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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Las Vegas Shooting Update\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s been five days since the horrific mass shooting in Las Vegas that left at least 58 people dead and more than 500 injured. We get an update from Nevada Public Radio’s Joe Schoenmann on the investigation into shooter Stephen Paddock’s motives and how families, friends and the Las Vegas community are working to pick up the pieces.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gun Control Debate\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the wake of the worst mass shooting in modern U.S. history, renewed calls for stricter gun laws are reigniting a national debate. We look at California’s track record of gun control and whether increased regulation can be effective in preventing incidents like the tragedy in Las Vegas. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Allison Anderman, Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence, managing attorney\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lois Beckett, The Guardian senior reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Supreme Court Fall Term\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The U.S. Supreme Court’s docket this fall includes a number of cases with significance for California. UC Hastings law professor Rory Little offers analysis on several cases with potentially lasting impact on immigration, data privacy and First Amendment rights.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Museum of Ice Cream\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rhinestone-studded popsicles, a pool filled with a million sprinkles and an ice cream “flavor of the week” are all part of the experience at the new Museum of Ice Cream. KQED’s Sheraz Sadiq gets a rare tour from co-founder Madison Utendahl. Located at 1 Grant Avenue in San Francisco, the museum opened its doors in September 2017 and will run through February 2018.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Payday and car-title lenders must issue loans only to consumers who demonstrate they can afford them, much like banks and other financial institutions do, according to a nationwide rule issued this week by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule, which applies to loans that require all or most of the debt to be paid at once, will force lenders to check a borrower’s ability to repay a loan — and still meet basic living expenses — before issuing that credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area lawmakers and California Attorney General Xavier Becerra welcomed the new regulations, which do not go into effect until the summer of 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I applaud the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau for taking action today to rein in abusive payday loan vendors,” said Becerra in a statement. “Sadly, many of these businesses make money by preying on the most vulnerable — hardworking men and women, families with young children, seniors, and people with disabilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Borrowers often give permission to payday lenders to take repayments straight from their bank accounts. But lenders can charge payments even when the account is empty, which can rack up overdraft fees for the consumer. The CFPB’s new rule will also limit a lender’s ability to dip into a borrower’s bank account after two unsuccessful attempts, a move that could help consumers avoid those overdraft fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statewide industry group, the California Financial Service Providers Association, countered that the CFPB’s decision will deprive millions of Americans of their right to “quick and affordable credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe this rule will be devastating to consumers seeking access to credit, thereby causing irreversible harm to the very Americans the CFPB purports to help,” said Thomas Leonard, executive director of the association, which represents dozens of payday and other non-bank lenders statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates anticipate the alternative loan industry might fight back with lawsuits and extensive lobbying in Congress to prevent the new regulations from going into effect. But they said most Americans support implementing these reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"http://www.responsiblelending.org/media/poll-strong-bipartisan-support-reining-abusive-payday-lenders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 2015 poll\u003c/a> sponsored by the Center for Responsible Lending found 78 percent of respondents, including 80 percent of Republicans, support requiring payday lenders to issue a loan only after determining the borrower can pay it back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, seniors have become the largest group of borrowers for payday loans, which had an average annual interest rate of 372 percent last year, according a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2017/Release%20-%202016%20payday%20loans%20report%207-5-17%20-%20final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Business Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said the new regulations aim to aim to stop “payday debt traps” that are often marketed to financially vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many payday loan customers have to borrow again in order to pay the original loan amount. More than four out of five payday loans are re-borrowed because payments are too expensive for cash-strapped consumers, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too often, borrowers who need quick cash end up trapped in loans they can’t afford,” said CFPB Director Richard Cordray. “The rule’s common sense ability-to-repay protections prevent lenders from succeeding by setting up borrowers to fail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consumer watchdog and its director have been under attack by Republican lawmakers in Congress. Representative Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), who chairs the House Financial Services Committee, has accused the agency of overstepping its authority and Cordray of using this payday rule for political gain.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Payday and car-title lenders must issue loans only to consumers who demonstrate they can afford them, much like banks and other financial institutions do, according to a nationwide rule issued this week by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule, which applies to loans that require all or most of the debt to be paid at once, will force lenders to check a borrower’s ability to repay a loan — and still meet basic living expenses — before issuing that credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area lawmakers and California Attorney General Xavier Becerra welcomed the new regulations, which do not go into effect until the summer of 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I applaud the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau for taking action today to rein in abusive payday loan vendors,” said Becerra in a statement. “Sadly, many of these businesses make money by preying on the most vulnerable — hardworking men and women, families with young children, seniors, and people with disabilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Borrowers often give permission to payday lenders to take repayments straight from their bank accounts. But lenders can charge payments even when the account is empty, which can rack up overdraft fees for the consumer. The CFPB’s new rule will also limit a lender’s ability to dip into a borrower’s bank account after two unsuccessful attempts, a move that could help consumers avoid those overdraft fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statewide industry group, the California Financial Service Providers Association, countered that the CFPB’s decision will deprive millions of Americans of their right to “quick and affordable credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe this rule will be devastating to consumers seeking access to credit, thereby causing irreversible harm to the very Americans the CFPB purports to help,” said Thomas Leonard, executive director of the association, which represents dozens of payday and other non-bank lenders statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates anticipate the alternative loan industry might fight back with lawsuits and extensive lobbying in Congress to prevent the new regulations from going into effect. But they said most Americans support implementing these reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A\u003ca href=\"http://www.responsiblelending.org/media/poll-strong-bipartisan-support-reining-abusive-payday-lenders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> 2015 poll\u003c/a> sponsored by the Center for Responsible Lending found 78 percent of respondents, including 80 percent of Republicans, support requiring payday lenders to issue a loan only after determining the borrower can pay it back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, seniors have become the largest group of borrowers for payday loans, which had an average annual interest rate of 372 percent last year, according a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.dbo.ca.gov/Press/press_releases/2017/Release%20-%202016%20payday%20loans%20report%207-5-17%20-%20final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Business Oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said the new regulations aim to aim to stop “payday debt traps” that are often marketed to financially vulnerable communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many payday loan customers have to borrow again in order to pay the original loan amount. More than four out of five payday loans are re-borrowed because payments are too expensive for cash-strapped consumers, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Too often, borrowers who need quick cash end up trapped in loans they can’t afford,” said CFPB Director Richard Cordray. “The rule’s common sense ability-to-repay protections prevent lenders from succeeding by setting up borrowers to fail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The consumer watchdog and its director have been under attack by Republican lawmakers in Congress. Representative Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), who chairs the House Financial Services Committee, has accused the agency of overstepping its authority and Cordray of using this payday rule for political gain.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "who-will-benefit-most-from-gop-tax-plan-early-report-suggests-the-wealthy",
"title": "Who Will Benefit Most From GOP Tax Plan? Early Report Suggests the Wealthy",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump and congressional Republicans have pitched their tax plan as a boost for the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rich will not be gaining at all with this plan,” Trump \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/09/13/trump-rich-people-tax-plan-242671\">told reporters\u003c/a> during a meeting with lawmakers in mid-September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But analysts at the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/publications/preliminary-analysis-unified-framework\">Tax Policy Center\u003c/a> who studied the proposal reached a very different conclusion. They predict that nearly three-quarters of the savings from the tax overhaul would go to the top 20 percent of earners — those making more than $149,000. More than half the savings would go to the top 1 percent — people who earn more than $732,800. The tax breaks are even more tilted to the wealthy by the 10th year of the overhaul, when the Tax Policy Center projects nearly 80 percent of the savings would go to the top 1 percent of earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administration officials have tried to discredit the center’s analysis, noting the tax plan is so far just a framework with many of the details still to be filled in by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you is that no one can make real detailed analysis of the plan yet, because it’s not finished,” White House budget director Mick Mulvaney said Sunday on CNN’s “State of the Union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center analysts acknowledge having to make some assumptions as they did their review. They based those assumptions on reasonable sources, including past Republican tax blueprints and the administration’s own April outline. [contextly_sidebar id=”tbMQxje1qZePfC3FUyqtynUOW4nPGvpQ”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center has promised to revise its forecast as lawmakers fill in the blanks of the tax plan. But the big picture is not likely to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be hard to mold this into something where the middle class is the big winner. And the reason for that, or course, is that the upper-income earners are those that pay the most in taxes,” said Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. “If you’re going to reform the tax code, a lot of times it’s going to be the people who pay the most taxes who end up with those bigger breaks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wins for middle class appear largely indirect\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax benefits for the rich in the GOP plan are direct, obvious and easily quantified. Many of the promised benefits for the middle class, on the other hand, are indirect, speculative and uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the wealthy, the government is promising to cut their tax bill directly, by offering a lower-income tax rate and by doing away with targeted levies such as the alternative minimum tax and the estate tax. The AMT hits only upper-income taxpayers and the estate tax hits only people with nearly $5.5 million in assets (or nearly $11 million for married couples). The Tax Policy Center says eliminating those taxes provides a direct $678 billion benefit to top earners over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many middle-class families would also benefit from a lower-income tax rate, but their savings would be dwarfed by those the wealthy enjoy. The Tax Policy Center estimates the average middle-class taxpayer would get a break of $940 from the GOP plan next year, while a taxpayer in the top 1 percent would save $146,470. For those on the lower rungs of the income ladder, the Republican plan actually boosts the tax rate from 10 to 12 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a GOP tax plan?” tweeted an incredulous Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., on Monday, noting the Tax Policy Center’s projection that nearly 30 percent of middle-class families could see their tax bills rise by decade’s end. “I hope the final details are better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">This is a GOP tax plan? Possibly 30% of middle class gets a tax hike? I hope the final details are better than this. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\">https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Senator Rand Paul (@RandPaul) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RandPaul/status/914928161498046464?