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"content": "\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/expert/david-koranyi/\">David Koranyi\u003c/a> attended his mother’s 70th birthday party back home in Hungary, but the indirect route he took highlights the \u003ca href=\"https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20220909IPR40137/meps-hungary-can-no-longer-be-considered-a-full-democracy\">autocratic rule\u003c/a> that grips his homeland. Instead of flying straight to Hungary, Koranyi flew to neighboring Austria and then turned off his phone and drove across the border where there was no passport control and he knew he could slip in undetected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koranyi runs an organization called \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionfordemocracy.org/\">Action for Democracy\u003c/a> that has mobilized Hungarians overseas to vote back home, where political scientists say Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has tilted the electoral landscape toward his ruling party. The government says Koranyi threatens Hungary’s sovereignty; pro-government media routinely call him an “enemy of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friends and even embassies in Hungary … told me that maybe it’s better if I don’t come back to Hungary anytime soon,” says Koranyi, who was concerned Orbán’s government might try to detain him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threats like this are one reason Koranyi came to America and became a citizen in 2022. So, he’s been struck to see U.S. government agents stopping and aggressively questioning people — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/18/us/us-citizen-detained-canada/index.html\">citizens\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-detention-of-european-and-canadian-tourists-creates-fear-over-traveling-to-america\">tourists\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.wgbh.org/news/local/2025-03-14/green-card-holder-from-new-hampshire-interrogated-at-logan-airport-detained\">green-card holders\u003c/a> — returning to America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038554\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038554\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amir Makled is a Michigan-based attorney who was detained by federal agents when returning to the US from a family vacation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Amir Makled)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They include \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/09/nx-s1-5357455/attorney-detained-by-immigration-authorities\">Michigan lawyer Amir Makled\u003c/a>, who was stopped at Detroit Metro Airport in early April as he returned from a family vacation. Makled, who said agents asked to search his phone, thinks he was targeted because he represents a pro-Palestinian protester at the University of Michigan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I’m not going to be a dictator’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I never in a million years would have imagined that atmosphere of fear and that random searches at border crossings and looking into people’s phones … is something that I would live through in my life in the United States,” says Koranyi, who lives in New York.[aside postID=news_12026783 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-1148899659-1020x736.jpg']Countless people have left authoritarian countries for the promise of freedom and safety in the United States. NPR reached out to Koranyi and a dozen others to get their impressions of the Trump administration’s first several months in power. Most — but not all — said some of the administration’s tactics reminded them of those used by the regimes they fled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, a survey in February found that \u003ca href=\"https://brightlinewatch.org/\">hundreds of U.S.-based scholars\u003c/a> think the United States is moving swiftly from a liberal democracy toward some form of authoritarianism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an elected government, obviously, but it is behaving as an authoritarian one,” says Steven Levitsky, a professor of government at Harvard University and co-author of \u003cem>How Democracies Die\u003c/em>. “It is engaging in a rapid and systematic weaponization of the machinery of government and its deployment to punish rivals, to protect allies and to bully elements of the media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some immigrants say Trump is the victim\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last fall, President Trump insisted he would not be an autocrat beyond Inauguration Day, when he said he would all but lock down the southern border and green-light drilling for energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After that I’m not going to be a dictator,” Trump pledged to applause at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TI0TfaIpr9s\">Fox News town hall\u003c/a> during the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some U.S. immigrants from authoritarian countries say Trump has kept his word. \u003ca href=\"https://www.heritage.org/china/heritage-explains/lily-tang-williams-growing-communist-china\">Lily Tang Williams\u003c/a>, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmur.com/article/lily-tang-williams-2026-campaign-congress-nh-0425/64437326\">running for Congress\u003c/a> for a third time in New Hampshire as a Republican, says it wasn’t Trump but former President Joe Biden, who most reminded her of the authoritarian leaders back in her homeland, China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who censored us during the COVID times [and] put us in Facebook jail?” Tang Williams said in an interview with NPR. “It was not Trump. Trump himself was censored.