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"content": "\u003cp>When someone asks Katherine Peik that age-old question, “So, what do you do?” Peik doesn’t have a simple answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peik has two actual jobs — substitute teaching and waiting tables. To make extra money, she also sells \u003ca href=\"https://www.etsy.com/shop/GlitterandLiterature?social_invites=1&si_uuid=626dbc42-2a7a-4990-9ca5-ed69515bc17d&user_id=20730134&si_time=1518506356&si_page=shop_home&si_trigger=ss&si_object_id=ui.core.CoreActivity&platform=android\">handmade resin baubles on Etsy\u003c/a>. It’s her “side hustle.” Peik doesn’t like to admit it, but she sometimes needs the income from that side hustle to buy groceries. At 30 years old, Peik expected at this point in her life to have a predictable stream of grocery money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As people like Peik rely on side hustles to get by, long-term stable jobs with benefits like a pension and robust health care are becoming harder to come by. At the same time this kind of employment is disappearing, we’re being encouraged to embrace the hustle by everyone from gig companies like Lyft and Uber to pop culture figures like Jay-Z and media organizations like Forbes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since its start, Uber has run marketing campaigns that entice drivers with the prospect of becoming entrepreneurs. More recently, the company has adopted the term “side hustle,” which features prominently in the video ad below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.ispot.tv/ad/wOYe/uber-side-hustle-earning-song-by-saint-motel\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fiverr, a company where people get paid for small tasks, has promoted an extreme vision of the side-hustle life. It has run ads glorifying those who “eat coffee for lunch” and who consider sleep deprivation their “drug of choice.” The online ad from Fiverr below shows a woman checking her phone for a gig while she is in bed having sex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9t0UckyNTsQ]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News outlets like Forbes post how-to and promotional articles about side hustles, with headlines like “15 Easy Side Hustles Millennials Can Start This Weekend” or “How Starting a Side Hustle Could Be Your Best Investment Yet.” On Etsy, there is an entire genre of gifts branded with the saying: “Good things come to those who hustle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to gig and media companies, there is a whole cottage industry of entrepreneurship gurus who stoke the hustle culture. They self-publish books and take to YouTube, expounding about how anyone can make it if they have enough hustle. Below is one such guru who has a theory about the existence of a “hustle muscle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/ZlY2aDQOjMo?t=28s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having to hustle has not always been so celebrated. In the past it has been looked down on or even vilified. You can see some of the transition in how our culture views work in the etymological history and changing perception of the word “hustle” itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get a better picture of how we view hustle, we spoke to several linguists and requested a survey from Wakefield Research. The market research firm questioned 2,000 people to get a sense of how they think about both “hustle” and “side hustles.” Excerpts from the study are posted throughout this article, but you can \u003ca href=\"http://www.wakefieldresearch.com/blog/2018/02/21/side-hustle-who-and-why\">see the full results here\u003c/a>. One of the most interesting findings is that a majority of Americans believe that it’s hard to succeed in the US if you don’t have a side hustle.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">Sixty percent of Americans familiar with the phrase “side hustle” feel it is used positively when they hear others saying the term.\u003ccite>Wakefield Research survey\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>University of Florida linguist Diana Boxer said “hustle” has undergone a shift — a “semantic amelioration” to use the fancy linguistic phrase. This is when a word goes from having a negative connotation to a more positive one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The word “hustle” has come a long way. Here’s the pocket etymology. In the late 17th century, the verb crossed over from the Dutch word “husselen.” When it was first adopted into English, it was a verb that meant to shake or toss. Over time “hustle” evolved to mean hurrying, elbowing one’s way in, and later, to sell aggressively. By the early 20th century, “hustling” came to refer to illegal activities: drug dealing, prostitution and street scams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who is hustling or exhibiting hustle has an impact on how we feel about the word and the activity. This is a general linguistic principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words and terms and expressions tend to have negative or positive meaning, depending upon on the groups with which they are associated,” Boxer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">The top three most common side hustles are jobs in sales/retail, manual labor/landscaping or office work.\u003ccite>Wakefield Research survey\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Side hustle” did not start popping up until the middle of the 20th century. According to University of Michigan linguist Sarah Thomason, the term was first used in the African-American community. It appeared in the 1950s to describe both legit and shady jobs. Here is a representative quote from 1958 that Thomason found in the Pittsburgh Courier, an African-American newspaper:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That well-known Chicago scoutmaster and church official whose friends are unaware of his lucrative side hustle. Once he’s away from his boy scouts and church cronies he dons a colorful costume, pulls out a crystal ball, and becomes a “prophet” who sells numbers and gives spiritual advice to all who pay his fat fee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the early ’90s, hustling to survive has been a big theme in hip-hop culture. It appears in songs by Jay-Z, Notorious B.I.G., Lil Wayne, 50 Cent and others. Rappers have reclaimed the hustle, and they are celebrating it, said Eric Davis, a sociologist at Bellevue College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The interesting thing is that on one level, it is this idea of doing something illegal,” Davis said. “But they’re saying at the same time, you don’t give me other options, and I have to take care of my kids and family and take care of myself. So I am going to get my hustle on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">On average, Americans keep their side hustles secret from 55 percent of their family, friends and co-workers.\u003ccite>Wakefield Research survey\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Davis said companies are now co-opting “side hustle” from the African-American community, and they’re using it to market to everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This corporation is using that slang, hip-hop culture in a way to say here’s something that the young people and people coming up in this generation can relate to,” Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Peik can relate. But the substitute-teaching, table-waiting, Etsy-selling 30-year-old has a different term for side hustling: “The grind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peik said she’d like to stop hustling and settle down into a long-term, stable teaching job. But she has $75,000 in college debt, and right now she’s busy juggling side hustles to try to pay it all off.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When someone asks Katherine Peik that age-old question, “So, what do you do?” Peik doesn’t have a simple answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peik has two actual jobs — substitute teaching and waiting tables. To make extra money, she also sells \u003ca href=\"https://www.etsy.com/shop/GlitterandLiterature?social_invites=1&si_uuid=626dbc42-2a7a-4990-9ca5-ed69515bc17d&user_id=20730134&si_time=1518506356&si_page=shop_home&si_trigger=ss&si_object_id=ui.core.CoreActivity&platform=android\">handmade resin baubles on Etsy\u003c/a>. It’s her “side hustle.” Peik doesn’t like to admit it, but she sometimes needs the income from that side hustle to buy groceries. At 30 years old, Peik expected at this point in her life to have a predictable stream of grocery money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As people like Peik rely on side hustles to get by, long-term stable jobs with benefits like a pension and robust health care are becoming harder to come by. At the same time this kind of employment is disappearing, we’re being encouraged to embrace the hustle by everyone from gig companies like Lyft and Uber to pop culture figures like Jay-Z and media organizations like Forbes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since its start, Uber has run marketing campaigns that entice drivers with the prospect of becoming entrepreneurs. More recently, the company has adopted the term “side hustle,” which features prominently in the video ad below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.ispot.tv/ad/wOYe/uber-side-hustle-earning-song-by-saint-motel\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fiverr, a company where people get paid for small tasks, has promoted an extreme vision of the side-hustle life. It has run ads glorifying those who “eat coffee for lunch” and who consider sleep deprivation their “drug of choice.” The online ad from Fiverr below shows a woman checking her phone for a gig while she is in bed having sex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/9t0UckyNTsQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/9t0UckyNTsQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News outlets like Forbes post how-to and promotional articles about side hustles, with headlines like “15 Easy Side Hustles Millennials Can Start This Weekend” or “How Starting a Side Hustle Could Be Your Best Investment Yet.” On Etsy, there is an entire genre of gifts branded with the saying: “Good things come to those who hustle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to gig and media companies, there is a whole cottage industry of entrepreneurship gurus who stoke the hustle culture. They self-publish books and take to YouTube, expounding about how anyone can make it if they have enough hustle. Below is one such guru who has a theory about the existence of a “hustle muscle.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ZlY2aDQOjMo'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ZlY2aDQOjMo'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Having to hustle has not always been so celebrated. In the past it has been looked down on or even vilified. You can see some of the transition in how our culture views work in the etymological history and changing perception of the word “hustle” itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get a better picture of how we view hustle, we spoke to several linguists and requested a survey from Wakefield Research. The market research firm questioned 2,000 people to get a sense of how they think about both “hustle” and “side hustles.” Excerpts from the study are posted throughout this article, but you can \u003ca href=\"http://www.wakefieldresearch.com/blog/2018/02/21/side-hustle-who-and-why\">see the full results here\u003c/a>. One of the most interesting findings is that a majority of Americans believe that it’s hard to succeed in the US if you don’t have a side hustle.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">Sixty percent of Americans familiar with the phrase “side hustle” feel it is used positively when they hear others saying the term.\u003ccite>Wakefield Research survey\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>University of Florida linguist Diana Boxer said “hustle” has undergone a shift — a “semantic amelioration” to use the fancy linguistic phrase. This is when a word goes from having a negative connotation to a more positive one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The word “hustle” has come a long way. Here’s the pocket etymology. In the late 17th century, the verb crossed over from the Dutch word “husselen.” When it was first adopted into English, it was a verb that meant to shake or toss. Over time “hustle” evolved to mean hurrying, elbowing one’s way in, and later, to sell aggressively. By the early 20th century, “hustling” came to refer to illegal activities: drug dealing, prostitution and street scams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who is hustling or exhibiting hustle has an impact on how we feel about the word and the activity. This is a general linguistic principle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words and terms and expressions tend to have negative or positive meaning, depending upon on the groups with which they are associated,” Boxer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">The top three most common side hustles are jobs in sales/retail, manual labor/landscaping or office work.\u003ccite>Wakefield Research survey\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Side hustle” did not start popping up until the middle of the 20th century. According to University of Michigan linguist Sarah Thomason, the term was first used in the African-American community. It appeared in the 1950s to describe both legit and shady jobs. Here is a representative quote from 1958 that Thomason found in the Pittsburgh Courier, an African-American newspaper:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That well-known Chicago scoutmaster and church official whose friends are unaware of his lucrative side hustle. Once he’s away from his boy scouts and church cronies he dons a colorful costume, pulls out a crystal ball, and becomes a “prophet” who sells numbers and gives spiritual advice to all who pay his fat fee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the early ’90s, hustling to survive has been a big theme in hip-hop culture. It appears in songs by Jay-Z, Notorious B.I.G., Lil Wayne, 50 Cent and others. Rappers have reclaimed the hustle, and they are celebrating it, said Eric Davis, a sociologist at Bellevue College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The interesting thing is that on one level, it is this idea of doing something illegal,” Davis said. “But they’re saying at the same time, you don’t give me other options, and I have to take care of my kids and family and take care of myself. So I am going to get my hustle on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">On average, Americans keep their side hustles secret from 55 percent of their family, friends and co-workers.\u003ccite>Wakefield Research survey\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Davis said companies are now co-opting “side hustle” from the African-American community, and they’re using it to market to everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This corporation is using that slang, hip-hop culture in a way to say here’s something that the young people and people coming up in this generation can relate to,” Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Peik can relate. But the substitute-teaching, table-waiting, Etsy-selling 30-year-old has a different term for side hustling: “The grind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peik said she’d like to stop hustling and settle down into a long-term, stable teaching job. But she has $75,000 in college debt, and right now she’s busy juggling side hustles to try to pay it all off.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Latinos are the largest ethnic group in California, but a new analysis reveals they make up just a fraction of people applying for conventional home loans and were more likely to be denied loans in two rural Northern California metro areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A national analysis by Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting found Latinos accounted for nearly half of the population in the Los Angeles area in 2015-2016, yet applied for just 18 percent of conventional loan applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley city of Fresno, Latinos made up more than half of the population but accounted for only a quarter of traditional mortgage applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data also showed disparities in two rural Northern California communities: in Chico, when Latinos did apply for such loans, they were nearly 2.5 times more likely than whites to be denied. In Salinas, they were 1.7 times more likely to be denied. The analysis compared applicants with similar incomes, loan amounts and purchasing neighborhood, among other factors. [contextly_sidebar id=\"6DOar0A3fTEazmhpy3uMKvOQ0ZHoHCG3\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The review of millions of federal records found evidence of redlining — the practice of charging more or denying services based on factors such as race or religion — in dozens of metro hubs across the country 50 years after the federal Fair Housing Act banned racial discrimination in lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redlining makes it harder and more expensive for Latinos to buy homes and build wealth, exacerbating racial and ethnic inequities that have long plagued the country. Additionally, low application numbers for conventional loans mean Latinos are not getting favorable borrowing terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Redlining is not a thing of the past,\" said Dave Rodriguez, president of California LULAC, which stands for the League of United Latin American Citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Lenders are missing the boat. They still think, in many respects, that we are a high-risk population for loan products, so we get the most expensive products and the most penalties for nonpayment,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing and civil rights advocacy groups say there are legitimate reasons why Latinos, who tend to have lower incomes, made up a lower percentage of conventional loan applications: Homes are pricey in California or they may be relying on federally-backed FHA loans, which are more expensive but easier to get. FHA loans are not factored into Reveal's analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates also say the skewed numbers are not surprising given historical hostility toward Latino borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is hard to prove that lenders are steering Latinos to pricier, unconventional loans, but at the very least, they could do a better job reaching out to Latinos, said Vedika Ahuja, economic equity program manager at The Greenlining Institute, a nonprofit that promotes social and economic justice. [contextly_sidebar id=\"rWWjUSuhvQtjRSqFoXTda6zLkuPzGjy8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said banks and other lenders could check utility and rent payments to determine a person's ability to make payments, rather than rely strictly on credit score and income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With more flexible credit scoring methods, credit-worthy Latinos could be qualifying for conventional products that are cheaper,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County's Anaheim area, Latinos were 34 percent of the population but 9 percent of applications. In the San Francisco metro region, where the market is notoriously expensive, Latinos made up a quarter of the population but just over 4 percent of loan applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Acosta, co-founder and CEO of the National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals, said there are legitimate reasons why Latinos may be going with flexible federal FHA loans rather than conventional loans: They tend to be inexperienced first-time home buyers who can't afford high down payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Do I think people intentionally put people in an FHA loan because they're discriminating against them? I'm certain that happens, but it doesn't account for the majority,\" he said. \"It's the path of least resistance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Chico and Salinas in California, Reveal found evidence of modern-day redlining in the Vallejo-Fairfield part of the San Francisco Bay Area, where residents have flocked in recent years in search of cheaper homes. African-Americans were 2.6 times more likely than whites to be denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the Reveal investigation found 61 metro areas across the country where minorities were denied loans at greater rates than whites, even when controlling for income, loan amount, neighborhood and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data journalist Angeliki Kastanis in Los Angeles contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Latinos are the largest ethnic group in California, but a new analysis reveals they make up just a fraction of people applying for conventional home loans and were more likely to be denied loans in two rural Northern California metro areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A national analysis by Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting found Latinos accounted for nearly half of the population in the Los Angeles area in 2015-2016, yet applied for just 18 percent of conventional loan applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley city of Fresno, Latinos made up more than half of the population but accounted for only a quarter of traditional mortgage applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data also showed disparities in two rural Northern California communities: in Chico, when Latinos did apply for such loans, they were nearly 2.5 times more likely than whites to be denied. In Salinas, they were 1.7 times more likely to be denied. The analysis compared applicants with similar incomes, loan amounts and purchasing neighborhood, among other factors. