For business owners, submitting information to lenders would be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination against creditors on the basis of race and sex has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/equal-credit-opportunity-act-3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prohibited\u003c/a> in the U.S. since the 1970s. But several \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/files/rs403tot(2).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studies\u003c/a> have shown racial and ethnic gaps persist in access to credit, even when controlling for the creditworthiness of the borrower and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white-owned firms, minority business owners see their loan applications rejected more often; and when they do get loans, they face higher borrowing costs, according to research by economist Alicia Robb and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If banks had to report lending by race and ethnicity and gender, people could point out those that are not doing well in the market,” said Robb, a research fellow at the University of Colorado at Boulder. “That would lead to behavioral change to try and improve the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docketBrowser?rpp=25&so=DESC&sb=commentDueDate&po=0&D=CFPB-2017-0011\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hundreds\u003c/a> of public comments on the issue. Those include the results of a survey of California nonprofits that work with thousands of small businesses. More than half of respondents said that women and minorities applying for bank loans do face discrimination, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.calreinvest.org/news/new-report-california%E2%80%99s-small-business-owners-face-big-finance-challenges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the California Reinvestment Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These findings highlight the importance of the CFPB’s 1071 rule to identify and address discrimination in the small-business lending marketplace,” said Kevin Stein, deputy director at CRC in San Francisco. The organization is urging the CFPB to “move quickly” to begin implementing the new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has been under fire by Republican lawmakers and faces legal challenges that could undermine its authority. The pressure has intensified since President Trump was elected, and Stein and other small-business advocates fear the agency might be blocked from pursuing additional data from big banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the House approved along party lines the Financial \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Choice Act\u003c/a>, by Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), which would essentially defang the CFPB’s current enforcement and regulatory power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big banks dominate the lending market and offer the lowest interest rates and longest repayment terms, making their loan products an attractive option for entrepreneurs looking to grow their businesses. But banks have tightened their business lending since the Great Recession, making it harder for some small-business owners to get affordable credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among women and minority small-business owners in the Bay Area, anecdotes abound of rejections when applying for bank loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tina Paclebar, co-owner of the delivery company RevEx Inc. in Hayward, said her long-term bank cited some late credit card payments when denying her business loan application earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, she believed her chances were good of getting the $75,000 loan to upgrade her company’s aging vehicle fleet. Her financial statements showed she’d be able to repay it — her company has been in business for 14 years, and it’s growing and profitable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paclebar suspected other reasons influenced her bank’s decision. She wonders whether the fact that she’s Filipina could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a large amount of money in the bank account. We have positive cashflow and constant deposits,” said Paclebar, 46. “So I didn’t understand why we didn’t get the loan.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Many California Voters Have Considered Moving Due to Housing Costs, Poll Finds",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than half of California voters surveyed in the latest Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll said they have considered moving from their area to escape rising housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renters and voters under the age of 50 were the segments most likely to respond this way, with two-thirds of them saying they've considered moving, \u003ca href=\"http://escholarship.org/uc/item/65s716jf\">according to the Berkeley IGS poll\u003c/a> released Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One in four voters said that if they did decide to move, it would most likely be to another state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, 51 percent of voters surveyed had thought about leaving the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been thinking about moving farther out but I can’t because my job is located here,” said 26-year-old Ernest Hunt of San Leandro, who works as a chef for a catering company in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunt, a single parent, spends an hour and $11 commuting every day on BART from his one-bedroom apartment in San Leandro that he shares with his 1-year-old daughter. He pays $1,650 a month in rent -- and he says it’s going up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the prices would come down, that would help so much,” Hunt said. “I work with more than 70 chefs in the kitchen and most of us live outside of the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of those polled described the ability to afford housing in their area to be an \"extremely serious\" problem. That feeling was most prevalent among Bay Area voters (65 percent) followed by those living Orange and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide online survey asked 1,200 registered voters in late August and early September about their opinions on housing affordability in their region of the state, local rent control laws and whether they would support a multibillion-dollar bond to help fund housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll showed early support, about 51 percent, for a bond, which state lawmakers cleared the way for last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"2BH9Qr6K98XApdivuOCk1DabYywKZEh4\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB3\">SB 3\u003c/a>, if signed into law, would ask California voters in November 2018 to approve a $4 billion general obligation bond that would fund a home ownership program for veterans, grant money to cities building affordable housing projects in infill and around transit centers, and would fund low-income housing for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If SB 3 passes, it will be a big boost to affordable housing development in the state,” said Dan Schoenholz, deputy director of community development for Fremont. “It is hard to say as an individual city how much would make its way to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities like Fremont are evaluating how \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/09/15/housing-bills-clear-toughest-hurdle-at-state-capitol/\">15 housing bills passed by the Legislature last week\u003c/a> will affect them. But one piece of