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">October 2, 2017\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So how do the tax plan’s supporters claim that it’s focused on the middle class? By highlighting speculative, indirect gains that are supposed to result from economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a revolutionary change,” Trump said in announcing the plan in Indiana last week. “The biggest winners will be the everyday American workers as jobs start pouring into our country, as companies start competing for American labor, and as wages start going up at levels that you haven’t seen in many years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., makes a similar claim. “This is a once in a lifetime opportunity that is all about more jobs, fairer taxes and bigger paychecks for American families,” Ryan told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than simply promise that the government will cut the tax bill for working families — many of whom pay little income tax already — the GOP is arguing that its tax plan will promote growth, which in turn will boost employment, and over time result in higher wages. Break any link of that chain and the middle-class “winnings” end up in someone else’s pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cut to corporate tax rate\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A centerpiece of the GOP plan is a deep cut in the corporate tax rate, from 35 percent to 20 percent. The Tax Policy Center estimates that provision, along with repeal of the corporate AMT, would save corporations nearly $2 trillion over the next decade. Where would that money go? Traditionally, it’s been assumed that most of the savings of a corporate tax cut go to business owners or shareholders, who tend to be upper income. But some portion also goes to workers in the form of higher wages. How those spoils are divided determines the big winner when corporate taxes are reduced. [contextly_sidebar id=”RaSpIKeNoRVD0kyTMDeGfcxR5ofphrMU”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasters at the Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation, for example, assume that about three-quarters of the savings from a corporate tax cut goes to shareholders, while the remaining one-quarter goes to workers. Until recently, the Treasury Department assumed a similar breakdown, with owners taking the lion’s share and workers receiving about 18 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argues that a much larger share of corporate tax cuts — 70 percent or more — will ultimately flow to workers. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.factcheck.org/2017/09/benefits-corporate-tax-cut/\">far from a consensus view\u003c/a>, but it’s the position advocated by \u003ca href=\"http://www.aei.org/publication/a-spatial-model-of-corporate-tax-incidence/\">Kevin Hassett\u003c/a>, an economist formerly with the conservative American Enterprise Institute who now chairs Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers. If Hassett is correct, that would shift more of the $2 trillion in savings from the corporate tax cut down the income ladder, from wealthy shareholders to middle-class employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Standard deduction vs. personal exemptions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the GOP plan say many middle- and working-class families would benefit from the near doubling of the standard deduction. That would exempt the first $12,000 of earnings for individuals and $24,000 for couples from income tax. The higher standard deduction would also free many taxpayers from having to itemize, making tax filing simpler. But while Republicans want to expand this tax break, they’re planning to take away many others, including personal and dependent exemptions, which reduce taxable income by $4,050 for each taxpayer, spouse and dependent in a household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This combination could leave a couple with two children worse off. Their standard deduction would increase by $11,300 (from $12,700 to $24,000). But their four exemptions, totaling $16,200, would disappear, leaving them with more taxable income and a higher tax bill. For couples with three or more children, the situation is potentially worse. This might be offset by a larger child tax credit Republicans have promised, but that depends on details that have not yet been worked out. In addition, taxpayers who continue to itemize would lose their personal exemptions without the offsetting benefit of a larger standard deduction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center estimates that boosting the standard deduction will leave an extra $830 billion in taxpayers’ pockets over the next decade, while eliminating personal and dependent exemptions will increase taxes by $1.6 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>State and local tax deduction\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have promised to preserve the tax deductions for mortgage interest and charitable giving, along with unspecified tax incentives for retirement savings, work and higher education. Most other tax breaks are on the chopping block, but the only one that lawmakers and the administration have singled out for elimination is the deduction for state and local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions.’\u003ccite>Steven Mnuchin, Treasury Secretary\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions,” Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “One of those deductions is about getting the federal government out of the business of subsidizing the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If state and local taxes were no longer deductible, the federal government would collect an extra $1.3 trillion over the next decade, according to Tax Policy Center. The move would particularly hurt taxpayers in relatively high-tax states, many of which lean Democratic. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://taxfoundation.org/state-and-local-tax-deduction-primer/\">Tax Foundation\u003c/a>, more than half the total value of the deduction is claimed by taxpayers in just six states — California, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Texas and Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the exception of Texas, all of those are blue states. But as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., points out, there are many taxpayers in GOP districts who would be unhappy to see the deduction for state and local taxes taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My guess is you’re going to have 30, 40, 50 Congress members — Republican — who say, ‘I can’t vote for this because it raises taxes on my core constituency,’ ” Schumer said on Sept. 27, the day the plan was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The role of economic growth \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration and congressional Republicans describe their tax plan as a key ingredient in the recipe for faster economic growth. They’re counting on that to boost federal revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe there will be $2 trillion of additional growth” over the next decade, Mnuchin told ABC’s “This Week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many independent observers think that’s overly optimistic, especially with the economy near full employment, an aging workforce and an administration determined to limit immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.’\u003ccite>Maya MacGuineas, President, Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen a lot of modeling of tax plans before and we’ve seen what’s happened when we’ve reformed the tax code before,” said MacGuineas. “You can grow the economy by — perhaps if it’s done well — a couple of additional tenths-of-a percent of GDP. And that would be great. We should celebrate getting that done. But we should also be realistic and we shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center says it expects the GOP plan would have “little macroeconomic feedback effect on revenues over the first decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Effect on deficits and debt\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax cuts in the GOP proposal would reduce government revenues by trillions of dollars. Some of that would be offset by closing (mostly unspecified) loopholes. But the Tax Policy Center still predicts an extra $2.4 trillion in red ink over the next decade. If Republicans’ promised level of economic growth fails to materialize, all of that would be added to the federal debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That worries deficit hawks like Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn. He expects to raise some revenue by eliminating tax breaks and through economic growth. But Corker told NBC’s Chuck Todd that he’s not willing to put the balance on the government’s credit card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it looks like to me, Chuck, we’re adding one penny to the deficit, I am not going to be for it, OK?” said Corker, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/09/26/553798939/tennessee-republican-sen-bob-corker-wont-seek-reelection-in-2018\">who is not planning to run for re-election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a narrow two-vote majority in the Senate, Republicans can ill afford further defections.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump and congressional Republicans have pitched their tax plan as a boost for the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rich will not be gaining at all with this plan,” Trump \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/09/13/trump-rich-people-tax-plan-242671\">told reporters\u003c/a> during a meeting with lawmakers in mid-September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But analysts at the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/publications/preliminary-analysis-unified-framework\">Tax Policy Center\u003c/a> who studied the proposal reached a very different conclusion. They predict that nearly three-quarters of the savings from the tax overhaul would go to the top 20 percent of earners — those making more than $149,000. More than half the savings would go to the top 1 percent — people who earn more than $732,800. The tax breaks are even more tilted to the wealthy by the 10th year of the overhaul, when the Tax Policy Center projects nearly 80 percent of the savings would go to the top 1 percent of earners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administration officials have tried to discredit the center’s analysis, noting the tax plan is so far just a framework with many of the details still to be filled in by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you is that no one can make real detailed analysis of the plan yet, because it’s not finished,” White House budget director Mick Mulvaney said Sunday on CNN’s “State of the Union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center analysts acknowledge having to make some assumptions as they did their review. They based those assumptions on reasonable sources, including past Republican tax blueprints and the administration’s own April outline. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center has promised to revise its forecast as lawmakers fill in the blanks of the tax plan. But the big picture is not likely to change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be hard to mold this into something where the middle class is the big winner. And the reason for that, or course, is that the upper-income earners are those that pay the most in taxes,” said Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. “If you’re going to reform the tax code, a lot of times it’s going to be the people who pay the most taxes who end up with those bigger breaks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Wins for middle class appear largely indirect\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax benefits for the rich in the GOP plan are direct, obvious and easily quantified. Many of the promised benefits for the middle class, on the other hand, are indirect, speculative and uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the wealthy, the government is promising to cut their tax bill directly, by offering a lower-income tax rate and by doing away with targeted levies such as the alternative minimum tax and the estate tax. The AMT hits only upper-income taxpayers and the estate tax hits only people with nearly $5.5 million in assets (or nearly $11 million for married couples). The Tax Policy Center says eliminating those taxes provides a direct $678 billion benefit to top earners over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many middle-class families would also benefit from a lower-income tax rate, but their savings would be dwarfed by those the wealthy enjoy. The Tax Policy Center estimates the average middle-class taxpayer would get a break of $940 from the GOP plan next year, while a taxpayer in the top 1 percent would save $146,470. For those on the lower rungs of the income ladder, the Republican plan actually boosts the tax rate from 10 to 12 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a GOP tax plan?” tweeted an incredulous Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., on Monday, noting the Tax Policy Center’s projection that nearly 30 percent of middle-class families could see their tax bills rise by decade’s end. “I hope the final details are better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">This is a GOP tax plan? Possibly 30% of middle class gets a tax hike? I hope the final details are better than this. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\">https://t.co/lcjkI4YRz8\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Senator Rand Paul (@RandPaul) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RandPaul/status/914928161498046464?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">October 2, 2017\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So how do the tax plan’s supporters claim that it’s focused on the middle class? By highlighting speculative, indirect gains that are supposed to result from economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a revolutionary change,” Trump said in announcing the plan in Indiana last week. “The biggest winners will be the everyday American workers as jobs start pouring into our country, as companies start competing for American labor, and as wages start going up at levels that you haven’t seen in many years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wis., makes a similar claim. “This is a once in a lifetime opportunity that is all about more jobs, fairer taxes and bigger paychecks for American families,” Ryan told reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than simply promise that the government will cut the tax bill for working families — many of whom pay little income tax already — the GOP is arguing that its tax plan will promote growth, which in turn will boost employment, and over time result in higher wages. Break any link of that chain and the middle-class “winnings” end up in someone else’s pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cut to corporate tax rate\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A centerpiece of the GOP plan is a deep cut in the corporate tax rate, from 35 percent to 20 percent. The Tax Policy Center estimates that provision, along with repeal of the corporate AMT, would save corporations nearly $2 trillion over the next decade. Where would that money go? Traditionally, it’s been assumed that most of the savings of a corporate tax cut go to business owners or shareholders, who tend to be upper income. But some portion also goes to workers in the form of higher wages. How those spoils are divided determines the big winner when corporate taxes are reduced. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasters at the Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation, for example, assume that about three-quarters of the savings from a corporate tax cut goes to shareholders, while the remaining one-quarter goes to workers. Until recently, the Treasury Department assumed a similar breakdown, with owners taking the lion’s share and workers receiving about 18 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argues that a much larger share of corporate tax cuts — 70 percent or more — will ultimately flow to workers. That’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.factcheck.org/2017/09/benefits-corporate-tax-cut/\">far from a consensus view\u003c/a>, but it’s the position advocated by \u003ca href=\"http://www.aei.org/publication/a-spatial-model-of-corporate-tax-incidence/\">Kevin Hassett\u003c/a>, an economist formerly with the conservative American Enterprise Institute who now chairs Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers. If Hassett is correct, that would shift more of the $2 trillion in savings from the corporate tax cut down the income ladder, from wealthy shareholders to middle-class employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Standard deduction vs. personal exemptions\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the GOP plan say many middle- and working-class families would benefit from the near doubling of the standard deduction. That would exempt the first $12,000 of earnings for individuals and $24,000 for couples from income tax. The higher standard deduction would also free many taxpayers from having to itemize, making tax filing simpler. But while Republicans want to expand this tax break, they’re planning to take away many others, including personal and dependent exemptions, which reduce taxable income by $4,050 for each taxpayer, spouse and dependent in a household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This combination could leave a couple with two children worse off. Their standard deduction would increase by $11,300 (from $12,700 to $24,000). But their four exemptions, totaling $16,200, would disappear, leaving them with more taxable income and a higher tax bill. For couples with three or more children, the situation is potentially worse. This might be offset by a larger child tax credit Republicans have promised, but that depends on details that have not yet been worked out. In addition, taxpayers who continue to itemize would lose their personal exemptions without the offsetting benefit of a larger standard deduction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center estimates that boosting the standard deduction will leave an extra $830 billion in taxpayers’ pockets over the next decade, while eliminating personal and dependent exemptions will increase taxes by $1.6 trillion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>State and local tax deduction\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have promised to preserve the tax deductions for mortgage interest and charitable giving, along with unspecified tax incentives for retirement savings, work and higher education. Most other tax breaks are on the chopping block, but the only one that lawmakers and the administration have singled out for elimination is the deduction for state and local taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions.’