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The review of millions of federal records found evidence of redlining — the practice of charging more or denying services based on factors such as race or religion — in dozens of metro hubs across the country 50 years after the federal Fair Housing Act banned racial discrimination in lending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redlining makes it harder and more expensive for Latinos to buy homes and build wealth, exacerbating racial and ethnic inequities that have long plagued the country. Additionally, low application numbers for conventional loans mean Latinos are not getting favorable borrowing terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Redlining is not a thing of the past,\" said Dave Rodriguez, president of California LULAC, which stands for the League of United Latin American Citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Lenders are missing the boat. They still think, in many respects, that we are a high-risk population for loan products, so we get the most expensive products and the most penalties for nonpayment,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing and civil rights advocacy groups say there are legitimate reasons why Latinos, who tend to have lower incomes, made up a lower percentage of conventional loan applications: Homes are pricey in California or they may be relying on federally-backed FHA loans, which are more expensive but easier to get. FHA loans are not factored into Reveal's analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates also say the skewed numbers are not surprising given historical hostility toward Latino borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is hard to prove that lenders are steering Latinos to pricier, unconventional loans, but at the very least, they could do a better job reaching out to Latinos, said Vedika Ahuja, economic equity program manager at The Greenlining Institute, a nonprofit that promotes social and economic justice. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said banks and other lenders could check utility and rent payments to determine a person's ability to make payments, rather than rely strictly on credit score and income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With more flexible credit scoring methods, credit-worthy Latinos could be qualifying for conventional products that are cheaper,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County's Anaheim area, Latinos were 34 percent of the population but 9 percent of applications. In the San Francisco metro region, where the market is notoriously expensive, Latinos made up a quarter of the population but just over 4 percent of loan applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Acosta, co-founder and CEO of the National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals, said there are legitimate reasons why Latinos may be going with flexible federal FHA loans rather than conventional loans: They tend to be inexperienced first-time home buyers who can't afford high down payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Do I think people intentionally put people in an FHA loan because they're discriminating against them? I'm certain that happens, but it doesn't account for the majority,\" he said. \"It's the path of least resistance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Chico and Salinas in California, Reveal found evidence of modern-day redlining in the Vallejo-Fairfield part of the San Francisco Bay Area, where residents have flocked in recent years in search of cheaper homes. African-Americans were 2.6 times more likely than whites to be denied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the Reveal investigation found 61 metro areas across the country where minorities were denied loans at greater rates than whites, even when controlling for income, loan amount, neighborhood and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data journalist Angeliki Kastanis in Los Angeles contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge has signed off on a legal agreement between Orange County officials and homeless advocates over the fate of hundreds of people camped along the Santa Ana River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, officials posted notices up and down the riverbed advising people living there they had until Tuesday, Feb. 20, to clear out under the judge’s order. At the same time, county officials must provide monthlong motel vouchers for the evictees while case managers work to find them permanent housing or other shelter arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one of the encampments, Lisa Weber was frying up heart-shaped potato slices Wednesday morning in her tidy camp just off the Santa Ana River bike trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not looking very good, but it’s cool,” she said cheerfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber said she has missed having a kitchen in the four years she’s been homeless, living in tents in various Orange County cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and the estimated 400 other homeless people living along the Santa Ana River awoke to the news that county officials would be clearing the area on Feb. 20. Notices posted up and down the encampment advised people that a motel room would be offered to anyone who wants it for a minimum of 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that time, social workers will help individuals apply for subsidized housing and officials will work to open additional shelter space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"4GlhCx6gRJSLdC77jkmertWzsZXL72GJ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan is the outcome of a deal struck Tuesday between the county and lawyers for the homeless. The latter filed a lawsuit in January alleging officials planned to evict homeless people from the riverbed without viable alternatives for where they would sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber, 57, said she was grateful for the offer of a motel stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very generous,” she said. \"I mean, of course, we’d like to stay here. We’re not paying rent. We don’t have to pay for utilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Weber said she's used to being told to pack up her tent: Next week’s move will be the third since she was kicked out of another section of the riverbed in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber said she hoped a month of stability would help her get back on her feet, in part because she won’t have to worry about her belongings being stolen or confiscated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I won’t be scared to go look for a job,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"Uh6dUTErF1R0fAbebydEfo2D59Aen38s\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the month's reprieve from the streets, she also plans to renew her MediCal benefits, get a new pair of glasses, take care of some needed dental work and make a court date to ask a judge to relieve her of long-delinquent child support payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other homeless people at the riverbed said they were also grateful for the court deal. But one, a 53-year-old man named Steve, said he doubted it would mean long-term change for him or many others. \"This is the only thing that works for a lot of these people,\" he said. Living outside, without rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being told what to do,” he said. Still, he said he figured the riverbed camp wouldn’t last forever.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge has signed off on a legal agreement between Orange County officials and homeless advocates over the fate of hundreds of people camped along the Santa Ana River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, officials posted notices up and down the riverbed advising people living there they had until Tuesday, Feb. 20, to clear out under the judge’s order. At the same time, county officials must provide monthlong motel vouchers for the evictees while case managers work to find them permanent housing or other shelter arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one of the encampments, Lisa Weber was frying up heart-shaped potato slices Wednesday morning in her tidy camp just off the Santa Ana River bike trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not looking very good, but it’s cool,” she said cheerfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber said she has missed having a kitchen in the four years she’s been homeless, living in tents in various Orange County cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and the estimated 400 other homeless people living along the Santa Ana River awoke to the news that county officials would be clearing the area on Feb. 20. Notices posted up and down the encampment advised people that a motel room would be offered to anyone who wants it for a minimum of 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that time, social workers will help individuals apply for subsidized housing and officials will work to open additional shelter space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan is the outcome of a deal struck Tuesday between the county and lawyers for the homeless. The latter filed a lawsuit in January alleging officials planned to evict homeless people from the riverbed without viable alternatives for where they would sleep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber, 57, said she was grateful for the offer of a motel stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s very generous,” she said. \"I mean, of course, we’d like to stay here. We’re not paying rent. We don’t have to pay for utilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Weber said she's used to being told to pack up her tent: Next week’s move will be the third since she was kicked out of another section of the riverbed in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber said she hoped a month of stability would help her get back on her feet, in part because she won’t have to worry about her belongings being stolen or confiscated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I won’t be scared to go look for a job,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the month's reprieve from the streets, she also plans to renew her MediCal benefits, get a new pair of glasses, take care of some needed dental work and make a court date to ask a judge to relieve her of long-delinquent child support payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other homeless people at the riverbed said they were also grateful for the court deal. But one, a 53-year-old man named Steve, said he doubted it would mean long-term change for him or many others. \"This is the only thing that works for a lot of these people,\" he said. Living outside, without rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being told what to do,” he said. Still, he said he figured the riverbed camp wouldn’t last forever.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?",
"title": "Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>No one has the exact same definition of the California dream. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the 39 million current Californians about what the dream should be, and aside from most of us agreeing that the daily temperature should dip no colder than the mid-50s, you’ll likely get 39 million very different answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the so-called “Golden Era” of California -- that faded Technicolor image of a magical time in the 1960s when as soon as you crossed the stateline Ronald Reagan would hand deliver you a two-story house and 2.5 children and tiki-themed patio furniture -- still seeps into our expectations of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, that vintage California dream was primarily lived out by white families. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in law and practice made it difficult for people of color, who made up a much smaller proportion of the state population than they do today, to share in that prosperity. And major swaths of California’s current population arrived here well after that “Golden Era” had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, half a century later, this:\u003cbr>\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r9x_GUBZgjc&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bears a striking resemblance to this:\u003cbr>\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9bf5osD_J54&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Celebrity endorsements aside, there’s an increasingly pervasive feeling among those of us who actually live here that the California dream is just harder than it used to be. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/2/26/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\">poll\u003c/a> found that only 17 percent of Californians believe the state’s current generation is doing better than previous ones. More than 50 percent thought younger Californians were doing worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four decades, California middle-class incomes have stagnated: The median California family is making only marginally more now than they were in 1980. More than half of Californians born that year made less than their parents did by age 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a problem because at the same time, the state’s cost of living has exploded. A house that 50 years ago cost about three times a younger California household’s salary now costs seven times what a younger household earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"oqKbWW2yhjid7aZHVt4iKViQxVvKWjvi\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the past half-century has been rough for middle income Californians, it’s been brutal for those lower on the income ladder. Starting in the late 1970s, California’s poverty rate crept higher than the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, when cost of living is factored in, we’re the poorest state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eulogizing the California dream has developed into its own cottage industry in recent years, with politicians of all stripes promising to restore our glory days. All too often the gloom and doom obscures objective gains the state has made in service of a sepia-toned narrative. Your average Californian is much more likely to get a college education and much less likely to be mugged today than 40 years ago. That’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something is changing, and Californians can sense it. Here’s the data behind how four common California dreams are slipping away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Being -- and Staying -- Middle Class\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When was the best time to be a middle-class Californian?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the late 1960s and ‘70s were pretty good years. Median family incomes rose steadily in real terms throughout the period, and by 1980 the average household was making 20 percent more than in 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 1980, incomes for middle-class Californians essentially stagnated. By 2014, the average California family, after adjusting for inflation, was making only 8 percent more than it made three decades ago. While earnings have ticked up since then, the brutal recessions of the early 1990s and late 2000s essentially wiped out entire decades of modest income gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/for-print-income-inequality-1hxj4811d1qr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The starkest comparison is between families at the middle and less than the middle with those at the very top,” says Sarah Bohn, research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “We’ve all experienced booms and busts through economic cycles, but over time the highest-income families in the state have really seen a larger growth in their opportunities relative to middle income families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is by no means unique to California. But it is worse here than in the rest of the country. Incomes for the median family grew at a faster clip over the past 30 years nationwide than in California. And the gap between rich and middle class is higher here than the vast majority of other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnating incomes and rising inequality don’t necessarily mean Californians are having a tougher time making ends meet. But the costs of staying middle-class, or jumping up the income ladder, are higher than they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"zgjleyuI07jMIajTImeQJrc3I9xHcBCq\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about what it took to make ends meet in 1967, it’s very different from what it takes to make ends meet today,” said Bohn, who specializes in income inequality trends. “Child care expenses with both parents working, medical out-of-pocket expenses, not to mention other things that are necessities that didn’t even exist in the ‘60s that you really need today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Having Your Children Do Better Than You\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the allure of California has always been the possibility of making it to the “1 percent,” whether via the Gold Rush or Hollywood or Silicon Valley. And here the top-earning households are doing better than just about anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inequality could be linked to another disconcerting trend: the inability of younger households to do better than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of California children born in 1980 were making more at age 30 than their parents did at their age. That’s the first time that percentage has slipped below 50 percent since the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/your-odds-of-out-earning-your-parents-in-california-1g43mn6kx7y6pzy\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, declining income mobility is not just a California story. Younger people across the United States are having a harder time matching their parents’ standard of living. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger Californians are doing notably worse than their counterparts in some other states—younger South Dakotans and Arkansans, for instance, are much more likely to be out-earning their parents than are young Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Escaping Poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While middle incomes have stagnated in California over the past four decades, lower-income households have actually seen their earnings drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you factor in the cost of living, California now has the highest poverty rate in the country. We’re worse than states such as Mississippi and Alabama. Roughly one in five Californians now struggle to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-the-poverty-outlier-1gqo2qnnzew7278\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t always the case. California used to have a lower poverty rate than the national average up until the late 1970s. But poverty in California surged in the 1980s before peaking in the recession of the early 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture would be even bleaker if you eliminated state and federal safety net programs such as food stamps that have expanded significantly in recent years. Without those, nearly 1 in 3 Californians would be poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Owning a Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the California dream has always been homeownership. But that dream has become increasingly unattainable in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am very nervous that we are at a point where absent an economic downturn that kind of forces prices to drop, that we are really in an unsustainable situation,” says Carol Galante, director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at the University of California, Berkeley. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of ability to save for a downpayment, it’s just becoming unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, the median sales price of a California house was about $166,000 in today’s dollars. That was about three times the average income of younger California families at the time who might be in the market for a starter home. Today, the average California home sells for over $500,000 -- seven times a younger family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/house-pricemedian-income-ratio-ca-25-35-year-olds-1h0r6rx0jmw76ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the run-up in housing prices of the mid-2000s -- when lenient credit standards allowed a record percentage of Californians to own a home -- that house-price-to-income ratio is the worst it’s ever been.