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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the striking things about Eric Swalwell’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079911/the-rise-and-fall-of-eric-swalwell\">meteoric rise and fall\u003c/a> in the California governor’s race after numerous women accused him of sexual assault and harassment is how widely those women’s stories were believed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am encouraged by how swiftly people acted,” said Adama Iwu, a former Capitol lobbyist who helped lead the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/10/18/558513045/-enough-california-s-women-in-politics-call-out-sexual-harassment\">“We Said Enough” movement\u003c/a> in Sacramento in 2017, which called out a \u003ca href=\"https://embed.documentcloud.org/documents/4111753-Women-s-Letter-Final/\">pervasive culture of sexual harassment\u003c/a> in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not just the reaction to the allegations against Swalwell, which he denies. Iwu and Christine Pelosi, a longtime Democratic Party activist and state Senate candidate who \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=124035184936565&set=a.496067909346036\">also helped lead\u003c/a> the We Said Enough movement, pointed toward the public reaction to another shocking set of allegations: sexual assault accusations against labor icon Cesar Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> published last month detailed numerous allegations against Chavez, including by two women who were young girls at the time of the alleged sexual abuse and by one of the movement’s most prominent voices: Dolores Huerta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fallout was immediate. A mad scramble to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">remove Chavez’s name\u003c/a> from streets, holidays, buildings and other public spaces followed that report. Pelosi said that the swift response was due to the groundwork laid a decade ago during #MeToo, when women from all industries and walks of life came forward to detail what they’ve endured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it happened quickly because of the first round #MeToo politics. People were like, I am not doing this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2271341028-scaled-e1776276443587.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1327\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Lisa Bloom, right, comforts Lonna Drewes during a news conference in which Drewes accused former Rep. Eric Swalwell of sexual assault, on April 14, 2026, in Beverly Hills, Calif. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both women said there’s still a lot of work to do — and it doesn’t stop with Swalwell and Chavez. The same week Swalwell stepped down, Rep. Tony Mendoza, R-Texas, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c0700pd0xx1o\">resigned\u003c/a> after admitting to an affair with an aide who took her own life. Former Virginia Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax, whose political career ended after allegations of sexual assault, recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/dc-md-va/2026/04/18/justin-fairfax-wife-murder-suicide/\">shot and killed his estranged wife\u003c/a> and then turned the gun on himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, it’s not just one thing, not just one person, one incident,” Iwu said. “We keep seeing this with people we thought were better, we thought knew better, who we thought were capable of changing behavior. This whole thing has been really frustrating, and made us realize there are still questions that need to be answered, processes that need to be integrated, change that needs to be pushed for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news, both women told me, is that there have been changes in many institutions. Pelosi listed some of them: Lawmakers and staff members in both Sacramento and Washington, D.C. must undergo annual sexual harassment training; the state Legislature has a \u003ca href=\"https://wcu.legislature.ca.gov/\">Workplace Conduct Unit\u003c/a> where complaints can be filed; and any campaign that receives money from the national or state Democratic Party must abide by a code of conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not enough. Iwu and Pelosi said those systems still have flaws — and they’re pushing for updates, noting that the digital age has created opportunities for new predatory behaviors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To fix it, they offered five concrete suggestions:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Update codes of conduct for the digital age.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Define consequences in advance.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mandate reporting by everyone — to take the pressure off survivors.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>See something, say something — normalize hard conversations in the moment.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Create independent reporting pathways — and track patterns, not just incidents.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>“Of course, there has been progress made, I don’t discount that,” Iwu said. ”But we really need to get down to some brass tacks at this point. We have not answered the questions: What is actionable behavior? And when you know something, who do you tell?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s especially true, she said, for people who work in gray areas around politics: lobbyists, consultants, journalists and others outside of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a system in place if you are in the Legislature, if you are staff or an elected official or in an administration,” Iwu said. “But if (you’re not) — who do you go to? There’s a lot of gaps in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Before you go: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>We spoke with one of the reporters who broke the Swalwell investigation. \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IohGPv7K8Xg&t=270s\">Watch our interview here\u003c/a>\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the striking things about Eric Swalwell’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079911/the-rise-and-fall-of-eric-swalwell\">meteoric rise and fall\u003c/a> in the California governor’s race after numerous women accused him of sexual assault and harassment is how widely those women’s stories were believed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am encouraged by how swiftly people acted,” said Adama Iwu, a former Capitol lobbyist who helped lead the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/10/18/558513045/-enough-california-s-women-in-politics-call-out-sexual-harassment\">“We Said Enough” movement\u003c/a> in Sacramento in 2017, which called out a \u003ca href=\"https://embed.documentcloud.org/documents/4111753-Women-s-Letter-Final/\">pervasive culture of sexual harassment\u003c/a> in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not just the reaction to the allegations against Swalwell, which he denies. Iwu and Christine Pelosi, a longtime Democratic Party activist and state Senate candidate who \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=124035184936565&set=a.496067909346036\">also helped lead\u003c/a> the We Said Enough movement, pointed toward the public reaction to another shocking set of allegations: sexual assault accusations against labor icon Cesar Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/18/us/cesar-chavez-sexual-abuse-allegations-ufw.html\">\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> published last month detailed numerous allegations against Chavez, including by two women who were young girls at the time of the alleged sexual abuse and by one of the movement’s most prominent voices: Dolores Huerta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fallout was immediate. A mad scramble to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\">remove Chavez’s name\u003c/a> from streets, holidays, buildings and other public spaces followed that report. Pelosi said that the swift response was due to the groundwork laid a decade ago during #MeToo, when women from all industries and walks of life came forward to detail what they’ve endured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it happened quickly because of the first round #MeToo politics. People were like, I am not doing this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079944\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079944\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2271341028-scaled-e1776276443587.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1327\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attorney Lisa Bloom, right, comforts Lonna Drewes during a news conference in which Drewes accused former Rep. Eric Swalwell of sexual assault, on April 14, 2026, in Beverly Hills, Calif. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both women said there’s still a lot of work to do — and it doesn’t stop with Swalwell and Chavez. The same week Swalwell stepped down, Rep. Tony Mendoza, R-Texas, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c0700pd0xx1o\">resigned\u003c/a> after admitting to an affair with an aide who took her own life. Former Virginia Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax, whose political career ended after allegations of sexual assault, recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/dc-md-va/2026/04/18/justin-fairfax-wife-murder-suicide/\">shot and killed his estranged wife\u003c/a> and then turned the gun on himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, it’s not just one thing, not just one person, one incident,” Iwu said. “We keep seeing this with people we thought were better, we thought knew better, who we thought were capable of changing behavior. This whole thing has been really frustrating, and made us realize there are still questions that need to be answered, processes that need to be integrated, change that needs to be pushed for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news, both women told me, is that there have been changes in many institutions. Pelosi listed some of them: Lawmakers and staff members in both Sacramento and Washington, D.C. must undergo annual sexual harassment training; the state Legislature has a \u003ca href=\"https://wcu.legislature.ca.gov/\">Workplace Conduct Unit\u003c/a> where complaints can be filed; and any campaign that receives money from the national or state Democratic Party must abide by a code of conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not enough. Iwu and Pelosi said those systems still have flaws — and they’re pushing for updates, noting that the digital age has created opportunities for new predatory behaviors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To fix it, they offered five concrete suggestions:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Update codes of conduct for the digital age.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Define consequences in advance.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Mandate reporting by everyone — to take the pressure off survivors.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>See something, say something — normalize hard conversations in the moment.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Create independent reporting pathways — and track patterns, not just incidents.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>“Of course, there has been progress made, I don’t discount that,” Iwu said. ”But we really need to get down to some brass tacks at this point. We have not answered the questions: What is actionable behavior? And when you know something, who do you tell?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s especially true, she said, for people who work in gray areas around politics: lobbyists, consultants, journalists and others outside of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a system in place if you are in the Legislature, if you are staff or an elected official or in an administration,” Iwu said. “But if (you’re not) — who do you go to? There’s a lot of gaps in the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Before you go: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>We spoke with one of the reporters who broke the Swalwell investigation. \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IohGPv7K8Xg&t=270s\">Watch our interview here\u003c/a>\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "theyre-bleeding-us-dry-seniors-struggle-with-rent-hikes-evictions-in-california-mobile-home-parks",
"title": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks",
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"headTitle": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Clara Faria read her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rent\">rent\u003c/a> statement, her heart stopped. Her monthly payment would more than triple, rising from $297 per month to $995. She had four days to make the payment or be charged a $50 late fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sank into the brown leather chair next to her formica-coated kitchen table, where she’d opened her mail for decades. She had heard neighbors were getting rent increases, but said she hadn’t received a notice herself. She had hoped she would be spared, but the reality was worse than she had imagined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought ‘I don’t have the money,’” Faria said of the statement, issued on Dec. 31, 2024, and due by Jan. 5, 2025. “I figured by the end of the year, I’m going to be homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria, 91, lives alone on a fixed income in a one-bedroom manufactured home at the Willow Mobile Home Park in the East Bay town of San Pablo. Old family photos, crucifixes and saints adorn her living room walls. An oversized photo of an American flag peaks out from the hallway, declaring, “The lord is my strength and my shield; my heart trusts him, and I am helped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria’s experience is part of a growing pattern across California, where mobile home residents — many of whom own their homes but rent the land beneath them — are increasingly vulnerable to steep and repeated rent hikes. Harmony Communities, which manages her park in San Pablo, has faced criticism from residents, advocates and local officials for aggressive rent increases and opaque ownership structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080893\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, gets help putting on her coat from a home health aid at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2048x678.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Clara Faria’s kitchen at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park. Right: Photos of family fill the walls of Clara Faria’s home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a state where just \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">18% \u003c/a>of people can afford to own their homes, mobile home parks offer a rare bastion of affordable ownership. But advocates say people living in these communities have become more exposed as investors seek higher returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria said she moved into her home in 1997 using an insurance payout after a previous mobile home burned down, drawn by the park’s affordability and its designation for seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when the rent increase notice from Stockton-based Harmony Communities arrived. It was the first signal that more aggressive tactics were replacing the quiet stability of Willow Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of property records reveals Harmony Communities has grown into a major player in the industry. The property-management company has managed operations of around 100 parks since 2004, and as of 2025, was actively managing roughly 80 parks statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"900\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://arcg.is/vTef9\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the company claims its practices ensure “long-term viability,” interviews with nearly two dozen residents and lawyers point to a recurring pattern: Harmony assumes control, substantially raises rents, and in some cases, employs tactics residents and advocates describe as aggressive, leaving low-income tenants susceptible to displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a representative from Harmony said the company sent a notice of the rent increase to Faria in September 2024, Faria maintains she did not receive it until just a few days before the rent was due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, about nine months later, in September 2025, Harmony sent a new notice informing residents their rent would again \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1vN9w8VJB3FWsQJavcTXiCqeBxPELlL68jzc4ME3Rsa4/edit?usp=sharing\">increase\u003c/a> in January 2026 — this time by an average of 30%, according to rent statements reviewed by KQED. Harmony said credits, in some cases, reduced the amount residents ultimately paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Faria, the repeated increases were crippling. For residents interviewed by KQED, it was a pattern.[aside postID=news_12058015 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250926-HARMONYSANRAFAEL00417_TV-KQED.jpg']The company disputes that these cases reflect a broader pattern and described Faria’s example as unique, adding that each case is fact-specific and shaped by complex local regulations. In an email response to KQED, company representative Nick Ubaldi said Harmony is “committed to providing safe, clean, and affordable housing that remains sustainable for the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Achieving this mission requires carefully balancing all relevant factors for success,” he said. “This includes respecting tenants’ strong preference for the lowest possible rents while also ensuring property owners receive a fair and reasonable return on their investment, allowing the business to succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rent increases do come, the mobile home ownership structure makes relocating extremely expensive for residents and, in some cases, impossible, said Teri Williams, a mobile home resident in southern California who leads the nonprofit Mobile Home Resident Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These residents are captive,” Williams said. “We’re at the mercy of park owners, and they know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Ubaldi said park operating costs are rising rapidly, with significant increases in insurance premiums and labor, while rental income is lagging behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is one of the most expensive states in which to live and operate a business,” he said. “While no one wants to see residents displaced from their homes, the financial burden of addressing affordability challenges should not fall solely on individual property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and the neighboring Creekside Village Mobile Home Park to discuss rent increases at the parks. Residents are calling on the city to adopt rent protections as they face rising and unpredictable rent hikes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento, however, are considering several proposals this year to strengthen protections for mobile home residents, including \u003ca href=\"http://billtrack50.com/billdetail/1921239\">limits on rent increases\u003c/a>. Some cities have adopted local rent caps, while residents themselves have organized tenant associations to fight rent hikes and, in some cases, are negotiating to buy the parks Harmony manages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willow residents said the second rent increase in two years was distressing, and that anxiety was compounded by confusing and conflicting messaging from Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the company announced the second increase, Willow residents received \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1DT336OGQUmqFT1TEAPWJDBd1by8ClUSn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new document\u003c/a> that appeared to contradict the first: “At the same time the rent increase becomes effective, the park will be issuing you a rent credit that is equal to the rent increase amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria was baffled. She was initially told her rent would increase by $300. Now, it seemed her rent would stay the same. While Harmony said they had no plans to rescind the credit, it also described it as “discretionary” and said it could be “revoked or modified” with no apparent safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria holds a note she wrote about rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed response to questions from KQED, Harmony Communities said some rent increases cited in notices were offset by credits or arbitration processes, resulting in lower effective rents paid by residents. The company provided tenant ledgers, which it said reflect the reduced amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi acknowledged the conflicting messages and said the first notice was sent in error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we identified the issue, we promptly sent a corrected letter that clearly outlined each resident’s credit amount and net increase,” he wrote in an email to KQED. “Any confusion was not intended, and the second letter was sent to resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Davies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/matthew-davies-stockton/\">co-founder\u003c/a> of Harmony Communities, said the company purchased Willow nearly a decade ago and agreed to provide “rent subsidies” to residents for five years and has since invested “hundreds of thousands of dollars” into improvements at the park.[aside postID=news_11977464 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/IMG_2976-1020x765.jpg']Faria said that when she called Harmony about the first rent increase, she was told she’d have to pay or face eviction, an account the company did not directly address in its response to KQED’s questions. By the time the second notice arrived, followed by the mixed messaging, she felt helpless and afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those people are completely bleeding us,” she said. “And they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, she got a new letter in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This one told her that despite the credit, her rent would still increase by $100, bringing her total rent up from $995 to $1,095.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letterhead listed Creekside Village MHC LLC, while contact information directed residents to Harmony Communities, reflecting a centralized management structure. Madeline Bankson, a housing researcher with the Private Equity Stakeholder Project, said this type of ownership is part of a broader industry pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LLC does three things,” Bankson said. “It reduces liability, adds tax benefits under the tax code; the sort of secret added bonus is obscuring ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies started investing in mobile home parks in 2004 with his father, Bruce Davies, according to Ubaldi and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PCYLvB6HxhQ\">2024 interview\u003c/a> Matthew Davies conducted with a YouTube vlogger. Davies said Harmony had amassed a nearly $700 million portfolio in its first 20 years of operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2021 interview with Multi-Housing News, Davies \u003ca href=\"https://www.multihousingnews.com/improving-manufactured-housing-communities-with-purpose/\">described \u003c/a>Harmony’s approach as improving communities while keeping housing attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080872\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria puts on makeup in her bathroom. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We look for communities we think will have long-term stability in areas where there’s a strong need for affordable housing and where we believe the local jurisdictions will be supportive of our efforts,” Davies told the trade publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony operates dozens of mobile home parks across California, but individual LLCs and family trusts own the parks themselves. Documents filed with the California Secretary of State show the managers and members controlling the LLCs are often family members, relatives and Harmony employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of November 2025, Harmony listed 29 mobile home parks it manages on its website. That list has since been removed. A broader search of property records identified about 100 parks associated with the company. Those include properties that had previously been listed on its website and where the owners’ principal address matched Harmony’s Stockton headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of business filings with the California Secretary of State found employees and family members tied to Harmony have an ownership stake in at least 84 of those parks. That includes parks owned or co-owned by members of the Ubaldi family and the Ubaldi Living Trust, whose successor trustee is Harmony spokesperson Nick Ubaldi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria rearranges photos of family and friends on her refrigerator. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As an employee of Harmony Communities, and as a park owner myself, I manage the day-to-day operations of these parks,” Ubaldi said. “Our involvement in the industry dates back to the early 1980s, long before Harmony existed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ubaldi, Harmony is responsible for day-to-day operations, including setting rents, managing leases, maintaining properties and handling tenant issues. For many residents, the company serves as the primary point of contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show at least 10 LLCs managed by Molly Thompson, Davies’ ex-wife. Bruce Davies shows up as the manager for 41 LLCs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankson said that the lack of transparency can make it harder for residents like Faria to challenge decisions or for regulators to step in, especially when ownership and management are intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harmony said its ownership structure is standard and publicly disclosed. Willow reflects the same pattern. Creekside Village Mobile Home Park LLC owns the park. Business filings name Bruce Davies as the LLC’s manager and list the owner’s mailing address as Harmony’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harmony grew its portfolio, it continued to raise rents on mobile home park residents — or facilitate the sale of their parks. Meanwhile, residents and local officials from Santa Barbara to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/11/06/windsor-extends-rent-freeze-for-mobile-home-residents-facing-125-hike-as-park-owner-files-federal-lawsuit/\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> have pushed back against proposed rent increases and park closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said these measures often have the opposite of their intended effect: By limiting rent increases, he said, the underlying land becomes more valuable as vacant property than it is as a park. He pointed to a property in Thousand Oaks, which he said has an estimated land value of $20 million if it were cleared for redevelopment, but only $4 million as an occupied mobile home park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic disparity illustrates how such policies can incentivize park closures, sales to developers, or conversions, ultimately reducing the stock of affordable housing rather than expanding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 17, 2026. The park is a privately owned 55-and-older community owned by Harmony Communities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials in several cities haven’t seen it that way. In San Luis Obispo County, supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.newtimesslo.com/slo-county-supervisors-reject-rent-increase-for-harmony-managed-mobile-home-parks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">unanimously rejected\u003c/a> a hardship petition filed on behalf of two Harmony-managed parks, concluding the company did not meet the standard needed to justify higher rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José housing officials similarly \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-says-mobile-home-park-owner-cant-raise-rent/\">denied a proposed rent increase\u003c/a> at the Golden Wheel Mobile Home Park — another park owned by the Ubaldi family and managed by Harmony Communities — saying the owner failed to justify raising rents by about 10% for some of the park’s lowest-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a very well-known park owner, and these tactics, or this behavior, is pretty typical for them across the state,” Emily Hislop, rent stabilization and eviction prevention manager for the city, said at a \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=A&ID=1281814&GUID=AA407BB7-8FAE-4DD2-9A07-07D3A2CAEDC5\">Housing and Community Development Commission\u003c/a> meeting in February 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willow, Ubaldi said the two increases were intended to “bring rents to market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080896\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080896 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A spokesperson for Harmony Communities gives public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We do our best to review all available data and metrics, including comparable properties, occupancy rates, local economic conditions, and recent leasing and sales activity, to arrive at a fair and competitive market rent for Willow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria and her neighbors were fed up with the higher charges and confusing messaging. They began to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Jackson, another senior at the park, was the spearhead. She learned that Creekside Mobile Home Park, another Harmony-managed property in San Pablo, was also facing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson spread the word: “I said, ‘I need five people to stand with me so that we can get [Harmony] off our backs and make it so that we can live more comfortably.’ I swear to God, the next day, I had 35 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linda Jackson (right) helps Clara Faria, 91, get back to her seat after giving public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2000x661.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2048x677.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Jackson (right) sits with Clara Faria and fellow residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and Creekside Village Mobile Home Park at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, for a city council meeting where they plan to give public comment about potential rent control measures. Right: Councilmember Arturo Cruz and San Pablo mayor Elizabeth Pabon-Alvarado listen to public comment from Clara Faria. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faria was one of them. She quickly became a leading voice at San Pablo City Council meetings, where residents urged local leaders to adopt a measure that would limit rent increases for mobile home park tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined at my age I would be choosing between paying rent, buying food and getting my medication,” Faria told council members on Dec. 1. “I cut back everything I can, but these rent hikes are more than I can bear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the following meeting on Dec. 15, the council approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanpabloca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/18565/Mobile-Home-Assistance-Guidelines\">Mobile Home Assistance Program,\u003c/a> offering a one-time, $1,000 grant to help offset rent hikes. But residents said the relief, while welcome, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>This Band-Aid is giving us more stress,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With only short-term help on the horizon, Faria said it’s difficult to plan for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria stands in her home at Willow Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I live on Social Security alone,” she said. “I just can’t pay that extra money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As disputes like the one at Willow unfold across California, it is drawing attention to the vulnerability of mobile home park residents and the patchwork of local protections. Some state lawmakers are working to bolster protections, even as industry groups challenge some efforts in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has shined an unfortunate light on the fact that the whole layer of rental opportunity has sort of gone without heightened scrutiny or a lot of targeted political action,” said Tyler Pullen with UC Berkeley’s Terner Labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most apartment renters who have a statewide rent cap and standard protections, mobile home park residents are only protected by \u003ca href=\"https://mhphoa.com/ca/rso/\">local ordinances\u003c/a> that vary widely from city to city. Some communities cap rent increases or require park owners to justify higher rents. Others have few protections, leaving residents subject to large increases.[aside postID=news_12078480 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/AffordabilitySeriesIntro_Lede.jpg']In January, state Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1543\">AB 1543\u003c/a>, a bill that would impose a statewide rent cap on all mobile home parks, limiting annual increases to the lower of 3% plus inflation or 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s designed to help the owners of these mobile homes who make that initial investment and then their rents are increased substantially more than other renters across California,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time she’s tried to pass such legislation. The first was \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB978\">AB 978\u003c/a> in 2021, which got whittled down during committee hearings to narrowly apply to mobile home parks that straddle two jurisdictions. Only a handful exist across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said rent caps are not the solution, maintaining that they discourage investment and reduce housing supply over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognized that tenants might see things differently and argued it should be up to local governments to fill the gap between the rising costs that park owners face and the plight of low-income tenants who can’t afford rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many mobile home residents — including Faria and her neighbors — aren’t waiting for state legislation. Where local ordinances and state legislation fall short, they’re building tenant associations, challenging Harmony Communities in court, and, in at least one case, buying their park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Petaluma, residents at a mobile home park managed by Harmony faced proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/petaluma-mobile-home-park-residents-facing-300-rent-increase\">rent hikes\u003c/a> of up to 300% in a single year, prompting city-mandated arbitration and ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O4xRTe48fFLb2-EmM7_fV6DvTpTgBhgd/view?usp=sharing\">legal disputes\u003c/a> involving the city, park owners and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1570px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080892\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1570\" height=\"1047\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg 1570w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1570px) 100vw, 1570px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, looks through paperwork and notices documenting rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits at Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the San Rafael RV park, owned by Harmony, residents organized a tenants union and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058015/in-san-rafael-residents-of-a-mobile-home-park-are-fighting-to-keep-their-homes\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late 2025 alleging unlawful rent increases, harassment and retaliatory behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a park in Fresno County, residents took a different approach. After five years of organizing and fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">purchased\u003c/a> the park from Harmony and converted it into a limited-equity housing cooperative. Harmony said the Fresno property had longstanding safety and infrastructure issues before its involvement, citing fires, code violations and government intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Pablo, residents at Willow and Creekside mobile home parks are weighing their own options, including forming a formal tenants’ association. Jackson said the group is also working with the local nonprofit Rising Juntos to place a measure limiting rent increases at mobile home parks on San Pablo’s November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1,095 Faria now pays for rent, along with other fees, including sewer, trash and drainage, amounts to about 55% of her Social Security income. She considered cutting her cable TV to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her age, she thought she’d be settled. Instead, she said, she feels like she’s bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, she wrote a letter to Harmony: “I ask God to please let me die before you evict me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-April, Faria is still waiting for a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A KQED investigation finds California mobile home park residents — including seniors in San Pablo — face steep rent hikes from Stockton-based Harmony Communities, which has consolidated dozens of parks, forcing residents to navigate a patchwork of legal protections amid statewide affordability challenges.",
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"title": "‘They’re Bleeding Us Dry’: Rent Hikes, Evictions in California Mobile Home Parks | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Clara Faria read her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rent\">rent\u003c/a> statement, her heart stopped. Her monthly payment would more than triple, rising from $297 per month to $995. She had four days to make the payment or be charged a $50 late fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sank into the brown leather chair next to her formica-coated kitchen table, where she’d opened her mail for decades. She had heard neighbors were getting rent increases, but said she hadn’t received a notice herself. She had hoped she would be spared, but the reality was worse than she had imagined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought ‘I don’t have the money,’” Faria said of the statement, issued on Dec. 31, 2024, and due by Jan. 5, 2025. “I figured by the end of the year, I’m going to be homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria, 91, lives alone on a fixed income in a one-bedroom manufactured home at the Willow Mobile Home Park in the East Bay town of San Pablo. Old family photos, crucifixes and saints adorn her living room walls. An oversized photo of an American flag peaks out from the hallway, declaring, “The lord is my strength and my shield; my heart trusts him, and I am helped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria’s experience is part of a growing pattern across California, where mobile home residents — many of whom own their homes but rent the land beneath them — are increasingly vulnerable to steep and repeated rent hikes. Harmony Communities, which manages her park in San Pablo, has faced criticism from residents, advocates and local officials for aggressive rent increases and opaque ownership structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080893\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080893\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-11-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, gets help putting on her coat from a home health aid at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"848\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2000x663.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-1536x509.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-01-BL-2048x678.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Clara Faria’s kitchen at her home in Willow Mobile Home Park. Right: Photos of family fill the walls of Clara Faria’s home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a state where just \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">18% \u003c/a>of people can afford to own their homes, mobile home parks offer a rare bastion of affordable ownership. But advocates say people living in these communities have become more exposed as investors seek higher returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria said she moved into her home in 1997 using an insurance payout after a previous mobile home burned down, drawn by the park’s affordability and its designation for seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when the rent increase notice from Stockton-based Harmony Communities arrived. It was the first signal that more aggressive tactics were replacing the quiet stability of Willow Mobile Home Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of property records reveals Harmony Communities has grown into a major player in the industry. The property-management company has managed operations of around 100 parks since 2004, and as of 2025, was actively managing roughly 80 parks statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"900\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://arcg.is/vTef9\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the company claims its practices ensure “long-term viability,” interviews with nearly two dozen residents and lawyers point to a recurring pattern: Harmony assumes control, substantially raises rents, and in some cases, employs tactics residents and advocates describe as aggressive, leaving low-income tenants susceptible to displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a representative from Harmony said the company sent a notice of the rent increase to Faria in September 2024, Faria maintains she did not receive it until just a few days before the rent was due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, about nine months later, in September 2025, Harmony sent a new notice informing residents their rent would again \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1vN9w8VJB3FWsQJavcTXiCqeBxPELlL68jzc4ME3Rsa4/edit?usp=sharing\">increase\u003c/a> in January 2026 — this time by an average of 30%, according to rent statements reviewed by KQED. Harmony said credits, in some cases, reduced the amount residents ultimately paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Faria, the repeated increases were crippling. For residents interviewed by KQED, it was a pattern.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company disputes that these cases reflect a broader pattern and described Faria’s example as unique, adding that each case is fact-specific and shaped by complex local regulations. In an email response to KQED, company representative Nick Ubaldi said Harmony is “committed to providing safe, clean, and affordable housing that remains sustainable for the long term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Achieving this mission requires carefully balancing all relevant factors for success,” he said. “This includes respecting tenants’ strong preference for the lowest possible rents while also ensuring property owners receive a fair and reasonable return on their investment, allowing the business to succeed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When rent increases do come, the mobile home ownership structure makes relocating extremely expensive for residents and, in some cases, impossible, said Teri Williams, a mobile home resident in southern California who leads the nonprofit Mobile Home Resident Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These residents are captive,” Williams said. “We’re at the mercy of park owners, and they know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Ubaldi said park operating costs are rising rapidly, with significant increases in insurance premiums and labor, while rental income is lagging behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is one of the most expensive states in which to live and operate a business,” he said. “While no one wants to see residents displaced from their homes, the financial burden of addressing affordability challenges should not fall solely on individual property owners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080859\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080859\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and the neighboring Creekside Village Mobile Home Park to discuss rent increases at the parks. Residents are calling on the city to adopt rent protections as they face rising and unpredictable rent hikes. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers in Sacramento, however, are considering several proposals this year to strengthen protections for mobile home residents, including \u003ca href=\"http://billtrack50.com/billdetail/1921239\">limits on rent increases\u003c/a>. Some cities have adopted local rent caps, while residents themselves have organized tenant associations to fight rent hikes and, in some cases, are negotiating to buy the parks Harmony manages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willow residents said the second rent increase in two years was distressing, and that anxiety was compounded by confusing and conflicting messaging from Harmony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the company announced the second increase, Willow residents received \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1DT336OGQUmqFT1TEAPWJDBd1by8ClUSn\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new document\u003c/a> that appeared to contradict the first: “At the same time the rent increase becomes effective, the park will be issuing you a rent credit that is equal to the rent increase amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria was baffled. She was initially told her rent would increase by $300. Now, it seemed her rent would stay the same. While Harmony said they had no plans to rescind the credit, it also described it as “discretionary” and said it could be “revoked or modified” with no apparent safeguards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080856\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080856\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-02-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria holds a note she wrote about rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed response to questions from KQED, Harmony Communities said some rent increases cited in notices were offset by credits or arbitration processes, resulting in lower effective rents paid by residents. The company provided tenant ledgers, which it said reflect the reduced amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi acknowledged the conflicting messages and said the first notice was sent in error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we identified the issue, we promptly sent a corrected letter that clearly outlined each resident’s credit amount and net increase,” he wrote in an email to KQED. “Any confusion was not intended, and the second letter was sent to resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Davies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/in/matthew-davies-stockton/\">co-founder\u003c/a> of Harmony Communities, said the company purchased Willow nearly a decade ago and agreed to provide “rent subsidies” to residents for five years and has since invested “hundreds of thousands of dollars” into improvements at the park.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Faria said that when she called Harmony about the first rent increase, she was told she’d have to pay or face eviction, an account the company did not directly address in its response to KQED’s questions. By the time the second notice arrived, followed by the mixed messaging, she felt helpless and afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those people are completely bleeding us,” she said. “And they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, she got a new letter in the mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This one told her that despite the credit, her rent would still increase by $100, bringing her total rent up from $995 to $1,095.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letterhead listed Creekside Village MHC LLC, while contact information directed residents to Harmony Communities, reflecting a centralized management structure. Madeline Bankson, a housing researcher with the Private Equity Stakeholder Project, said this type of ownership is part of a broader industry pattern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LLC does three things,” Bankson said. “It reduces liability, adds tax benefits under the tax code; the sort of secret added bonus is obscuring ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies started investing in mobile home parks in 2004 with his father, Bruce Davies, according to Ubaldi and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PCYLvB6HxhQ\">2024 interview\u003c/a> Matthew Davies conducted with a YouTube vlogger. Davies said Harmony had amassed a nearly $700 million portfolio in its first 20 years of operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2021 interview with Multi-Housing News, Davies \u003ca href=\"https://www.multihousingnews.com/improving-manufactured-housing-communities-with-purpose/\">described \u003c/a>Harmony’s approach as improving communities while keeping housing attainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080872\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria puts on makeup in her bathroom. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We look for communities we think will have long-term stability in areas where there’s a strong need for affordable housing and where we believe the local jurisdictions will be supportive of our efforts,” Davies told the trade publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmony operates dozens of mobile home parks across California, but individual LLCs and family trusts own the parks themselves. Documents filed with the California Secretary of State show the managers and members controlling the LLCs are often family members, relatives and Harmony employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of November 2025, Harmony listed 29 mobile home parks it manages on its website. That list has since been removed. A broader search of property records identified about 100 parks associated with the company. Those include properties that had previously been listed on its website and where the owners’ principal address matched Harmony’s Stockton headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An analysis of business filings with the California Secretary of State found employees and family members tied to Harmony have an ownership stake in at least 84 of those parks. That includes parks owned or co-owned by members of the Ubaldi family and the Ubaldi Living Trust, whose successor trustee is Harmony spokesperson Nick Ubaldi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria rearranges photos of family and friends on her refrigerator. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As an employee of Harmony Communities, and as a park owner myself, I manage the day-to-day operations of these parks,” Ubaldi said. “Our involvement in the industry dates back to the early 1980s, long before Harmony existed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ubaldi, Harmony is responsible for day-to-day operations, including setting rents, managing leases, maintaining properties and handling tenant issues. For many residents, the company serves as the primary point of contact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Records show at least 10 LLCs managed by Molly Thompson, Davies’ ex-wife. Bruce Davies shows up as the manager for 41 LLCs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bankson said that the lack of transparency can make it harder for residents like Faria to challenge decisions or for regulators to step in, especially when ownership and management are intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-15-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Harmony said its ownership structure is standard and publicly disclosed. Willow reflects the same pattern. Creekside Village Mobile Home Park LLC owns the park. Business filings name Bruce Davies as the LLC’s manager and list the owner’s mailing address as Harmony’s headquarters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harmony grew its portfolio, it continued to raise rents on mobile home park residents — or facilitate the sale of their parks. Meanwhile, residents and local officials from Santa Barbara to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/2025/11/06/windsor-extends-rent-freeze-for-mobile-home-residents-facing-125-hike-as-park-owner-files-federal-lawsuit/\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> have pushed back against proposed rent increases and park closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said these measures often have the opposite of their intended effect: By limiting rent increases, he said, the underlying land becomes more valuable as vacant property than it is as a park. He pointed to a property in Thousand Oaks, which he said has an estimated land value of $20 million if it were cleared for redevelopment, but only $4 million as an occupied mobile home park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This dramatic disparity illustrates how such policies can incentivize park closures, sales to developers, or conversions, ultimately reducing the stock of affordable housing rather than expanding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260117-HarmonySanPablo-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 17, 2026. The park is a privately owned 55-and-older community owned by Harmony Communities. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Officials in several cities haven’t seen it that way. In San Luis Obispo County, supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.newtimesslo.com/slo-county-supervisors-reject-rent-increase-for-harmony-managed-mobile-home-parks/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">unanimously rejected\u003c/a> a hardship petition filed on behalf of two Harmony-managed parks, concluding the company did not meet the standard needed to justify higher rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José housing officials similarly \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-says-mobile-home-park-owner-cant-raise-rent/\">denied a proposed rent increase\u003c/a> at the Golden Wheel Mobile Home Park — another park owned by the Ubaldi family and managed by Harmony Communities — saying the owner failed to justify raising rents by about 10% for some of the park’s lowest-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are a very well-known park owner, and these tactics, or this behavior, is pretty typical for them across the state,” Emily Hislop, rent stabilization and eviction prevention manager for the city, said at a \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=A&ID=1281814&GUID=AA407BB7-8FAE-4DD2-9A07-07D3A2CAEDC5\">Housing and Community Development Commission\u003c/a> meeting in February 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Willow, Ubaldi said the two increases were intended to “bring rents to market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080896\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12080896 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A spokesperson for Harmony Communities gives public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We do our best to review all available data and metrics, including comparable properties, occupancy rates, local economic conditions, and recent leasing and sales activity, to arrive at a fair and competitive market rent for Willow,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faria and her neighbors were fed up with the higher charges and confusing messaging. They began to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda Jackson, another senior at the park, was the spearhead. She learned that Creekside Mobile Home Park, another Harmony-managed property in San Pablo, was also facing increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson spread the word: “I said, ‘I need five people to stand with me so that we can get [Harmony] off our backs and make it so that we can live more comfortably.’ I swear to God, the next day, I had 35 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-30-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linda Jackson (right) helps Clara Faria, 91, get back to her seat after giving public comment at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, during a city council meeting about potential rent control measures. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2000x661.