\u003ccite>Steven Mnuchin, Treasury Secretary\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“One of the things we’re trying to do is eliminate lots and lots of deductions,” Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “One of those deductions is about getting the federal government out of the business of subsidizing the states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If state and local taxes were no longer deductible, the federal government would collect an extra $1.3 trillion over the next decade, according to Tax Policy Center. The move would particularly hurt taxpayers in relatively high-tax states, many of which lean Democratic. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://taxfoundation.org/state-and-local-tax-deduction-primer/\">Tax Foundation\u003c/a>, more than half the total value of the deduction is claimed by taxpayers in just six states — California, New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Texas and Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the exception of Texas, all of those are blue states. But as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., points out, there are many taxpayers in GOP districts who would be unhappy to see the deduction for state and local taxes taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My guess is you’re going to have 30, 40, 50 Congress members — Republican — who say, ‘I can’t vote for this because it raises taxes on my core constituency,’ ” Schumer said on Sept. 27, the day the plan was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The role of economic growth \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The administration and congressional Republicans describe their tax plan as a key ingredient in the recipe for faster economic growth. They’re counting on that to boost federal revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe there will be $2 trillion of additional growth” over the next decade, Mnuchin told ABC’s “This Week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many independent observers think that’s overly optimistic, especially with the economy near full employment, an aging workforce and an administration determined to limit immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.’\u003ccite>Maya MacGuineas, President, Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen a lot of modeling of tax plans before and we’ve seen what’s happened when we’ve reformed the tax code before,” said MacGuineas. “You can grow the economy by — perhaps if it’s done well — a couple of additional tenths-of-a percent of GDP. And that would be great. We should celebrate getting that done. But we should also be realistic and we shouldn’t try to pay for things with wishful thinking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tax Policy Center says it expects the GOP plan would have “little macroeconomic feedback effect on revenues over the first decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Effect on deficits and debt\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax cuts in the GOP proposal would reduce government revenues by trillions of dollars. Some of that would be offset by closing (mostly unspecified) loopholes. But the Tax Policy Center still predicts an extra $2.4 trillion in red ink over the next decade. If Republicans’ promised level of economic growth fails to materialize, all of that would be added to the federal debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That worries deficit hawks like Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn. He expects to raise some revenue by eliminating tax breaks and through economic growth. But Corker told NBC’s Chuck Todd that he’s not willing to put the balance on the government’s credit card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it looks like to me, Chuck, we’re adding one penny to the deficit, I am not going to be for it, OK?” said Corker, \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/09/26/553798939/tennessee-republican-sen-bob-corker-wont-seek-reelection-in-2018\">who is not planning to run for re-election\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a narrow two-vote majority in the Senate, Republicans can ill afford further defections.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Athletes and Free Speech\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the gridiron to the living room, the controversy over NFL players taking a knee as a form of protest during the national anthem has revealed deep divisions among players, owners and fans alike. The issue has spilled over to other professional sports, while NFL teammates continue to lock arms in solidarity to support their right to make a statement on and off the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guests:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Ann Killion, San Francisco Chronicle sports columnist\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Kevin Lynch, KNBR contributor\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>North Korea and 21\u003csup>st\u003c/sup> Century Warfare\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, North Korea’s foreign minister escalated the war of words between the U.S. and North Korea by threatening to shoot down U.S. military planes even if they flew outside his nation’s airspace. We talk with UC Berkeley School of Law Professor John Yoo, who co-authored a new book on technology and warfare, about containing North Korea. The former George W. Bush Justice Department official also shares his thoughts on the constitutionality of the Trump administration’s latest travel ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tax Overhaul\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, President Trump and Republican lawmakers began promoting a massive reform of taxes. They claim their proposal would simplify the tax code and slash taxes for working-class Americans and small businesses. But details remain scant, and some economic experts think the plan would most benefit the rich while also driving up the national deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Professor Alan Auerbach, UC Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tax Overhaul\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, President Trump and Republican lawmakers began promoting a massive reform of taxes. They claim their proposal would simplify the tax code and slash taxes for working-class Americans and small businesses. But details remain scant, and some economic experts think the plan would most benefit the rich while also driving up the national deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Professor Alan Auerbach, UC Berkeley\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Governor Signs '15 Good Bills' Aimed at California's Housing Crisis",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed a package of legislation to ease California's housing crunch, answering years of calls for a strong state response to skyrocketing home prices and rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills signed Friday combine new funding for housing construction with new rules to streamline the development process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is a big challenge. We have risen to it this year,\" said Brown, who put his signature on what he called \"15 good bills\" at a ceremony in San Francisco's Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New funding for housing construction, rental assistance and homeless programs will come from a housing bond (if voters approve it next year) and a fee on certain real estate transactions, like a mortgage refinancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Streamlining rules will make it harder for local governments to block certain housing developments, if they have failed to meet previous goals for approving units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620174\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"546\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1020x696.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1180x805.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-960x655.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-240x164.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-375x256.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-520x355.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We gotta figure out a way to streamline, and we're doing that in these bills,\" Brown added. He said government needs to subsidize housing in markets where prices have spiraled out of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In speeches celebrating the bills signed, legislators revealed details of the delicate process that culminated with Friday's signing ceremony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León said San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener \"squatted in my office every single day,\" as lawmakers worked on a housing deal that could pass both houses and win the governor's approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"hKBlBR6hiQSYg1JyOb6t1rIrpFWyGEsW\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco recounted the governor showing up unexpectedly in his office to promise a group of Assembly members that the housing package would get done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates and mayors from the state's largest cities attended the ceremony, and urged the Legislature to continue its work addressing the issue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown begrudgingly agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Have [the bills] ended the need for further legislation? Unfortunately not,\" Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He then pleaded, \"Not so many bills next year, guys.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed a package of legislation to ease California's housing crunch, answering years of calls for a strong state response to skyrocketing home prices and rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills signed Friday combine new funding for housing construction with new rules to streamline the development process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is a big challenge. We have risen to it this year,\" said Brown, who put his signature on what he called \"15 good bills\" at a ceremony in San Francisco's Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New funding for housing construction, rental assistance and homeless programs will come from a housing bond (if voters approve it next year) and a fee on certain real estate transactions, like a mortgage refinancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Streamlining rules will make it harder for local governments to block certain housing developments, if they have failed to meet previous goals for approving units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620174\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620174\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"546\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-800x546.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1020x696.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-1180x805.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-960x655.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-240x164.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-375x256.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/HousingSigning-520x355.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown stands with state lawmakers in San Francisco after signing a package of housing legislation on Friday, Sept. 29, 2017. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"We gotta figure out a way to streamline, and we're doing that in these bills,\" Brown added. He said government needs to subsidize housing in markets where prices have spiraled out of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In speeches celebrating the bills signed, legislators revealed details of the delicate process that culminated with Friday's signing ceremony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León said San Francisco state Sen. Scott Wiener \"squatted in my office every single day,\" as lawmakers worked on a housing deal that could pass both houses and win the governor's approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco recounted the governor showing up unexpectedly in his office to promise a group of Assembly members that the housing package would get done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates and mayors from the state's largest cities attended the ceremony, and urged the Legislature to continue its work addressing the issue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown begrudgingly agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Have [the bills] ended the need for further legislation? Unfortunately not,\" Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He then pleaded, \"Not so many bills next year, guys.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "As Gov. Brown Signs New Housing Laws, Cities Get Ready -- On Their Own Terms",