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Dimensions of the Dream -- With Some Bright Spots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rising income inequality, spiraling poverty, the struggles of the middle class -- beyond being total downers, these trends feel so abstract and intractable. So let’s drill down on some more specific dimensions of the California dream, and compare how things are now versus how they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, California is a more expensive place than it once was. And much of that is due to astronomical increases in housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1960, average California renters saw about 20 percent of their income go to rent. That’s up to nearly 37 percent now. The trend is even steeper for younger Californians, who are seeing nearly half their paychecks go to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/rent-1h174939wn9d4zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rents are higher, it gets tougher for renters to save money for a downpayment on a house. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, combined with rising single-family home prices and the end of easy mortgages, has sent California’s rate of home ownership dipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/lao-homeownership-1h984wzkvpjv4p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose Dream Is This? Demographics, Inequality and Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the California dream of the ‘50s and ‘60s feels mostly white is obvious -- back then, California was mostly white. As recently as 1970, whites comprised more than 70 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed dramatically. Driven by the tremendous growth of its Latino and Asian populations, California is now famously a “majority minority” state, where no ethnic group claims more than 50 percent of residents. The number of white Californians has actually dropped by about 2 million residents since 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-population-1970-now-1h1749n3p3dd2zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasingly diverse California, however, has not translated into an increasingly equal one. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the average Asian California household has caught up to whites, both Latino and African-American families make significantly less -- with that gap only widening in the wake of the Great Recession of the late 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/median-family-income-by-race-in-ca-1967-2016-1hxj481ozekr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bulk of California’s workforce is going to be young Latinos now,” said Sonja Diaz, founding director of the UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But Latinos still lag behind in a number of socioeconomic indicators, in terms of homeownership, income gains, educational attainment, access to health care, living wage jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has always been a magnet for immigrants from far and wide. While the rate of international migration has slowed in recent years, the state still boasts the largest concentration of foreign-born residents in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/foreign-born-1h0n25d3rywj6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in the 1990s, California appears to have lost much of its lure to the rest of the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past two decades, California has lost 1.8 million more residents than it has gained from the rest of the country. And unlike in previous decades, that trend is persisting through good economic times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/net-domestic-migration-ca-1970-2017-1h7v4pxdv5dd2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark Kerr would have lots to be proud of if he were alive today. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architect of the state’s 1960 Master Plan for Higher Education, Kerr \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/californias-higher-education-from-american-dream-to-dilemma/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">envisioned a world-class public university system\u003c/a> accessible to California high school students. The top one-eighth would be admitted to the University of California, which aimed to be the envy of public higher education nationwide. The top third would have a place at a California State University campus, and anyone who could benefit from higher could enroll in state-operated community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"pm2oKQpwRXXHO46oTjL5zQLJWTLW8QjI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partly due to Kerr’s ambitions, Californians are a lot more educated than they used to be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The percentage of Californians with a bachelor’s degree has nearly tripled since 1960, with particularly strong gains among California women. Graduation rates at the University of California are some of the highest in recent decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/a-growingly-educated-public-1h0n25dkjy9j6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But adjusted for inflation, the cost of one year of a University of California education today is seven times more than it was in the mid-1960s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because state support for UC started dwindling in the early 2000s. At its peak, the state provided more than $26,000 per student to UC. It now provides about half that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/uc-mandatory-costs-tuition-and-fees-in-2016-dollars-1hmr6go80yl84nl\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/state-support-uc-students-1hxj48130y5r2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a reputation as a high-tax state. Has that always been the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depends on how much money you make and what type of tax you’re talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state has increasingly leaned on high-earners to foot the cost of government over the past few decades, the median California tax return has actually seen its income tax bill drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Effective property taxes in California have dipped below the average in most other states since the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">passage of Proposition 13 in 1978\u003c/a>, which limits what local governments can collect form rising property values. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"210KQKliqE70phw2UtHDvYJ7v6c5wfT0\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California now has one of the lowest effective property tax rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one regressive tax has increased significantly since the 1960s: the sales tax. In 1964, the state sales tax totaled 4 percent. That rose to over 7 percent by the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Economy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline of manufacturing and the disappearance of blue-collar jobs with decent pay and good benefits is an economic narrative typically reserved for the Rust Belt. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining the erosion of California’s middle class, the disappearance of manufacturing -- particularly in the defense and aerospace industries that dominated Southern California during the Cold War -- plays a central role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/industry-mix-1h8j4xjqo81r6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/1990-post-industry-1h7v4pxjon8q2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley does not provide those kind of big manufacturing jobs,” said Dan Mitchell, professor emeritus at the Anderson School of Management at the University of California, Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no equivalent of an aircraft assembly plant that you get from that. IT does provide high-paying, white-collar jobs, but certainly not as many and not in the same location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"QPFQtPOGzrJW95UcdU3ckArWAC5sB3Zy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, in good times California’s economy continues to outshine most of the rest of the U.S. In 13 of the last 20 years, the state’s annual economic growth has surpassed the national rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has always been a boom-and-bust state, and recessions play out worse here than elsewhere. The recession of the early 1990s, the dot-com bust at the turn of the century, and the Great Recession all hit California harder than in most of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/ca-vs-us-real-gdp-growth-last-20-years-1h984wpqlp0v2p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One indisputable improvement in California’s quality of life over the past few decades: The state is a lot safer than it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/crime-rates-in-ca-1969-2016-1h0r6rxegj186ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of violent and property crime have reached lows not seen since the late 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s crime drop is part of a broader national trend enjoyed in most of the rest of the country. And along with most other states, California has seen a major increase in its incarceration rate over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/incarceration-rate-1h8j4xj19ojr6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Over 50 percent of Californians believe our state’s current generation is doing worse than previous ones. Here’s why they’re not wrong.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No one has the exact same definition of the California dream. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ask the 39 million current Californians about what the dream should be, and aside from most of us agreeing that the daily temperature should dip no colder than the mid-50s, you’ll likely get 39 million very different answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the so-called “Golden Era” of California -- that faded Technicolor image of a magical time in the 1960s when as soon as you crossed the stateline Ronald Reagan would hand deliver you a two-story house and 2.5 children and tiki-themed patio furniture -- still seeps into our expectations of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, that vintage California dream was primarily lived out by white families. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discrimination in law and practice made it difficult for people of color, who made up a much smaller proportion of the state population than they do today, to share in that prosperity. And major swaths of California’s current population arrived here well after that “Golden Era” had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, half a century later, this:\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/r9x_GUBZgjc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/r9x_GUBZgjc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Bears a striking resemblance to this:\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/9bf5osD_J54'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/9bf5osD_J54'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Celebrity endorsements aside, there’s an increasingly pervasive feeling among those of us who actually live here that the California dream is just harder than it used to be. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/2/26/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\">poll\u003c/a> found that only 17 percent of Californians believe the state’s current generation is doing better than previous ones. More than 50 percent thought younger Californians were doing worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past four decades, California middle-class incomes have stagnated: The median California family is making only marginally more now than they were in 1980. More than half of Californians born that year made less than their parents did by age 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a problem because at the same time, the state’s cost of living has exploded. A house that 50 years ago cost about three times a younger California household’s salary now costs seven times what a younger household earns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the past half-century has been rough for middle income Californians, it’s been brutal for those lower on the income ladder. Starting in the late 1970s, California’s poverty rate crept higher than the national average. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, when cost of living is factored in, we’re the poorest state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eulogizing the California dream has developed into its own cottage industry in recent years, with politicians of all stripes promising to restore our glory days. All too often the gloom and doom obscures objective gains the state has made in service of a sepia-toned narrative. Your average Californian is much more likely to get a college education and much less likely to be mugged today than 40 years ago. That’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But something is changing, and Californians can sense it. Here’s the data behind how four common California dreams are slipping away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Being -- and Staying -- Middle Class\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When was the best time to be a middle-class Californian?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, the late 1960s and ‘70s were pretty good years. Median family incomes rose steadily in real terms throughout the period, and by 1980 the average household was making 20 percent more than in 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 1980, incomes for middle-class Californians essentially stagnated. By 2014, the average California family, after adjusting for inflation, was making only 8 percent more than it made three decades ago. While earnings have ticked up since then, the brutal recessions of the early 1990s and late 2000s essentially wiped out entire decades of modest income gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/for-print-income-inequality-1hxj4811d1qr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The starkest comparison is between families at the middle and less than the middle with those at the very top,” says Sarah Bohn, research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California. “We’ve all experienced booms and busts through economic cycles, but over time the highest-income families in the state have really seen a larger growth in their opportunities relative to middle income families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That story is by no means unique to California. But it is worse here than in the rest of the country. Incomes for the median family grew at a faster clip over the past 30 years nationwide than in California. And the gap between rich and middle class is higher here than the vast majority of other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stagnating incomes and rising inequality don’t necessarily mean Californians are having a tougher time making ends meet. But the costs of staying middle-class, or jumping up the income ladder, are higher than they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you think about what it took to make ends meet in 1967, it’s very different from what it takes to make ends meet today,” said Bohn, who specializes in income inequality trends. “Child care expenses with both parents working, medical out-of-pocket expenses, not to mention other things that are necessities that didn’t even exist in the ‘60s that you really need today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Having Your Children Do Better Than You\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the allure of California has always been the possibility of making it to the “1 percent,” whether via the Gold Rush or Hollywood or Silicon Valley. And here the top-earning households are doing better than just about anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But inequality could be linked to another disconcerting trend: the inability of younger households to do better than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of California children born in 1980 were making more at age 30 than their parents did at their age. That’s the first time that percentage has slipped below 50 percent since the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/your-odds-of-out-earning-your-parents-in-california-1g43mn6kx7y6pzy\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, declining income mobility is not just a California story. Younger people across the United States are having a harder time matching their parents’ standard of living. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But younger Californians are doing notably worse than their counterparts in some other states—younger South Dakotans and Arkansans, for instance, are much more likely to be out-earning their parents than are young Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Escaping Poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While middle incomes have stagnated in California over the past four decades, lower-income households have actually seen their earnings drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When you factor in the cost of living, California now has the highest poverty rate in the country. We’re worse than states such as Mississippi and Alabama. Roughly one in five Californians now struggle to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-the-poverty-outlier-1gqo2qnnzew7278\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That wasn’t always the case. California used to have a lower poverty rate than the national average up until the late 1970s. But poverty in California surged in the 1980s before peaking in the recession of the early 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The picture would be even bleaker if you eliminated state and federal safety net programs such as food stamps that have expanded significantly in recent years. Without those, nearly 1 in 3 Californians would be poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Dream of Owning a Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the California dream has always been homeownership. But that dream has become increasingly unattainable in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am very nervous that we are at a point where absent an economic downturn that kind of forces prices to drop, that we are really in an unsustainable situation,” says Carol Galante, director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at the University of California, Berkeley. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of ability to save for a downpayment, it’s just becoming unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1969, the median sales price of a California house was about $166,000 in today’s dollars. That was about three times the average income of younger California families at the time who might be in the market for a starter home. Today, the average California home sells for over $500,000 -- seven times a younger family’s earnings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/house-pricemedian-income-ratio-ca-25-35-year-olds-1h0r6rx0jmw76ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from the run-up in housing prices of the mid-2000s -- when lenient credit standards allowed a record percentage of Californians to own a home -- that house-price-to-income ratio is the worst it’s ever been.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Other Dimensions of the Dream -- With Some Bright Spots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rising income inequality, spiraling poverty, the struggles of the middle class -- beyond being total downers, these trends feel so abstract and intractable. So let’s drill down on some more specific dimensions of the California dream, and compare how things are now versus how they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, California is a more expensive place than it once was. And much of that is due to astronomical increases in housing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1960, average California renters saw about 20 percent of their income go to rent. That’s up to nearly 37 percent now. The trend is even steeper for younger Californians, who are seeing nearly half their paychecks go to rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/rent-1h174939wn9d4zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rents are higher, it gets tougher for renters to save money for a downpayment on a house. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, combined with rising single-family home prices and the end of easy mortgages, has sent California’s rate of home ownership dipping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/lao-homeownership-1h984wzkvpjv4p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Whose Dream Is This? Demographics, Inequality and Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the California dream of the ‘50s and ‘60s feels mostly white is obvious -- back then, California was mostly white. As recently as 1970, whites comprised more than 70 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed dramatically. Driven by the tremendous growth of its Latino and Asian populations, California is now famously a “majority minority” state, where no ethnic group claims more than 50 percent of residents. The number of white Californians has actually dropped by about 2 million residents since 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/california-population-1970-now-1h1749n3p3dd2zj\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An increasingly diverse California, however, has not translated into an increasingly equal one. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the average Asian California household has caught up to whites, both Latino and African-American families make significantly less -- with that gap only widening in the wake of the Great Recession of the late 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/median-family-income-by-race-in-ca-1967-2016-1hxj481ozekr2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bulk of California’s workforce is going to be young Latinos now,” said Sonja Diaz, founding director of the UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But Latinos still lag behind in a number of socioeconomic indicators, in terms of homeownership, income gains, educational attainment, access to health care, living wage jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has always been a magnet for immigrants from far and wide. While the rate of international migration has slowed in recent years, the state still boasts the largest concentration of foreign-born residents in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/foreign-born-1h0n25d3rywj6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting in the 1990s, California appears to have lost much of its lure to the rest of the U.S. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past two decades, California has lost 1.8 million more residents than it has gained from the rest of the country. And unlike in previous decades, that trend is persisting through good economic times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/net-domestic-migration-ca-1970-2017-1h7v4pxdv5dd2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Higher Education\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clark Kerr would have lots to be proud of if he were alive today. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architect of the state’s 1960 Master Plan for Higher Education, Kerr \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/californias-higher-education-from-american-dream-to-dilemma/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">envisioned a world-class public university system\u003c/a> accessible to California high school students. The top one-eighth would be admitted to the University of California, which aimed to be the envy of public higher education nationwide. The top third would have a place at a California State University campus, and anyone who could benefit from higher could enroll in state-operated community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partly due to Kerr’s ambitions, Californians are a lot more educated than they used to be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The percentage of Californians with a bachelor’s degree has nearly tripled since 1960, with particularly strong gains among California women. Graduation rates at the University of California are some of the highest in recent decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/a-growingly-educated-public-1h0n25dkjy9j6pe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But adjusted for inflation, the cost of one year of a University of California education today is seven times more than it was in the mid-1960s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because state support for UC started dwindling in the early 2000s. At its peak, the state provided more than $26,000 per student to UC. It now provides about half that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/uc-mandatory-costs-tuition-and-fees-in-2016-dollars-1hmr6go80yl84nl\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/state-support-uc-students-1hxj48130y5r2vg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Taxes\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a reputation as a high-tax state. Has that always been the case?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depends on how much money you make and what type of tax you’re talking about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state has increasingly leaned on high-earners to foot the cost of government over the past few decades, the median California tax return has actually seen its income tax bill drop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Effective property taxes in California have dipped below the average in most other states since the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/11/01/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">passage of Proposition 13 in 1978\u003c/a>, which limits what local governments can collect form rising property values. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California now has one of the lowest effective property tax rates in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one regressive tax has increased significantly since the 1960s: the sales tax. In 1964, the state sales tax totaled 4 percent. That rose to over 7 percent by the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Economy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline of manufacturing and the disappearance of blue-collar jobs with decent pay and good benefits is an economic narrative typically reserved for the Rust Belt. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in explaining the erosion of California’s middle class, the disappearance of manufacturing -- particularly in the defense and aerospace industries that dominated Southern California during the Cold War -- plays a central role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/industry-mix-1h8j4xjqo81r6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/1990-post-industry-1h7v4pxjon8q2k0\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley does not provide those kind of big manufacturing jobs,” said Dan Mitchell, professor emeritus at the Anderson School of Management at the University of California, Los Angeles. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no equivalent of an aircraft assembly plant that you get from that. IT does provide high-paying, white-collar jobs, but certainly not as many and not in the same location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, in good times California’s economy continues to outshine most of the rest of the U.S. In 13 of the last 20 years, the state’s annual economic growth has surpassed the national rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California has always been a boom-and-bust state, and recessions play out worse here than elsewhere. The recession of the early 1990s, the dot-com bust at the turn of the century, and the Great Recession all hit California harder than in most of the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/ca-vs-us-real-gdp-growth-last-20-years-1h984wpqlp0v2p3\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Public Safety\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One indisputable improvement in California’s quality of life over the past few decades: The state is a lot safer than it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/crime-rates-in-ca-1969-2016-1h0r6rxegj186ek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rates of violent and property crime have reached lows not seen since the late 1960s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s crime drop is part of a broader national trend enjoyed in most of the rest of the country. And along with most other states, California has seen a major increase in its incarceration rate over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://infogram.com/incarceration-rate-1h8j4xj19ojr6mv\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Think it’s hard putting together your personal budget? Try doing it for the largest city in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose has put together \u003ca href=\"http://sanjose.abalancingact.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new website\u003c/a> where residents can try to balance the city’s budget for the upcoming year using a program called \u003ca href=\"http://abalancingact.com/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Balancing Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the website, residents can see the city’s revenue streams (such as property and sales taxes) alongside what the city spends on things like public safety, parks and housing. They then have to try to decide what spending they would eliminate to balance the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649458\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11649458\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-800x424.jpg\" alt=\"Residents using the Balancing Act website must decide what spending to cut in order to balance the budget.\" width=\"800\" height=\"424\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-800x424.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-160x85.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-1020x541.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-1180x626.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-960x509.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-240x127.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-375x199.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-520x276.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut.jpg 1279w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents using the Balancing Act website must decide what spending to cut in order to balance the budget. \u003ccite>(Balancing Act)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Sam Liccardo said one of the issues the city faces when it comes to balancing the budget is that more residents live in the city than work there, reducing the taxes the city can bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re challenged here in San Jose because as a city with the worst jobs-to-housing balance of any major city in the country, we know we need more jobs in order to provide services,” Liccardo said at a community event on Saturday. “On the other hand, there a lot of folks who are pretty fed up with growth, and we understand why they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo will lay out his priorities for the city’s 2018-19 city budget in mid-March, but before then he’s using this website to see where residents would like the city to focus its spending. Around 40 San Jose residents listened to Liccardo as he walked them through last year’s budget, explained the breakdown of city funds, and discussed some of the budget constraints at the Mayfair Community Center over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649454\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11649454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo directs residents to a new website where they can tell the city how they would build a city budget.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo directs residents to a new website where they can tell the city how they would build a city budget. \u003ccite>(Alyssa Jeong Perry/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After his presentation, residents were on their own to craft their San Jose budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned about police funding. I know San Jose has had trouble with the police funding,” said South San Jose’s Kevin Kelleher. So he chose to give more money to police by cutting money for transportation, but he still ended up with a deficit of $3 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo says allowing residents to try to balance the budget themselves helps them understand the intricacies of running a city with restricted funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re required to make trade-offs, as we do in life in our own personal budgets,” he said. “It’s important for us to really get a clear picture of priorities within that constrained budget rather than a wish list.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they’re done crafting their own San Jose budget online, residents can submit their proposals, giving Liccardo and his staff a picture of what the public would like to see done with city funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s helpful to enable us to understand whether what we think the community wants is really what the community wants,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Think it’s hard putting together your personal budget? Try doing it for the largest city in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose has put together \u003ca href=\"http://sanjose.abalancingact.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new website\u003c/a> where residents can try to balance the city’s budget for the upcoming year using a program called \u003ca href=\"http://abalancingact.com/about\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Balancing Act\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the website, residents can see the city’s revenue streams (such as property and sales taxes) alongside what the city spends on things like public safety, parks and housing. They then have to try to decide what spending they would eliminate to balance the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649458\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11649458\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-800x424.jpg\" alt=\"Residents using the Balancing Act website must decide what spending to cut in order to balance the budget.\" width=\"800\" height=\"424\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-800x424.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-160x85.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-1020x541.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-1180x626.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-960x509.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-240x127.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-375x199.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut-520x276.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29377_SJ-Budget-qut.jpg 1279w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents using the Balancing Act website must decide what spending to cut in order to balance the budget. \u003ccite>(Balancing Act)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mayor Sam Liccardo said one of the issues the city faces when it comes to balancing the budget is that more residents live in the city than work there, reducing the taxes the city can bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re challenged here in San Jose because as a city with the worst jobs-to-housing balance of any major city in the country, we know we need more jobs in order to provide services,” Liccardo said at a community event on Saturday. “On the other hand, there a lot of folks who are pretty fed up with growth, and we understand why they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo will lay out his priorities for the city’s 2018-19 city budget in mid-March, but before then he’s using this website to see where residents would like the city to focus its spending. Around 40 San Jose residents listened to Liccardo as he walked them through last year’s budget, explained the breakdown of city funds, and discussed some of the budget constraints at the Mayfair Community Center over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11649454\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11649454\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo directs residents to a new website where they can tell the city how they would build a city budget.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/Image-uploaded-from-iOS-1-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo directs residents to a new website where they can tell the city how they would build a city budget. \u003ccite>(Alyssa Jeong Perry/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After his presentation, residents were on their own to craft their San Jose budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned about police funding. I know San Jose has had trouble with the police funding,” said South San Jose’s Kevin Kelleher. So he chose to give more money to police by cutting money for transportation, but he still ended up with a deficit of $3 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo says allowing residents to try to balance the budget themselves helps them understand the intricacies of running a city with restricted funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re required to make trade-offs, as we do in life in our own personal budgets,” he said. “It’s important for us to really get a clear picture of priorities within that constrained budget rather than a wish list.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they’re done crafting their own San Jose budget online, residents can submit their proposals, giving Liccardo and his staff a picture of what the public would like to see done with city funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s helpful to enable us to understand whether what we think the community wants is really what the community wants,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Has Oakland's Fruitvale Neighborhood Ever Recovered From 'Redlining'?",
"title": "Has Oakland's Fruitvale Neighborhood Ever Recovered From 'Redlining'?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration has made it a priority to roll back government regulations, on everything from the environment to the internet. One \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/trump-administration-seeks-to-change-rules-on-bank-lending-to-the-poor-1515624418\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">target for reform\u003c/a> is the Community Reinvestment Act, or CRA, a 40-year-old law designed to get banks to invest in low-income communities and help them recover from the negative effects of redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It may be one of the most impactful laws people have never heard of,\" says Kevin Stein, deputy director of the California Reinvestment Coalition.\u003cbr>\n[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2018/02/WattCRA.mp3\" title=\"Recovering from Redlining in Oakland's Fruitvale. Has The Community Reinvestment Act Helped?\" program=\"KQED News\" image=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2018/02/08/Fruitvalesign.jpg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stein estimates that, nationwide, the CRA has resulted in billions of dollars of loans, investments and financial services for low-income communities and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To really understand the impact of the Community Reinvestment Act, it helps to know why it became law in the first place. It all goes back to the practice that came to be known as redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1930s, as the country was recovering from the Great Depression, the federal government wanted to encourage homeownership in cities that had suffered from waves of foreclosures. So it established the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC), to refinance mortgages at risk of default. As part of that effort, HOLC created maps of cities, to identify which neighborhoods were good investments and which were bad investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOLC assigned each neighborhood a grade, according to the \"favorable\" and \"detrimental\" influences in the neighborhood. The presence of minority communities was among the so-called detrimental influences. Take Oakland's Fruitvale neighborhood, for instance. A 1937 HOLC map of the area indicated these so-called detrimental influences: \"Odors from industries. Predominance of foreign inhabitants. Infiltration of Negroes and Orientals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648730\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648730 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-240x394.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-375x616.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-520x854.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An \"area description\" of an Oakland neighborhood, produced by the Home Owners' Loan Corporation in 1937. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the University of Maryland T-RACES project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fruitvale and other neighborhoods given low grades were colored red on the maps, which spawned the term \"redlining.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These neighborhoods were denied access to credit because the federal government refused to guarantee mortgages and other loans that were being made in these neighborhoods,\" said Carolina Reid, an assistant professor of city and regional planning at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, said Reid, had a profound and lasting impact. \"The policy of redlining helped facilitate the disinvestment and the growing poverty in neighborhoods like Fruitvale,\" Reid said. \"Because we saw white flight to the suburbs and then we saw families that were remaining not being able to access credit to buy a home or to invest in a small business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s and '70s, activists raged about the decline of cities and the influence of discriminatory lending practices. That led to the passage of a number of laws, including the Community Reinvestment Act in 1977.