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tang Williams says she blames the Biden administration for \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/zuckerberg-says-the-white-house-pressured-facebook-to-censor-some-covid-19-content-during-the-pandemic\">putting pressure\u003c/a> on Facebook and Twitter to crack down on certain posts, including a meme she said she posted about mask mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has said it was encouraging responsible action to protect public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Trump administration’s tactics have unsettled immigrants such as Koranyi, they’ve instilled fear in others, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.middlebury.edu/college/people/fulya-pinar\">Fulya Pinar\u003c/a>, a professor at Middlebury College in Vermont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (left) and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán shake hands after a joint statement at the Carmelite Monastery in Budapest, Hungary, in 2023. \u003ccite>(Denes Erdos/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Similar authoritarian tactics by Turkey’s Erdogan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pinar grew up in Turkey and says she watched Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/05/13/1175887249/turkey-recep-tayyip-erdogan-leader-president-election\">autocratic president\u003c/a>, attack scholars and consolidate power over the news media. She says she moved to the U.S. in 2016 to study for her Ph.D. and to have intellectual freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about survival as an academic,” Pinar recalls, “to be able to continue thinking, teaching, writing without fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, Trump has withheld or threatened to withhold \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/02/1242229717/who-loses-when-trump-cuts-funding-to-universities\">billions of dollars\u003c/a> in federal contracts and research grants from universities, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/14/nx-s1-5364829/trump-administration-freezes-funds-after-harvard-rejects-dei-demands\">Harvard\u003c/a>, saying they haven’t done enough to fight antisemitism. In this atmosphere, Pinar worries some students could report her. She’s teaching Anthropologies of the Middle East this semester and doing so differently than in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her lectures, for instance, Pinar used to cite death tolls for conflicts such as the war in Gaza. Now, she directs students to readings where they can find answers on their own. It’s a way to insulate herself from charges of bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear in college classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I’m trying to be more careful,” says Pinar, who is untenured. “At the end of the semester, students usually provide feedback about professors, and then your promotion depends on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinar’s worries are representative, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://criticalissues.umd.edu/middle-east-scholar-barometer\">Middle East Scholar Barometer\u003c/a>, which tracks the opinions of scholars who teach about the region. A survey in February found 57% of professors in the U.S. felt more pressure under the Trump administration to self-censor when discussing Israeli-Palestinian issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having left Turkey’s autocracy for America’s freedom, Pinar says she never saw a period like this coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel quite fragile because I feel like I can’t work freely here,” Pinar continues. “It just feels like I’m stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to taking on universities, the Trump administration has also targeted news organizations that cover the president critically. The Federal Communications Commission is investigating broadcast news networks — including ABC, CBS and NBC — over allegations that they have \u003ca href=\"https://deadline.com/2025/01/fcc-complaints-trump-cbs-nbc-abc-1236263995/\">favored Democrats\u003c/a>. Trump has also attacked public broadcasters. In a social media post, he called NPR and PBS\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5366151/president-trump-plans-order-to-cut-funding-for-npr-and-pbs\"> “radical left monsters”\u003c/a> that hurt the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Ressa gestures after she and her online news outfit Rappler were acquitted of tax evasion cases against her at the Court of Tax Appeals in Quezon City, Metro Manila, in January 2023. \u003ccite>(Jam Sta Rosa/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Threatening to strip licenses from TV news broadcasters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Journalist \u003ca href=\"https://www.sipa.columbia.edu/communities-connections/faculty/maria-ressa\">Maria Ressa\u003c/a> says Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines’ autocratic former president, used similar tactics. In 2020, Duterte’s government refused to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/05/09/853217038/it-s-unbelievable-shutdown-of-philippines-major-broadcaster-worries-many\">renew the license\u003c/a> of the country’s largest broadcaster and shut it down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duterte left office in 2022 and is now awaiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/13/nx-s1-5326081/rodrigo-duterte-to-face-trial-in-the-hague-for-charges-of-crimes-against-humanity\">trial in The Hague\u003c/a> on charges of crimes against humanity for allegedly allowing tens of thousands of extrajudicial killings