"title": "As Gov. Brown Signs New Housing Laws, Cities Get Ready -- On Their Own Terms",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed into law more than a dozen bills to address California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">housing crisis\u003c/a>. Now it's up to cities and counties to begin faithfully (or maybe not so faithfully) enacting the state’s new housing agenda. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That process has already begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that we have to comply with these laws of the state of California now,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín, whose city has been defined for years by fights between pro- and slow-development forces. “And so how can we comply ... but also preserve some degree of local control?” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between cities’ traditional prerogative over local land use and the state’s broader interest in more housing for dwelling-strapped California framed much of the housing debate in Sacramento this year. Now officials in San Jose, San Luis Obispo, Redondo Beach and other locales are exploring how to work within the new rules -- on their own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín applauds state lawmakers for finally taking action on an issue that cities have been fighting alone for years. New funding is particularly welcome. A pair of new laws offer the promise of fresh dollars for affordable housing construction via a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fee\u003c/a> on real estate documents and a 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB3\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bond measure\u003c/a>. Those proposals earned the plaudits of local elected leaders and governance groups across the state, including the League of California Cities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620065\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín\" width=\"350\" height=\"233\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11620065\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg 350w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-240x160.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín \u003ccite>(City of Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But like most local leaders, Arreguín also has his share of reservations, especially about measures that could make it more difficult to deny new projects they disapprove of. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One will \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">require\u003c/a> cities that aren’t meeting their state-determined targets for housing production to offer developers an alternative, “streamlined” approval process. To qualify for fast-track treatment, new multifamily housing developments will have to meet current zoning standards, set aside a certain share of below-market units and pay their workers union wages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How many developers will be willing to tick those boxes is unclear, but proponents call streamlining a necessary measure to bypass NIMBY obstructionism. Many cities call it a usurpation of local authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB167\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a> will make it harder for cities to deny new housing projects if they otherwise comply with local rules, and will raise the penalty for municipalities that wrongly do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley did not officially adopt a position on either bill while lawmakers were considering them. But a local response is now in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín said he is developing a Berkeley-specific streamlining process that would be available to developers in addition to the new state process. His alternative is still in its early stages, but the mayor hopes it will steer developers toward low- and moderate-income projects and those providing additional community benefits that are still undefined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission is also working on tighter zoning laws that would feature new density requirements and design standards while staying in tune with state law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we set local requirements that still give the city some flexibility in shaping -- not denying -- but shaping projects, we can ensure compliance with [new laws] and still maintain some degree of control,” Arreguín said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar conversation is taking place across San Francisco Bay in Corte Madera, a small town in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since the town approved a 180-unit apartment complex along Highway 101 over the vociferous objections of some community members, Vice Mayor Carla Condon said the town is looking for less obtrusive ways to expand the housing stock. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620075\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One option the town is considering is to waive fees and loosen regulations on secondary dwellings, those fashioned within or near a main home. This might make it easier to convert a basement into an apartment or build a tiny house in a backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing our best to be compliant but also to try to maintain the small-town character that everybody really cherishes in this community,” Condon said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear that secondary units will accommodate the town’s housing needs indefinitely. But for now, Condon says, Corte Madera is producing more housing than the state requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Berkeley and Corte Madera try to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests, other cities are considering blunter instruments. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Redondo Beach placed a 10-and-a-half month-long moratorium on new mixed-use development projects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nils Nehrenheim, a city council member and local slow-growth activist, the ban has been in the works for years but now comes in the nick of time. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thankfully, we’re starting this this month,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office and the Department of Community Development are looking into how the various housing bills would affect planning decisions. The goal, Nehrenheim said, is “to learn if we can mitigate some of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders have also discussed pushing back against the state’s housing-production targets, though it isn’t yet clear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to start having more conversations with state legislators” about adjusting those targets, said Nehrenheim. “We’re all very concerned about the loss of local control -- no matter what side of the issue you stand on in terms of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local lawmakers often face tremendous pressure to block, stall or renegotiate unpopular projects. Soon they won’t have as much power to respond to that pressure -- but that isn’t necessarily a bad thing, said Aaron Gomez, who sits on the City Council in San Luis Obispo. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decisions about land use inevitably leave some constituents unhappy. Mandatory streamlining may allow local lawmakers to blame the state if faced with angry voters. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do like the political cover of that,” Gomez said. “It just limits that conversation.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have quietly stomached any threat to their authority over planning as the price of the help they need. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Philosophically, we don’t want the state to necessarily be encroaching on this part of the work that we do as a city,” said Jacky Morales-Ferrand, director of housing for the city of San Jose. But, she said, the city “wanted to create a path forward for some of those signature housing bills that we’ve been waiting on for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief among them is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1505\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">one\u003c/a> that will effectively reverse a 2009 California court \u003ca href=\"http://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-court-of-appeal/1077003.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">decision\u003c/a> that barred cities from forcing rental-property developers to offer a certain number of new units at below-market rates. Cities across the Bay Area, in Los Angeles and even in rural communities such as Tuolumne County are all now dusting off and re-examining their old inclusionary-housing ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales-Ferrand said she hopes the city will “turn on” the policy as soon as Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/ben-christopher/\">Ben Christopher\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown has signed into law more than a dozen bills to address California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">housing crisis\u003c/a>. Now it's up to cities and counties to begin faithfully (or maybe not so faithfully) enacting the state’s new housing agenda. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That process has already begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea is that we have to comply with these laws of the state of California now,” said Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín, whose city has been defined for years by fights between pro- and slow-development forces. “And so how can we comply ... but also preserve some degree of local control?” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between cities’ traditional prerogative over local land use and the state’s broader interest in more housing for dwelling-strapped California framed much of the housing debate in Sacramento this year. Now officials in San Jose, San Luis Obispo, Redondo Beach and other locales are exploring how to work within the new rules -- on their own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín applauds state lawmakers for finally taking action on an issue that cities have been fighting alone for years. New funding is particularly welcome. A pair of new laws offer the promise of fresh dollars for affordable housing construction via a new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fee\u003c/a> on real estate documents and a 2018 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB3\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">bond measure\u003c/a>. Those proposals earned the plaudits of local elected leaders and governance groups across the state, including the League of California Cities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620065\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 350px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg\" alt=\"Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín\" width=\"350\" height=\"233\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11620065\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin.jpg 350w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/JesseArreguin-240x160.jpg 240w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 350px) 100vw, 350px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín \u003ccite>(City of Berkeley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But like most local leaders, Arreguín also has his share of reservations, especially about measures that could make it more difficult to deny new projects they disapprove of. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One will \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">require\u003c/a> cities that aren’t meeting their state-determined targets for housing production to offer developers an alternative, “streamlined” approval process. To qualify for fast-track treatment, new multifamily housing developments will have to meet current zoning standards, set aside a certain share of below-market units and pay their workers union wages. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How many developers will be willing to tick those boxes is unclear, but proponents call streamlining a necessary measure to bypass NIMBY obstructionism. Many cities call it a usurpation of local authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB167\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a> will make it harder for cities to deny new housing projects if they otherwise comply with local rules, and will raise the penalty for municipalities that wrongly do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley did not officially adopt a position on either bill while lawmakers were considering them. But a local response is now in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín said he is developing a Berkeley-specific streamlining process that would be available to developers in addition to the new state process. His alternative is still in its early stages, but the mayor hopes it will steer developers toward low- and moderate-income projects and those providing additional community benefits that are still undefined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission is also working on tighter zoning laws that would feature new density requirements and design standards while staying in tune with state law. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we set local requirements that still give the city some flexibility in shaping -- not denying -- but shaping projects, we can ensure compliance with [new laws] and still maintain some degree of control,” Arreguín said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar conversation is taking place across San Francisco Bay in Corte Madera, a small town in Marin County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since the town approved a 180-unit apartment complex along Highway 101 over the vociferous objections of some community members, Vice Mayor Carla Condon said the town is looking for less obtrusive ways to expand the housing stock. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11620075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11620075\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/CorteMadera-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Corte Madera is one city trying to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One option the town is considering is to waive fees and loosen regulations on secondary dwellings, those fashioned within or near a main home. This might make it easier to convert a basement into an apartment or build a tiny house in a backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re doing our best to be compliant but also to try to maintain the small-town character that everybody really cherishes in this community,” Condon said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear that secondary units will accommodate the town’s housing needs indefinitely. But for now, Condon says, Corte Madera is producing more housing than the state requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Berkeley and Corte Madera try to thread the needle between new state mandates and local interests, other cities are considering blunter instruments. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Redondo Beach placed a 10-and-a-half month-long moratorium on new mixed-use development projects. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Nils Nehrenheim, a city council member and local slow-growth activist, the ban has been in the works for years but now comes in the nick of time. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thankfully, we’re starting this this month,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office and the Department of Community Development are looking into how the various housing bills would affect planning decisions. The goal, Nehrenheim said, is “to learn if we can mitigate some of these issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders have also discussed pushing back against the state’s housing-production targets, though it isn’t yet clear how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have to start having more conversations with state legislators” about adjusting those targets, said Nehrenheim. “We’re all very concerned about the loss of local control -- no matter what side of the issue you stand on in terms of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local lawmakers often face tremendous pressure to block, stall or renegotiate unpopular projects. Soon they won’t have as much power to respond to that pressure -- but that isn’t necessarily a bad thing, said Aaron Gomez, who sits on the City Council in San Luis Obispo. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Decisions about land use inevitably leave some constituents unhappy. Mandatory streamlining may allow local lawmakers to blame the state if faced with angry voters. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do like the political cover of that,” Gomez said. “It just limits that conversation.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have quietly stomached any threat to their authority over planning as the price of the help they need. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Philosophically, we don’t want the state to necessarily be encroaching on this part of the work that we do as a city,” said Jacky Morales-Ferrand, director of housing for the city of San Jose. But, she said, the city “wanted to create a path forward for some of those signature housing bills that we’ve been waiting on for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief among them is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1505\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">one\u003c/a> that will effectively reverse a 2009 California court \u003ca href=\"http://caselaw.findlaw.com/ca-court-of-appeal/1077003.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">decision\u003c/a> that barred cities from forcing rental-property developers to offer a certain number of new units at below-market rates. Cities across the Bay Area, in Los Angeles and even in rural communities such as Tuolumne County are all now dusting off and re-examining their old inclusionary-housing ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales-Ferrand said she hopes the city will “turn on” the policy as soon as Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Banks could be forced to collect and report data on the small-business loans they approve and reject — including the ethnicity and gender of the business owners — under new rules being crafted by a federal consumer protection agency. Economists and regulators say the data could help identify whether lenders discriminate against minority- or women-owned businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rules would aim to “facilitate enforcement of fair lending laws” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/about/laws/wallstreetreform-cpa.