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CRA doesn't specifically outlaw redlining or discrimination against borrowers on the basis of race. Instead, it mandates that banks offer loans and other financial services to all communities where they do business, including low- and moderate-income areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the CRA, banks are encouraged to work with local community groups to find opportunities for loans or investments that can actually help a struggling community. In Oakland, the nonprofit Unity Council has taken on that role. With investment from banks, the Unity Council built Fruitvale Village, the transit village next to the Fruitvale BART Station. It includes 47 units of housing, restaurants, businesses and a bank branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of investing in projects like Fruitvale Village, banks get credit for complying with the Community Reinvestment Act. And because of CRA, banks now see places like Fruitvale as good investments, says Chris Iglesias, CEO of the Unity Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It wasn't necessarily out of the goodness of their heart. But I think this has become a much more viable option for them, under this program, and we've taken advantage of that,\" Iglesias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investment from banks didn't just help build Fruitvale Village. It helps the Unity Council fund community services for people who live in the neighborhood, like a health clinic, job training and Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silvia Guzman's three kids came through the Head Start program. She first learned about it when she was just 16 years old, with a young daughter at home. A family advocate approached her mother after church one Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My mom came home and she told me, and I said I don't think we need child care,\" Guzman recalled recently while standing outside the Head Start classroom. \"And she says, 'No honey, this is not child care. You know, this is school-oriented. They will teach her, they will guide her, she will learn her numbers, she will learn how to write.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648737\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11648737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Silvia Guzman serves on the board of the Unity Council, a Community Development Corporation that built Fruitvale Village in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Brian Watt/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She enrolled her daughter, Gloria, in Head Start. When she did, she sat down with a program staffer, who helped her build goals for herself as well. Guzman now serves on the board of the Unity Council, and educates other parents in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is my roots, and this is where my children played,\" she said. \"And this is where my children get their education and their services are met, and I shouldn't have to go anywhere else if I have that at home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for people like Silvia Guzman, and places like Fruitvale, the Community Reinvestment Act has made a difference. But it's not perfect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2012/jul/13/business/la-fi-wells-bias-settlement-20120713\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Discriminatory lending practices\u003c/a> have not become a thing of the distant past. And as Oakland and the Bay Area struggle with an epic shortage of affordable housing, advocates say that banks can and should be doing more to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stein, with the California Reinvestment Coalition, thinks that banks should be taking more creative approaches to helping people stay in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Perhaps do more to work with nonprofits to buy buildings at risk of being flipped due to market pressures,\" Stein suggests. \"So that people who have been living in the Bay Area for a long time can continue to live in the Bay Area, because when people get evicted you know it's very hard for them to find places to go.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to giving credit to banks for their beneficial investments and loans, Stein argues the Community Reinvestment Act could be tougher, and penalize banks more for what he calls \"bad behavior,\" like making loans to real estate investors who purchase buildings and then evict longtime tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo recently had their \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-wells-fargo-cra-20170328-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CRA score downgraded\u003c/a>, in part because of the scandal where the bank opened thousands of unauthorized accounts in customers' names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the Trump administration's preference for deregulation, the California Reinvestment Coalition and other groups are anxiously waiting to see what comes next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Treasury Department and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, which both oversee compliance with the CRA, have said they plan to unveil proposals for changes in the coming months. This wouldn't be the first time the CRA has been modified in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're expecting that there will be efforts to dilute and weaken the CRA and its impacts on the community, and we are getting ready to fight them,\" Stein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, phase two of the Fruitvale Village project is getting underway, again with major investments from banks. This time there is a major focus on affordable housing. Of 275 rental units, 94 will be affordable family homes and 20 will be reserved for formerly homeless veterans.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration has made it a priority to roll back government regulations, on everything from the environment to the internet. One \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/trump-administration-seeks-to-change-rules-on-bank-lending-to-the-poor-1515624418\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">target for reform\u003c/a> is the Community Reinvestment Act, or CRA, a 40-year-old law designed to get banks to invest in low-income communities and help them recover from the negative effects of redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It may be one of the most impactful laws people have never heard of,\" says Kevin Stein, deputy director of the California Reinvestment Coalition.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stein estimates that, nationwide, the CRA has resulted in billions of dollars of loans, investments and financial services for low-income communities and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To really understand the impact of the Community Reinvestment Act, it helps to know why it became law in the first place. It all goes back to the practice that came to be known as redlining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1930s, as the country was recovering from the Great Depression, the federal government wanted to encourage homeownership in cities that had suffered from waves of foreclosures. So it established the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC), to refinance mortgages at risk of default. As part of that effort, HOLC created maps of cities, to identify which neighborhoods were good investments and which were bad investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HOLC assigned each neighborhood a grade, according to the \"favorable\" and \"detrimental\" influences in the neighborhood. The presence of minority communities was among the so-called detrimental influences. Take Oakland's Fruitvale neighborhood, for instance. A 1937 HOLC map of the area indicated these so-called detrimental influences: \"Odors from industries. Predominance of foreign inhabitants. Infiltration of Negroes and Orientals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648730\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 614px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648730 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"614\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut.jpg 614w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-160x263.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-240x394.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-375x616.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29302_Oakland-Area-Map-D15-ad0122-qut-520x854.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 614px) 100vw, 614px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An \"area description\" of an Oakland neighborhood, produced by the Home Owners' Loan Corporation in 1937. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the University of Maryland T-RACES project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fruitvale and other neighborhoods given low grades were colored red on the maps, which spawned the term \"redlining.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These neighborhoods were denied access to credit because the federal government refused to guarantee mortgages and other loans that were being made in these neighborhoods,\" said Carolina Reid, an assistant professor of city and regional planning at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, said Reid, had a profound and lasting impact. \"The policy of redlining helped facilitate the disinvestment and the growing poverty in neighborhoods like Fruitvale,\" Reid said. \"Because we saw white flight to the suburbs and then we saw families that were remaining not being able to access credit to buy a home or to invest in a small business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s and '70s, activists raged about the decline of cities and the influence of discriminatory lending practices. That led to the passage of a number of laws, including the Community Reinvestment Act in 1977.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CRA doesn't specifically outlaw redlining or discrimination against borrowers on the basis of race. Instead, it mandates that banks offer loans and other financial services to all communities where they do business, including low- and moderate-income areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the CRA, banks are encouraged to work with local community groups to find opportunities for loans or investments that can actually help a struggling community. In Oakland, the nonprofit Unity Council has taken on that role. With investment from banks, the Unity Council built Fruitvale Village, the transit village next to the Fruitvale BART Station. It includes 47 units of housing, restaurants, businesses and a bank branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of investing in projects like Fruitvale Village, banks get credit for complying with the Community Reinvestment Act. And because of CRA, banks now see places like Fruitvale as good investments, says Chris Iglesias, CEO of the Unity Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It wasn't necessarily out of the goodness of their heart. But I think this has become a much more viable option for them, under this program, and we've taken advantage of that,\" Iglesias said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investment from banks didn't just help build Fruitvale Village. It helps the Unity Council fund community services for people who live in the neighborhood, like a health clinic, job training and Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silvia Guzman's three kids came through the Head Start program. She first learned about it when she was just 16 years old, with a young daughter at home. A family advocate approached her mother after church one Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My mom came home and she told me, and I said I don't think we need child care,\" Guzman recalled recently while standing outside the Head Start classroom. \"And she says, 'No honey, this is not child care. You know, this is school-oriented. They will teach her, they will guide her, she will learn her numbers, she will learn how to write.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648737\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11648737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29303_IMG_8744-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Silvia Guzman serves on the board of the Unity Council, a Community Development Corporation that built Fruitvale Village in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Brian Watt/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She enrolled her daughter, Gloria, in Head Start. When she did, she sat down with a program staffer, who helped her build goals for herself as well. Guzman now serves on the board of the Unity Council, and educates other parents in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is my roots, and this is where my children played,\" she said. \"And this is where my children get their education and their services are met, and I shouldn't have to go anywhere else if I have that at home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for people like Silvia Guzman, and places like Fruitvale, the Community Reinvestment Act has made a difference. But it's not perfect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2012/jul/13/business/la-fi-wells-bias-settlement-20120713\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Discriminatory lending practices\u003c/a> have not become a thing of the distant past. And as Oakland and the Bay Area struggle with an epic shortage of affordable housing, advocates say that banks can and should be doing more to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stein, with the California Reinvestment Coalition, thinks that banks should be taking more creative approaches to helping people stay in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Perhaps do more to work with nonprofits to buy buildings at risk of being flipped due to market pressures,\" Stein suggests. \"So that people who have been living in the Bay Area for a long time can continue to live in the Bay Area, because when people get evicted you know it's very hard for them to find places to go.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to giving credit to banks for their beneficial investments and loans, Stein argues the Community Reinvestment Act could be tougher, and penalize banks more for what he calls \"bad behavior,\" like making loans to real estate investors who purchase buildings and then evict longtime tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo recently had their \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-wells-fargo-cra-20170328-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CRA score downgraded\u003c/a>, in part because of the scandal where the bank opened thousands of unauthorized accounts in customers' names.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the Trump administration's preference for deregulation, the California Reinvestment Coalition and other groups are anxiously waiting to see what comes next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Treasury Department and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, which both oversee compliance with the CRA, have said they plan to unveil proposals for changes in the coming months. This wouldn't be the first time the CRA has been modified in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're expecting that there will be efforts to dilute and weaken the CRA and its impacts on the community, and we are getting ready to fight them,\" Stein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, phase two of the Fruitvale Village project is getting underway, again with major investments from banks. This time there is a major focus on affordable housing. Of 275 rental units, 94 will be affordable family homes and 20 will be reserved for formerly homeless veterans.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Employers, Immigrants Grapple With Uncertainty Over TPS Work Permits",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mariano Guzman has worked as a truck driver for a San Francisco Bay Area waste management company for 17 years. But last month, the 55-year-old Honduran immigrant got a major surprise when he showed up for his job south of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman's employer said he couldn't keep his job because his work authorization document had just expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It really affects me a lot,\" Guzman said. He attended a free legal consultation event in San Francisco after he had spent a week without pay. \"I depend on my job to make my mortgage payments and pay all the bills to support my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Hondurans with Temporary Protected Status like Guzman are still able to legally work. The Department of Homeland Security automatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">extended work authorizations\u003c/a> until July 2018 for those who re-register for the program. New individual work permits can take months to arrive in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2018/02/RomeroTPSWorkers.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29269_IMG_1354-qut-1180x787.jpg\" Title=\"Employees and Employers Grapple With Uncertainty Over Immigrant Work Permits\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As President Trump's administration \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/08/u-s-ends-el-salvadors-protected-status-impacting-200000-people/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">winds down the program\u003c/a> that gives protected status to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/tens-thousands-united-states-face-uncertain-future-temporary-protected-status-deadlines-loom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">over 300,000 people\u003c/a> from El Salvador, Nicaragua and Haiti nationwide, immigration attorneys worry an already complex and shifting landscape of work authorization rules could become more baffling for employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Employers need to be aware of all these changes,\" said Cyrus Mehta, an immigration attorney who works with corporate clients. \"When the administration is trying to terminate programs that are inherently temporary and they get extended, it could cause more confusion for employers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"I9rNTbkOEp0nFwnLyQ6pBdzMweRSgOGD\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be a tricky situation for inexperienced human resources staff. Employers usually rely on work authorization documents provided by the employee to verify their legal status. But if employers wrongfully terminate workers who still have TPS work authorization, they could become liable to discrimination lawsuits, Mehta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue can usually be clarified with a letter to employers, said Ramon Cardona, who directs Centro Latino Cuzcatlan. The organization offers immigration services to hundreds of TPS holders in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We highlight the part that the government is saying 'this is good for six more months' and we tell them: Give them that,\" Cardona said, referring to information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">TPS for Hondurans\u003c/a> also available on the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services website. \"And that should be enough. Usually, it's enough.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is how Guzman was able to regain his job and compensation for the workdays lost at Recology, the trash company where he works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648463\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648463 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mariano Guzman, an immigrant from Honduras, stands outside the home he owns in San Pablo. Guzman fears losing his Temporary Protected Status, which he has had since 2000. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"For us this is a constant learning experience on understanding and keeping track of deadlines, when things are going to get reauthorized,\" said Eric Potashner, vice president of Recology, which employs about 3,500 people. \"There are a lot more moving parts that a company like ours has never had to deal with before.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen announced in January that TPS is ending in 2019 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2018/01/08/secretary-homeland-security-kirstjen-m-nielsen-announcement-temporary-protected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Salvadorans\u003c/a>, the largest group of beneficiaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency announced in November that \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/06/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-nicaragua-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nicaraguans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/20/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Haitians\u003c/a> are also losing the special status. Some observers expect Nielsen to terminate the status for Honduran immigrants as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potashner said if an employee like Guzman loses his work permit, his company would have to front the additional costs of recruiting and training a replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mr. Guzman has worked for us for some time now and understands the operation, understands how to efficiently do the job,\" Potashner said. \"So absolutely there will be costs to the business if folks like Mr. Guzman can no longer be employed and we fill the position with new employees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is urging the Trump administration to keep TPS for Hondurans and immigrants from other nations, saying businesses in the U.S. need a stable workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neil Bradley, the chamber's executive vice president, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uschamber.com/letter/letter-dhs-urging-the-extension-temporary-protected-status-el-salvador-honduras-and-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote\u003c/a> to the DHS that industries affected by the potential loss of TPS workers include construction, hospitality and food processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The loss of employment authorization for these populations would adversely impact several key industries where TPS recipients make up a significant amount of the workforce,\" Bradley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 25 years, the U.S. government has granted TPS to people from countries devastated by natural disasters or wrecked by armed conflict. The program allows beneficiaries to work and live in the U.S. If the federal government deems these immigrants are not able to return safely to their nations of origin, the status is usually extended six to 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TPS extensions for Hondurans and other Central American nations have added up to 17 years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Migration Studies\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/publications/jmhs-tps-elsalvador-honduras-haiti/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">significant number\u003c/a> of these immigrants now have children born in the United States and own homes, like Mariano Guzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am extremely worried,\" the father of eight said. \"If they end TPS for Hondurans, I lose everything I've worked for, like my home. Right now I'm saving money in a 401K and paying for life insurance. It'd be fatal to lose my job.