during his war on the country’s drug trade. But Ressa says the damage he did to the news media endures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That network, even after the end of Duterte’s reign, never got its license … back,” says Ressa, who once ran the broadcaster herself. “What is damaged in this time period, what is destroyed, stays destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ressa won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2021 for standing up to Duterte’s attacks on her and her news site, Rappler. At one point, she faced the possibility of more than a century in prison on tax evasion and cyber-libel charges that human rights groups say were politically motivated. Ressa is spending this semester teaching at Columbia University. A dual citizen, she has a message for people here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are slow to respond, but I know what fear does,” she says. “Don’t let fear paralyze you because you are at your strongest now, and every day you do not act and hold the line on your rights, you get weaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/expert/david-koranyi/\">David Koranyi\u003c/a> attended his mother’s 70th birthday party back home in Hungary, but the indirect route he took highlights the \u003ca href=\"https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20220909IPR40137/meps-hungary-can-no-longer-be-considered-a-full-democracy\">autocratic rule\u003c/a> that grips his homeland. Instead of flying straight to Hungary, Koranyi flew to neighboring Austria and then turned off his phone and drove across the border where there was no passport control and he knew he could slip in undetected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koranyi runs an organization called \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionfordemocracy.org/\">Action for Democracy\u003c/a> that has mobilized Hungarians overseas to vote back home, where political scientists say Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has tilted the electoral landscape toward his ruling party. The government says Koranyi threatens Hungary’s sovereignty; pro-government media routinely call him an “enemy of the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friends and even embassies in Hungary … told me that maybe it’s better if I don’t come back to Hungary anytime soon,” says Koranyi, who was concerned Orbán’s government might try to detain him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threats like this are one reason Koranyi came to America and became a citizen in 2022. So, he’s been struck to see U.S. government agents stopping and aggressively questioning people — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/18/us/us-citizen-detained-canada/index.html\">citizens\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-detention-of-european-and-canadian-tourists-creates-fear-over-traveling-to-america\">tourists\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.wgbh.org/news/local/2025-03-14/green-card-holder-from-new-hampshire-interrogated-at-logan-airport-detained\">green-card holders\u003c/a> — returning to America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038554\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038554\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-2-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Amir Makled is a Michigan-based attorney who was detained by federal agents when returning to the US from a family vacation. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Amir Makled)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They include \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/09/nx-s1-5357455/attorney-detained-by-immigration-authorities\">Michigan lawyer Amir Makled\u003c/a>, who was stopped at Detroit Metro Airport in early April as he returned from a family vacation. Makled, who said agents asked to search his phone, thinks he was targeted because he represents a pro-Palestinian protester at the University of Michigan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I’m not going to be a dictator’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I never in a million years would have imagined that atmosphere of fear and that random searches at border crossings and looking into people’s phones … is something that I would live through in my life in the United States,” says Koranyi, who lives in New York.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Countless people have left authoritarian countries for the promise of freedom and safety in the United States. NPR reached out to Koranyi and a dozen others to get their impressions of the Trump administration’s first several months in power. Most — but not all — said some of the administration’s tactics reminded them of those used by the regimes they fled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, a survey in February found that \u003ca href=\"https://brightlinewatch.org/\">hundreds of U.S.-based scholars\u003c/a> think the United States is moving swiftly from a liberal democracy toward some form of authoritarianism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an elected government, obviously, but it is behaving as an authoritarian one,” says Steven Levitsky, a professor of government at Harvard University and co-author of \u003cem>How Democracies Die\u003c/em>. “It is engaging in a rapid and systematic weaponization of the machinery of government and its deployment to punish rivals, to protect allies and to bully elements of the media.