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">as directed by\u003c/a> Section 1071 of the Dodd-Frank Act. Congress approved the major financial reform legislation in direct response to the last financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage lenders already collect similar data, which help to “shed light on lending patterns that could be discriminatory,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/data-research/hmda/learn-more\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the agency tasked with implementing the reporting changes on small-business lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Bankers Association and other organizations representing lenders oppose the CFPB’s steps. The ABA has asked Congress to repeal this provision of Dodd-Frank, \u003ca href=\"https://bankingjournal.aba.com/2017/06/aba-wins-extension-on-cfpbs-small-business-lending-request-for-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arguing\u003c/a> the data collection is misguided and could end up reducing access to small-business loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The considerable burdens associated with this data collection and reporting regime would add significant costs and unnecessary red tape to small-business lending, discouraging a primary engine for economic growth,” said one \u003ca href=\"https://www.aba.com/Advocacy/Testimonies/Documents/ABAStatementfortheRecordSenateHearingJune152017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> the ABA recently submitted to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/09/RomeroBankLoans.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26601_GettyImages-609067644-qut-800x549.jpg\" Title=\"New Rules Would Target Discrimination in Small-Business Lending\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For business owners, submitting information to lenders would be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination against creditors on the basis of race and sex has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/equal-credit-opportunity-act-3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prohibited\u003c/a> in the U.S. since the 1970s. But several \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/files/rs403tot(2).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studies\u003c/a> have shown racial and ethnic gaps persist in access to credit, even when controlling for the creditworthiness of the borrower and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white-owned firms, minority business owners see their loan applications rejected more often; and when they do get loans, they face higher borrowing costs, according to research by economist Alicia Robb and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If banks had to report lending by race and ethnicity and gender, people could point out those that are not doing well in the market,” said Robb, a research fellow at the University of Colorado at Boulder. “That would lead to behavioral change to try and improve the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docketBrowser?rpp=25&so=DESC&sb=commentDueDate&po=0&D=CFPB-2017-0011\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hundreds\u003c/a> of public comments on the issue. Those include the results of a survey of California nonprofits that work with thousands of small businesses. More than half of respondents said that women and minorities applying for bank loans do face discrimination, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.calreinvest.org/news/new-report-california%E2%80%99s-small-business-owners-face-big-finance-challenges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the California Reinvestment Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These findings highlight the importance of the CFPB’s 1071 rule to identify and address discrimination in the small-business lending marketplace,” said Kevin Stein, deputy director at CRC in San Francisco. The organization is urging the CFPB to “move quickly” to begin implementing the new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has been under fire by Republican lawmakers and faces legal challenges that could undermine its authority. The pressure has intensified since President Trump was elected, and Stein and other small-business advocates fear the agency might be blocked from pursuing additional data from big banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the House approved along party lines the Financial \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Choice Act\u003c/a>, by Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), which would essentially defang the CFPB’s current enforcement and regulatory power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big banks dominate the lending market and offer the lowest interest rates and longest repayment terms, making their loan products an attractive option for entrepreneurs looking to grow their businesses. But banks have tightened their business lending since the Great Recession, making it harder for some small-business owners to get affordable credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among women and minority small-business owners in the Bay Area, anecdotes abound of rejections when applying for bank loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tina Paclebar, co-owner of the delivery company RevEx Inc. in Hayward, said her long-term bank cited some late credit card payments when denying her business loan application earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, she believed her chances were good of getting the $75,000 loan to upgrade her company’s aging vehicle fleet. Her financial statements showed she’d be able to repay it — her company has been in business for 14 years, and it’s growing and profitable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paclebar suspected other reasons influenced her bank’s decision. She wonders whether the fact that she’s Filipina could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a large amount of money in the bank account. We have positive cashflow and constant deposits,” said Paclebar, 46. “So I didn’t understand why we didn’t get the loan.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Banks could be forced to collect and report data on the small-business loans they approve and reject — including the ethnicity and gender of the business owners — under new rules being crafted by a federal consumer protection agency. Economists and regulators say the data could help identify whether lenders discriminate against minority- or women-owned businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rules would aim to “facilitate enforcement of fair lending laws” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/about/laws/wallstreetreform-cpa.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">as directed by\u003c/a> Section 1071 of the Dodd-Frank Act. Congress approved the major financial reform legislation in direct response to the last financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage lenders already collect similar data, which help to “shed light on lending patterns that could be discriminatory,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/data-research/hmda/learn-more\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according\u003c/a> to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the agency tasked with implementing the reporting changes on small-business lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Bankers Association and other organizations representing lenders oppose the CFPB’s steps. The ABA has asked Congress to repeal this provision of Dodd-Frank, \u003ca href=\"https://bankingjournal.aba.com/2017/06/aba-wins-extension-on-cfpbs-small-business-lending-request-for-information/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arguing\u003c/a> the data collection is misguided and could end up reducing access to small-business loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The considerable burdens associated with this data collection and reporting regime would add significant costs and unnecessary red tape to small-business lending, discouraging a primary engine for economic growth,” said one \u003ca href=\"https://www.aba.com/Advocacy/Testimonies/Documents/ABAStatementfortheRecordSenateHearingJune152017.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">letter\u003c/a> the ABA recently submitted to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For business owners, submitting information to lenders would be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination against creditors on the basis of race and sex has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/equal-credit-opportunity-act-3\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prohibited\u003c/a> in the U.S. since the 1970s. But several \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba.gov/sites/default/files/files/rs403tot(2).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">studies\u003c/a> have shown racial and ethnic gaps persist in access to credit, even when controlling for the creditworthiness of the borrower and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white-owned firms, minority business owners see their loan applications rejected more often; and when they do get loans, they face higher borrowing costs, according to research by economist Alicia Robb and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If banks had to report lending by race and ethnicity and gender, people could point out those that are not doing well in the market,” said Robb, a research fellow at the University of Colorado at Boulder. “That would lead to behavioral change to try and improve the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docketBrowser?rpp=25&so=DESC&sb=commentDueDate&po=0&D=CFPB-2017-0011\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hundreds\u003c/a> of public comments on the issue. Those include the results of a survey of California nonprofits that work with thousands of small businesses. More than half of respondents said that women and minorities applying for bank loans do face discrimination, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.calreinvest.org/news/new-report-california%E2%80%99s-small-business-owners-face-big-finance-challenges\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report\u003c/a> released last week by the California Reinvestment Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These findings highlight the importance of the CFPB’s 1071 rule to identify and address discrimination in the small-business lending marketplace,” said Kevin Stein, deputy director at CRC in San Francisco. The organization is urging the CFPB to “move quickly” to begin implementing the new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB has been under fire by Republican lawmakers and faces legal challenges that could undermine its authority. The pressure has intensified since President Trump was elected, and Stein and other small-business advocates fear the agency might be blocked from pursuing additional data from big banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the House approved along party lines the Financial \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/10\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Choice Act\u003c/a>, by Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), which would essentially defang the CFPB’s current enforcement and regulatory power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big banks dominate the lending market and offer the lowest interest rates and longest repayment terms, making their loan products an attractive option for entrepreneurs looking to grow their businesses. But banks have tightened their business lending since the Great Recession, making it harder for some small-business owners to get affordable credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among women and minority small-business owners in the Bay Area, anecdotes abound of rejections when applying for bank loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tina Paclebar, co-owner of the delivery company RevEx Inc. in Hayward, said her long-term bank cited some late credit card payments when denying her business loan application earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, she believed her chances were good of getting the $75,000 loan to upgrade her company’s aging vehicle fleet. Her financial statements showed she’d be able to repay it — her company has been in business for 14 years, and it’s growing and profitable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paclebar suspected other reasons influenced her bank’s decision. She wonders whether the fact that she’s Filipina could have played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a large amount of money in the bank account. We have positive cashflow and constant deposits,” said Paclebar, 46. “So I didn’t understand why we didn’t get the loan.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than half of California voters surveyed in the latest Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies poll said they have considered moving from their area to escape rising housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renters and voters under the age of 50 were the segments most likely to respond this way, with two-thirds of them saying they've considered moving, \u003ca href=\"http://escholarship.org/uc/item/65s716jf\">according to the Berkeley IGS poll\u003c/a> released Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One in four voters said that if they did decide to move, it would most likely be to another state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, 51 percent of voters surveyed had thought about leaving the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been thinking about moving farther out but I can’t because my job is located here,” said 26-year-old Ernest Hunt of San Leandro, who works as a chef for a catering company in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunt, a single parent, spends an hour and $11 commuting every day on BART from his one-bedroom apartment in San Leandro that he shares with his 1-year-old daughter. He pays $1,650 a month in rent -- and he says it’s going up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the prices would come down, that would help so much,” Hunt said. “I work with more than 70 chefs in the kitchen and most of us live outside of the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of those polled described the ability to afford housing in their area to be an \"extremely serious\" problem. That feeling was most prevalent among Bay Area voters (65 percent) followed by those living Orange and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide online survey asked 1,200 registered voters in late August and early September about their opinions on housing affordability in their region of the state, local rent control laws and whether they would support a multibillion-dollar bond to help fund housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll showed early support, about 51 percent, for a bond, which state lawmakers cleared the way for last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"2BH9Qr6K98XApdivuOCk1DabYywKZEh4\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB3\">SB 3\u003c/a>, if signed into law, would ask California voters in November 2018 to approve a $4 billion general obligation bond that would fund a home ownership program for veterans, grant money to cities building affordable housing projects in infill and around transit centers, and would fund low-income housing for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If SB 3 passes, it will be a big boost to affordable housing development in the state,” said Dan Schoenholz, deputy director of community development for Fremont. “It is hard to say as an individual city how much would make its way to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities like Fremont are evaluating how \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/09/15/housing-bills-clear-toughest-hurdle-at-state-capitol/\">15 housing bills passed by the Legislature last week\u003c/a> will affect them. But one piece of legislation, AB 1505, could quickly come into play for cities like San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1505\">AB 1505\u003c/a> would allow cities to require developers building market-rate rental units to also include a certain percentage of affordable rentals. This is called an inclusionary housing ordinance. Many cities have adopted similar ordinances that apply to housing developments of for-sale units, but not rentals, because a 2009 court decision interpreted this to be a form of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities \u003ca href=\"http://www2.oaklandnet.com/government/o/PBN/OurOrganization/PlanningZoning/s/ImpactFee/index.htm\">such as Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/index.aspx?nid=3979\">San Jose introduced impact fees\u003c/a> that charged developers building rental projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michele Byrd, housing and community and development director for Oakland, said the legislation could affect new rental projects that the city collected applications for last Friday from developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited about how many projects we got,” Byrd said. “We’re expecting 10 to 15 new affordable housing construction projects.