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman doesn't want to return to Honduras because \u003ca href=\"https://www.proyectomirador.org/poverty-and-crime/one-poorest-most-vulnerable-countries-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">intense crime\u003c/a>, political instability and high unemployment are gripping that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, he took a break from his job manually dumping hundreds of trash and recycling bins daily across residential neighborhoods, and traveled to Washington, D.C., with other immigrants as part of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.savetps.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National TPS Alliance.\u003c/a> They are trying to convince GOP lawmakers to let people with TPS get on a path to citizenship, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm still hopeful there's an immigration reform that benefits us all,\" Guzman said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Immigrants with Temporary Protected Status still hope for a path to citizenship -- and their employers worry about losses incurred by having to rehire for jobs if TPS ends.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mariano Guzman has worked as a truck driver for a San Francisco Bay Area waste management company for 17 years. But last month, the 55-year-old Honduran immigrant got a major surprise when he showed up for his job south of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman's employer said he couldn't keep his job because his work authorization document had just expired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It really affects me a lot,\" Guzman said. He attended a free legal consultation event in San Francisco after he had spent a week without pay. \"I depend on my job to make my mortgage payments and pay all the bills to support my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Hondurans with Temporary Protected Status like Guzman are still able to legally work. The Department of Homeland Security automatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">extended work authorizations\u003c/a> until July 2018 for those who re-register for the program. New individual work permits can take months to arrive in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As President Trump's administration \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/08/u-s-ends-el-salvadors-protected-status-impacting-200000-people/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">winds down the program\u003c/a> that gives protected status to \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/tens-thousands-united-states-face-uncertain-future-temporary-protected-status-deadlines-loom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">over 300,000 people\u003c/a> from El Salvador, Nicaragua and Haiti nationwide, immigration attorneys worry an already complex and shifting landscape of work authorization rules could become more baffling for employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Employers need to be aware of all these changes,\" said Cyrus Mehta, an immigration attorney who works with corporate clients. \"When the administration is trying to terminate programs that are inherently temporary and they get extended, it could cause more confusion for employers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can be a tricky situation for inexperienced human resources staff. Employers usually rely on work authorization documents provided by the employee to verify their legal status. But if employers wrongfully terminate workers who still have TPS work authorization, they could become liable to discrimination lawsuits, Mehta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue can usually be clarified with a letter to employers, said Ramon Cardona, who directs Centro Latino Cuzcatlan. The organization offers immigration services to hundreds of TPS holders in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We highlight the part that the government is saying 'this is good for six more months' and we tell them: Give them that,\" Cardona said, referring to information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/temporary-protected-status/temporary-protected-status-designated-country-honduras\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">TPS for Hondurans\u003c/a> also available on the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services website. \"And that should be enough. Usually, it's enough.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is how Guzman was able to regain his job and compensation for the workdays lost at Recology, the trash company where he works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648463\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11648463 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS29267_IMG_1362-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mariano Guzman, an immigrant from Honduras, stands outside the home he owns in San Pablo. Guzman fears losing his Temporary Protected Status, which he has had since 2000. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"For us this is a constant learning experience on understanding and keeping track of deadlines, when things are going to get reauthorized,\" said Eric Potashner, vice president of Recology, which employs about 3,500 people. \"There are a lot more moving parts that a company like ours has never had to deal with before.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen announced in January that TPS is ending in 2019 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2018/01/08/secretary-homeland-security-kirstjen-m-nielsen-announcement-temporary-protected\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Salvadorans\u003c/a>, the largest group of beneficiaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency announced in November that \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/06/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-nicaragua-and\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Nicaraguans\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2017/11/20/acting-secretary-elaine-duke-announcement-temporary-protected-status-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Haitians\u003c/a> are also losing the special status. Some observers expect Nielsen to terminate the status for Honduran immigrants as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potashner said if an employee like Guzman loses his work permit, his company would have to front the additional costs of recruiting and training a replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mr. Guzman has worked for us for some time now and understands the operation, understands how to efficiently do the job,\" Potashner said. \"So absolutely there will be costs to the business if folks like Mr. Guzman can no longer be employed and we fill the position with new employees.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is urging the Trump administration to keep TPS for Hondurans and immigrants from other nations, saying businesses in the U.S. need a stable workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neil Bradley, the chamber's executive vice president, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uschamber.com/letter/letter-dhs-urging-the-extension-temporary-protected-status-el-salvador-honduras-and-haiti\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote\u003c/a> to the DHS that industries affected by the potential loss of TPS workers include construction, hospitality and food processing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The loss of employment authorization for these populations would adversely impact several key industries where TPS recipients make up a significant amount of the workforce,\" Bradley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 25 years, the U.S. government has granted TPS to people from countries devastated by natural disasters or wrecked by armed conflict. The program allows beneficiaries to work and live in the U.S. If the federal government deems these immigrants are not able to return safely to their nations of origin, the status is usually extended six to 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TPS extensions for Hondurans and other Central American nations have added up to 17 years or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Migration Studies\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"http://cmsny.org/publications/jmhs-tps-elsalvador-honduras-haiti/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">significant number\u003c/a> of these immigrants now have children born in the United States and own homes, like Mariano Guzman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am extremely worried,\" the father of eight said. \"If they end TPS for Hondurans, I lose everything I've worked for, like my home. Right now I'm saving money in a 401K and paying for life insurance. It'd be fatal to lose my job.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guzman doesn't want to return to Honduras because \u003ca href=\"https://www.proyectomirador.org/poverty-and-crime/one-poorest-most-vulnerable-countries-world\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">intense crime\u003c/a>, political instability and high unemployment are gripping that country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This month, he took a break from his job manually dumping hundreds of trash and recycling bins daily across residential neighborhoods, and traveled to Washington, D.C., with other immigrants as part of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.savetps.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">National TPS Alliance.\u003c/a> They are trying to convince GOP lawmakers to let people with TPS get on a path to citizenship, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm still hopeful there's an immigration reform that benefits us all,\" Guzman said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreoffshore\">Protesters are rallying\u003c/a> against the Trump administration’s offshore drilling plan that would expand oil and gas development off the coast of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of the Interior scheduled just one public meeting in California, with no public comment period and only written comments accepted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s meeting is at the main library in Sacramento, about 100 miles inland from communities (and fish) that would be directly impacted by offshore oil and gas drilling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Online \u003ca href=\"https://www.boem.gov/National-Program-Comment/#submitcomments\">comments can be submitted\u003c/a> on the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Protesters are rallying against the Trump administration's offshore drilling plan today. What do you think about the plan to drill off California's coast?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreoffshore\">Protesters are rallying\u003c/a> against the Trump administration’s offshore drilling plan that would expand oil and gas development off the coast of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of the Interior scheduled just one public meeting in California, with no public comment period and only written comments accepted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s meeting is at the main library in Sacramento, about 100 miles inland from communities (and fish) that would be directly impacted by offshore oil and gas drilling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Online \u003ca href=\"https://www.boem.gov/National-Program-Comment/#submitcomments\">comments can be submitted\u003c/a> on the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A foul-mouthed longshoreman named Frank Gaskin pointed his phone at a chain link fence at the Port of Long Beach last summer and made a video of the robots that had taken his and his buddies’ jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the video, flatbed carts glide by carrying cargo containers around the dock. They’re self-driving, guided by computers and magnets beneath the pavement. As one passes soundlessly near the fence, Gaskin yells, “f— you automation mother f—–!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 21 of the 22 docks at the Port of Long Beach, most of the work of loading and unloading cargo from containers ships is still done by people, not by robots. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long Beach Container Terminal, which opened in April 2016, is an exception. It requires two-thirds fewer workers than traditional terminals. And that frightens the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, which controls all the jobs at the docks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: This video contains profanity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fvrPcgM5cH4\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But viewed from another perspective, automation is part of the solution to one of Southern California’s most vexing environmental problems: the worst air pollution in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diesel trucks and equipment are the largest contributors to that air pollution, and the ports are the largest single source of those emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the automated carts at the Long Beach Container Terminal run on electricity, which can be generated by natural gas or renewable energy. Look closely as the cart nears Gaskin’s camera, and you can see the words, written in bright white letters on a green background, “zero emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaskin captioned his video: “Automation in Long Beach Container Terminal will hurt everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if automating is also a way to help everyone by cleaning the air and fighting climate change?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where People Run the Port\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To understand how radically different the Long Beach Container Terminal is, you first have to visit a traditional terminal, where people control each piece of equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Herrera, the vice president of the ILWU Local 13, took me on a tour of the Everport Terminal at the Port of Los Angeles. He pointed out workers unloading containers, driving forklifts and operating cranes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone you see, those are longshoremen,” Herrera said proudly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A crane lifts a container from the Hanjin Greece container ship at the Port of Long Beach in 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11648613\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crane lifts a container from the Hanjin Greece container ship at the Port of Long Beach in 2016. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are just over 14,000 unionized longshoremen on the West Coast, but that number is half of what it was in 1960. That’s even though the ports move more than 14 times as much cargo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ILWU’s founder, Harry Bridges, started preparing for automation in the 1950s. At that time, “automation” came in the form of containers that replaced individual bales, bundles and boxes of goods to be shipped. The containers carried more cargo and required fewer hands. Bridges signed an agreement with the terminal operators allowing that, but he did so only after ensuring his members got higher pay and pension guarantees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And any new equipment they used would have to be operated by union workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it comes down to one person pushing one button to run a whole port,” Bridges reportedly said, “that person will be union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That agreement largely remains in place, and ILWU members are among the best compensated blue-collar workers in the U.S. They receive an average salary of $155,000 a year, pay almost nothing for their health insurance, and get up to six weeks of paid vacation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The longshoremen owe their leverage to the fact that, unlike factories and auto plants, ports cannot be outsourced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where Machines Run the Port\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ports can also be run by machines and computers, and, increasingly, robots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My tour with Herrera continued as we headed across a towering bridge toward the Port of Long Beach and the Long Beach Container Terminal. Herrera’s mood changed as he looked across the water and saw remotely operated cranes and self-driving trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://giphy.com/embed/l0HUkguLk0Afp8LfO\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" frameborder=\"0\" class=\"giphy-embed\" allowfullscreen>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://giphy.com/gifs/l0HUkguLk0Afp8LfO\">via GIPHY\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes me sick to my stomach,” he said, tightening his hands on the steering wheel. “I look at this place, and I do not like what it stands for. These machines get rid of men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d tried for weeks, unsuccessfully, to get into the Long Beach Container Terminal on my own. I even got so far as to get their president, Anthony Otto, on the phone. He agreed to show me around, but said I couldn’t record any audio, take any pictures, or quote him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the morning of the tour, he canceled. “It’s a sensitive time for us,” he said, referring me to his PR firm for further explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm didn’t return my call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with the ILWU can enter the terminal at any time and bring guests. Herrera had invited me to come along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He drove us into the terminal, and we stopped in front of LBCT’s 48 stacking cranes. They load containers onto semi-trucks that haul them out of the port to distribution warehouses. In a traditional terminal, workers operate them from booths on top, but in the LBCT, four people can control all 48 cranes at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The same guy who used to drive the crane out in the yard eight hours a day is now doing it from a remote console, sipping coffee and listening to light music in air conditioning,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JIrPWW6r1uo&t=5s\">Otto said in a YouTube video\u003c/a> touting the benefits of automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ILWU estimates that two-thirds of the longshore jobs at LBCT have disappeared due to automation. Neither Otto nor anyone else from LBCT would confirm the number of jobs lost, nor comment on the record for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they say automation creates opportunities for new kinds of jobs, like mechanics to maintain the self-driving vehicles. And, they say, their robots are cleaner than the diesel fueled, human-controlled machines they’re replacing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long Beach Container Terminal emits 85 percent less diesel soot, 58 percent less nitrogen oxide (a component of smog), and 33 percent less carbon dioxide than a traditional dock at the ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of reductions give Adrian Martinez, an environmental lawyer with Earthjustice, a very different take on the automated equipment at LBCT than guys like Gary Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s exciting to see zero emissions equipment actually on the terminal,” Martinez said. “Because from a basic level, we’re not going to solve the air pollution crisis in the Los Angeles area until we eliminate port and freight pollution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-800x466.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"466\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11648608\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-800x466.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-160x93.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-1020x595.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-960x560.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-240x140.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-375x219.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-520x303.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So, More Robots?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In November 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/11/02/77259/ports-to-vote-to-spend-up-to-14-billion-to-clean-u/\">the Port of Long Beach and the neighboring Port of Los Angeles pledged\u003c/a> to dramatically slash their emissions by phasing out internal combustion engines. Their goal is to replace all diesel trucks and cargo-handling equipment with zero-emissions equivalents by 2035. Usually that means electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The big question is whether the ports’ new mandate will lead to more automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, electric cargo-handling equipment is more than twice as expensive as its diesel equivalent. That could lead terminal operators to choose to automate to save on labor costs, said Thomas Jelenic, who represents terminal operators as the vice president of the Pacific Merchant Shipping Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People generally won’t seek out automation in and of itself unless they can justify it in some way,” he said. “But if they’re forced to electrify, the costs of electrification then dictate the need to automate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mark Sisson, a port planner with the consulting firm AECOM, thinks concerns about price are overblown. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes the price of electric cargo-handling equipment will drop now that there’s a mandate for the largest ports in the Western Hemisphere to buy it. And right now, at least three other marine terminals are testing human-controlled electric cargo equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rage Against the Machine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of all the automated equipment inside the Long Beach Container Terminal, it’s the 72 self-driving vehicles that elicit the strongest reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re the ones Frank Gaskin swore at in his video, and they’re the ones Gary Herrera glared as he stepped out of the SUV on the last stop on our tour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They got rid of jobs, there’s no more drivers,” he said, looking across the fence at the little green carts. “And so this is why we’re skeptical at all when they wanna say zero emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of all the uncertainty, the ILWU isn’t taking any chances. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB134\">Gov. Jerry Brown signed a budget bill \u003c/a>allocating $900 million from the sale of carbon permits under California’s cap and trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to $140 million will be sent to the ports for clean freight and ships, but the ILWU lobbied hard to ensure that none of it could be used for automated equipment. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the terminals want to automate, they have to do it on their own.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Automated electric cranes and trucks are helping cut pollution at the Port of Long Beach. But they’re no friends of longshoremen.",