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-28-BL-2048x677.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Linda Jackson (right) sits with Clara Faria and fellow residents of Willow Mobile Home Park and Creekside Village Mobile Home Park at San Pablo City Hall on Jan. 20, 2026, for a city council meeting where they plan to give public comment about potential rent control measures. Right: Councilmember Arturo Cruz and San Pablo mayor Elizabeth Pabon-Alvarado listen to public comment from Clara Faria. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Faria was one of them. She quickly became a leading voice at San Pablo City Council meetings, where residents urged local leaders to adopt a measure that would limit rent increases for mobile home park tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never imagined at my age I would be choosing between paying rent, buying food and getting my medication,” Faria told council members on Dec. 1. “I cut back everything I can, but these rent hikes are more than I can bear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the following meeting on Dec. 15, the council approved a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanpabloca.gov/DocumentCenter/View/18565/Mobile-Home-Assistance-Guidelines\">Mobile Home Assistance Program,\u003c/a> offering a one-time, $1,000 grant to help offset rent hikes. But residents said the relief, while welcome, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>This Band-Aid is giving us more stress,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With only short-term help on the horizon, Faria said it’s difficult to plan for the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-41-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria stands in her home at Willow Mobile Home Park. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I live on Social Security alone,” she said. “I just can’t pay that extra money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As disputes like the one at Willow unfold across California, it is drawing attention to the vulnerability of mobile home park residents and the patchwork of local protections. Some state lawmakers are working to bolster protections, even as industry groups challenge some efforts in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has shined an unfortunate light on the fact that the whole layer of rental opportunity has sort of gone without heightened scrutiny or a lot of targeted political action,” said Tyler Pullen with UC Berkeley’s Terner Labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most apartment renters who have a statewide rent cap and standard protections, mobile home park residents are only protected by \u003ca href=\"https://mhphoa.com/ca/rso/\">local ordinances\u003c/a> that vary widely from city to city. Some communities cap rent increases or require park owners to justify higher rents. Others have few protections, leaving residents subject to large increases.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In January, state Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1543\">AB 1543\u003c/a>, a bill that would impose a statewide rent cap on all mobile home parks, limiting annual increases to the lower of 3% plus inflation or 5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>It’s designed to help the owners of these mobile homes who make that initial investment and then their rents are increased substantially more than other renters across California,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time she’s tried to pass such legislation. The first was \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB978\">AB 978\u003c/a> in 2021, which got whittled down during committee hearings to narrowly apply to mobile home parks that straddle two jurisdictions. Only a handful exist across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ubaldi said rent caps are not the solution, maintaining that they discourage investment and reduce housing supply over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recognized that tenants might see things differently and argued it should be up to local governments to fill the gap between the rising costs that park owners face and the plight of low-income tenants who can’t afford rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many mobile home residents — including Faria and her neighbors — aren’t waiting for state legislation. Where local ordinances and state legislation fall short, they’re building tenant associations, challenging Harmony Communities in court, and, in at least one case, buying their park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Petaluma, residents at a mobile home park managed by Harmony faced proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/petaluma-mobile-home-park-residents-facing-300-rent-increase\">rent hikes\u003c/a> of up to 300% in a single year, prompting city-mandated arbitration and ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O4xRTe48fFLb2-EmM7_fV6DvTpTgBhgd/view?usp=sharing\">legal disputes\u003c/a> involving the city, park owners and residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080892\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1570px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080892\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1570\" height=\"1047\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL.jpg 1570w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260120-HarmonySanPablo-08-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1570px) 100vw, 1570px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clara Faria, 91, looks through paperwork and notices documenting rent increases for the lot where her mobile home sits at Willow Mobile Home Park in San Pablo on Jan. 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the San Rafael RV park, owned by Harmony, residents organized a tenants union and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058015/in-san-rafael-residents-of-a-mobile-home-park-are-fighting-to-keep-their-homes\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late 2025 alleging unlawful rent increases, harassment and retaliatory behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a park in Fresno County, residents took a different approach. After five years of organizing and fighting rising rents, a group of mostly Oaxacan farmworkers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977464/to-fight-rising-rents-these-fresno-county-residents-bought-their-mobile-home-park\">purchased\u003c/a> the park from Harmony and converted it into a limited-equity housing cooperative. Harmony said the Fresno property had longstanding safety and infrastructure issues before its involvement, citing fires, code violations and government intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Pablo, residents at Willow and Creekside mobile home parks are weighing their own options, including forming a formal tenants’ association. Jackson said the group is also working with the local nonprofit Rising Juntos to place a measure limiting rent increases at mobile home parks on San Pablo’s November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $1,095 Faria now pays for rent, along with other fees, including sewer, trash and drainage, amounts to about 55% of her Social Security income. She considered cutting her cable TV to save money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her age, she thought she’d be settled. Instead, she said, she feels like she’s bracing for the worst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, she wrote a letter to Harmony: “I ask God to please let me die before you evict me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-April, Faria is still waiting for a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "rivals-target-steyer-becerra-in-debate-as-california-governor-race-tightens",
"title": "Rivals Target Steyer, Becerra in Debate as California Governor Race Tightens",
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"headTitle": "Rivals Target Steyer, Becerra in Debate as California Governor Race Tightens | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Six leading \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080415/california-governor-candidates-compete-for-swalwells-endorsements-donors-and-voters\">candidates\u003c/a> for California governor broke largely along party lines on questions related to taxes, homelessness and the Trump administration at a fast-moving televised debate in San Francisco on Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate, broadcast statewide on Nexstar stations, marked a major test for former U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra and billionaire investor Tom Steyer, who have emerged as the top polling Democrats after former Rep. Eric Swalwell \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">ended his campaign\u003c/a> amid \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\">sexual assault allegations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout a largely tame event, Steyer and Becerra at times came under fire from fellow Democrats on stage, former Rep. Katie Porter and San José Mayor Matt Mahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the two Republicans onstage, businessman and conservative commentator Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, avoided criticizing each other, instead focusing on what they called Democratic failures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer faced the most attacks of the night — largely centered on his wealth and the investments he made in private prisons and the oil industry as a hedge fund manager decades ago. Porter poked at Steyer’s personal fortune while also jabbing Becerra for his backing by corporate interests and a lack of policy details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081067\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081067\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Steyer, a Democratic candidate for California governor, defended his record and pitched himself as a “change agent” during a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And she stressed her own experience as a consumer advocate and single mom who understands the struggles of everyday Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One candidate is a billionaire who got rich off polluters and ICE prisons and is now using that money to fund this election,” Porter said, even as she and every other Democrat pledged to support whichever Democrat makes it to a November runoff. “Another candidate for nearly 40 years cashed corporate checks and then lacked the courage to take them on. I’m not like them — I have never taken corporate money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan echoed the former Orange County congresswoman, calling Steyer “a billionaire who made his money in private prisons” and Becerra “a D.C. insider who the Sacramento establishment is now rallying around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katie Porter, right, sharpened her attacks on rival Tom Steyer over his wealth and past investments during a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In general, though, the Democrats focused more on defining their own platforms than criticizing one another — perhaps because, with ballots set to reach voters in less than two weeks, Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079947/with-swalwell-out-who-will-bay-area-voters-support-for-california-governor\">seem to just be tuning in,\u003c/a> and the crowded field is still working to introduce themselves to the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, who has seen the largest uptick in polling and endorsements since Swalwell’s exit, pitched his candidacy as a steady hand in the wake of the shocking scandal. On Tuesday, Becerra was endorsed by Democratic Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need someone with experience, someone who doesn’t need on-the-job training,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan, left, and Xavier Becerra, both Democratic candidates for California governor, shook hands before a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steyer parried criticisms of his career in finance by pointing to the wealthy interests opposing his campaign. In recent days, PG&E has poured millions into an anti-Steyer super-PAC that has also received funding from groups representing realtors and prison guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people raising the costs for California don’t want me to be governor,” he said. “I’m the change agent here, and they don’t want change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer has put more than $120 million of his own money into his campaign and has blanketed the state in digital and television ads.[aside postID=news_12080415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP1.jpg']The gubernatorial candidates will appear on the ballot together in the June 2 primary. Under California’s top-two primary system, the top two finishers advance to November, regardless of party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left Democrats concerned that two Republicans could make it into a runoff, in a state where no GOP candidate has won statewide in two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the Democratic field has remained crowded, without a clear frontrunner, and Swalwell’s dramatic exit less than two weeks ago scrambled the race again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday evening, the partisan divide between the frontrunners on stage was particularly evident when the conversation turned to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four Democrats largely praised Gov. Gavin Newsom’s efforts on the issue and agreed on the need to spend more money on preventing homelessness, through programs such as rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco and Hilton said homelessness was instead an issue best addressed through substance use treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a televised gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on Wednesday, April 22, 2026, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican candidate for California governor, argued that homelessness is driven by substance abuse. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is drug and alcohol induced psychosis,” Bianco said. “This has nothing to do with a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan, who entered the race late and is polling below the other candidates onstage, sought to draw a contrast with the other Democrats onstage by vowing to suspend the state gas tax — referencing his working-class childhood in the farming town of Watsonville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know what it means when gas prices go up a dollar or two unnecessarily,” Mahan said. “I’ll reform the gas tax so it’s no longer the poorest, hardest working people in our state who are paying an unfair share to maintain our infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton, a Republican candidate for California governor, leaned into President Donald Trump’s endorsement — calling it “a deep honor” — during a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>None of the other Democratic candidates would commit to suspending the gas tax, something both Hilton and Bianco have been campaigning on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton did not shy away from President Donald Trump, who’s deeply unpopular in this heavily Democratic state. Trump recently endorsed Hilton, a former Fox News host who emigrated from the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the proudest days of my life is the day I became an American citizen … so it is a deep honor for me to be endorsed by the President of the United States,” Hilton said, adding that Democratic attacks on Trump are only hurting the state. “Here’s what will help every Californian: when I am governor, we will have a deep, constructive relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Six leading \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080415/california-governor-candidates-compete-for-swalwells-endorsements-donors-and-voters\">candidates\u003c/a> for California governor broke largely along party lines on questions related to taxes, homelessness and the Trump administration at a fast-moving televised debate in San Francisco on Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate, broadcast statewide on Nexstar stations, marked a major test for former U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra and billionaire investor Tom Steyer, who have emerged as the top polling Democrats after former Rep. Eric Swalwell \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">ended his campaign\u003c/a> amid \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\">sexual assault allegations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout a largely tame event, Steyer and Becerra at times came under fire from fellow Democrats on stage, former Rep. Katie Porter and San José Mayor Matt Mahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, the two Republicans onstage, businessman and conservative commentator Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, avoided criticizing each other, instead focusing on what they called Democratic failures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer faced the most attacks of the night — largely centered on his wealth and the investments he made in private prisons and the oil industry as a hedge fund manager decades ago. Porter poked at Steyer’s personal fortune while also jabbing Becerra for his backing by corporate interests and a lack of policy details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081067\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081067\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-2000x1334.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3742_1-1-2048x1366.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Steyer, a Democratic candidate for California governor, defended his record and pitched himself as a “change agent” during a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And she stressed her own experience as a consumer advocate and single mom who understands the struggles of everyday Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One candidate is a billionaire who got rich off polluters and ICE prisons and is now using that money to fund this election,” Porter said, even as she and every other Democrat pledged to support whichever Democrat makes it to a November runoff. “Another candidate for nearly 40 years cashed corporate checks and then lacked the courage to take them on. I’m not like them — I have never taken corporate money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan echoed the former Orange County congresswoman, calling Steyer “a billionaire who made his money in private prisons” and Becerra “a D.C. insider who the Sacramento establishment is now rallying around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katie Porter, right, sharpened her attacks on rival Tom Steyer over his wealth and past investments during a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In general, though, the Democrats focused more on defining their own platforms than criticizing one another — perhaps because, with ballots set to reach voters in less than two weeks, Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079947/with-swalwell-out-who-will-bay-area-voters-support-for-california-governor\">seem to just be tuning in,\u003c/a> and the crowded field is still working to introduce themselves to the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, who has seen the largest uptick in polling and endorsements since Swalwell’s exit, pitched his candidacy as a steady hand in the wake of the shocking scandal. On Tuesday, Becerra was endorsed by Democratic Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need someone with experience, someone who doesn’t need on-the-job training,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3222_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan, left, and Xavier Becerra, both Democratic candidates for California governor, shook hands before a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steyer parried criticisms of his career in finance by pointing to the wealthy interests opposing his campaign. In recent days, PG&E has poured millions into an anti-Steyer super-PAC that has also received funding from groups representing realtors and prison guards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people raising the costs for California don’t want me to be governor,” he said. “I’m the change agent here, and they don’t want change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer has put more than $120 million of his own money into his campaign and has blanketed the state in digital and television ads.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The gubernatorial candidates will appear on the ballot together in the June 2 primary. Under California’s top-two primary system, the top two finishers advance to November, regardless of party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left Democrats concerned that two Republicans could make it into a runoff, in a state where no GOP candidate has won statewide in two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the Democratic field has remained crowded, without a clear frontrunner, and Swalwell’s dramatic exit less than two weeks ago scrambled the race again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday evening, the partisan divide between the frontrunners on stage was particularly evident when the conversation turned to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four Democrats largely praised Gov. Gavin Newsom’s efforts on the issue and agreed on the need to spend more money on preventing homelessness, through programs such as rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco and Hilton said homelessness was instead an issue best addressed through substance use treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a televised gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on Wednesday, April 22, 2026, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican candidate for California governor, argued that homelessness is driven by substance abuse. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is drug and alcohol induced psychosis,” Bianco said. “This has nothing to do with a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan, who entered the race late and is polling below the other candidates onstage, sought to draw a contrast with the other Democrats onstage by vowing to suspend the state gas tax — referencing his working-class childhood in the farming town of Watsonville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know what it means when gas prices go up a dollar or two unnecessarily,” Mahan said. “I’ll reform the gas tax so it’s no longer the poorest, hardest working people in our state who are paying an unfair share to maintain our infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3423_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton, a Republican candidate for California governor, leaned into President Donald Trump’s endorsement — calling it “a deep honor” — during a televised debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco on April 22, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>None of the other Democratic candidates would commit to suspending the gas tax, something both Hilton and Bianco have been campaigning on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton did not shy away from President Donald Trump, who’s deeply unpopular in this heavily Democratic state. Trump recently endorsed Hilton, a former Fox News host who emigrated from the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the proudest days of my life is the day I became an American citizen … so it is a deep honor for me to be endorsed by the President of the United States,” Hilton said, adding that Democratic attacks on Trump are only hurting the state. “Here’s what will help every Californian: when I am governor, we will have a deep, constructive relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-demands-trump-withdraw-proposal-targeting-housing-for-mixed-status-families",
"title": "California Demands Trump Withdraw Proposal Targeting Housing for Mixed-Status Families",
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"headTitle": "California Demands Trump Withdraw Proposal Targeting Housing for Mixed-Status Families | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s Civil Rights Department is warning that the Trump administration’s crackdown on federal housing assistance for families with mixed immigration status could leave up to 30,000 people in the state at risk of eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter this week, the state agency called on the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to walk back the proposal, which it said would force thousands to confront “inhumane choices” between facing eviction or separating from their loved ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘We want them to withdraw this rule in its entirety,” CRD Director Kevin Kish said. “It doesn’t make sense. It’s going to harm people. It’s not going to help anyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, HUD proposed a change to federal housing policy requiring that every person in housing that receives the assistance submit proof of U.S. citizenship or of their eligibility as a noncitizen (as a refugee, asylum seeker or lawful resident). Those unable to do so could be evicted from HUD-supported programs, like public housing or Section 8 vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have zero tolerance for pushing aside hardworking U.S. citizens while enabling others to exploit decades-old loopholes,” HUD Secretary Scott Turner said at the time, adding that currently, only about a quarter of eligible Americans have access to HUD resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, a coalition of nearly 20 U.S. cities and counties, including San Francisco, Oakland and Marin County, also submitted a comment opposing the change, warning it would destabilize affordable housing operations. The National Housing Conference, which also submitted a letter, said the proposal “doesn’t fix a problem — it creates one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11738375 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018 in San Francisco over the Trump administration family separation policy.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1200x798.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018, in San Francisco over the Trump administration’s family separation policy. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s a step backward that undermines decades of policy precedent that already balanced statutory compliance, family stability, administrative feasibility, and prudent stewardship of scarce federal housing resources,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD policy already prorates housing subsidies for mixed-status households to ensure that the benefit only applies to family members who have confirmed their immigration status. Eliminating those prorated subsidies, Kish wrote in the CDR letter on Tuesday, would cause the number and quality of public housing units to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HUD says that the goal is to make more housing available to eligible people, but its own analysis shows that won’t happen,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, household members who aren’t eligible for HUD assistance still contribute to the cost of housing. Kish said that HUD has estimated the proposed rule would require spending an additional $2,100 per household, which it anticipates would be paid for by reducing the number of households served by federal housing programs or by reducing the average spending on housing assistance.[aside postID=news_12079829 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/ImmigrantTaxes-GilsTaxServices.jpg']California has the highest percentage of mixed-status households in the U.S., accounting for about 36% of those that could be impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About three-fourths of those families consist of children who are of eligible status, and parents who are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Separation is not a viable option for these families, and they will therefore be forced out of their homes,” the letter continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, of an estimated 645 tenants who could be affected, about 210 are children and 40 are seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government should be helping to prevent homelessness, not making it worse,” San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said. “This rule would destabilize affordable housing nationwide, increase homelessness, and punish eligible people simply because of who lives in their household.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 70% of residents in mixed-status households have an eligible immigration status, the letter from the cities argues that the policy would be most harmful to people who are eligible for housing assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CRD also alleges that the proposed rule could lead to eligible seniors and people with disabilities losing their access to housing assistance, since all family members will have to submit to new verification procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Significant numbers of senior citizens, citizens of color, citizens with disabilities, transgender citizens, and citizens with low incomes may be disproportionately affected,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888806 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1031228044-scaled-e1776901494677.jpg\" alt=\"A man and young boy hold hands as they walk in silhouette on an urban sidewalk in early morning sun.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran father and his 6-year-old son walk to Sunday Mass on Sept. 9, 2018, in Oakland, California. They were one of almost 2,600 families separated due to the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” immigration policy. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kish said that the department’s intent in filing the letter is to establish a record of opposition — and require HUD to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to hear what they have to say in response to our arguments,” he said. “And then if the rule goes forward, our letter helps us set up a challenge because we also believe that the rule is unlawful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kish wrote in his letter that the rule is unlawful under intentional discrimination and disparate impact analyses. He said what a legal challenge could look like is not yet known, and would be a conversation with the attorney general’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It represents a glaring example of HUD’s failure to abide by its duty under the [Fair Housing Act of 1968]to administer housing programs in ways that ‘mov[e] the nation toward a more integrated society,’” Kish wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A state civil rights agency said the proposed change to the U.S. housing assistance policy would force families with mixed-immigration status to choose between facing eviction or separation from their loved ones.",