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunt, a single parent, spends an hour and $11 commuting every day on BART from his one-bedroom apartment in San Leandro that he shares with his 1-year-old daughter. He pays $1,650 a month in rent -- and he says it’s going up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the prices would come down, that would help so much,” Hunt said. “I work with more than 70 chefs in the kitchen and most of us live outside of the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of those polled described the ability to afford housing in their area to be an \"extremely serious\" problem. That feeling was most prevalent among Bay Area voters (65 percent) followed by those living Orange and San Diego counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide online survey asked 1,200 registered voters in late August and early September about their opinions on housing affordability in their region of the state, local rent control laws and whether they would support a multibillion-dollar bond to help fund housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll showed early support, about 51 percent, for a bond, which state lawmakers cleared the way for last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB3\">SB 3\u003c/a>, if signed into law, would ask California voters in November 2018 to approve a $4 billion general obligation bond that would fund a home ownership program for veterans, grant money to cities building affordable housing projects in infill and around transit centers, and would fund low-income housing for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If SB 3 passes, it will be a big boost to affordable housing development in the state,” said Dan Schoenholz, deputy director of community development for Fremont. “It is hard to say as an individual city how much would make its way to us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities like Fremont are evaluating how \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/09/15/housing-bills-clear-toughest-hurdle-at-state-capitol/\">15 housing bills passed by the Legislature last week\u003c/a> will affect them. But one piece of legislation, AB 1505, could quickly come into play for cities like San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1505\">AB 1505\u003c/a> would allow cities to require developers building market-rate rental units to also include a certain percentage of affordable rentals. This is called an inclusionary housing ordinance. Many cities have adopted similar ordinances that apply to housing developments of for-sale units, but not rentals, because a 2009 court decision interpreted this to be a form of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, some cities \u003ca href=\"http://www2.oaklandnet.com/government/o/PBN/OurOrganization/PlanningZoning/s/ImpactFee/index.htm\">such as Oakland\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/index.aspx?nid=3979\">San Jose introduced impact fees\u003c/a> that charged developers building rental projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michele Byrd, housing and community and development director for Oakland, said the legislation could affect new rental projects that the city collected applications for last Friday from developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited about how many projects we got,” Byrd said. “We’re expecting 10 to 15 new affordable housing construction projects.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Imagine you’re a woman with an online startup, and you’re having trouble getting respect. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might expect a chilly reception from venture capitalists, infamous for dismissing anybody who isn’t a white or Asian male. But then you notice the dude-i-tude is coming from most of the techies you work with. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you do? Invent a male co-founder, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Kate Dwyer and Penelope Gazin did. They’re co-founders of \u003ca href=\"https://www.witchsy.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Witchsy\u003c/a>, an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier. When they weren’t being taken seriously, they came up with a fake, third co-founder: Keith Mann.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to reset some of the conversations that we were having with developers, as well as designers,” Dwyer says. “So we created Keith as a means to have a little bit of a buffer between us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith would send out emails inquiring after deliverables. “He just got results, in a way that we weren’t,” Dwyer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Keith asked for something, web developers didn’t challenge or second-guess his judgement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, and they also responded faster when Keith was asking for, say, an update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just accepted that he was correct,” Dwyer says. “In general we found that a lot of times people would question us, they would often second-guess the things we were doing. But then when Keith would ask for something, a project update or anything really, he would get an instance response of ‘Yeah Keith, you got it.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617485\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-520x292.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM.jpg 1188w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Witchsy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You might think Dwyer and Gazin would be tempted to feel resentful, but no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keith was an amazing tool, and he just got things done,” Gazin says. “I don’t think that the people that we were working with were at all conscious of the difference in [their] behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith Mann has since “retired,” and of course, the secret is out since the story broke on \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/40456604/these-women-entrepreneurs-created-a-fake-male-cofounder-to-dodge-startup-sexism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fast Company\u003c/a> a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the story of Keith Mann is proving even more valuable than his short career as an appealingly assertive project manager. Dwyer and Gazin say the flurry of publicity about their experiment has boosted traffic to the web site at unprecedented levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Good job, Keith!\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Imagine you’re a woman with an online startup, and you’re having trouble getting respect. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might expect a chilly reception from venture capitalists, infamous for dismissing anybody who isn’t a white or Asian male. But then you notice the dude-i-tude is coming from most of the techies you work with. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you do? Invent a male co-founder, of course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Kate Dwyer and Penelope Gazin did. They’re co-founders of \u003ca href=\"https://www.witchsy.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Witchsy\u003c/a>, an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier. When they weren’t being taken seriously, they came up with a fake, third co-founder: Keith Mann.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to reset some of the conversations that we were having with developers, as well as designers,” Dwyer says. “So we created Keith as a means to have a little bit of a buffer between us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith would send out emails inquiring after deliverables. “He just got results, in a way that we weren’t,” Dwyer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Keith asked for something, web developers didn’t challenge or second-guess his judgement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, and they also responded faster when Keith was asking for, say, an update.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just accepted that he was correct,” Dwyer says. “In general we found that a lot of times people would question us, they would often second-guess the things we were doing. But then when Keith would ask for something, a project update or anything really, he would get an instance response of ‘Yeah Keith, you got it.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617485\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM-520x292.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/RS26562_Screen-Shot-2017-09-17-at-2.22.23-PM.jpg 1188w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Witchsy is an online marketplace similar to Etsy, but edgier \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Witchsy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You might think Dwyer and Gazin would be tempted to feel resentful, but no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keith was an amazing tool, and he just got things done,” Gazin says. “I don’t think that the people that we were working with were at all conscious of the difference in [their] behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith Mann has since “retired,” and of course, the secret is out since the story broke on \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/40456604/these-women-entrepreneurs-created-a-fake-male-cofounder-to-dodge-startup-sexism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Fast Company\u003c/a> a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the story of Keith Mann is proving even more valuable than his short career as an appealingly assertive project manager. Dwyer and Gazin say the flurry of publicity about their experiment has boosted traffic to the web site at unprecedented levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Good job, Keith!\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "In Isolated Trinity County, This Man Is a Food Lifeline",
"title": "In Isolated Trinity County, This Man Is a Food Lifeline",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Trinity County is one of those places that doesn’t get in the news much, unless it’s wildfire season like it is right now. It's a beautiful, remote, rural part of northern California. It's also one of the state's most food insecure places, where many people don’t know where their next meal is coming from. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I decided to travel to Trinity, to meet one man who helps feed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sun has barely come up in the tiny town of Douglas City, and three men are almost done packing a couple of trucks with food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re loaded to the gills,” says Jeff England, director of the Trinity County Food Bank. He points to produce like cabbage, white onions and sweet potatoes, along with packaged and canned foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>England’s the director of the Trinity County Food Bank. I hop into the cab of a 20-year-old truck with a rattling refrigeration unit, joining England as he begins his monthly food delivery run to the county's hungriest and most isolated residents. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He'll drive 230 miles today, 650 miles by the end of the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617287\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Jeff England, director of the Trinity County Food Bank, delivers items in remote Zenia, California. The closest large grocery store is 100 miles away.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617287\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-160x117.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-1020x746.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-1180x863.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-960x702.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-375x274.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-520x380.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff England, director of the Trinity County Food Bank, delivers items in remote Zenia, California. The closest large grocery store is 100 miles away. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"When I make my trip, because of all the twisty, turny roads, I kinda have to take it a little bit easy,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Too sharp a turn can upend the pallets of food he’s carefully packed for today’s 10-and-a-half-hour drive. It's over 100 degrees, and there’s no air conditioning in the cab. Out the windshield I see vehicles that have fallen off the side of the road, and thickly forested mountains on one jagged ridge after another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If it was just flattened out completely, with the mountains and everything else, it would be the size of Texas,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Without the food bank, you just go without'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We drop into a valley, to the former mill town of Hayfork. After a couple stops at senior centers, we come to the Solid Rock Church, where more than 50 people line up for prepared foods, produce, and special boxes for seniors. England cobbles together this food from a spider's web of local, state and federal programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresia Kirkland’s here volunteering, but she also collects free food which she often combines in casseroles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without the food bank, you just go without,” she tells me. “I’m on Social Security, and after you pay all your bills, if you have an emergency -- if you have a flat tire or anything that needs to be taken care of -- you need to wait til the next month. By the fourth or fifth of the month, I’m broke. Can’t go nowhere, can’t socialize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That makes for a long month. A long, long month,” chimes in Glenda Raines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-800x569.jpg\" alt=\"Volunteers Christen Hutchason and Teresia Kirkland hand out food to more than 50 people at Solid Rock Church in the former mill town of Hayfork.\" width=\"800\" height=\"569\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617310\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-800x569.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-1020x726.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-1180x840.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-960x683.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-240x171.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-375x267.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-520x370.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers Christen Hutchason and Teresia Kirkland hand out food to more than 50 people at Solid Rock Church in the former mill town of Hayfork. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both of these women say they used to supplement their budgets by taking items to a recycling center in Hayfork, but that’s closed now. Raines says, until recently, she and her husband were homeless, camping out by the creek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A friend let us stay in a garage made into a little cabin. I don’t know how long that’s going to last. I’m still considered homeless.” She’s happy, at least, to be off the creek and out of the sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raines says she prepares the food she receives on a little propane stove. Her husband Gary approaches me to say he’s frustrated that there’s not more senior housing, and that a glut of marijuana growers coming into Hayfork are jacking up rents. He says he worked in the Hayfork sawmill for 17 years when it was still open. When he broke his back, he retired. Now he gets just over $800 a month in Social Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We've had three different rushes: First the gold rush, second the timber rush, and now the marijuana rush. But you can't eat marijuana.'\u003ccite>Sue Corrigan,\u003cbr>\n farmers market manager\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"Last month I got a $180 ticket for being homeless in the National Forest. I didn’t even know that was the law,\" he says, with a slightly bitter laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he’s grateful for the food he gets here each month. “You get a can of this, a can of that. It’s better than nothing, but we should get more. I mean, this is America. Come on. We should come first. If we can help other countries, why can’t we help ourselves?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 10 California counties actually have higher poverty than Trinity County, but Trinity is one of the state’s most food insecure places. To find out why, I head to what looks like the center of food abundance in Trinity County: the farmers market in Weaverville. Market manager Sue Corrigan is shopping for zucchini, tomatillos for salsa and onions her husband will make into onion rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she points to one vendor selling tomatoes, squash and cucumbers, Corrigan tells me something surprising, “We don’t have a lot of farmers in Trinity. This farmer is our only farmer in the Weaverville area\" -- the only local of about 10 farmers selling produce here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We needed to bring farmers in to bump our food source up,” Corrigan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617315\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-800x577.jpg\" alt=\"Sue Corrigan manages the farmers market in Weaverville, where only one Trinity County man is among the farmers selling produce and prepared foods.\" width=\"800\" height=\"577\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617315\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-800x577.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-160x115.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-1020x736.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-1180x851.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-960x693.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-240x173.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-375x271.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-520x375.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sue Corrigan manages the farmers market in Weaverville, where only one Trinity County man is among the farmers selling produce and prepared foods. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Riding with Jeff England, I’ve already seen that most of the land here is too mountainous to grow much produce. Making matters worse, Corrigan says, years ago, much of the potential farmland was taken out of commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family had farmland here dating back to the 1830s. In the 1950s, Corrigan’s dad went away to college to study agriculture, but had to change his major.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government was taking our land,” she says, to build the Trinity Dam, part of the Central Valley Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of our last areas that was open enough to do farming, and they buried it with a lake,” she says, wistfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corrigan says it’s all about priorities in Trinity County. “We’ve had three different rushes: First the gold rush, second the timber rush, and now the marijuana rush which, is called the 'green rush.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can’t eat marijuana, she says. \"The focus has been on other industries and not a food sustainable industry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Braving Risky Roads\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One more explanation for Trinity’s food insecurity? Isolation. I see this first hand as Jeff England approaches his most remote food bank drop-off spot. He maneuvers around most of the potholes on these bumpy, poorly maintained roads. Last year’s winter storms even blocked one of his routes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was only one road you couldn’t get through,” he says. “Of course it was at about 5,000 feet and the snow was horrendous and people got stuck. It took me two months to get there and I brought two months’ worth of food.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s saying this like it was nothing, but England drove this old truck that doesn’t have four-wheel drive in the snow, on a closed road. State highway workers told him if he got stuck, he was on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I said, 'I have to go.' I slipped, lost traction, gained traction,” he remembers. “I just knew they needed the food so I decided to take the chance, and I made it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Jeff England unloads boxes at his last stop, Ruth Lake. Site supervisor Sandy Rasche says 45 families come to get food. The local population hovers around 200.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617325\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-160x117.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-1020x746.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-1180x863.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-960x703.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-375x274.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-520x381.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff England unloads boxes at his last stop, Ruth Lake. Site supervisor Sandy Rasche says 45 families come to get food. The local population hovers around 200. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That takes a lot of guts,” says Lauren Turner. She’s come to the food drop-off at the volunteer fire department in Zenia, a tiny town on the border of Humboldt County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming up the back of the mountain, they call it Refrigerator Alley for a reason,” she says. “It gets pretty slick. So, we’re grateful. It’s not easy up here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for doing some computer work, Turner and her partner live on a friend’s ranch nearby. But where do they go to get groceries?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually it’s 100 miles in any direction from here to a large town,” she says. That’s more than a two-hour drive, one-way, to Eureka or Redding. They only do that once a month. In between, they rely on the food bank delivery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We keep the canned good for times when we can’t get off the hill, and the fresh food, I get imaginative,” she says. “I like to take the veggies and cook them in fruit juice and then I like to put fish on top of them the last 15-20 minutes. Sometime we get frozen fish so I make a lot of one-pot meals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'A lot of people don’t know what it is to be hungry. ... I'm so happy to be able to turn the table and be able to help people that might have been in my shoes before.'\u003ccite>Jeff England\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>England says he and his team have more than doubled the amount of food they’re bringing into Trinity County in the last year. The food bank and \u003ca href=\"https://www.trinitycountyfoodbank.com/\">Trinity County Food Assistance\u003c/a> deliver one bag or box of food to 2,500 households each month. That’s 20 percent of the county. And they could do more, but their antiquated refrigerator and freezer are so small, sometimes they have to decline donations of perishable food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we probably have the lowest operating budget in the state. Our operating budget’s about $41,000 a year.” He and his wife clean summer vacation homes to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>England says the community here is incredibly supportive, but some people have complained that the food bank just enables drug addicted or homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t judge people, and those druggies have kids. The kids might not get food normally,” England says, but if the food bank provides, they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, if you’re hungry, you’re hungry,\" he says. \"I don’t care who you are. You’re black, white, Indian, Mexican, fat, skinny, or from out of the county. If you’re hungry, you’re hungry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"8nforG41Utf0dXCPVOG0DlYyxvizE9qb\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That lack of judgement, it comes from personal experience. England says he’s been out of work before, \"and I’ve struggled in the past, a long time ago, with some addiction problems. It just felt so good to be able to go to a place when you’re hungry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers that first meal in a soup kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was in a church. It was spaghetti, garlic bread and a salad,” he recalls, and they sent him and others home with cans of soup and chili for additional meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people don’t know what it is to be hungry,” he explains, “but if you’ve ever been hungry, it’s a horrible feeling. You’re weak. You can’t do anything. You don’t have any ambitions. I’m so happy to be able to turn the table and be able to help people that might have been in my shoes before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says, just look at the logo of the food bank, a person on a pedestal, reaching down helping someone else up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ariel Plotnick contributed additional reporting and research for this piece.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This piece was produced in collaboration with the\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Food & Environment Reporting network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a non-profit, investigative news organization. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Trinity County is one of those places that doesn’t get in the news much, unless it’s wildfire season like it is right now. It's a beautiful, remote, rural part of northern California. It's also one of the state's most food insecure places, where many people don’t know where their next meal is coming from. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I decided to travel to Trinity, to meet one man who helps feed them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sun has barely come up in the tiny town of Douglas City, and three men are almost done packing a couple of trucks with food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re loaded to the gills,” says Jeff England, director of the Trinity County Food Bank. He points to produce like cabbage, white onions and sweet potatoes, along with packaged and canned foods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>England’s the director of the Trinity County Food Bank. I hop into the cab of a 20-year-old truck with a rattling refrigeration unit, joining England as he begins his monthly food delivery run to the county's hungriest and most isolated residents. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He'll drive 230 miles today, 650 miles by the end of the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617287\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Jeff England, director of the Trinity County Food Bank, delivers items in remote Zenia, California. The closest large grocery store is 100 miles away.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617287\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-160x117.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-1020x746.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-1180x863.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-960x702.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-375x274.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/UnloadingTruck-520x380.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff England, director of the Trinity County Food Bank, delivers items in remote Zenia, California. The closest large grocery store is 100 miles away. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"When I make my trip, because of all the twisty, turny roads, I kinda have to take it a little bit easy,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Too sharp a turn can upend the pallets of food he’s carefully packed for today’s 10-and-a-half-hour drive. It's over 100 degrees, and there’s no air conditioning in the cab. Out the windshield I see vehicles that have fallen off the side of the road, and thickly forested mountains on one jagged ridge after another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If it was just flattened out completely, with the mountains and everything else, it would be the size of Texas,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Without the food bank, you just go without'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We drop into a valley, to the former mill town of Hayfork. After a couple stops at senior centers, we come to the Solid Rock Church, where more than 50 people line up for prepared foods, produce, and special boxes for seniors. England cobbles together this food from a spider's web of local, state and federal programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresia Kirkland’s here volunteering, but she also collects free food which she often combines in casseroles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without the food bank, you just go without,” she tells me. “I’m on Social Security, and after you pay all your bills, if you have an emergency -- if you have a flat tire or anything that needs to be taken care of -- you need to wait til the next month. By the fourth or fifth of the month, I’m broke. Can’t go nowhere, can’t socialize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That makes for a long month. A long, long month,” chimes in Glenda Raines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617310\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-800x569.jpg\" alt=\"Volunteers Christen Hutchason and Teresia Kirkland hand out food to more than 50 people at Solid Rock Church in the former mill town of Hayfork.\" width=\"800\" height=\"569\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617310\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-800x569.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-160x114.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-1020x726.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-1180x840.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-960x683.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-240x171.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-375x267.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FoodVolunteers-520x370.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteers Christen Hutchason and Teresia Kirkland hand out food to more than 50 people at Solid Rock Church in the former mill town of Hayfork. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both of these women say they used to supplement their budgets by taking items to a recycling center in Hayfork, but that’s closed now. Raines says, until recently, she and her husband were homeless, camping out by the creek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A friend let us stay in a garage made into a little cabin. I don’t know how long that’s going to last. I’m still considered homeless.” She’s happy, at least, to be off the creek and out of the sun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raines says she prepares the food she receives on a little propane stove. Her husband Gary approaches me to say he’s frustrated that there’s not more senior housing, and that a glut of marijuana growers coming into Hayfork are jacking up rents. He says he worked in the Hayfork sawmill for 17 years when it was still open. When he broke his back, he retired. Now he gets just over $800 a month in Social Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We've had three different rushes: First the gold rush, second the timber rush, and now the marijuana rush. But you can't eat marijuana.'