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"title": "Robots Help Reduce Port Pollution -- But They Also Steal Jobs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A foul-mouthed longshoreman named Frank Gaskin pointed his phone at a chain link fence at the Port of Long Beach last summer and made a video of the robots that had taken his and his buddies’ jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the video, flatbed carts glide by carrying cargo containers around the dock. They’re self-driving, guided by computers and magnets beneath the pavement. As one passes soundlessly near the fence, Gaskin yells, “f— you automation mother f—–!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 21 of the 22 docks at the Port of Long Beach, most of the work of loading and unloading cargo from containers ships is still done by people, not by robots. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long Beach Container Terminal, which opened in April 2016, is an exception. It requires two-thirds fewer workers than traditional terminals. And that frightens the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, which controls all the jobs at the docks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Note: This video contains profanity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/fvrPcgM5cH4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/fvrPcgM5cH4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>But viewed from another perspective, automation is part of the solution to one of Southern California’s most vexing environmental problems: the worst air pollution in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diesel trucks and equipment are the largest contributors to that air pollution, and the ports are the largest single source of those emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the automated carts at the Long Beach Container Terminal run on electricity, which can be generated by natural gas or renewable energy. Look closely as the cart nears Gaskin’s camera, and you can see the words, written in bright white letters on a green background, “zero emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaskin captioned his video: “Automation in Long Beach Container Terminal will hurt everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what if automating is also a way to help everyone by cleaning the air and fighting climate change?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where People Run the Port\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To understand how radically different the Long Beach Container Terminal is, you first have to visit a traditional terminal, where people control each piece of equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gary Herrera, the vice president of the ILWU Local 13, took me on a tour of the Everport Terminal at the Port of Los Angeles. He pointed out workers unloading containers, driving forklifts and operating cranes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone you see, those are longshoremen,” Herrera said proudly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648613\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A crane lifts a container from the Hanjin Greece container ship at the Port of Long Beach in 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11648613\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/PortofLongBeach-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crane lifts a container from the Hanjin Greece container ship at the Port of Long Beach in 2016. \u003ccite>(DAVID MCNEW/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are just over 14,000 unionized longshoremen on the West Coast, but that number is half of what it was in 1960. That’s even though the ports move more than 14 times as much cargo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ILWU’s founder, Harry Bridges, started preparing for automation in the 1950s. At that time, “automation” came in the form of containers that replaced individual bales, bundles and boxes of goods to be shipped. The containers carried more cargo and required fewer hands. Bridges signed an agreement with the terminal operators allowing that, but he did so only after ensuring his members got higher pay and pension guarantees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And any new equipment they used would have to be operated by union workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if it comes down to one person pushing one button to run a whole port,” Bridges reportedly said, “that person will be union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That agreement largely remains in place, and ILWU members are among the best compensated blue-collar workers in the U.S. They receive an average salary of $155,000 a year, pay almost nothing for their health insurance, and get up to six weeks of paid vacation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The longshoremen owe their leverage to the fact that, unlike factories and auto plants, ports cannot be outsourced.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where Machines Run the Port\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ports can also be run by machines and computers, and, increasingly, robots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My tour with Herrera continued as we headed across a towering bridge toward the Port of Long Beach and the Long Beach Container Terminal. Herrera’s mood changed as he looked across the water and saw remotely operated cranes and self-driving trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://giphy.com/embed/l0HUkguLk0Afp8LfO\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" frameborder=\"0\" class=\"giphy-embed\" allowfullscreen>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://giphy.com/gifs/l0HUkguLk0Afp8LfO\">via GIPHY\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes me sick to my stomach,” he said, tightening his hands on the steering wheel. “I look at this place, and I do not like what it stands for. These machines get rid of men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’d tried for weeks, unsuccessfully, to get into the Long Beach Container Terminal on my own. I even got so far as to get their president, Anthony Otto, on the phone. He agreed to show me around, but said I couldn’t record any audio, take any pictures, or quote him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the morning of the tour, he canceled. “It’s a sensitive time for us,” he said, referring me to his PR firm for further explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm didn’t return my call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with the ILWU can enter the terminal at any time and bring guests. Herrera had invited me to come along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He drove us into the terminal, and we stopped in front of LBCT’s 48 stacking cranes. They load containers onto semi-trucks that haul them out of the port to distribution warehouses. In a traditional terminal, workers operate them from booths on top, but in the LBCT, four people can control all 48 cranes at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The same guy who used to drive the crane out in the yard eight hours a day is now doing it from a remote console, sipping coffee and listening to light music in air conditioning,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JIrPWW6r1uo&t=5s\">Otto said in a YouTube video\u003c/a> touting the benefits of automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ILWU estimates that two-thirds of the longshore jobs at LBCT have disappeared due to automation. Neither Otto nor anyone else from LBCT would confirm the number of jobs lost, nor comment on the record for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they say automation creates opportunities for new kinds of jobs, like mechanics to maintain the self-driving vehicles. And, they say, their robots are cleaner than the diesel fueled, human-controlled machines they’re replacing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Long Beach Container Terminal emits 85 percent less diesel soot, 58 percent less nitrogen oxide (a component of smog), and 33 percent less carbon dioxide than a traditional dock at the ports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of reductions give Adrian Martinez, an environmental lawyer with Earthjustice, a very different take on the automated equipment at LBCT than guys like Gary Herrera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s exciting to see zero emissions equipment actually on the terminal,” Martinez said. “Because from a basic level, we’re not going to solve the air pollution crisis in the Los Angeles area until we eliminate port and freight pollution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-800x466.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"466\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11648608\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-800x466.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-160x93.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-1020x595.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-960x560.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-240x140.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-375x219.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf-520x303.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/KPCCgraf.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So, More Robots?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In November 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/11/02/77259/ports-to-vote-to-spend-up-to-14-billion-to-clean-u/\">the Port of Long Beach and the neighboring Port of Los Angeles pledged\u003c/a> to dramatically slash their emissions by phasing out internal combustion engines. Their goal is to replace all diesel trucks and cargo-handling equipment with zero-emissions equivalents by 2035. Usually that means electric vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The big question is whether the ports’ new mandate will lead to more automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, electric cargo-handling equipment is more than twice as expensive as its diesel equivalent. That could lead terminal operators to choose to automate to save on labor costs, said Thomas Jelenic, who represents terminal operators as the vice president of the Pacific Merchant Shipping Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People generally won’t seek out automation in and of itself unless they can justify it in some way,” he said. “But if they’re forced to electrify, the costs of electrification then dictate the need to automate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Mark Sisson, a port planner with the consulting firm AECOM, thinks concerns about price are overblown. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believes the price of electric cargo-handling equipment will drop now that there’s a mandate for the largest ports in the Western Hemisphere to buy it. And right now, at least three other marine terminals are testing human-controlled electric cargo equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rage Against the Machine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of all the automated equipment inside the Long Beach Container Terminal, it’s the 72 self-driving vehicles that elicit the strongest reaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re the ones Frank Gaskin swore at in his video, and they’re the ones Gary Herrera glared as he stepped out of the SUV on the last stop on our tour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They got rid of jobs, there’s no more drivers,” he said, looking across the fence at the little green carts. “And so this is why we’re skeptical at all when they wanna say zero emissions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of all the uncertainty, the ILWU isn’t taking any chances. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB134\">Gov. Jerry Brown signed a budget bill \u003c/a>allocating $900 million from the sale of carbon permits under California’s cap and trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up to $140 million will be sent to the ports for clean freight and ships, but the ILWU lobbied hard to ensure that none of it could be used for automated equipment. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "As L.A. Officials Weigh Legal Street Vending, State Bill Would Move It Ahead",
"title": "As L.A. Officials Weigh Legal Street Vending, State Bill Would Move It Ahead",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>As Los Angeles officials continue to mull over plans that have been under study for years to legalize street vending in the city, a new state bill aims to move matters forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. Ricardo Lara (D-Bell Gardens) introduced a measure seeking to decriminalize street vending last week, something the Los Angeles City Council took up early last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara's proposal would make street vending statewide subject only to an administrative penalty, \"Which wouldn’t be a misdemeanor, and which would allow for these street vendors to be able to address that penalty without having the fear of being incarcerated, and God forbid deported,\" Lara told KPCC by phone on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2018/02/StreetVendingBillBeresteinRojas.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/73511-full-800x600.jpg\" Title=\"While L.A. Officials Weigh Legal Street Vending, State Bill Would Move it Ahead\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Los Angeles officials voted to \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/02/01/68663/la-city-council-voted-to-decriminalize-street-vend/\">decriminalize street vending\u003c/a>, they also sought to keep street vendors -- many of them immigrants -- out of the criminal justice system and away from possible deportation. The vendors can still be cited for various infractions, however, and must pay penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara's bill further pushes local governments to come up with a system for licensing and regulating street vendors -- something Los Angeles has struggled to do. If officials don't come up with a system, they wouldn't be able to penalize the vendors or confiscate their goods, Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local permitting programs would operate under certain restrictions, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB946\">according to the bill\u003c/a>. For example, they could not \"unreasonably restrict sidewalk vendors to operate only in a designated neighborhood or area.\" The bill would also bar local authorities from prohibiting licensed street vendors from selling food or merchandise in parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some local cities have already adopted policies that allow street vendors to be permitted -- Pasadena \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2015/06/16/52369/as-la-contemplates-legal-street-vending-a-look-at/\">is one\u003c/a> -- street vendor advocates have long pushed Los Angeles to devise a licensing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A proposal to legalize street vending has been making its way through City Hall for more than four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While street vending remains illegal in L.A., misdemeanor charges have tapered off since the city voted to decriminalize the practice in early 2017. According to data provided by the city attorney's office, 10 street vendors were referred for misdemeanor prosecution in 2016, but none last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the office has processed about 680 administrative citations for street vending since January 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rudy Espinoza with the Leadership for Urban Renewal Network, which advocates for legal street vending, said some L.A. vendors are still vulnerable to misdemeanors because they can be cited under different codes. For example, he said, those who sell in parks may be subject to misdemeanor charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The decriminalization process in the city of Los Angeles has begun, but it has not been completed yet,\" Espinoza said. \"Today, if a vendor is caught vending in a park, they run the risk of getting a misdemeanor for selling ice cream, or whatever they are selling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, members of two Los Angeles City Council committees backed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/11/09/77538/la-street-vending-legalization-plan-moves-forward/\">street vending proposal\u003c/a> that would allow street vendors to obtain permits, with the proceeds from fees going toward enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in response to concerns voiced by some business interests, it would also allow business owners to have a say in whether vendors can set up in front of their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city proposal also suggests banning street vending near certain high-traffic areas, such as Dodger Stadium, Staples Center and Hollywood Boulevard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Merchants there and in other parts of the city have long complained that street vendors block sidewalks, impeding traffic and presenting unfair competition for smaller brick-and-mortar merchants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Council members are expected to hear the proposal later this month.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Los Angeles officials continue to mull over plans that have been under study for years to legalize street vending in the city, a new state bill aims to move matters forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. Ricardo Lara (D-Bell Gardens) introduced a measure seeking to decriminalize street vending last week, something the Los Angeles City Council took up early last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara's proposal would make street vending statewide subject only to an administrative penalty, \"Which wouldn’t be a misdemeanor, and which would allow for these street vendors to be able to address that penalty without having the fear of being incarcerated, and God forbid deported,\" Lara told KPCC by phone on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Los Angeles officials voted to \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/02/01/68663/la-city-council-voted-to-decriminalize-street-vend/\">decriminalize street vending\u003c/a>, they also sought to keep street vendors -- many of them immigrants -- out of the criminal justice system and away from possible deportation. The vendors can still be cited for various infractions, however, and must pay penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara's bill further pushes local governments to come up with a system for licensing and regulating street vendors -- something Los Angeles has struggled to do. If officials don't come up with a system, they wouldn't be able to penalize the vendors or confiscate their goods, Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local permitting programs would operate under certain restrictions, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB946\">according to the bill\u003c/a>. For example, they could not \"unreasonably restrict sidewalk vendors to operate only in a designated neighborhood or area.