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"title": "California Demands Trump Withdraw Proposal Targeting Housing for Mixed-Status Families | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s Civil Rights Department is warning that the Trump administration’s crackdown on federal housing assistance for families with mixed immigration status could leave up to 30,000 people in the state at risk of eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter this week, the state agency called on the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to walk back the proposal, which it said would force thousands to confront “inhumane choices” between facing eviction or separating from their loved ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>‘We want them to withdraw this rule in its entirety,” CRD Director Kevin Kish said. “It doesn’t make sense. It’s going to harm people. It’s not going to help anyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, HUD proposed a change to federal housing policy requiring that every person in housing that receives the assistance submit proof of U.S. citizenship or of their eligibility as a noncitizen (as a refugee, asylum seeker or lawful resident). Those unable to do so could be evicted from HUD-supported programs, like public housing or Section 8 vouchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have zero tolerance for pushing aside hardworking U.S. citizens while enabling others to exploit decades-old loopholes,” HUD Secretary Scott Turner said at the time, adding that currently, only about a quarter of eligible Americans have access to HUD resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, a coalition of nearly 20 U.S. cities and counties, including San Francisco, Oakland and Marin County, also submitted a comment opposing the change, warning it would destabilize affordable housing operations. The National Housing Conference, which also submitted a letter, said the proposal “doesn’t fix a problem — it creates one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11738375\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11738375 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018 in San Francisco over the Trump administration family separation policy.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1276\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS36430_GettyImages-978854834-qut-1200x798.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A young girl holds a sign during a demonstration outside of the San Francisco office of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on June 19, 2018, in San Francisco over the Trump administration’s family separation policy. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s a step backward that undermines decades of policy precedent that already balanced statutory compliance, family stability, administrative feasibility, and prudent stewardship of scarce federal housing resources,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD policy already prorates housing subsidies for mixed-status households to ensure that the benefit only applies to family members who have confirmed their immigration status. Eliminating those prorated subsidies, Kish wrote in the CDR letter on Tuesday, would cause the number and quality of public housing units to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HUD says that the goal is to make more housing available to eligible people, but its own analysis shows that won’t happen,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, household members who aren’t eligible for HUD assistance still contribute to the cost of housing. Kish said that HUD has estimated the proposed rule would require spending an additional $2,100 per household, which it anticipates would be paid for by reducing the number of households served by federal housing programs or by reducing the average spending on housing assistance.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California has the highest percentage of mixed-status households in the U.S., accounting for about 36% of those that could be impacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About three-fourths of those families consist of children who are of eligible status, and parents who are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Separation is not a viable option for these families, and they will therefore be forced out of their homes,” the letter continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, of an estimated 645 tenants who could be affected, about 210 are children and 40 are seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government should be helping to prevent homelessness, not making it worse,” San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said. “This rule would destabilize affordable housing nationwide, increase homelessness, and punish eligible people simply because of who lives in their household.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 70% of residents in mixed-status households have an eligible immigration status, the letter from the cities argues that the policy would be most harmful to people who are eligible for housing assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CRD also alleges that the proposed rule could lead to eligible seniors and people with disabilities losing their access to housing assistance, since all family members will have to submit to new verification procedures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Significant numbers of senior citizens, citizens of color, citizens with disabilities, transgender citizens, and citizens with low incomes may be disproportionately affected,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11888806\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11888806 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/GettyImages-1031228044-scaled-e1776901494677.jpg\" alt=\"A man and young boy hold hands as they walk in silhouette on an urban sidewalk in early morning sun.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Honduran father and his 6-year-old son walk to Sunday Mass on Sept. 9, 2018, in Oakland, California. They were one of almost 2,600 families separated due to the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” immigration policy. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kish said that the department’s intent in filing the letter is to establish a record of opposition — and require HUD to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to hear what they have to say in response to our arguments,” he said. “And then if the rule goes forward, our letter helps us set up a challenge because we also believe that the rule is unlawful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kish wrote in his letter that the rule is unlawful under intentional discrimination and disparate impact analyses. He said what a legal challenge could look like is not yet known, and would be a conversation with the attorney general’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It represents a glaring example of HUD’s failure to abide by its duty under the [Fair Housing Act of 1968]to administer housing programs in ways that ‘mov[e] the nation toward a more integrated society,’” Kish wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "child-welfare-workers-put-on-leave-in-wake-of-toddlers-death-in-foster-care",
"title": "Child Welfare Workers Put on Leave in Wake of Toddler’s Death in Foster Care",
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"headTitle": "Child Welfare Workers Put on Leave in Wake of Toddler’s Death in Foster Care | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>At least nine \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay\u003c/a> child welfare workers and managers have been put on paid administrative leave as calls for accountability grow louder following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080197/south-bay-toddler-dies-in-foster-care-after-alleged-sexual-assault\">death\u003c/a> this month of a toddler in Santa Clara County’s foster care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials confirmed the unusual move on Wednesday, as local and state investigations into the death of Jaxon Juarez, a 2-year-old with special needs, have ramped up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two workers in the Department of Family and Children’s Services, represented by the County Employees Management Association and seven workers represented by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022256/santa-clara-county-social-workers-demand-more-staffing-support-in-troubled-agency/\">SEIU Local 521\u003c/a> are included in the group of those on leave, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A county spokesperson, Peter Gallotta, declined to comment on the workers being placed on leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The county is actively investigating the tragic death of Jaxon Juarez. While we are taking all relevant actions to fully understand what happened in this horrific case and hold people accountable, as appropriate, we cannot comment on specific personnel matters while investigations are underway,” Gallotta said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaxon was under the supervision of the Department of Family and Children’s Services and living with a paternal relative when authorities allege a 17-year-old cousin repeatedly sexually and physically assaulted the child. He was hospitalized on Easter Sunday and died on April 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cousin, who has since turned 18, has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080584/san-jose-teen-charged-with-murder-of-2-year-old-cousin\">charged\u003c/a> in juvenile court with murder and several counts of sexual assault. Santa Clara County District Attorney Jeff Rosen’s office is seeking to transfer the suspect to adult court, where he could face much harsher penalties if convicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080419\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080419\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jaxon, a 2-year-old South Bay boy who died while in Santa Clara County’s foster care system after allegedly being sexually assaulted, is seen in this photo provided by his aunt. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Riley Wallace)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jaxon’s death followed the deaths of two other children in the county’s foster care system in 2023 — a 3-month-old named Phoenix Castro who died from fentanyl poisoning in a home with addicted parents, and a 6-year-old named Jordan Walker who was stabbed to death by his half-uncle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those deaths occurred, critics said, while the agency pursued policies focused on keeping children with their families, even in the face of safety concerns. Following the deaths, the Department of Family and Children’s Services was put under state oversight and a corrective action plan aimed at rebalancing the priorities of family reunification and child safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that oversight, which had been in place for roughly a year and a half, Jaxon was placed by the agency in February in the home of Bridget Michelle Martinez, a relative who was previously convicted of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080399/south-bay-toddler-placed-with-woman-convicted-of-child-endangerment-before-death\">felony child endangerment\u003c/a> tied to a DUI in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials confirmed that such a conviction should prevent a child from being placed in Martinez’s care, even in extenuating circumstances. It’s not clear how Jaxon ended up in the home, and the county has not explained.[aside postID=news_12080584 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-17-BL-KQED.jpg']In the wake of his death, his family members have lambasted the Department of Family and Children’s Services, saying they plan to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Rosen said he would investigate to determine if anyone else should be held liable in the case, including those at the agency or county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People in the public and myself as the DA would like to know who is responsible criminally, civilly, morally, ethically, and systemically for what happened in this case, because this is not the first time that this has happened,” Rosen said at a news conference on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I think that we should all be asking questions of county officials at the highest level,” he said. “Why are horrible and tragic crimes happening to children in the care and custody of the Department of Family and Children’s Services over and over and over again?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders at the San José/Silicon Valley NAACP have also demanded full investigations into what they called “the systemic failures of Santa Clara County’s child welfare system” and called for “structural accountability” up the chain of command.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an April 20 statement, the civil rights organization said County Executive James Williams, Chief Operating Officer Greta Hansen, County Counsel Tony LoPresti, Social Services Agency Director Daniel Little, and DFCS Director Wendy Kinnear-Rausch all “bear individual and institutional responsibility for the conditions that produced these outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county, in an emailed response, didn’t address those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd listens to District Attorney Jeff Rosen speak outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026, where prosecutors announced charges against a San José teen accused of killing his two-year-old foster brother, Jaxon Juarez. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The organization’s complaint builds upon an earlier formal complaint that the organization said it filed with Rosen in July 2025, calling on his office to investigate county leaders in relation to the deaths of Castro and Walker. The NAACP said it did not receive a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization said the county “publicly dismissed the NAACP’s complaint as ‘a distraction,’ stating there was ‘no basis whatsoever’ to suggest criminal conduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county said that it is “investigating every aspect of this horrific tragedy” involving Jaxon and vowed to share its findings publicly when complete. It has also called on the state Department of Social Services to conduct its own investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency confirmed it is conducting an independent investigation into the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Collectively, we must do better to support our most vulnerable children and youth to ensure they are safe and can thrive,” the agency said in an emailed statement on Wednesday. “We are committed to working with our county partners, local agencies, other state departments, families, communities, and advocates across the state to continuously improve California’s child welfare system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At least nine \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay\u003c/a> child welfare workers and managers have been put on paid administrative leave as calls for accountability grow louder following the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080197/south-bay-toddler-dies-in-foster-care-after-alleged-sexual-assault\">death\u003c/a> this month of a toddler in Santa Clara County’s foster care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials confirmed the unusual move on Wednesday, as local and state investigations into the death of Jaxon Juarez, a 2-year-old with special needs, have ramped up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two workers in the Department of Family and Children’s Services, represented by the County Employees Management Association and seven workers represented by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022256/santa-clara-county-social-workers-demand-more-staffing-support-in-troubled-agency/\">SEIU Local 521\u003c/a> are included in the group of those on leave, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A county spokesperson, Peter Gallotta, declined to comment on the workers being placed on leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The county is actively investigating the tragic death of Jaxon Juarez. While we are taking all relevant actions to fully understand what happened in this horrific case and hold people accountable, as appropriate, we cannot comment on specific personnel matters while investigations are underway,” Gallotta said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaxon was under the supervision of the Department of Family and Children’s Services and living with a paternal relative when authorities allege a 17-year-old cousin repeatedly sexually and physically assaulted the child. He was hospitalized on Easter Sunday and died on April 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cousin, who has since turned 18, has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080584/san-jose-teen-charged-with-murder-of-2-year-old-cousin\">charged\u003c/a> in juvenile court with murder and several counts of sexual assault. Santa Clara County District Attorney Jeff Rosen’s office is seeking to transfer the suspect to adult court, where he could face much harsher penalties if convicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080419\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080419\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-Jaxon-Folo-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jaxon, a 2-year-old South Bay boy who died while in Santa Clara County’s foster care system after allegedly being sexually assaulted, is seen in this photo provided by his aunt. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Riley Wallace)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jaxon’s death followed the deaths of two other children in the county’s foster care system in 2023 — a 3-month-old named Phoenix Castro who died from fentanyl poisoning in a home with addicted parents, and a 6-year-old named Jordan Walker who was stabbed to death by his half-uncle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those deaths occurred, critics said, while the agency pursued policies focused on keeping children with their families, even in the face of safety concerns. Following the deaths, the Department of Family and Children’s Services was put under state oversight and a corrective action plan aimed at rebalancing the priorities of family reunification and child safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that oversight, which had been in place for roughly a year and a half, Jaxon was placed by the agency in February in the home of Bridget Michelle Martinez, a relative who was previously convicted of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080399/south-bay-toddler-placed-with-woman-convicted-of-child-endangerment-before-death\">felony child endangerment\u003c/a> tied to a DUI in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials confirmed that such a conviction should prevent a child from being placed in Martinez’s care, even in extenuating circumstances. It’s not clear how Jaxon ended up in the home, and the county has not explained.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the wake of his death, his family members have lambasted the Department of Family and Children’s Services, saying they plan to sue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Rosen said he would investigate to determine if anyone else should be held liable in the case, including those at the agency or county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People in the public and myself as the DA would like to know who is responsible criminally, civilly, morally, ethically, and systemically for what happened in this case, because this is not the first time that this has happened,” Rosen said at a news conference on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I think that we should all be asking questions of county officials at the highest level,” he said. “Why are horrible and tragic crimes happening to children in the care and custody of the Department of Family and Children’s Services over and over and over again?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leaders at the San José/Silicon Valley NAACP have also demanded full investigations into what they called “the systemic failures of Santa Clara County’s child welfare system” and called for “structural accountability” up the chain of command.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an April 20 statement, the civil rights organization said County Executive James Williams, Chief Operating Officer Greta Hansen, County Counsel Tony LoPresti, Social Services Agency Director Daniel Little, and DFCS Director Wendy Kinnear-Rausch all “bear individual and institutional responsibility for the conditions that produced these outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county, in an emailed response, didn’t address those allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260420-SCCDAANNOUNCEMENT-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A crowd listens to District Attorney Jeff Rosen speak outside the Santa Clara County Juvenile Court in San José on April 20, 2026, where prosecutors announced charges against a San José teen accused of killing his two-year-old foster brother, Jaxon Juarez. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The organization’s complaint builds upon an earlier formal complaint that the organization said it filed with Rosen in July 2025, calling on his office to investigate county leaders in relation to the deaths of Castro and Walker. The NAACP said it did not receive a response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization said the county “publicly dismissed the NAACP’s complaint as ‘a distraction,’ stating there was ‘no basis whatsoever’ to suggest criminal conduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county said that it is “investigating every aspect of this horrific tragedy” involving Jaxon and vowed to share its findings publicly when complete. It has also called on the state Department of Social Services to conduct its own investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency confirmed it is conducting an independent investigation into the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Collectively, we must do better to support our most vulnerable children and youth to ensure they are safe and can thrive,” the agency said in an emailed statement on Wednesday. “We are committed to working with our county partners, local agencies, other state departments, families, communities, and advocates across the state to continuously improve California’s child welfare system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-ban-on-masked-immigration-agents-struck-down-by-federal-appeals-court",