\u003ccite>Sue Corrigan,\u003cbr>\n farmers market manager\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"Last month I got a $180 ticket for being homeless in the National Forest. I didn’t even know that was the law,\" he says, with a slightly bitter laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says he’s grateful for the food he gets here each month. “You get a can of this, a can of that. It’s better than nothing, but we should get more. I mean, this is America. Come on. We should come first. If we can help other countries, why can’t we help ourselves?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 10 California counties actually have higher poverty than Trinity County, but Trinity is one of the state’s most food insecure places. To find out why, I head to what looks like the center of food abundance in Trinity County: the farmers market in Weaverville. Market manager Sue Corrigan is shopping for zucchini, tomatillos for salsa and onions her husband will make into onion rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As she points to one vendor selling tomatoes, squash and cucumbers, Corrigan tells me something surprising, “We don’t have a lot of farmers in Trinity. This farmer is our only farmer in the Weaverville area\" -- the only local of about 10 farmers selling produce here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We needed to bring farmers in to bump our food source up,” Corrigan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617315\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-800x577.jpg\" alt=\"Sue Corrigan manages the farmers market in Weaverville, where only one Trinity County man is among the farmers selling produce and prepared foods.\" width=\"800\" height=\"577\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617315\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-800x577.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-160x115.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-1020x736.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-1180x851.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-960x693.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-240x173.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-375x271.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/FarmersMarket-520x375.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sue Corrigan manages the farmers market in Weaverville, where only one Trinity County man is among the farmers selling produce and prepared foods. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Riding with Jeff England, I’ve already seen that most of the land here is too mountainous to grow much produce. Making matters worse, Corrigan says, years ago, much of the potential farmland was taken out of commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family had farmland here dating back to the 1830s. In the 1950s, Corrigan’s dad went away to college to study agriculture, but had to change his major.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government was taking our land,” she says, to build the Trinity Dam, part of the Central Valley Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of our last areas that was open enough to do farming, and they buried it with a lake,” she says, wistfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corrigan says it’s all about priorities in Trinity County. “We’ve had three different rushes: First the gold rush, second the timber rush, and now the marijuana rush which, is called the 'green rush.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can’t eat marijuana, she says. \"The focus has been on other industries and not a food sustainable industry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Braving Risky Roads\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One more explanation for Trinity’s food insecurity? Isolation. I see this first hand as Jeff England approaches his most remote food bank drop-off spot. He maneuvers around most of the potholes on these bumpy, poorly maintained roads. Last year’s winter storms even blocked one of his routes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was only one road you couldn’t get through,” he says. “Of course it was at about 5,000 feet and the snow was horrendous and people got stuck. It took me two months to get there and I brought two months’ worth of food.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s saying this like it was nothing, but England drove this old truck that doesn’t have four-wheel drive in the snow, on a closed road. State highway workers told him if he got stuck, he was on his own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I said, 'I have to go.' I slipped, lost traction, gained traction,” he remembers. “I just knew they needed the food so I decided to take the chance, and I made it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Jeff England unloads boxes at his last stop, Ruth Lake. Site supervisor Sandy Rasche says 45 families come to get food. The local population hovers around 200.\" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617325\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-800x585.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-160x117.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-1020x746.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-1180x863.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-960x703.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-375x274.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/EnglandFoodBankDelivery-520x381.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff England unloads boxes at his last stop, Ruth Lake. Site supervisor Sandy Rasche says 45 families come to get food. The local population hovers around 200. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That takes a lot of guts,” says Lauren Turner. She’s come to the food drop-off at the volunteer fire department in Zenia, a tiny town on the border of Humboldt County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming up the back of the mountain, they call it Refrigerator Alley for a reason,” she says. “It gets pretty slick. So, we’re grateful. It’s not easy up here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange for doing some computer work, Turner and her partner live on a friend’s ranch nearby. But where do they go to get groceries?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually it’s 100 miles in any direction from here to a large town,” she says. That’s more than a two-hour drive, one-way, to Eureka or Redding. They only do that once a month. In between, they rely on the food bank delivery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We keep the canned good for times when we can’t get off the hill, and the fresh food, I get imaginative,” she says. “I like to take the veggies and cook them in fruit juice and then I like to put fish on top of them the last 15-20 minutes. Sometime we get frozen fish so I make a lot of one-pot meals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'A lot of people don’t know what it is to be hungry. ... I'm so happy to be able to turn the table and be able to help people that might have been in my shoes before.'\u003ccite>Jeff England\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>England says he and his team have more than doubled the amount of food they’re bringing into Trinity County in the last year. The food bank and \u003ca href=\"https://www.trinitycountyfoodbank.com/\">Trinity County Food Assistance\u003c/a> deliver one bag or box of food to 2,500 households each month. That’s 20 percent of the county. And they could do more, but their antiquated refrigerator and freezer are so small, sometimes they have to decline donations of perishable food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we probably have the lowest operating budget in the state. Our operating budget’s about $41,000 a year.” He and his wife clean summer vacation homes to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>England says the community here is incredibly supportive, but some people have complained that the food bank just enables drug addicted or homeless people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t judge people, and those druggies have kids. The kids might not get food normally,” England says, but if the food bank provides, they do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, if you’re hungry, you’re hungry,\" he says. \"I don’t care who you are. You’re black, white, Indian, Mexican, fat, skinny, or from out of the county. If you’re hungry, you’re hungry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That lack of judgement, it comes from personal experience. England says he’s been out of work before, \"and I’ve struggled in the past, a long time ago, with some addiction problems. It just felt so good to be able to go to a place when you’re hungry.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers that first meal in a soup kitchen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was in a church. It was spaghetti, garlic bread and a salad,” he recalls, and they sent him and others home with cans of soup and chili for additional meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people don’t know what it is to be hungry,” he explains, “but if you’ve ever been hungry, it’s a horrible feeling. You’re weak. You can’t do anything. You don’t have any ambitions. I’m so happy to be able to turn the table and be able to help people that might have been in my shoes before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says, just look at the logo of the food bank, a person on a pedestal, reaching down helping someone else up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ariel Plotnick contributed additional reporting and research for this piece.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This piece was produced in collaboration with the\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://thefern.org/\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Food & Environment Reporting network\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a non-profit, investigative news organization. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>MENLO PARK — Google faces a new lawsuit accusing it of gender-based pay discrimination. A lawyer representing three female former Google employees is seeking class-action status for the claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Thursday in San Francisco Superior Court, follows a federal labor investigation that made a preliminary finding of systemic pay discrimination among the 21,000 employees at Google’s headquarters in Mountain View. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial stages of the review found women earned less than men in nearly every job classification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google disputes those findings and says its \u003ca href=\"https://www.blog.google/topics/diversity/our-focus-pay-equity/\" target=\"_blank\">analysis\u003c/a> shows no gender pay gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, led by lawyer James Finberg of Altshuler Berzon LLP, is on behalf of three women — Kelly Ellis, Holly Pease and Kelli Wisuri — who all quit after being put on career tracks that they claimed would pay them less than their male counterparts. The suit aims to represent thousands of Google employees in California and seeks lost wages and a slice of Google’s profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have come forward to correct a pervasive problem of gender bias at Google,” Ellis said in a statement. She says she quit Google in 2014 after male engineers with similar experience were hired to higher-paying job levels and she was denied a promotion despite excellent performance reviews. “It is time to stop ignoring these issues in tech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google spokeswoman Gina Scigliano said the company will review the suit in detail, “but we disagree with the central allegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Job levels and promotions are determined through rigorous hiring and promotion committees, and must pass multiple levels of review, including checks to make sure there is no gender bias in these decisions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”vmnoHQ8RUyZa9HDGRruytm3nULc333iM”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charges of gender discrimination have swirled at Alphabet Inc.-owned Google since the U.S. Labor Department \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/2b773678cfde4cc58eee4acd6d8061a8/lawsuit-seeks-ban-google-us-government-contracts\" target=\"_blank\">sued\u003c/a> in January to bar Google from doing business with the federal government until it released thousands of documents related to an audit over its pay practices. The sides have been battling in court over how much information Google must turn over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also follows the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/09/googles-firing-of-engineer-a-clear-cut-legal-decision/\" target=\"_blank\">firing\u003c/a> of male engineer James Damore, who wrote a memo circulated on internal message boards that blamed inherent differences between men and women for the underrepresentation of women in engineering roles.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>MENLO PARK — Google faces a new lawsuit accusing it of gender-based pay discrimination. A lawyer representing three female former Google employees is seeking class-action status for the claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Thursday in San Francisco Superior Court, follows a federal labor investigation that made a preliminary finding of systemic pay discrimination among the 21,000 employees at Google’s headquarters in Mountain View. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initial stages of the review found women earned less than men in nearly every job classification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google disputes those findings and says its \u003ca href=\"https://www.blog.google/topics/diversity/our-focus-pay-equity/\" target=\"_blank\">analysis\u003c/a> shows no gender pay gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, led by lawyer James Finberg of Altshuler Berzon LLP, is on behalf of three women — Kelly Ellis, Holly Pease and Kelli Wisuri — who all quit after being put on career tracks that they claimed would pay them less than their male counterparts. The suit aims to represent thousands of Google employees in California and seeks lost wages and a slice of Google’s profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have come forward to correct a pervasive problem of gender bias at Google,” Ellis said in a statement. She says she quit Google in 2014 after male engineers with similar experience were hired to higher-paying job levels and she was denied a promotion despite excellent performance reviews. “It is time to stop ignoring these issues in tech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google spokeswoman Gina Scigliano said the company will review the suit in detail, “but we disagree with the central allegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Job levels and promotions are determined through rigorous hiring and promotion committees, and must pass multiple levels of review, including checks to make sure there is no gender bias in these decisions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charges of gender discrimination have swirled at Alphabet Inc.-owned Google since the U.S. Labor Department \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/2b773678cfde4cc58eee4acd6d8061a8/lawsuit-seeks-ban-google-us-government-contracts\" target=\"_blank\">sued\u003c/a> in January to bar Google from doing business with the federal government until it released thousands of documents related to an audit over its pay practices. The sides have been battling in court over how much information Google must turn over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also follows the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/09/googles-firing-of-engineer-a-clear-cut-legal-decision/\" target=\"_blank\">firing\u003c/a> of male engineer James Damore, who wrote a memo circulated on internal message boards that blamed inherent differences between men and women for the underrepresentation of women in engineering roles.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
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