\" The bill would also bar local authorities from prohibiting licensed street vendors from selling food or merchandise in parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some local cities have already adopted policies that allow street vendors to be permitted -- Pasadena \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2015/06/16/52369/as-la-contemplates-legal-street-vending-a-look-at/\">is one\u003c/a> -- street vendor advocates have long pushed Los Angeles to devise a licensing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A proposal to legalize street vending has been making its way through City Hall for more than four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While street vending remains illegal in L.A., misdemeanor charges have tapered off since the city voted to decriminalize the practice in early 2017. According to data provided by the city attorney's office, 10 street vendors were referred for misdemeanor prosecution in 2016, but none last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the office has processed about 680 administrative citations for street vending since January 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rudy Espinoza with the Leadership for Urban Renewal Network, which advocates for legal street vending, said some L.A. vendors are still vulnerable to misdemeanors because they can be cited under different codes. For example, he said, those who sell in parks may be subject to misdemeanor charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The decriminalization process in the city of Los Angeles has begun, but it has not been completed yet,\" Espinoza said. \"Today, if a vendor is caught vending in a park, they run the risk of getting a misdemeanor for selling ice cream, or whatever they are selling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, members of two Los Angeles City Council committees backed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/11/09/77538/la-street-vending-legalization-plan-moves-forward/\">street vending proposal\u003c/a> that would allow street vendors to obtain permits, with the proceeds from fees going toward enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in response to concerns voiced by some business interests, it would also allow business owners to have a say in whether vendors can set up in front of their properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city proposal also suggests banning street vending near certain high-traffic areas, such as Dodger Stadium, Staples Center and Hollywood Boulevard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Merchants there and in other parts of the city have long complained that street vendors block sidewalks, impeding traffic and presenting unfair competition for smaller brick-and-mortar merchants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Council members are expected to hear the proposal later this month.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Could Oil Firms Be Forced to Pay for Climate Change? California Cities Hope So",
"title": "Could Oil Firms Be Forced to Pay for Climate Change? California Cities Hope So",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Bay Area city of Richmond recently made an unlikely move that got the attention of its largest employer and taxpayer, Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It followed other municipalities and counties across California that have filed lawsuits against oil companies, alleging that the energy giants knowingly contributed to climate change and should begin paying for it. Literally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employing the legal strategy that brought states major payouts from tobacco companies decades ago, the plaintiffs are demanding that oil interests begin writing checks to protect Californians against rising seas, crippling drought and harmful air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal viability of the lawsuits is unclear; the cases are in early stages. But if any succeed, the implications are profound: The state is already spending hundreds of millions of dollars to shore up coastlines, protect infrastructure and retrofit roads and bridges in response to rising seas. And if companies are persuaded to drill and refine less oil, California has a much better chance of reducing greenhouse-gas emissions on the schedule it has set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Richmond, plaintiffs include the cities of Imperial Beach, Oakland, Santa Cruz and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hbsslaw.com/uploads/case_downloads/climate_change/2017-09-19complaintforpublicnuisance.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco,\u003c/a> and the counties of Marin, San Mateo and Santa Cruz. The Los Angeles City Council is considering its own suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has not joined in, something environmental groups say is a failure of leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Accountability is critical,” said Kassie Siegel, director of the Climate Law Institute at the Center for Biological Diversity. “The state of California can and should file a case seeking money damages and also an injunction against ongoing activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Justice has sued the Trump administration two dozen times over policies that include several related to the environment. Asked whether the state would join the cities and counties or consider filing its own suit against the oil companies, the Justice Department declined to comment about potential future action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city-county suits began six months ago when Imperial Beach, in southern San Diego County, sued a handful of oil companies. Richmond, surrounded on three sides by water and imperiled by rising seas, joined the fight Jan. 22. Its city council voted unanimously to \u003ca href=\"http://blogs2.law.columbia.edu/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/case-documents/2018/20180122_docket-C18-00055_complaint.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sue\u003c/a> 29 oil producers, even if it meant taking on Chevron, whose tax payments -- $45 million in 2016 -- account for 25 percent of the city’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a pretty important corporate citizen,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, “we are a waterfront city -- Richmond has 32 miles of shoreline on the bay. Part of our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise: our transportation systems, neighborhoods and commercial areas, and thousands of acres of waterfront park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those vulnerable venues is Chevron’s refinery, which sits at the edge of San Francisco Bay. Completed in 1902, this refinery, the state’s largest, was immediately dubbed “the colossus.” The facility today employs more than 3,400 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648046\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648046\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-520x461.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said. \u003ccite>(Julie Cart/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leah Casey, the spokeswoman for Chevron’s Richmond refinery, said in a statement that lawsuits like the local ones “will do nothing to address the serious issue of climate change. Reducing greenhouse-gas emissions is a global issue that requires global engagement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butt said the city sued “out of frustration, because I know that these fossil fuel companies are aware of the long-term costs and damage of the widespread consumption of fossil fuel.” He said Richmond was already planning for the sea’s rise but had not yet calculated mitigation costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suits are filed in state court under California’s public nuisance law, which allows legal actions against activities that are “injurious to health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City filed a similar claim against five of the world’s largest oil companies in federal court, asking that the cost of mitigating damage done by the companies as a result of their contribution to climate change be charged to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenges also assert that the oil industry has known for decades that burning fossil fuels accelerates climate change. The Richmond complaint states, “The industry has known for decades that business-as-usual combustion of their products could be ‘severe’ or even ‘catastrophic.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies were so certain of the threat that some even took steps to protect their own assets from rising seas and more extreme storms,” the complaint goes on, “and they developed new technologies to profit from drilling in a soon-to-be-ice-free Arctic. Yet instead of taking steps to reduce the threat to others, the industry actually increased production while spending billions on public relations, lobbying, and campaign contributions to hide the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow unraveling of the decades-long industry cover-up of the medical harm from cigarettes turned the tide in the tobacco cases, according to Ann Carlson, an environmental law professor at the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at the UCLA School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson, who is advising some of the plaintiffs’ lawyers, said that courts will take into account the oil-industry-funded campaign to discredit climate science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That matters in California,” she said. “If you can show evidence that a defendant engaged in a campaign to obfuscate, it’s more than just a nice detail. Evidence helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With much at stake, oil companies are pushing back hard. ExxonMobil has responded with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4345487-Exxon-Texas-Petition-Jan-2018.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demand\u003c/a> to depose lawyers representing the California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company says it is a victim of a conspiracy, and cities and counties are being disingenuous: When they issue municipal bonds, they portray risk from climate change as unpredictable, not the fault of oil firms, as the lawsuits claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies have also filed motions to move the cases to federal courts, where they believe there are precedents more favorable to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of legal claims intended to monetize the consequences of a warming planet is growing. Carlson said greater scientific certainty about attributing climate change impacts to specific industries and companies has created a legal opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts were uncomfortable that they couldn’t trace the harm,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the epicenter of so-called climate-attribution science, said Peter Frumhoff, director of science and policy for the Union of Concerned Scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really a quite robust ability to characterize the extent to which climate change impacts have worsened,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further, by collating data taken from oil companies’ annual accounting and national and international energy agencies’ reports, “one can then connect the dots and assign a cost. That tees up the question, ‘Who is responsible and who should pay?’ ” Frumhoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is where the science is taking us, with increasing specificity and confidence,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Employing the legal strategy that brought states major payouts from tobacco companies decades ago, the plaintiffs are demanding that oil interests begin writing checks to protect Californians against rising seas, crippling drought and harmful air.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/julie-cart/\">Julie Cart\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Bay Area city of Richmond recently made an unlikely move that got the attention of its largest employer and taxpayer, Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It followed other municipalities and counties across California that have filed lawsuits against oil companies, alleging that the energy giants knowingly contributed to climate change and should begin paying for it. Literally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employing the legal strategy that brought states major payouts from tobacco companies decades ago, the plaintiffs are demanding that oil interests begin writing checks to protect Californians against rising seas, crippling drought and harmful air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal viability of the lawsuits is unclear; the cases are in early stages. But if any succeed, the implications are profound: The state is already spending hundreds of millions of dollars to shore up coastlines, protect infrastructure and retrofit roads and bridges in response to rising seas. And if companies are persuaded to drill and refine less oil, California has a much better chance of reducing greenhouse-gas emissions on the schedule it has set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Richmond, plaintiffs include the cities of Imperial Beach, Oakland, Santa Cruz and \u003ca href=\"https://www.hbsslaw.com/uploads/case_downloads/climate_change/2017-09-19complaintforpublicnuisance.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco,\u003c/a> and the counties of Marin, San Mateo and Santa Cruz. The Los Angeles City Council is considering its own suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has not joined in, something environmental groups say is a failure of leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Accountability is critical,” said Kassie Siegel, director of the Climate Law Institute at the Center for Biological Diversity. “The state of California can and should file a case seeking money damages and also an injunction against ongoing activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Justice has sued the Trump administration two dozen times over policies that include several related to the environment. Asked whether the state would join the cities and counties or consider filing its own suit against the oil companies, the Justice Department declined to comment about potential future action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city-county suits began six months ago when Imperial Beach, in southern San Diego County, sued a handful of oil companies. Richmond, surrounded on three sides by water and imperiled by rising seas, joined the fight Jan. 22. Its city council voted unanimously to \u003ca href=\"http://blogs2.law.columbia.edu/climate-change-litigation/wp-content/uploads/sites/16/case-documents/2018/20180122_docket-C18-00055_complaint.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sue\u003c/a> 29 oil producers, even if it meant taking on Chevron, whose tax payments -- $45 million in 2016 -- account for 25 percent of the city’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a pretty important corporate citizen,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, “we are a waterfront city -- Richmond has 32 miles of shoreline on the bay. Part of our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise: our transportation systems, neighborhoods and commercial areas, and thousands of acres of waterfront park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those vulnerable venues is Chevron’s refinery, which sits at the edge of San Francisco Bay. Completed in 1902, this refinery, the state’s largest, was immediately dubbed “the colossus.” The facility today employs more than 3,400 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11648046\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11648046\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-160x142.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-240x213.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-375x333.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/tomButtwater-600x532-520x461.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Our city is vulnerable to sea-level rise,” Richmond Mayor Tom Butt said. \u003ccite>(Julie Cart/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Leah Casey, the spokeswoman for Chevron’s Richmond refinery, said in a statement that lawsuits like the local ones “will do nothing to address the serious issue of climate change. Reducing greenhouse-gas emissions is a global issue that requires global engagement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butt said the city sued “out of frustration, because I know that these fossil fuel companies are aware of the long-term costs and damage of the widespread consumption of fossil fuel.” He said Richmond was already planning for the sea’s rise but had not yet calculated mitigation costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suits are filed in state court under California’s public nuisance law, which allows legal actions against activities that are “injurious to health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City filed a similar claim against five of the world’s largest oil companies in federal court, asking that the cost of mitigating damage done by the companies as a result of their contribution to climate change be charged to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenges also assert that the oil industry has known for decades that burning fossil fuels accelerates climate change. The Richmond complaint states, “The industry has known for decades that business-as-usual combustion of their products could be ‘severe’ or even ‘catastrophic.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies were so certain of the threat that some even took steps to protect their own assets from rising seas and more extreme storms,” the complaint goes on, “and they developed new technologies to profit from drilling in a soon-to-be-ice-free Arctic. Yet instead of taking steps to reduce the threat to others, the industry actually increased production while spending billions on public relations, lobbying, and campaign contributions to hide the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slow unraveling of the decades-long industry cover-up of the medical harm from cigarettes turned the tide in the tobacco cases, according to Ann Carlson, an environmental law professor at the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at the UCLA School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson, who is advising some of the plaintiffs’ lawyers, said that courts will take into account the oil-industry-funded campaign to discredit climate science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That matters in California,” she said. “If you can show evidence that a defendant engaged in a campaign to obfuscate, it’s more than just a nice detail. Evidence helps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With much at stake, oil companies are pushing back hard. ExxonMobil has responded with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4345487-Exxon-Texas-Petition-Jan-2018.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">demand\u003c/a> to depose lawyers representing the California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company says it is a victim of a conspiracy, and cities and counties are being disingenuous: When they issue municipal bonds, they portray risk from climate change as unpredictable, not the fault of oil firms, as the lawsuits claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies have also filed motions to move the cases to federal courts, where they believe there are precedents more favorable to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of legal claims intended to monetize the consequences of a warming planet is growing. Carlson said greater scientific certainty about attributing climate change impacts to specific industries and companies has created a legal opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The courts were uncomfortable that they couldn’t trace the harm,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the epicenter of so-called climate-attribution science, said Peter Frumhoff, director of science and policy for the Union of Concerned Scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really a quite robust ability to characterize the extent to which climate change impacts have worsened,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further, by collating data taken from oil companies’ annual accounting and national and international energy agencies’ reports, “one can then connect the dots and assign a cost. That tees up the question, ‘Who is responsible and who should pay?’ ” Frumhoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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}
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"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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