legislation, AB 1505, could quickly come into play for cities like San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1505\">AB 1505\u003c/a> would allow cities to require developers building market-rate rental units to also include a certain percentage of affordable rentals. This is called an inclusionary housing ordinance. Many cities have adopted similar ordinances that apply to housing developments of for-sale units, but not rentals, because a 2009 court decision interpreted this to be a form of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities \u003ca href=\"http://www2.oaklandnet.com/government/o/PBN/OurOrganization/PlanningZoning/s/ImpactFee/index.htm\">such as Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/index.aspx?nid=3979\">San Jose introduced impact fees\u003c/a> that charged developers building rental projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michele Byrd, housing and community and development director for Oakland, said the legislation could affect new rental projects that the city collected applications for last Friday from developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited about how many projects we got,” Byrd said. “We’re expecting 10 to 15 new affordable housing construction projects.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Imagine you’re a woman with an online startup, and you’re having trouble getting respect. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might expect a chilly reception from venture capitalists, infamous for dismissing anybody who isn’t a white or Asian male. But then you notice the dude-i-tude is coming from most of the techies you work with. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you do? Invent a male co-founder, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Kate Dwyer and Penelope Gazin did. They’re co-founders of \u003ca href=\"https://www.witchsy.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Witchsy\u003c/a>, an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier. When they weren’t being taken seriously, they came up with a fake, third co-founder: Keith Mann.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to reset some of the conversations that we were having with developers, as well as designers,” Dwyer says. “So we created Keith as a means to have a little bit of a buffer between us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith would send out emails inquiring after deliverables. “He just got results, in a way that we weren’t,” Dwyer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Keith asked for something, web developers didn’t challenge or second-guess his judgement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, and they also responded faster when Keith was asking for, say, an update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just accepted that he was correct,” Dwyer says. “In general we found that a lot of times people would question us, they would often second-guess the things we were doing. But then when Keith would ask for something, a project update or anything really, he would get an instance response of ‘Yeah Keith, you got it.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617485\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-520x292.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM.jpg 1188w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Witchsy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You might think Dwyer and Gazin would be tempted to feel resentful, but no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keith was an amazing tool, and he just got things done,” Gazin says. “I don’t think that the people that we were working with were at all conscious of the difference in [their] behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith Mann has since “retired,” and of course, the secret is out since the story broke on \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/40456604/these-women-entrepreneurs-created-a-fake-male-cofounder-to-dodge-startup-sexism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fast Company\u003c/a> a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the story of Keith Mann is proving even more valuable than his short career as an appealingly assertive project manager. Dwyer and Gazin say the flurry of publicity about their experiment has boosted traffic to the web site at unprecedented levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Good job, Keith!\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Imagine you’re a woman with an online startup, and you’re having trouble getting respect. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might expect a chilly reception from venture capitalists, infamous for dismissing anybody who isn’t a white or Asian male. But then you notice the dude-i-tude is coming from most of the techies you work with. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you do? Invent a male co-founder, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Kate Dwyer and Penelope Gazin did. They’re co-founders of \u003ca href=\"https://www.witchsy.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Witchsy\u003c/a>, an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier. When they weren’t being taken seriously, they came up with a fake, third co-founder: Keith Mann.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to reset some of the conversations that we were having with developers, as well as designers,” Dwyer says. “So we created Keith as a means to have a little bit of a buffer between us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith would send out emails inquiring after deliverables. “He just got results, in a way that we weren’t,” Dwyer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Keith asked for something, web developers didn’t challenge or second-guess his judgement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, and they also responded faster when Keith was asking for, say, an update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just accepted that he was correct,” Dwyer says. “In general we found that a lot of times people would question us, they would often second-guess the things we were doing. But then when Keith would ask for something, a project update or anything really, he would get an instance response of ‘Yeah Keith, you got it.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617485\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-520x292.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM.jpg 1188w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Witchsy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You might think Dwyer and Gazin would be tempted to feel resentful, but no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keith was an amazing tool, and he just got things done,” Gazin says. “I don’t think that the people that we were working with were at all conscious of the difference in [their] behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith Mann has since “retired,” and of course, the secret is out since the story broke on \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/40456604/these-women-entrepreneurs-created-a-fake-male-cofounder-to-dodge-startup-sexism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fast Company\u003c/a> a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the story of Keith Mann is proving even more valuable than his short career as an appealingly assertive project manager. Dwyer and Gazin say the flurry of publicity about their experiment has boosted traffic to the web site at unprecedented levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Good job, Keith!\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
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