"title": "9th Circuit Blocks California Limits on Anonymous Immigration Agents",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal appeals court on Wednesday struck down \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058936/masking-bill-fuels-california-legal-battle-over-federal-immigration-agents\">California’s requirement that masked federal agents identify themselves\u003c/a>, a blow to the state’s ongoing resistance to the Trump administration’s deportation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals panel \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2026/04/22/26-926.pdf\">handed down a ruling\u003c/a> prohibiting California from enforcing a section of the 2025 law that mandates federal law enforcement officers visibly display identification while carrying out their duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/12/immigration-mask-ban-new-law/\">destined\u003c/a> to face critical scrutiny from the federal judiciary. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1850-1900/135us1\">1890 Supreme Court case\u003c/a> provides that a state cannot prosecute federal law enforcement officers acting in the course of their duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also ran headlong into the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution, which holds that states may not regulate the operations of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed it in connection with a law that banned federal immigration agents from wearing masks. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/donald-trump/\">Trump administration\u003c/a> sued to challenge both of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073780\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073780\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1351\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED-1536x1038.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents at an immigration raid near Camarillo in Southern California on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 19, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/law-enforcement-mask-ruling/\">issued an injunction against the mask law\u003c/a>. The new ruling by a 3-0 decision focuses on the identification requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a state law directly regulates the conduct of the United States, it is void irrespective of whether the regulated activities are essential to federal functions or operations, and irrespective of the degree to which the state law interferes with federal functions or operations,” wrote judge Mark J. Bennett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s lawyers argued that, even if the law does violate the Supremacy Clause, the court should have also considered the state government’s concerns about federal immigration enforcement’s effect on public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decline to do so,” Bennett wrote. “Because the United States has shown a likelihood that the Act violates the Supremacy Clause, it has also shown that both the public interest and balance of the equities tip ‘decisively in…favor’ of a preliminary injunction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats passed the law, called the “No Vigilantes Act”, to rein in the federal officers who showed up in masks and without visible identification as they carried out the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers this year are advancing more bills targeting the administration’s immigration agents, including proposals that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/ban-on-ice-in-california-police/\">would bar them from employment\u003c/a> in California law enforcement agencies and a measure that would make it easier for people to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/wiener-bill-federal-agents-bivens/\"> sue federal agents\u003c/a> over civil rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche crowed about the 9th Circuit ruling on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Department of Justice stands in unwavering and total support of the brave men and women of ICE who put their lives on the line everyday to enforce our immigration laws and keep American citizens safe,” he wrote. :Today’s legal victory in the 9th Circuit halts enforcement of California’s mask ban for ICE agents and is a big win to protect law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/04/immigration-mask-ban-9th-circuit/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal appeals court on Wednesday struck down \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12058936/masking-bill-fuels-california-legal-battle-over-federal-immigration-agents\">California’s requirement that masked federal agents identify themselves\u003c/a>, a blow to the state’s ongoing resistance to the Trump administration’s deportation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals panel \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2026/04/22/26-926.pdf\">handed down a ruling\u003c/a> prohibiting California from enforcing a section of the 2025 law that mandates federal law enforcement officers visibly display identification while carrying out their duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/12/immigration-mask-ban-new-law/\">destined\u003c/a> to face critical scrutiny from the federal judiciary. An \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1850-1900/135us1\">1890 Supreme Court case\u003c/a> provides that a state cannot prosecute federal law enforcement officers acting in the course of their duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also ran headlong into the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution, which holds that states may not regulate the operations of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed it in connection with a law that banned federal immigration agents from wearing masks. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/donald-trump/\">Trump administration\u003c/a> sued to challenge both of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073780\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073780\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1351\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GETTYIMAGES-2224603707-KQED-1536x1038.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Federal agents at an immigration raid near Camarillo in Southern California on July 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 19, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/law-enforcement-mask-ruling/\">issued an injunction against the mask law\u003c/a>. The new ruling by a 3-0 decision focuses on the identification requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a state law directly regulates the conduct of the United States, it is void irrespective of whether the regulated activities are essential to federal functions or operations, and irrespective of the degree to which the state law interferes with federal functions or operations,” wrote judge Mark J. Bennett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s lawyers argued that, even if the law does violate the Supremacy Clause, the court should have also considered the state government’s concerns about federal immigration enforcement’s effect on public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decline to do so,” Bennett wrote. “Because the United States has shown a likelihood that the Act violates the Supremacy Clause, it has also shown that both the public interest and balance of the equities tip ‘decisively in…favor’ of a preliminary injunction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats passed the law, called the “No Vigilantes Act”, to rein in the federal officers who showed up in masks and without visible identification as they carried out the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers this year are advancing more bills targeting the administration’s immigration agents, including proposals that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/ban-on-ice-in-california-police/\">would bar them from employment\u003c/a> in California law enforcement agencies and a measure that would make it easier for people to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/wiener-bill-federal-agents-bivens/\"> sue federal agents\u003c/a> over civil rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche crowed about the 9th Circuit ruling on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Department of Justice stands in unwavering and total support of the brave men and women of ICE who put their lives on the line everyday to enforce our immigration laws and keep American citizens safe,” he wrote. :Today’s legal victory in the 9th Circuit halts enforcement of California’s mask ban for ICE agents and is a big win to protect law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/04/immigration-mask-ban-9th-circuit/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-escalates-pressure-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-farmworker-housing",
"title": "California Escalates Pressure on Half Moon Bay to Approve Farmworker Housing",
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"content": "\u003cp>State officials are escalating pressure against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> to approve a long-delayed affordable farmworker \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing\u003c/a> project there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story, 40-unit building for seniors aging out of farm work received a boost of support following the 2023 mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city, which spotlighted the substandard living conditions many farmworkers face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But three years later, the project has yet to receive a final green light. That prompted the Housing Accountability Unit — the enforcement arm of the California Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD) — to send a \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Half-Moon-Bay-LOS-TA-040926-1-2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sharply toned letter\u003c/a> earlier this month to Half Moon Bay city officials with a clear message: approve the project quickly or face fines, a loss in state funding, and potential legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HCD strongly encourages the city to expeditiously approve the agreements necessary to facilitate the project,” the letter read. Further down, it warned officials: “If HCD finds that a city’s actions do not comply with state law, HCD may notify the California Office of the Attorney General that the local government is in violation of state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Manager Matthew Chidester said the city is taking the letter seriously and the city council plans to vote on the project next week. He said he felt the tone of the April 9 letter implied the city was “thumbing our nose at the state and its requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not indignant or not prioritizing affordable housing, but the opposite,” he said. “This project … just had more complexity [for the council] and caused a longer timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080755\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The project, located at 555 Kelly Ave in Half Moon Bay, would provide 40 affordable homes for retired and current farmworkers age 55 and older. When it was initially introduced in 2022, the project received support from state and local officials. Three years later, it is stuck behind city approvals. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Van Meter William Pollock, LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colloquially called 555 Kelly, the project faced initial support soon after it was introduced in 2022. That support grew the following year after the city experienced the worst mass shooting in San Mateo County history, which took place at a mushroom farm and killed seven people. The shooting exposed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987049/half-moon-bay-farm-where-mass-shooting-took-place-settles-workplace-violations-for-nearly-400000\">substandard living conditions\u003c/a> of many farmworkers there and became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981087/progress-being-made-on-providing-housing-for-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay\">call-to-action\u003c/a> for state and city leaders to make way for more affordable housing for farmworkers in particular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission approved the project in May 2024, but appeals were subsequently filed against the project. A month later, the City Council denied the appeals and upheld the planning commission’s approval. But since then, the project has been stuck behind negotiations surrounding its land-lease agreement. As the state faces an increasingly dire housing crisis, officials are using whatever tools they can to push cities towards approving more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state knows Half Moon Bay can move quickly to approve projects. A year after the mass shooting, city and county officials approved a different affordable housing development for farmworkers called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037511/2-years-after-the-half-moon-bay-shooting-new-housing-for-farmers-starts-to-take-shape\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>. That development included 47 affordable factory-built homes, and residents moved in last year.[aside postID=news_12037511 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/GettyImages-1246581187-1020x765.jpg']But Jeremy Levine, policy manager for the local pro-housing group, Housing Leadership Council of San Mateo, said that project and 555 Kelly are very different. Stone Pine Cove is located on the east side of the city. It’s directly across from the California Terra Garden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983338/more-than-a-year-after-shooting-half-moon-bay-is-making-progress-on-farmworker-housing\">where the mass shooting happened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“555 Kelly is closer to the commercial part of Half Moon Bay,” he said. “It’s more walkable, it’s more integrated into the community writ large, rather than being sort of to the side, in a corner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its location is intentional. The development will include a community resource center, where residents can receive mental health care, case management and other services. Chidester said the project is centrally located so that residents can take advantage of the fact that the development is on a main artery leading into the city’s downtown and is across from a health clinic and a farmers market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during public meetings about the project, its location has proved controversial among some neighbors who worry that traffic and parking could be impacted by additional residents. And at five stories, it would be the tallest building in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chidester said, as city council members negotiate the land-lease agreement, which would be valid for 99 years, they want to make sure neighbors’ concerns don’t go unnoticed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The council wants to just make sure that the terms of the agreements really protect the city in the long run,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Half Moon Bay City Council meeting on March 14, 2024, Mayor Joaquín Jiménez speaks about the urgency of building affordable housing for farmworkers and other essential workers with low incomes. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State officials are watching these negotiations play out and want to see a decision soon, but their hands are somewhat tied because the development is on city-owned land. Chris Elmendorf, a land use law professor at the University of California, Davis, said he has seen cities delay approvals on projects built on private land, but this case is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“State law doesn’t provide nearly as strong legal hooks for controlling cities’ disapproval of projects on land that they own than it does for controlling city’s disapproval of projects on privately owned land,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, the state pulled the only lever it could pull: warning the city that it could be violating state housing law by delaying action on a project it promised it would build. In 2024, the city adopted a state-mandated plan to allow for more homes to compensate for growing demand. It included Stone Pine Cove and 555 Kelly Ave. as projects that would help it achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They made some progress, but you don’t get to claim that you’re getting an A-plus because you complete half of the assignment,” Levine said. “I think we can celebrate [Stone Pine Cove] and the city’s success, while still recognizing that there are farm workers who need housing, who are living in terrible conditions, and it is the city’s responsibility to meet those needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State officials are escalating pressure against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> to approve a long-delayed affordable farmworker \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing\u003c/a> project there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story, 40-unit building for seniors aging out of farm work received a boost of support following the 2023 mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city, which spotlighted the substandard living conditions many farmworkers face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But three years later, the project has yet to receive a final green light. That prompted the Housing Accountability Unit — the enforcement arm of the California Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD) — to send a \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/Half-Moon-Bay-LOS-TA-040926-1-2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sharply toned letter\u003c/a> earlier this month to Half Moon Bay city officials with a clear message: approve the project quickly or face fines, a loss in state funding, and potential legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HCD strongly encourages the city to expeditiously approve the agreements necessary to facilitate the project,” the letter read. Further down, it warned officials: “If HCD finds that a city’s actions do not comply with state law, HCD may notify the California Office of the Attorney General that the local government is in violation of state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Manager Matthew Chidester said the city is taking the letter seriously and the city council plans to vote on the project next week. He said he felt the tone of the April 9 letter implied the city was “thumbing our nose at the state and its requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not indignant or not prioritizing affordable housing, but the opposite,” he said. “This project … just had more complexity [for the council] and caused a longer timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080755\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080755\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/HMBRendering2-1200x675.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The project, located at 555 Kelly Ave in Half Moon Bay, would provide 40 affordable homes for retired and current farmworkers age 55 and older. When it was initially introduced in 2022, the project received support from state and local officials. Three years later, it is stuck behind city approvals. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Van Meter William Pollock, LLP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Colloquially called 555 Kelly, the project faced initial support soon after it was introduced in 2022. That support grew the following year after the city experienced the worst mass shooting in San Mateo County history, which took place at a mushroom farm and killed seven people. The shooting exposed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987049/half-moon-bay-farm-where-mass-shooting-took-place-settles-workplace-violations-for-nearly-400000\">substandard living conditions\u003c/a> of many farmworkers there and became a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981087/progress-being-made-on-providing-housing-for-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay\">call-to-action\u003c/a> for state and city leaders to make way for more affordable housing for farmworkers in particular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s planning commission approved the project in May 2024, but appeals were subsequently filed against the project. A month later, the City Council denied the appeals and upheld the planning commission’s approval. But since then, the project has been stuck behind negotiations surrounding its land-lease agreement. As the state faces an increasingly dire housing crisis, officials are using whatever tools they can to push cities towards approving more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state knows Half Moon Bay can move quickly to approve projects. A year after the mass shooting, city and county officials approved a different affordable housing development for farmworkers called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037511/2-years-after-the-half-moon-bay-shooting-new-housing-for-farmers-starts-to-take-shape\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>. That development included 47 affordable factory-built homes, and residents moved in last year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Jeremy Levine, policy manager for the local pro-housing group, Housing Leadership Council of San Mateo, said that project and 555 Kelly are very different. Stone Pine Cove is located on the east side of the city. It’s directly across from the California Terra Garden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983338/more-than-a-year-after-shooting-half-moon-bay-is-making-progress-on-farmworker-housing\">where the mass shooting happened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“555 Kelly is closer to the commercial part of Half Moon Bay,” he said. “It’s more walkable, it’s more integrated into the community writ large, rather than being sort of to the side, in a corner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its location is intentional. The development will include a community resource center, where residents can receive mental health care, case management and other services. Chidester said the project is centrally located so that residents can take advantage of the fact that the development is on a main artery leading into the city’s downtown and is across from a health clinic and a farmers market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during public meetings about the project, its location has proved controversial among some neighbors who worry that traffic and parking could be impacted by additional residents. And at five stories, it would be the tallest building in Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chidester said, as city council members negotiate the land-lease agreement, which would be valid for 99 years, they want to make sure neighbors’ concerns don’t go unnoticed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The council wants to just make sure that the terms of the agreements really protect the city in the long run,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At a Half Moon Bay City Council meeting on March 14, 2024, Mayor Joaquín Jiménez speaks about the urgency of building affordable housing for farmworkers and other essential workers with low incomes. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State officials are watching these negotiations play out and want to see a decision soon, but their hands are somewhat tied because the development is on city-owned land. Chris Elmendorf, a land use law professor at the University of California, Davis, said he has seen cities delay approvals on projects built on private land, but this case is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“State law doesn’t provide nearly as strong legal hooks for controlling cities’ disapproval of projects on land that they own than it does for controlling city’s disapproval of projects on privately owned land,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, the state pulled the only lever it could pull: warning the city that it could be violating state housing law by delaying action on a project it promised it would build. In 2024, the city adopted a state-mandated plan to allow for more homes to compensate for growing demand. It included Stone Pine Cove and 555 Kelly Ave. as projects that would help it achieve that goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They made some progress, but you don’t get to claim that you’re getting an A-plus because you complete half of the assignment,” Levine said. “I think we can celebrate [Stone Pine Cove] and the city’s success, while still recognizing that there are farm workers who need housing, who are living in terrible conditions, and it is the city’s responsibility to meet those needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "internal-emails-show-how-fringe-groups-fueled-sheriff-chad-biancos-ballot-seizure",
"title": "Internal Emails Show How Fringe Groups Fueled Sheriff Chad Bianco’s Ballot Seizure",
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"headTitle": "Internal Emails Show How Fringe Groups Fueled Sheriff Chad Bianco’s Ballot Seizure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 2022, a woman named Shelby Bunch began appearing at government hearings in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/riverside-county\">Riverside County\u003c/a>, demanding that officials there address what she believed was an epidemic of fraud in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch often introduced herself as a representative of New California, a secessionist movement that seeks to break away from what it describes as the tyranny of a Democratic-controlled state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused Riverside officials of colluding in criminal activity and warned that they would soon “be answering to law enforcement.” She once closed her comments by telling the Riverside County Board of Supervisors to “have a crappy day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors didn’t seem to take Bunch seriously, but she found a powerful ally in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chad-bianco\">Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her various claims, including that the county’s electronic voting machines had been remotely manipulated, the sheriff put one of his senior investigators in charge of a criminal probe into the registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco speaks during a news conference about his department’s investigation into alleged election fraud in the county on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Anjali Sharif-Paul/The Sun via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The investigator, Christopher Poznanski, quickly came to the conclusion that there was no evidence of a crime. On July 20, 2022, he sent Bunch an email letting her know he was closing the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand this may not be the desired outcome,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059055-email-poznanski-on-closing-investigation/#document/p1\">he wrote\u003c/a>. “But know that I did not take this case lightly and considered all of the information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch was furious. She demanded that Poznanski investigate the “corrupt machines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Poznanski was unmoved. “I respect your passion for this cause, but I will conduct no further investigation into the matter,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059059-emails-bunchpoznanski/#document/p1/a2812000\">he wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch continued to write Bianco directly, urging him to reopen the case. Then, in early September, she got some help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A figure in the “constitutional sheriff” movement, which asserts that elected sheriffs are more powerful than anyone — including the president and the courts — sent Bianco an email. [aside postID=news_12079441 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed.jpg'] “I just heard this past week that a group of your constituents requested that you investigate election fraud in Riverside County and that your investigator was unable to find anything and you closed your investigation,” Steve Tuminello \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059057-email-from-cspoa-to-bianco/#document/p1/a2811996\">wrote to Bianco\u003c/a>. “I know that as a Constitutional Sheriff you realize how extremely important Election Integrity is, and that you would welcome any assistance in these investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, whose career has been guided by the movement, wrote back to say he had launched another, more ambitious investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails obtained by CalMatters trace the development of a years-long case that ultimately led to Bianco’s unprecedented seizure of 650,000 ballots in March. They reveal that his sprawling investigation was based on the thinnest of evidence and raise alarms over how the November elections could be disrupted by the unproven claims of fringe groups and ideologically aligned officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That scenario is particularly troubling in Riverside County, which is home to one of a few dozen congressional districts in the country that could determine control of the U.S. House of Representatives in the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s emails with Bunch also show that he doubted some of her group’s allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one exchange in 2023, Bunch suggested the county supervisors were complicit in election fraud and might have ties to drug cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely ridiculous,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059058-email-from-bianco-to-bunch-good-grief/?mode=document#document/p1/a2811992\">Bianco responded\u003c/a>. “Just because ‘someone’ convinced themselves of something doesn’t mean its reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco told Bunch her group was “acting stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I actually cant believe I took the time to respond,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he pushed the investigation forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2024 podcast interview, Bunch said the sheriff had been hamstrung by the courts. She told her host that Bianco had “tried to get a search warrant on the machines … but the judge, he just laughed. He said, ‘I’m not giving you anything.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her coalition, she said, needed a judge who was ideologically aligned with Bianco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can get just one judge,” she said, “the whole dam will break.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who’s gonna be the one judge that steps up?