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some immigrants say Trump is the victim\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last fall, President Trump insisted he would not be an autocrat beyond Inauguration Day, when he said he would all but lock down the southern border and green-light drilling for energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After that I’m not going to be a dictator,” Trump pledged to applause at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TI0TfaIpr9s\">Fox News town hall\u003c/a> during the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some U.S. immigrants from authoritarian countries say Trump has kept his word. \u003ca href=\"https://www.heritage.org/china/heritage-explains/lily-tang-williams-growing-communist-china\">Lily Tang Williams\u003c/a>, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmur.com/article/lily-tang-williams-2026-campaign-congress-nh-0425/64437326\">running for Congress\u003c/a> for a third time in New Hampshire as a Republican, says it wasn’t Trump but former President Joe Biden, who most reminded her of the authoritarian leaders back in her homeland, China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who censored us during the COVID times [and] put us in Facebook jail?” Tang Williams said in an interview with NPR. “It was not Trump. Trump himself was censored.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tang Williams says she blames the Biden administration for \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/zuckerberg-says-the-white-house-pressured-facebook-to-censor-some-covid-19-content-during-the-pandemic\">putting pressure\u003c/a> on Facebook and Twitter to crack down on certain posts, including a meme she said she posted about mask mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration has said it was encouraging responsible action to protect public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Trump administration’s tactics have unsettled immigrants such as Koranyi, they’ve instilled fear in others, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.middlebury.edu/college/people/fulya-pinar\">Fulya Pinar\u003c/a>, a professor at Middlebury College in Vermont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (left) and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán shake hands after a joint statement at the Carmelite Monastery in Budapest, Hungary, in 2023. \u003ccite>(Denes Erdos/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Similar authoritarian tactics by Turkey’s Erdogan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pinar grew up in Turkey and says she watched Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the country’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/05/13/1175887249/turkey-recep-tayyip-erdogan-leader-president-election\">autocratic president\u003c/a>, attack scholars and consolidate power over the news media. She says she moved to the U.S. in 2016 to study for her Ph.D. and to have intellectual freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was about survival as an academic,” Pinar recalls, “to be able to continue thinking, teaching, writing without fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office, Trump has withheld or threatened to withhold \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/02/1242229717/who-loses-when-trump-cuts-funding-to-universities\">billions of dollars\u003c/a> in federal contracts and research grants from universities, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/14/nx-s1-5364829/trump-administration-freezes-funds-after-harvard-rejects-dei-demands\">Harvard\u003c/a>, saying they haven’t done enough to fight antisemitism. In this atmosphere, Pinar worries some students could report her. She’s teaching Anthropologies of the Middle East this semester and doing so differently than in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her lectures, for instance, Pinar used to cite death tolls for conflicts such as the war in Gaza. Now, she directs students to readings where they can find answers on their own. It’s a way to insulate herself from charges of bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fear in college classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I’m trying to be more careful,” says Pinar, who is untenured. “At the end of the semester, students usually provide feedback about professors, and then your promotion depends on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pinar’s worries are representative, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://criticalissues.umd.edu/middle-east-scholar-barometer\">Middle East Scholar Barometer\u003c/a>, which tracks the opinions of scholars who teach about the region. A survey in February found 57% of professors in the U.S. felt more pressure under the Trump administration to self-censor when discussing Israeli-Palestinian issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having left Turkey’s autocracy for America’s freedom, Pinar says she never saw a period like this coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel quite fragile because I feel like I can’t work freely here,” Pinar continues. “It just feels like I’m stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to taking on universities, the Trump administration has also targeted news organizations that cover the president critically. The Federal Communications Commission is investigating broadcast news networks — including ABC, CBS and NBC — over allegations that they have \u003ca href=\"https://deadline.com/2025/01/fcc-complaints-trump-cbs-nbc-abc-1236263995/\">favored Democrats\u003c/a>. Trump has also attacked public broadcasters. In a social media post, he called NPR and PBS\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5366151/president-trump-plans-order-to-cut-funding-for-npr-and-pbs\"> “radical left monsters”\u003c/a> that hurt the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Ressa gestures after she and her online news outfit Rappler were acquitted of tax evasion cases against her at the Court of Tax Appeals in Quezon