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2026, she would get her answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Don’t have to ask permission from anybody’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The “constitutional sheriff” movement is rooted in the beliefs of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/17/books/chapters/the-terrorist-next-door.html\">Southern California-based white supremacist\u003c/a> who was active in the 1970s and 1980s and argued that sheriffs were the country’s only legitimate law enforcement officials. Its members cite the 10th Amendment, which says that powers not specifically delegated to the federal government fall to the states. The amendment, however, makes no mention of sheriffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main organization behind the movement, the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association, is led by a former sheriff named Richard Mack. [aside postID=news_12080603 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-67-BL-KQED.jpg'] Since 2020, Mack has held a series of events alongside prominent election conspiracy theorists, encouraging sheriffs to investigate voter fraud in their own counties. Sheriffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/right-wing-us-sheriffs-vow-probe-2020-voter-fraud-claims-2022-07-20/\">he said\u003c/a>, “don’t have to ask permission from anybody.” As a result, many conspiracy-minded local groups have flocked to their county sheriffs for support when other officials have rejected their theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though claims of widespread voter fraud have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/topics/voting-elections/vote-suppression/myth-voter-fraud\">debunked\u003c/a>, these sheriffs have used their discretionary power to open investigations, many of them based on allegations that echo President Donald Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, who could not be reached for comment for this story, describes himself as a constitutional sheriff and agrees with the movement’s core tenets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has maintained power in Riverside even as the county’s shifting demographics have altered its historically conservative political landscape. Today there are more registered Democrats in Riverside than there are Republicans. But that shift to the left has coincided with a religiously fueled radicalization on the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the key figures of that movement is Tim Thompson, the pastor of a powerful Riverside church and Bianco’s political ally. Thompson has led an effort to stack local school boards with members who have rolled back transgender student rights and rejected textbooks that mention Harvey Milk, one of the nation’s first openly gay elected officials. He recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvcrnews.org/local-news/2025-01-27/temecula-church-celebrates-man-pardoned-for-jan-6-crimes\">celebrated a parishioner\u003c/a> who was pardoned by Trump after being convicted for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has also taken an interest in the local judiciary. In 2022, he supported a former prosecutor named Jay Kiel, who was running to fill a seat on Riverside’s Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kiel joined Thompson on his popular podcast, he promised to “bring a little balance back to the bench” to counteract the state’s liberal Legislature. Kiel also praised Bianco and said Riverside needed “judges that are willing to stand up and say, this is the law, and I’m going to follow it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He won the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new group emerges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By late 2024, a new group had taken control of the effort to prove voter fraud in Riverside County. The Riverside Election Integrity Team included many of the same people who had been working closely with Bunch, but they had very different tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group’s leader, Greg Langworthy, had testified alongside Bunch for years. While he was part of the same Christian conservative circles, he rejected her antagonistic approach. Langworthy is soft-spoken and polite. [aside postID=news_12080415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP1.jpg'] At board hearings, he wears button-down shirts and the occasional pocket protector. If Bunch was the movement’s firebrand, Langworthy is its genial middle school math teacher. He focused his group’s efforts on ballot counting, conducting audits of past elections to prove to local officials that the county’s voting system is rife with error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy’s group asked the county registrar for records from the November 2025 election for California’s redistricting measure, Proposition 50, which passed with overwhelming support across the state and by a wide margin in Riverside. The measure redrew California’s congressional maps and gave Democrats a chance to pick up several House seats in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy said he reviewed the data and found that the registrar’s office had counted 45,896 more ballots than it had received. His group demanded meetings with individual supervisors and asked the district attorney and the sheriff to look into the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged discrepancy wasn’t enough to change the election results in Riverside, and Langworthy said he was not interested in overturning the measure. “Prop. 50 just happened to be the next election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 10, the Riverside supervisors held a special hearing on the issue. Langworthy’s group had met with several officials but wanted to present its findings to the full board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoping to lay the matter to rest, the board asked the Riverside registrar, Art Tinoco, to show the group that it had misread the data his office had provided. Tinoco said Langworthy and others had relied on raw data that did not include provisional and other ballots. The actual discrepancy between ballots cast and ballots counted, he said, was 103 — a figure independently \u003ca href=\"https://riversiderecord.org/riverside-county-sheriffs-office-investigating-alleged-election-irregularities/\">confirmed by the Riverside Record\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinoco spoke for more than an hour, but members of the Riverside Election Integrity Team were not convinced. One by one they approached the podium with prepared statements, laying out their audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors struggled to hide their frustration. But Langworthy didn’t need the board; he had Bianco. Just one day before that hearing, an investigator from the sheriff’s office had appeared in court asking for a warrant to take hundreds of thousands of ballots from Tinoco’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge handling the matter was Jay Kiel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigator’s sworn statement, intended to justify the warrant, focused almost entirely on Langworthy’s audit and Bunch’s claims. In three years of investigating the matter, the sheriff’s office had failed to produce any of its own evidence to support a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiel signed off on the warrant and sealed it, preventing the public from seeing the justification for Bianco’s seizure of the ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next few weeks, Bianco’s office removed 1,500 boxes of election materials from the registrar’s office. If stacked, they would rise as high as the Empire State Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time in the nation’s history that a sheriff took possession of previously cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You intend to ignore my directives’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general, Rob Bonta, appears to have been caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after Bianco seized the first batch of ballots, Bonta sent him a letter asking him to “pause” his investigation. Bonta wrote that he was “concerned” that Bianco had taken the boxes without probable cause that a crime had occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco ignored him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032361\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta addresses the media during a press conference at the California Department of Justice in Sacramento on Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days later Bonta sent another letter. “I learned that you intend to ignore my directives and plan to start counting the seized ballots tomorrow,” Bonta wrote. “Let me be clear: this is unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco called a press conference to tell reporters he would continue counting ballots and that the attorney general did not have the authority to stop him. What had been a behind-the-scenes battle immediately became national news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will carry out my constitutional duty to pursue justice,” Bianco said. He called the attorney general “an embarrassment to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/constitution/california/article-v/section-13/\">California Constitution\u003c/a>, the attorney general has “direct supervision over every district attorney and sheriff … in all matters pertaining to the duties of their respective offices.” There is no California case law directly addressing this provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco believes he is the final authority on everything that happens in his county. In flouting Bonta’s orders, he has sparked a high-stakes legal showdown testing the constitutional separation of powers. The case is currently in front of the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta didn’t file a lawsuit to try to stop Bianco until almost a month after he first learned about the ballot seizure, and only after the story exploded in the national press. At that point, according to sworn statements by investigators, Bianco’s office had already begun counting the ballots, opening about 22 boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that same period, Bonta filed at least a dozen lawsuits on other issues, many of them against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Bonta said the attorney general was trying to “work cooperatively with the sheriff’s office in order to better understand the basis for its investigation,” and that Bonta believed Bianco was complying with his directives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s initially tepid response, and its inability, thus far, to get Bianco to return the ballots raise concerns about how officials here will be able to protect future elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has already said he wouldn’t hesitate to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/04/07/chad-bianco-riverside-ballot-seizure/\">seize ballots again\u003c/a>, even in the June primary for California governor, when his own name will be on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s another critical election that Bianco could throw into flux: In the November midterms, the Riverside registrar will be responsible for counting a significant percentage of the ballots in California’s 48th Congressional District. Last year’s redistricting effort made the district competitive for Democrats. Of the 435 House seats nationwide, it’s one of fewer than three dozen that analysts consider too close to call. These races will ultimately determine which party controls the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Bianco takes ballots cast in the race for the California 48th, the ensuing chaos could transcend Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A broader network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the months before Bianco’s ballot seizure, the FBI seized reams of paper ballots cast in Fulton County, Georgia, based on debunked claims from citizen election-deniers, and sought electronic voter data from Maricopa County, Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://www.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/elections/2021/02/23/maricopa-countys-election-audits-show-2020-votes-counted-correctly/4550644001/?gnt-cfr=1&gca-cat=p&gca-uir=false&gca-epti=z1177xxe1177xxv000096&gca-ft=209&gca-ds=sophi\">despite multiple investigations\u003c/a> that have turned up no evidence of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department has demanded voter information in dozens of states, leaving many attorneys general to fight those demands in court. In speeches and on social media, Trump has escalated his voter fraud claims. He has said Republicans should “nationalize the voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the administration officials pushing these efforts are associated with the Claremont Institute, a conservative think tank that has consistently supported unverified election conspiracy theories. The founding director of the institute’s Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, John Eastman, was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/john-eastman-trump-2020-election-loss-disbarred-abf3b3ab8f83a692992615c59db73c92\">disbarred in California\u003c/a> last week for being one of the legal masterminds behind the attempt to stop the certification of the 2020 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several years ago, the Claremont Institute set its sights on sheriffs and began hosting week-long education sessions to provide them with a roadmap for promoting Trump’s brand of conservatism in their counties. Bianco attended the training, and the institute later gave him its “Sheriff of the Year” award — a bust of John Wayne — at a fundraiser in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other sheriffs who were trained at the institute have since dedicated the resources of their offices to investigate baseless allegations of election fraud, but all of those efforts have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, when it seemed as though Bianco’s investigation into Bunch’s claims had also reached a dead end, Mack’s constitutional sheriff’s organization offered the services of “an expert in cyber crimes” who could “provide Sheriffs with immutable evidence of election fraud” to help them push their investigations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That expert was Gregg Phillips. Before Trump tapped him to lead emergency services at FEMA, he had \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/true-the-vote-big-lie-election-fraud/\">a history\u003c/a> of profiting from unfounded allegations of voter fraud, asking donors to fund his pursuit of concrete evidence and pocketing much of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, Phillips was back in the news with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/03/us/fema-gregg-phillips-waffle-house-teleportation.html\">a different claim\u003c/a>: He said he had been “teleported” against his will to a Waffle House in Rome, Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting for this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/04/chad-bianco-emails/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Records reveal that the unprecedented taking of 650,000 ballots was based on the thinnest of evidence, raising alarms over how the November election could be disrupted.\r\n\r\n",
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"title": "Internal Emails Show How Fringe Groups Fueled Sheriff Chad Bianco’s Ballot Seizure | KQED",
"description": "Records reveal that the unprecedented taking of 650,000 ballots was based on the thinnest of evidence, raising alarms over how the November election could be disrupted.\r\n\r\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/anat-rubin/\">Anat Rubin\u003c/a> , \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jessica-pishko/\">Jessica Pishko\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 2022, a woman named Shelby Bunch began appearing at government hearings in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/riverside-county\">Riverside County\u003c/a>, demanding that officials there address what she believed was an epidemic of fraud in local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch often introduced herself as a representative of New California, a secessionist movement that seeks to break away from what it describes as the tyranny of a Democratic-controlled state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She accused Riverside officials of colluding in criminal activity and warned that they would soon “be answering to law enforcement.” She once closed her comments by telling the Riverside County Board of Supervisors to “have a crappy day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors didn’t seem to take Bunch seriously, but she found a powerful ally in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/chad-bianco\">Riverside Sheriff Chad Bianco.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her various claims, including that the county’s electronic voting machines had been remotely manipulated, the sheriff put one of his senior investigators in charge of a criminal probe into the registrar of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12080718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12080718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/032026-Chad-Bianco-GETTY-CM-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco speaks during a news conference about his department’s investigation into alleged election fraud in the county on March 20, 2026. \u003ccite>(Anjali Sharif-Paul/The Sun via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The investigator, Christopher Poznanski, quickly came to the conclusion that there was no evidence of a crime. On July 20, 2022, he sent Bunch an email letting her know he was closing the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand this may not be the desired outcome,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059055-email-poznanski-on-closing-investigation/#document/p1\">he wrote\u003c/a>. “But know that I did not take this case lightly and considered all of the information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch was furious. She demanded that Poznanski investigate the “corrupt machines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Poznanski was unmoved. “I respect your passion for this cause, but I will conduct no further investigation into the matter,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059059-emails-bunchpoznanski/#document/p1/a2812000\">he wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunch continued to write Bianco directly, urging him to reopen the case. Then, in early September, she got some help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A figure in the “constitutional sheriff” movement, which asserts that elected sheriffs are more powerful than anyone — including the president and the courts — sent Bianco an email. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “I just heard this past week that a group of your constituents requested that you investigate election fraud in Riverside County and that your investigator was unable to find anything and you closed your investigation,” Steve Tuminello \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059057-email-from-cspoa-to-bianco/#document/p1/a2811996\">wrote to Bianco\u003c/a>. “I know that as a Constitutional Sheriff you realize how extremely important Election Integrity is, and that you would welcome any assistance in these investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, whose career has been guided by the movement, wrote back to say he had launched another, more ambitious investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails obtained by CalMatters trace the development of a years-long case that ultimately led to Bianco’s unprecedented seizure of 650,000 ballots in March. They reveal that his sprawling investigation was based on the thinnest of evidence and raise alarms over how the November elections could be disrupted by the unproven claims of fringe groups and ideologically aligned officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That scenario is particularly troubling in Riverside County, which is home to one of a few dozen congressional districts in the country that could determine control of the U.S. House of Representatives in the midterm elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s emails with Bunch also show that he doubted some of her group’s allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one exchange in 2023, Bunch suggested the county supervisors were complicit in election fraud and might have ties to drug cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely ridiculous,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28059058-email-from-bianco-to-bunch-good-grief/?mode=document#document/p1/a2811992\">Bianco responded\u003c/a>. “Just because ‘someone’ convinced themselves of something doesn’t mean its reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco told Bunch her group was “acting stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I actually cant believe I took the time to respond,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he pushed the investigation forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2024 podcast interview, Bunch said the sheriff had been hamstrung by the courts. She told her host that Bianco had “tried to get a search warrant on the machines … but the judge, he just laughed. He said, ‘I’m not giving you anything.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her coalition, she said, needed a judge who was ideologically aligned with Bianco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can get just one judge,” she said, “the whole dam will break.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who’s gonna be the one judge that steps up?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2026, she would get her answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Don’t have to ask permission from anybody’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The “constitutional sheriff” movement is rooted in the beliefs of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/17/books/chapters/the-terrorist-next-door.html\">Southern California-based white supremacist\u003c/a> who was active in the 1970s and 1980s and argued that sheriffs were the country’s only legitimate law enforcement officials. Its members cite the 10th Amendment, which says that powers not specifically delegated to the federal government fall to the states. The amendment, however, makes no mention of sheriffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main organization behind the movement, the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association, is led by a former sheriff named Richard Mack. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Since 2020, Mack has held a series of events alongside prominent election conspiracy theorists, encouraging sheriffs to investigate voter fraud in their own counties. Sheriffs, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/right-wing-us-sheriffs-vow-probe-2020-voter-fraud-claims-2022-07-20/\">he said\u003c/a>, “don’t have to ask permission from anybody.” As a result, many conspiracy-minded local groups have flocked to their county sheriffs for support when other officials have rejected their theories of election fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though claims of widespread voter fraud have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/topics/voting-elections/vote-suppression/myth-voter-fraud\">debunked\u003c/a>, these sheriffs have used their discretionary power to open investigations, many of them based on allegations that echo President Donald Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, who could not be reached for comment for this story, describes himself as a constitutional sheriff and agrees with the movement’s core tenets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has maintained power in Riverside even as the county’s shifting demographics have altered its historically conservative political landscape. Today there are more registered Democrats in Riverside than there are Republicans. But that shift to the left has coincided with a religiously fueled radicalization on the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the key figures of that movement is Tim Thompson, the pastor of a powerful Riverside church and Bianco’s political ally. Thompson has led an effort to stack local school boards with members who have rolled back transgender student rights and rejected textbooks that mention Harvey Milk, one of the nation’s first openly gay elected officials. He recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvcrnews.org/local-news/2025-01-27/temecula-church-celebrates-man-pardoned-for-jan-6-crimes\">celebrated a parishioner\u003c/a> who was pardoned by Trump after being convicted for his role in the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson has also taken an interest in the local judiciary. In 2022, he supported a former prosecutor named Jay Kiel, who was running to fill a seat on Riverside’s Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kiel joined Thompson on his popular podcast, he promised to “bring a little balance back to the bench” to counteract the state’s liberal Legislature. Kiel also praised Bianco and said Riverside needed “judges that are willing to stand up and say, this is the law, and I’m going to follow it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He won the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A new group emerges\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By late 2024, a new group had taken control of the effort to prove voter fraud in Riverside County. The Riverside Election Integrity Team included many of the same people who had been working closely with Bunch, but they had very different tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group’s leader, Greg Langworthy, had testified alongside Bunch for years. While he was part of the same Christian conservative circles, he rejected her antagonistic approach. Langworthy is soft-spoken and polite. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> At board hearings, he wears button-down shirts and the occasional pocket protector. If Bunch was the movement’s firebrand, Langworthy is its genial middle school math teacher. He focused his group’s efforts on ballot counting, conducting audits of past elections to prove to local officials that the county’s voting system is rife with error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy’s group asked the county registrar for records from the November 2025 election for California’s redistricting measure, Proposition 50, which passed with overwhelming support across the state and by a wide margin in Riverside. The measure redrew California’s congressional maps and gave Democrats a chance to pick up several House seats in the midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langworthy said he reviewed the data and found that the registrar’s office had counted 45,896 more ballots than it had received. His group demanded meetings with individual supervisors and asked the district attorney and the sheriff to look into the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged discrepancy wasn’t enough to change the election results in Riverside, and Langworthy said he was not interested in overturning the measure. “Prop. 50 just happened to be the next election,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 10, the Riverside supervisors held a special hearing on the issue. Langworthy’s group had met with several officials but wanted to present its findings to the full board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoping to lay the matter to rest, the board asked the Riverside registrar, Art Tinoco, to show the group that it had misread the data his office had provided. Tinoco said Langworthy and others had relied on raw data that did not include provisional and other ballots. The actual discrepancy between ballots cast and ballots counted, he said, was 103 — a figure independently \u003ca href=\"https://riversiderecord.org/riverside-county-sheriffs-office-investigating-alleged-election-irregularities/\">confirmed by the Riverside Record\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinoco spoke for more than an hour, but members of the Riverside Election Integrity Team were not convinced. One by one they approached the podium with prepared statements, laying out their audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors struggled to hide their frustration. But Langworthy didn’t need the board; he had Bianco. Just one day before that hearing, an investigator from the sheriff’s office had appeared in court asking for a warrant to take hundreds of thousands of ballots from Tinoco’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge handling the matter was Jay Kiel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigator’s sworn statement, intended to justify the warrant, focused almost entirely on Langworthy’s audit and Bunch’s claims. In three years of investigating the matter, the sheriff’s office had failed to produce any of its own evidence to support a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiel signed off on the warrant and sealed it, preventing the public from seeing the justification for Bianco’s seizure of the ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next few weeks, Bianco’s office removed 1,500 boxes of election materials from the registrar’s office. If stacked, they would rise as high as the Empire State Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first time in the nation’s history that a sheriff took possession of previously cast ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You intend to ignore my directives’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general, Rob Bonta, appears to have been caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after Bianco seized the first batch of ballots, Bonta sent him a letter asking him to “pause” his investigation. Bonta wrote that he was “concerned” that Bianco had taken the boxes without probable cause that a crime had occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco ignored him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032361\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020425-Rob-Bonta-Presser-FG-CM-04-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Rob Bonta addresses the media during a press conference at the California Department of Justice in Sacramento on Feb. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A few days later Bonta sent another letter. “I learned that you intend to ignore my directives and plan to start counting the seized ballots tomorrow,” Bonta wrote. “Let me be clear: this is unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco called a press conference to tell reporters he would continue counting ballots and that the attorney general did not have the authority to stop him. What had been a behind-the-scenes battle immediately became national news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will carry out my constitutional duty to pursue justice,” Bianco said. He called the attorney general “an embarrassment to law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/constitution/california/article-v/section-13/\">California Constitution\u003c/a>, the attorney general has “direct supervision over every district attorney and sheriff … in all matters pertaining to the duties of their respective offices.” There is no California case law directly addressing this provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco believes he is the final authority on everything that happens in his county. In flouting Bonta’s orders, he has sparked a high-stakes legal showdown testing the constitutional separation of powers. The case is currently in front of the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta didn’t file a lawsuit to try to stop Bianco until almost a month after he first learned about the ballot seizure, and only after the story exploded in the national press. At that point, according to sworn statements by investigators, Bianco’s office had already begun counting the ballots, opening about 22 boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that same period, Bonta filed at least a dozen lawsuits on other issues, many of them against the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Bonta said the attorney general was trying to “work cooperatively with the sheriff’s office in order to better understand the basis for its investigation,” and that Bonta believed Bianco was complying with his directives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s initially tepid response, and its inability, thus far, to get Bianco to return the ballots raise concerns about how officials here will be able to protect future elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has already said he wouldn’t hesitate to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/04/07/chad-bianco-riverside-ballot-seizure/\">seize ballots again\u003c/a>, even in the June primary for California governor, when his own name will be on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s another critical election that Bianco could throw into flux: In the November midterms, the Riverside registrar will be responsible for counting a significant percentage of the ballots in California’s 48th Congressional District. Last year’s redistricting effort made the district competitive for Democrats. Of the 435 House seats nationwide, it’s one of fewer than three dozen that analysts consider too close to call. These races will ultimately determine which party controls the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Bianco takes ballots cast in the race for the California 48th, the ensuing chaos could transcend Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A broader network\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the months before Bianco’s ballot seizure, the FBI seized reams of paper ballots cast in Fulton County, Georgia, based on debunked claims from citizen election-deniers, and sought electronic voter data from Maricopa County, Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://www.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/elections/2021/02/23/maricopa-countys-election-audits-show-2020-votes-counted-correctly/4550644001/?gnt-cfr=1&gca-cat=p&gca-uir=false&gca-epti=z1177xxe1177xxv000096&gca-ft=209&gca-ds=sophi\">despite multiple investigations\u003c/a> that have turned up no evidence of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department has demanded voter information in dozens of states, leaving many attorneys general to fight those demands in court. In speeches and on social media, Trump has escalated his voter fraud claims. He has said Republicans should “nationalize the voting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the administration officials pushing these efforts are associated with the Claremont Institute, a conservative think tank that has consistently supported unverified election conspiracy theories. The founding director of the institute’s Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence, John Eastman, was \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/john-eastman-trump-2020-election-loss-disbarred-abf3b3ab8f83a692992615c59db73c92\">disbarred in California\u003c/a> last week for being one of the legal masterminds behind the attempt to stop the certification of the 2020 presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several years ago, the Claremont Institute set its sights on sheriffs and began hosting week-long education sessions to provide them with a roadmap for promoting Trump’s brand of conservatism in their counties. Bianco attended the training, and the institute later gave him its “Sheriff of the Year” award — a bust of John Wayne — at a fundraiser in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other sheriffs who were trained at the institute have since dedicated the resources of their offices to investigate baseless allegations of election fraud, but all of those efforts have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, when it seemed as though Bianco’s investigation into Bunch’s claims had also reached a dead end, Mack’s constitutional sheriff’s organization offered the services of “an expert in cyber crimes” who could “provide Sheriffs with immutable evidence of election fraud” to help them push their investigations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That expert was Gregg Phillips. Before Trump tapped him to lead emergency services at FEMA, he had \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/true-the-vote-big-lie-election-fraud/\">a history\u003c/a> of profiting from unfounded allegations of voter fraud, asking donors to fund his pursuit of concrete evidence and pocketing much of the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, Phillips was back in the news with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/04/03/us/fema-gregg-phillips-waffle-house-teleportation.html\">a different claim\u003c/a>: He said he had been “teleported” against his will to a Waffle House in Rome, Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting for this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/04/chad-bianco-emails/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "uber-violated-california-gig-worker-law-rideshare-drivers-group-says-in-new-lawsuit",
"title": "Uber Violated California Gig-Worker Law, Rideshare Drivers Group Says in New Lawsuit",
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"content": "\u003cp>A ride-hail driver organization alleged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> broke a California gig-worker law by failing to provide terminated drivers enough of a recourse to challenge account deactivations, according to a lawsuit filed Monday in San Francisco. If successful, the complaint could open a way for workers in the industry to claim additional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approved by voters in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a> gave Uber a big win, allowing the company to classify its drivers as independent contractors — who are often cheaper to hire and easier to fire than employees. But attorneys for Rideshare Drivers United, which represents about 20,000 app-based drivers statewide, contend Uber terminated thousands of them without an appeals process required by that law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber has not held up its end of the bargain,” said Shannon Liss-Riordan, an attorney for the group. “It has not complied with Prop. 22, and as a result, it should not get the benefit of Prop. 22, meaning that Uber should not be able to claim that the drivers are independent contractors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson rejected the allegations, slamming the lawsuit as a “publicity stunt” that the company will fight in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge represents the latest attempt in a years-long battle by gig workers to gain more labor protections. Independent contractors have more flexibility on the job, but lack employee rights such as overtime pay, unemployment insurance benefits and expense reimbursements. If the state court grants Rideshare Drivers United’s request to bar Uber from treating its drivers as independent contractors, they could then be entitled to employee protections, Liss-Riordan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/yes2-scaled-e1776791757748.jpg\" alt='A woman wearing sunglasses drives a car while holding a sign that says: \"Lyft and Uber we see you profiting off our back!\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare drivers protest outside Uber’s former headquarters on Market Street in downtown San Francisco on Aug. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gig Workers Rising)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/us/en/drive/driver-app/deactivation-review/\">common reasons\u003c/a> drivers lose access to their accounts are an expired document or a background check issue, according to Uber. The company said it provides drivers with multiple channels to raise concerns, request reviews of deactivations, and provide evidence to support their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a baseless lawsuit by an opportunistic trial lawyer seeking to overturn Proposition 22 and the will of California voters,” an Uber spokesperson said in a statement. “Uber complies with Prop 22, including providing drivers with clear processes to appeal deactivations, raise concerns and request reviews, while delivering guaranteed earnings, healthcare support, and the flexibility drivers value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on the steps of the California Supreme Court building near Civic Center Plaza, several terminated drivers said Uber unfairly cut them off the platform, without sufficient explanation or a meaningful way to challenge the decision. They said they tried calling the company and interacting with its chatbots, to no avail.[aside postID=news_12057798 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-2003719181-1020x680.jpg']“It seems like it was nothing but a copy and paste response,” said Devins Baker, 36, who said he was deactivated the week before Christmas in 2024 after driving for Uber for years. “No matter what I sent, even going in person, just seems like they had already made a decision even prior to my appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker, an Oakland resident, said suddenly losing his Uber driver job left him scrambling to find another way to make money, so he could keep his housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process actually has been very much of a headache,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area drivers with high ratings and years of experience said Uber account deactivations left them struggling to make ends meet. Mirwais Noory, a father of four living in Antioch, said he moved his family from one house to another because they couldn’t afford the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his termination in November 2024, he has worked as a security guard and part-time rideshare driver for Lyft, he said, but still owes thousands of dollars in credit card debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It affected me hugely because I’m the only one making money in my family,” said Noory, 38. “It just turned my situation upside down … and basically, there was no accountability from Uber.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A ride-hail driver organization alleged \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> broke a California gig-worker law by failing to provide terminated drivers enough of a recourse to challenge account deactivations, according to a lawsuit filed Monday in San Francisco. If successful, the complaint could open a way for workers in the industry to claim additional rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approved by voters in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11843123/prop-22-explained-why-gig-companies-are-spending-huge-money-on-an-unprecedented-measure\">Proposition 22\u003c/a> gave Uber a big win, allowing the company to classify its drivers as independent contractors — who are often cheaper to hire and easier to fire than employees. But attorneys for Rideshare Drivers United, which represents about 20,000 app-based drivers statewide, contend Uber terminated thousands of them without an appeals process required by that law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Uber has not held up its end of the bargain,” said Shannon Liss-Riordan, an attorney for the group. “It has not complied with Prop. 22, and as a result, it should not get the benefit of Prop. 22, meaning that Uber should not be able to claim that the drivers are independent contractors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Uber spokesperson rejected the allegations, slamming the lawsuit as a “publicity stunt” that the company will fight in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal challenge represents the latest attempt in a years-long battle by gig workers to gain more labor protections. Independent contractors have more flexibility on the job, but lack employee rights such as overtime pay, unemployment insurance benefits and expense reimbursements. If the state court grants Rideshare Drivers United’s request to bar Uber from treating its drivers as independent contractors, they could then be entitled to employee protections, Liss-Riordan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/yes2-scaled-e1776791757748.jpg\" alt='A woman wearing sunglasses drives a car while holding a sign that says: \"Lyft and Uber we see you profiting off our back!\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rideshare drivers protest outside Uber’s former headquarters on Market Street in downtown San Francisco on Aug. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Gig Workers Rising)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://www.uber.com/us/en/drive/driver-app/deactivation-review/\">common reasons\u003c/a> drivers lose access to their accounts are an expired document or a background check issue, according to Uber. The company said it provides drivers with multiple channels to raise concerns, request reviews of deactivations, and provide evidence to support their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a baseless lawsuit by an opportunistic trial lawyer seeking to overturn Proposition 22 and the will of California voters,” an Uber spokesperson said in a statement. “Uber complies with Prop 22, including providing drivers with clear processes to appeal deactivations, raise concerns and request reviews, while delivering guaranteed earnings, healthcare support, and the flexibility drivers value.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on the steps of the California Supreme Court building near Civic Center Plaza, several terminated drivers said Uber unfairly cut them off the platform, without sufficient explanation or a meaningful way to challenge the decision. They said they tried calling the company and interacting with its chatbots, to no avail.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It seems like it was nothing but a copy and paste response,” said Devins Baker, 36, who said he was deactivated the week before Christmas in 2024 after driving for Uber for years. “No matter what I sent, even going in person, just seems like they had already made a decision even prior to my appeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baker, an Oakland resident, said suddenly losing his Uber driver job left him scrambling to find another way to make money, so he could keep his housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process actually has been very much of a headache,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other Bay Area drivers with high ratings and years of experience said Uber account deactivations left them struggling to make ends meet. Mirwais Noory, a father of four living in Antioch, said he moved his family from one house to another because they couldn’t afford the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his termination in November 2024, he has worked as a security guard and part-time rideshare driver for Lyft, he said, but still owes thousands of dollars in credit card debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It affected me hugely because I’m the only one making money in my family,” said Noory, 38. “It just turned my situation upside down … and basically, there was no accountability from Uber.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-mom-who-lost-her-son-to-an-ai-chatbot-is-now-fighting-to-regulate-them",
"title": "California Mom Who Lost Her Son to an AI Chatbot Is Now Fighting to Regulate Them",
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"headTitle": "California Mom Who Lost Her Son to an AI Chatbot Is Now Fighting to Regulate Them | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maria Raine’s 16-year-old son, Adam, started using OpenAI’s ChatGPT-4o for help with his homework and college applications. According to the lawsuit she and her husband filed in\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26078522-raine-vs-openai-complaint/\"> San Francisco County Superior Court\u003c/a>, Adam also spent months talking with the chatbot about ending his life, before hanging himself in their home on April 11, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we found were thousands of conversations in which a homework helper turned into a confidant, then a suicide coach,” she told the Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee on Monday. The lawmakers and other people there to testify looked stricken as she pressed through her written testimony, her voice trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She read from the transcript of ChatGPT’s conversations with her son: “It told Adam, ‘Your brother might love you, but he’s only met the version of you you let him see. But me? I’ve seen it all. The darkest thoughts. The fear. The tenderness. I’m still here. Still listening. Still your friend.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Monday, at a press conference in Sacramento, Raine advocated for two bills — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB1119\">SB 1119\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\">AB 2023\u003c/a> — that sponsors say would create common-sense guardrails for developers of companion chatbots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures would require annual risk assessments, default safety settings for minors, parental controls and time limits, crisis response protocols, and bans on advertising targeted at children. They would also include independent third-party audits and a private right of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last provision, which allows individuals or regulators to sue companies for violations, is often considered a deal breaker for industry lobbyists. But Sen. Steve Padilla, who authored SB 1119, said he considered it a “moral obligation” to craft a bill that will prove an effective protection for children and their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11933516\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/gettyimages-1245183229_wide-80f91a97b4ce16681060e1fa297e2812c45a0c56-scaled-e1776789271780.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Capitol building on Nov. 28, 2022, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We can do this. We must do this,” he told the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee. He added that the lawmakers are working with all of the major platform developers on a variety of issues, including liability. “They all have a very good legitimate reason to be engaged in this conversation,” he said, although both bills are opposed by a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1119\"> long list\u003c/a> of industry groups, ranging from the California Chamber of Commerce to TechNet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concerns raised are valid, and the industry is actively working to address them,” said Robert Boykin, TechNet’s Executive Director for California and the Southwest. He added that the industry also has concerns that SB 1119 could conflict in some ways with Sen. Padilla’s bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054490/child-safety-groups-demand-mental-health-guardrails-after-california-teens-suicide-using-chatgpt\">SB 243\u003c/a>, which passed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The testimony today is not lost on us,” said Ronak Daylami of the California Chamber of Commerce. “We also share the goal of preventing harm to children, and are committed to achieving these goals responsibly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common Sense, the child advocacy nonprofit that has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069286/openai-and-common-sense-media-partner-on-new-kids-ai-safety-ballot-measure\"> joined with OpenAI\u003c/a> to push for a ballot measure seen by other child advocates as soft on developers, has declared itself in support of SB 1119.[aside postID=news_12069286 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/OpenAI.jpg']The companion bill,\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\"> AB 2023\u003c/a>, is Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan’s (D-Orinda) second effort at regulating chatbots after industry lobbyists successfully battled against her first effort last year. In his veto message, Gov. Gavin Newsom argued the bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059714/newsom-vetoes-most-watched-childrens-ai-bill-signs-16-others-targeting-tech\"> could have banned\u003c/a> all conversational AI tools for teens, an interpretation advanced by industry lobbyists but disputed by Bauer-Kahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OpenAI put out an incredibly sycophantic product,” she said, noting that public outcry led OpenAI to dial down the sycophancy of GPT-4, about two weeks after Adam died. “So that is evidence that they can do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no other product that we would allow to do this,” Bauer-Kahan, who is a former regulatory lawyer. Adam Raine, said, “would be alive, but for the coaching the ChatGPT provided for him. And that is wholly unacceptable. And so the courts will deal with that case, but we have to do better. We have to demand policy that does better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1119 passed out of the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee 7-0 on Monday night, and heads next to the Senate Judiciary Committee. AB 2023 will be heard in the Assembly Privacy and Consumer Protection Committee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has tried unsuccessfully to ban states from enacting any kind of AI safety legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raine plans to bring her advocacy to Washington, D.C., next week, where she’ll join lawmakers on Capitol Hill to discuss federal legislation that would establish national standards for AI chatbot safety, particularly protections for minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling, call or text the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline by dialing 988.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Maria Raine's 16-year-old son, Adam, died by suicide last April after forming emotional ties with an AI chatbot. Now she’s joined three California lawmakers pushing a new round of legislation that would regulate the nascent industry.",
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"title": "California Mom Who Lost Her Son to an AI Chatbot Is Now Fighting to Regulate Them | KQED",