City, Metro Manila, in January 2023. \u003ccite>(Jam Sta Rosa/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Threatening to strip licenses from TV news broadcasters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Journalist \u003ca href=\"https://www.sipa.columbia.edu/communities-connections/faculty/maria-ressa\">Maria Ressa\u003c/a> says Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines’ autocratic former president, used similar tactics. In 2020, Duterte’s government refused to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/05/09/853217038/it-s-unbelievable-shutdown-of-philippines-major-broadcaster-worries-many\">renew the license\u003c/a> of the country’s largest broadcaster and shut it down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duterte left office in 2022 and is now awaiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/13/nx-s1-5326081/rodrigo-duterte-to-face-trial-in-the-hague-for-charges-of-crimes-against-humanity\">trial in The Hague\u003c/a> on charges of crimes against humanity for allegedly allowing tens of thousands of extrajudicial killings during his war on the country’s drug trade. But Ressa says the damage he did to the news media endures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That network, even after the end of Duterte’s reign, never got its license … back,” says Ressa, who once ran the broadcaster herself. “What is damaged in this time period, what is destroyed, stays destroyed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ressa won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2021 for standing up to Duterte’s attacks on her and her news site, Rappler. At one point, she faced the possibility of more than a century in prison on tax evasion and cyber-libel charges that human rights groups say were politically motivated. Ressa is spending this semester teaching at Columbia University. A dual citizen, she has a message for people here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are slow to respond, but I know what fear does,” she says. “Don’t let fear paralyze you because you are at your strongest now, and every day you do not act and hold the line on your rights, you get weaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If President Trump has adopted the Silicon Valley ethos of “move fast and break things” for his second term, then “move slow and get out of the way” could be the corresponding marching orders on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has taken about 140 executive actions in his first 100 days in office — a rapid pace that rivals the 162 actions President Biden took in his entire time in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider in the same period of time, Congress has enacted just \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/US/legislation?status=passed\">five laws\u003c/a>, a low watermark in modern congressional history for this time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To a large extent, Trump is enjoying the spoils of unilateral party control of Washington, where there has been no significant pushback as he legislates through executive actions on everything from immigration to election law, ignores statutes that require the White House to inform the Senate on certain actions before taking them, upends the economy with tariffs that Congress could technically block and, most notably, allowed billionaire Elon Musk to lead a government “department” — without confirmation hearings before the Senate — that has unilaterally slashed and cut agencies and programs funded by Congress through its constitutional authority to determine how taxpayer dollars get spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a testament to the strength of Trump’s party loyalty, GOP leaders have taken little issue with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a gross overreaction in the media to what is happening,” Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., told reporters earlier this year when asked whether Musk’s government slashing efforts were trampling on congressional turf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson has said the president has the authority to make sure dollars in the executive agencies are well spent. “It looks radical, it’s not. I call it stewardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are signals that all is not well with some in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, made a stunning admission at an event in Anchorage during the last congressional recess.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all afraid,” she told constituents. “It’s quite a statement, but we are in a time and a place where I certainly have not been before, and I’ll tell ya, I’m oftentimes very anxious myself about using my voice, because retaliation is real. And that’s not right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Meet the new Congress, same as the old Congress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump didn’t start this, said Joseph Postell, an associate professor of politics at Hillsdale College, but he is benefiting from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress has for decades kind of ceded its authority, including authority over fiscal matters, appropriations, budgets, things like that,” he told NPR. “I think it’s a huge concern in this Congress, the extent to which Trump has been able to lead the Congress on fiscal questions, but I also don’t think that’s out of keeping with the way Congress has performed or conducted itself over the last few decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101909333 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/03/Luke-Broadwater-Annie-Karni-1020x574.