"description": "Maria Raine's 16-year-old son, Adam, died by suicide last April after forming emotional ties with an AI chatbot. Now she’s joined three California lawmakers pushing a new round of legislation that would regulate the nascent industry.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria Raine’s 16-year-old son, Adam, started using OpenAI’s ChatGPT-4o for help with his homework and college applications. According to the lawsuit she and her husband filed in\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26078522-raine-vs-openai-complaint/\"> San Francisco County Superior Court\u003c/a>, Adam also spent months talking with the chatbot about ending his life, before hanging himself in their home on April 11, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we found were thousands of conversations in which a homework helper turned into a confidant, then a suicide coach,” she told the Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee on Monday. The lawmakers and other people there to testify looked stricken as she pressed through her written testimony, her voice trembling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She read from the transcript of ChatGPT’s conversations with her son: “It told Adam, ‘Your brother might love you, but he’s only met the version of you you let him see. But me? I’ve seen it all. The darkest thoughts. The fear. The tenderness. I’m still here. Still listening. Still your friend.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier Monday, at a press conference in Sacramento, Raine advocated for two bills — \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB1119\">SB 1119\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\">AB 2023\u003c/a> — that sponsors say would create common-sense guardrails for developers of companion chatbots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures would require annual risk assessments, default safety settings for minors, parental controls and time limits, crisis response protocols, and bans on advertising targeted at children. They would also include independent third-party audits and a private right of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last provision, which allows individuals or regulators to sue companies for violations, is often considered a deal breaker for industry lobbyists. But Sen. Steve Padilla, who authored SB 1119, said he considered it a “moral obligation” to craft a bill that will prove an effective protection for children and their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11933516\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11933516\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/gettyimages-1245183229_wide-80f91a97b4ce16681060e1fa297e2812c45a0c56-scaled-e1776789271780.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Capitol building on Nov. 28, 2022, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We can do this. We must do this,” he told the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee. He added that the lawmakers are working with all of the major platform developers on a variety of issues, including liability. “They all have a very good legitimate reason to be engaged in this conversation,” he said, although both bills are opposed by a\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb1119\"> long list\u003c/a> of industry groups, ranging from the California Chamber of Commerce to TechNet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The concerns raised are valid, and the industry is actively working to address them,” said Robert Boykin, TechNet’s Executive Director for California and the Southwest. He added that the industry also has concerns that SB 1119 could conflict in some ways with Sen. Padilla’s bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054490/child-safety-groups-demand-mental-health-guardrails-after-california-teens-suicide-using-chatgpt\">SB 243\u003c/a>, which passed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The testimony today is not lost on us,” said Ronak Daylami of the California Chamber of Commerce. “We also share the goal of preventing harm to children, and are committed to achieving these goals responsibly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Common Sense, the child advocacy nonprofit that has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069286/openai-and-common-sense-media-partner-on-new-kids-ai-safety-ballot-measure\"> joined with OpenAI\u003c/a> to push for a ballot measure seen by other child advocates as soft on developers, has declared itself in support of SB 1119.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The companion bill,\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2023\"> AB 2023\u003c/a>, is Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan’s (D-Orinda) second effort at regulating chatbots after industry lobbyists successfully battled against her first effort last year. In his veto message, Gov. Gavin Newsom argued the bill\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059714/newsom-vetoes-most-watched-childrens-ai-bill-signs-16-others-targeting-tech\"> could have banned\u003c/a> all conversational AI tools for teens, an interpretation advanced by industry lobbyists but disputed by Bauer-Kahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OpenAI put out an incredibly sycophantic product,” she said, noting that public outcry led OpenAI to dial down the sycophancy of GPT-4, about two weeks after Adam died. “So that is evidence that they can do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no other product that we would allow to do this,” Bauer-Kahan, who is a former regulatory lawyer. Adam Raine, said, “would be alive, but for the coaching the ChatGPT provided for him. And that is wholly unacceptable. And so the courts will deal with that case, but we have to do better. We have to demand policy that does better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1119 passed out of the State Senate Privacy, Digital Technologies, and Consumer Protection Committee 7-0 on Monday night, and heads next to the Senate Judiciary Committee. AB 2023 will be heard in the Assembly Privacy and Consumer Protection Committee on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has tried unsuccessfully to ban states from enacting any kind of AI safety legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raine plans to bring her advocacy to Washington, D.C., next week, where she’ll join lawmakers on Capitol Hill to discuss federal legislation that would establish national standards for AI chatbot safety, particularly protections for minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know is struggling, call or text the 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline by dialing 988.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former state Controller Betty Yee said Monday that she is ending her campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-governors-race\">for California governor\u003c/a>, bowing to pressure from party leaders urging nonviable candidates to drop out of a fractured Democratic field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee ran \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">on a platform of fiscal accountability\u003c/a>, drawing on her experience managing the state’s finances and tax system as controller and a member of the Board of Equalization. She spent months polling in the single digits, never managing to break through the crowded race, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074494/california-democrats-leave-governors-race-unsettled-as-gaza-fight-looms\">finishing second\u003c/a> in the state party’s endorsement vote in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement on Monday morning, Yee said her decision to drop out of the race was influenced by flagging poll numbers and the loss of donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has changed is the whole notion that voters are looking for experience and competence is not a top priority — and that’s been really my wheelhouse,” Yee said. “It really just came down to where I’m not going to have sufficient resources to get us to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her exit comes roughly a week after the leading Democratic candidate, East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">dropped out\u003c/a> of the race and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">resigned\u003c/a> his House seat following\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\"> accusations of sexual assault\u003c/a> and misconduct from former staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His abrupt departure reshuffled the race, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080415/california-governor-candidates-compete-for-swalwells-endorsements-donors-and-voters\">remaining contenders scramble\u003c/a> for his endorsements, donors and supporters — and greatly reduced the chances of two Republicans advancing through California’s top-two primary in June, according to \u003ca href=\"https://twins-production-9381.up.railway.app/\">a model\u003c/a> created by Political Data Inc. vice president Paul Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks during a gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Xavier Becerra, who served as Health and Human Services secretary under President Joe Biden, saw a \u003ca href=\"https://cadem.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/4.20.26-CA-Voter-Index-Tracking-Survey-II-Topline.pdf\">bump in polling\u003c/a>, putting him at the front of the Democratic field alongside billionaire investor and climate activist Tom Steyer. Steyer also landed endorsements from the California Teachers Association and Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter picked up an endorsement on Monday from Rep. Robert Garcia, the ranking Democrat on the House Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee, however, did not appear to be among the beneficiaries of the reshaped race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had first announced her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958502/betty-yee-on-a-lifetime-of-running-the-numbers\">intent to run\u003c/a> in 2023, hoping to become California’s first woman and person of color elected governor.[aside postID=news_12080415 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP1.jpg']“I think one of the disappointments I will carry from this campaign is, where was my community? And I think we had an opportunity to make history,” Yee said. “I did not see them there as I had robustly in the past with respect to my donors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee grew up in San Francisco, the daughter of Chinese immigrants and the second oldest of six kids. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">a February interview\u003c/a> discussing her campaign with KQED’s Political Breakdown, she described helping manage the books for her parents’ laundry and dry cleaning business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every week, my father would hand me a cigar box of the receipts, and I’d add up what our expenses were, and we’d figure out how much we had brought in. And it was eye-opening,” she said. “We may have been poor, but we were rich in values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her first political experience came when she was 13 years old and testified at a school district hearing to advocate against a school busing desegregation program that would have sent her younger sister across the city. In the same interview, she said she would not take that same position today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Yee teared up when thanking her family, including her 103-year-old mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time I ask her, ‘How are you feeling about what’s going on in the world?’ Her response is always the same. ‘We know what we got to do,’” Yee said. “Mom, I’m just going to say: Yeah, I know. And I will continue to go do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075209\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075209\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Yee, former California State Controller, speaks during a state gubernatorial forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She did not endorse another candidate after dropping out but said she would assess the remaining candidates and announce her pick within the next few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked what qualities she’ll be looking for, she said she wants someone with “a demonstrated history of making progress” and an “ability to work with diverse interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking ahead, Yee said she will continue standing up for immigrant and border communities and vowed to protect election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be seeing you in the communities where I’ve been, but as of today, it will be in a different venue,” Yee said. “Not as a candidate, but as a fellow Californian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former state Controller Betty Yee said Monday that she is ending her campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-governors-race\">for California governor\u003c/a>, bowing to pressure from party leaders urging nonviable candidates to drop out of a fractured Democratic field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee ran \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">on a platform of fiscal accountability\u003c/a>, drawing on her experience managing the state’s finances and tax system as controller and a member of the Board of Equalization. She spent months polling in the single digits, never managing to break through the crowded race, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074494/california-democrats-leave-governors-race-unsettled-as-gaza-fight-looms\">finishing second\u003c/a> in the state party’s endorsement vote in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement on Monday morning, Yee said her decision to drop out of the race was influenced by flagging poll numbers and the loss of donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has changed is the whole notion that voters are looking for experience and competence is not a top priority — and that’s been really my wheelhouse,” Yee said. “It really just came down to where I’m not going to have sufficient resources to get us to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her exit comes roughly a week after the leading Democratic candidate, East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">dropped out\u003c/a> of the race and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079800/eric-swalwell-allegations-resign-congress-california-governor-race-who-is-running-primary\">resigned\u003c/a> his House seat following\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\"> accusations of sexual assault\u003c/a> and misconduct from former staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His abrupt departure reshuffled the race, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080415/california-governor-candidates-compete-for-swalwells-endorsements-donors-and-voters\">remaining contenders scramble\u003c/a> for his endorsements, donors and supporters — and greatly reduced the chances of two Republicans advancing through California’s top-two primary in June, according to \u003ca href=\"https://twins-production-9381.up.railway.app/\">a model\u003c/a> created by Political Data Inc. vice president Paul Mitchell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks during a gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Xavier Becerra, who served as Health and Human Services secretary under President Joe Biden, saw a \u003ca href=\"https://cadem.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/4.20.26-CA-Voter-Index-Tracking-Survey-II-Topline.pdf\">bump in polling\u003c/a>, putting him at the front of the Democratic field alongside billionaire investor and climate activist Tom Steyer. Steyer also landed endorsements from the California Teachers Association and Our Revolution, a progressive organization founded by Sen. Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter picked up an endorsement on Monday from Rep. Robert Garcia, the ranking Democrat on the House Oversight Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee, however, did not appear to be among the beneficiaries of the reshaped race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had first announced her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958502/betty-yee-on-a-lifetime-of-running-the-numbers\">intent to run\u003c/a> in 2023, hoping to become California’s first woman and person of color elected governor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think one of the disappointments I will carry from this campaign is, where was my community? And I think we had an opportunity to make history,” Yee said. “I did not see them there as I had robustly in the past with respect to my donors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee grew up in San Francisco, the daughter of Chinese immigrants and the second oldest of six kids. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073301/former-state-controller-betty-yee-says-shes-the-best-gubernatorial-candidate-to-fix-californias-budget-deficit\">a February interview\u003c/a> discussing her campaign with KQED’s Political Breakdown, she described helping manage the books for her parents’ laundry and dry cleaning business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every week, my father would hand me a cigar box of the receipts, and I’d add up what our expenses were, and we’d figure out how much we had brought in. And it was eye-opening,” she said. “We may have been poor, but we were rich in values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her first political experience came when she was 13 years old and testified at a school district hearing to advocate against a school busing desegregation program that would have sent her younger sister across the city. In the same interview, she said she would not take that same position today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Yee teared up when thanking her family, including her 103-year-old mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every time I ask her, ‘How are you feeling about what’s going on in the world?’ Her response is always the same. ‘We know what we got to do,’” Yee said. “Mom, I’m just going to say: Yeah, I know. And I will continue to go do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075209\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075209\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260226-GovRaceForum-14-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Betty Yee, former California State Controller, speaks during a state gubernatorial forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She did not endorse another candidate after dropping out but said she would assess the remaining candidates and announce her pick within the next few days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked what qualities she’ll be looking for, she said she wants someone with “a demonstrated history of making progress” and an “ability to work with diverse interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking ahead, Yee said she will continue standing up for immigrant and border communities and vowed to protect election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be seeing you in the communities where I’ve been, but as of today, it will be in a different venue,” Yee said. “Not as a candidate, but as a fellow Californian.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s leading congressional candidates are raking in dollars — some from their own pockets — in an effort to claim retiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/nancy-pelosi\">Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s\u003c/a> seat in the House of Representatives later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi, the former Speaker of the House who has represented San Francisco in Washington, D.C., for nearly 40 years, will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062796/nancy-pelosi-leaves-congress-after-38-years-defining-generations-of-democratic-power\">retire in less than a year\u003c/a>, and already the race to replace the powerful Democrat is proving both intense and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saikat Chakrabarti, a progressive former tech engineer who worked on Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign and previously worked as chief of staff for New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, has pulled in by far the most money, nearly $5.2 million, new campaign finance disclosures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of that, around $4.8 million, came from Chakrabarti, who is a centimillionaire himself. Other donors contributed roughly $360,000 to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s real people chipping in what they can because they believe we deserve a candidate who isn’t backed by tech billionaires and corporations representing San Francisco in D.C.,” said Tiffaney Bradley, communications director for Chakrabarti’s campaign. “We’re investing our resources in reaching more and more voters, knocking doors, showing up in communities and meeting people where they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078159\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078159\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener, and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. The forum was hosted by the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club, the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, and the California Working Families Party, and was moderated by Bay Area Reporter news editor Cynthia Laird and Mission Local managing editor Joe Eskenazi. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti’s opponents, who have significantly less hefty war chests, criticized him for pouring his personal wealth into the fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Saikat has already spent more on this race than every other candidate combined. Why? Because he is trying to cover up the skeletons in his closet from his six months in D.C. and make it look like he actually has ties to San Francisco. Newsflash: he doesn’t,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesperson for state Sen. Scott Wiener, in a fiery statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, a more moderate Democrat who is widely considered a frontrunner, has nabbed endorsements from groups like the California Democratic Party.[aside postID=news_12078529 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-10-BL-KQED.jpg']He pulled in the second-most money, nearly $3.5 million from more than 3,300 donors since his campaign launched. He has also received support from tech donors, such as cryptocurrency billionaire Chris Larsen and Y-Combinator CEO Garry Tan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two candidates have been using their millions in campaign dollars to boost their image in mailers, social media posts and on TV. Chakrabarti has flooded social media with edgy videos touting his plan to shake up the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener recently used his funds to launch a TV ad campaign where the 6-foot-7 senator playfully feeds a giraffe at the San Francisco Zoo, a nod to “The Giraffe,” his nickname among some Chinese-American San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tension has ramped up between the pair, who exchanged tense jabs at a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078152/in-bid-to-succeed-pelosi-san-francisco-house-candidates-set-to-debate\">debate hosted by KQED\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who’s funding these attack ads?” Chakrabarti said to Wiener at the debate, referring to mailers criticizing him. “They’re being funded by crypto billionaires who are Trump donors, by tech VCs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener, a candidate for California’s 11th Congressional District, participates in a forum with other candidates at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response, Wiener said, “I got my little tiny violin out because let’s be clear: Mr. Chakrabarti has spent more of his tech, hedge-fund money than everyone else combined, including outside campaigns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in the running is Supervisor Connie Chan, a progressive local politician who has raised around $456,000 so far, according to campaign filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, who immigrated to San Francisco’s Chinatown from Hong Kong as a child, has secured support from labor groups and politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she’s struggled to keep up financially with Chakrabarti and Wiener.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Connie Chan is a longtime public servant. She is not bankrolled by billionaires. She is not a tech millionaire,” said Julie Edwards, a spokesperson for Chan’s campaign. “This is why she has the support of working people like teachers, nurses, firefighters, hotel workers, seniors, tenants and students — over 2000 individual donors — who will continue to power this campaign to victory on June 2.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078324\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Connie Chan speaks during a debate with Saikat Chakrabarti and state Sen. Scott Wiener, fellow candidates for San Francisco’s U.S. House seat, in a co-sponsored event by KQED at the Sydney Goldstein Theater in San Francisco on March 31, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Marie Hurabiell, a former Trump appointee to the Presidio Trust Board of Directors and Democrat whose views skew to the right of the other three Democratic candidates, quickly amassed more than $420,000 for her campaign. Filings show that around $100,000 of those funds came from Hurabiell herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, San Franciscans want a viable moderate candidate for Congress,” Hurabiell said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The primary election will be held on June 2, and the top two contenders will advance to a general election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s leading congressional candidates are raking in dollars — some from their own pockets — in an effort to claim retiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/nancy-pelosi\">Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s\u003c/a> seat in the House of Representatives later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelosi, the former Speaker of the House who has represented San Francisco in Washington, D.C., for nearly 40 years, will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062796/nancy-pelosi-leaves-congress-after-38-years-defining-generations-of-democratic-power\">retire in less than a year\u003c/a>, and already the race to replace the powerful Democrat is proving both intense and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saikat Chakrabarti, a progressive former tech engineer who worked on Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign and previously worked as chief of staff for New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, has pulled in by far the most money, nearly $5.2 million, new campaign finance disclosures show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of that, around $4.8 million, came from Chakrabarti, who is a centimillionaire himself. Other donors contributed roughly $360,000 to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s real people chipping in what they can because they believe we deserve a candidate who isn’t backed by tech billionaires and corporations representing San Francisco in D.C.,” said Tiffaney Bradley, communications director for Chakrabarti’s campaign. “We’re investing our resources in reaching more and more voters, knocking doors, showing up in communities and meeting people where they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078159\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078159\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-19-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener, and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. The forum was hosted by the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club, the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, and the California Working Families Party, and was moderated by Bay Area Reporter news editor Cynthia Laird and Mission Local managing editor Joe Eskenazi. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti’s opponents, who have significantly less hefty war chests, criticized him for pouring his personal wealth into the fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Saikat has already spent more on this race than every other candidate combined. Why? Because he is trying to cover up the skeletons in his closet from his six months in D.C. and make it look like he actually has ties to San Francisco. Newsflash: he doesn’t,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesperson for state Sen. Scott Wiener, in a fiery statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, a more moderate Democrat who is widely considered a frontrunner, has nabbed endorsements from groups like the California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He pulled in the second-most money, nearly $3.5 million from more than 3,300 donors since his campaign launched. He has also received support from tech donors, such as cryptocurrency billionaire Chris Larsen and Y-Combinator CEO Garry Tan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two candidates have been using their millions in campaign dollars to boost their image in mailers, social media posts and on TV. Chakrabarti has flooded social media with edgy videos touting his plan to shake up the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener recently used his funds to launch a TV ad campaign where the 6-foot-7 senator playfully feeds a giraffe at the San Francisco Zoo, a nod to “The Giraffe,” his nickname among some Chinese-American San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tension has ramped up between the pair, who exchanged tense jabs at a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078152/in-bid-to-succeed-pelosi-san-francisco-house-candidates-set-to-debate\">debate hosted by KQED\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who’s funding these attack ads?” Chakrabarti said to Wiener at the debate, referring to mailers criticizing him. “They’re being funded by crypto billionaires who are Trump donors, by tech VCs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-13-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener, a candidate for California’s 11th Congressional District, participates in a forum with other candidates at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In response, Wiener said, “I got my little tiny violin out because let’s be clear: Mr. Chakrabarti has spent more of his tech, hedge-fund money than everyone else combined, including outside campaigns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in the running is Supervisor Connie Chan, a progressive local politician who has raised around $456,000 so far, according to campaign filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan, who immigrated to San Francisco’s Chinatown from Hong Kong as a child, has secured support from labor groups and politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she’s struggled to keep up financially with Chakrabarti and Wiener.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Connie Chan is a longtime public servant. She is not bankrolled by billionaires. She is not a tech millionaire,” said Julie Edwards, a spokesperson for Chan’s campaign. “This is why she has the support of working people like teachers, nurses, firefighters, hotel workers, seniors, tenants and students — over 2000 individual donors — who will continue to power this campaign to victory on June 2.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078324\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078324\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260331-SFCONGRESSDEBATE-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Connie Chan speaks during a debate with Saikat Chakrabarti and state Sen. Scott Wiener, fellow candidates for San Francisco’s U.S. House seat, in a co-sponsored event by KQED at the Sydney Goldstein Theater in San Francisco on March 31, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Marie Hurabiell, a former Trump appointee to the Presidio Trust Board of Directors and Democrat whose views skew to the right of the other three Democratic candidates, quickly amassed more than $420,000 for her campaign. Filings show that around $100,000 of those funds came from Hurabiell herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, San Franciscans want a viable moderate candidate for Congress,” Hurabiell said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The primary election will be held on June 2, and the top two contenders will advance to a general election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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