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is designed to be a co-equal branch of government and a check on executive power, but in practice when the same party controls the White House, lawmakers in the modern era have proven willing to go along with the usurpation of their legislative power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dynamic applies to both parties — like when Democrats cheered Biden’s executive actions to create a student loan forgiveness program, which the Supreme Court later ruled unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was this fertile ground that has allowed Musk’s team to institute cuts across departments, agencies and programs with little pushback from the GOP-led Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional scholars like Postell say a government that functions like this is a cause for concern. “I see the decline of a Congress that legislates as a serious constitutional crisis that anybody who believes in republican government should be concerned about. So I tend not to see this as just a neutral change. I see it as a serious constitutional concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Show them the money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers also need to decide how they are going to approve the spending bills for fiscal year 2026 — which starts Oct. 1 — after punting on this year’s bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Kosar, a congressional scholar with the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute, said it was understandable for Congress to want to clear the decks at the start of this Congress, but the real test of congressional muscle under Trump will be how they handle next year’s spending bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The patient we know as Congress, I do not think is wholly dead,” Kosar said, adding that House and Senate lawmakers will want some assurances that the money is actually going to be spent, because otherwise it’s a futile process. “I would think, ultimately, the appropriators’ desire for power would kick in. I mean, it’s going to have to kick in at some point. Otherwise, what’s the point of being an appropriator?” Kosar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Binder, a congressional scholar with the centrist Brookings Institution, agrees. “You don’t want to overuse the word, but it is kind of existential for Congress,” she said. “It’s really hard to get around the single most important power that Congress has as the power of the purse, and if the parties can’t be sure that the administration is going to abide by those pots of money that they set into statute, that they put into law, then the jig is up, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kosar also nodded to the political reality of the moment, where the House GOP majority is on the line in 2026. Historically, the party in power in the White House tends to lose seats in the midterms. Republicans hold a slim two-seat majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do feel like the administration and congressional Republicans, to a degree, really are operating within a two-year window, and so the amount of deference that legislators are showing is to some degree, like, ‘we just have to do this to see if we can rack up as many wins as possible, because those midterms are probably not going to go our way.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Speaker Johnson has gone so far as to use parliamentary rules to effectively block the House’s ability to vote to repeal Trump’s tariffs, as well as any effort to vote on a resolution calling for an investigation into Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s use of the Signal messaging app to discuss sensitive military operations. “I think it’s an overreach here,” said Rep. Mary Scanlon, D-Pa., on Monday, “I think it’s simply for the purpose of having to avoid tough votes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, newly minted Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., told reporters on Tuesday that Republicans want to be “good partners” to a president who Thune reiterated has a mandate — “It was clear, it was decisive” — to enact his policy goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A near-term policy fight that could upend the Senate indefinitely\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thune has been working judiciously with Senate Republicans to make those policy goals a reality in the one “big, beautiful bill” Trump has demanded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That massive undertaking is intended to make Trump’s 2017 tax cuts permanent, as well as include border security and energy provision using a budget process called reconciliation that allows the majority party to skirt the filibuster, the chamber’s 60-vote threshold to pass most legislation, and advance the package without Democratic votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thune has already described it as an “arduous” process that typically involves relying on the Senate parliamentarian to referee what can and what fits the strict rules for a reconciliation bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parliamentarian is a nonpartisan Senate staffer tasked with safeguarding Senate rules. In the past, reconciliation has been guided by that person’s judgment. For instance, Democrats wanted to include a $15 federal minimum wage hike in a 2021 pandemic relief package that advanced under reconciliation rules. But the parliamentarian nixed the policy because it did not comply with the complicated rules for what is allowed in such a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, in order for a bill to qualify for reconciliation and the lower, 50-vote threshold for passage, it generally cannot increase the federal deficit over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Republicans, backed by Majority Leader Thune, are already looking to bypass that rule — and the parliamentarian — to use a favorable analysis for the deficit impact of the tax cuts. In reality, trillions will be added to the U.S. national debt over the next decade if Trump’s tax cuts are extended without ways to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder says ignoring the parliamentarian can be consequential. “If you just ignore parliamentary history, it’s really, for a lack of a better term, it’s really “\u003ca href=\"https://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/Main/Calvinball\">\u003cu>Calvin ball\u003c/u>\u003c/a>\u003cu>,\u003c/u>” where you choose your rules solely for the purpose of getting the outcome that you want, and that’s quite destabilizing to the U.S. Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thune will also likely face pressure to overrule the parliamentarian if the official rules that provisions on immigration or energy policy do not comply with budget rules. Thune has said publicly he does not wish to overrule the parliamentarian, but he could face a pressure campaign from Trump to get what the president wants in that bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats warn that doing so would amount to going “nuclear” and threaten the foundational pillar of minority rule in the Senate: the filibuster. “They are tramping all over the rules that have governed the Senate for decades in order to give massive tax cuts for their billionaire friends,” said Minority Leader Chuck Schumer on the Senate floor earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If President Trump has adopted the Silicon Valley ethos of “move fast and break things” for his second term, then “move slow and get out of the way” could be the corresponding marching orders on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has taken about 140 executive actions in his first 100 days in office — a rapid pace that rivals the 162 actions President Biden took in his entire time in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider in the same period of time, Congress has enacted just \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/US/legislation?status=passed\">five laws\u003c/a>, a low watermark in modern congressional history for this time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To a large extent, Trump is enjoying the spoils of unilateral party control of Washington, where there has been no significant pushback as he legislates through executive actions on everything from immigration to election law, ignores statutes that require the White House to inform the Senate on certain actions before taking them, upends the economy with tariffs that Congress could technically block and, most notably, allowed billionaire Elon Musk to lead a government “department” — without confirmation hearings before the Senate — that has unilaterally slashed and cut agencies and programs funded by Congress through its constitutional authority to determine how taxpayer dollars get spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a testament to the strength of Trump’s party loyalty, GOP leaders have taken little issue with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a gross overreaction in the media to what is happening,” Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., told reporters earlier this year when asked whether Musk’s government slashing efforts were trampling on congressional turf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson has said the president has the authority to make sure dollars in the executive agencies are well spent. “It looks radical, it’s not. I call it stewardship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are signals that all is not well with some in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, made a stunning admission at an event in Anchorage during the last congressional recess.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all afraid,” she told constituents. “It’s quite a statement, but we are in a time and a place where I certainly have not been before, and I’ll tell ya, I’m oftentimes very anxious myself about using my voice, because retaliation is real. And that’s not right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Meet the new Congress, same as the old Congress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump didn’t start this, said Joseph Postell, an associate professor of politics at Hillsdale College, but he is benefiting from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congress has for decades kind of ceded its authority, including authority over fiscal matters, appropriations, budgets, things like that,” he told NPR. “I think it’s a huge concern in this Congress, the extent to which Trump has been able to lead the Congress on fiscal questions, but I also don’t think that’s out of keeping with the way Congress has performed or conducted itself over the last few decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress is designed to be a co-equal branch of government and a check on executive power, but in practice when the same party controls the White House, lawmakers in the modern era have proven willing to go along with the usurpation of their legislative power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dynamic applies to both parties — like when Democrats cheered Biden’s executive actions to create a student loan forgiveness program, which the Supreme Court later ruled unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was this fertile ground that has allowed Musk’s team to institute cuts across departments, agencies and programs with little pushback from the GOP-led Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional scholars like Postell say a government that functions like this is a cause for concern. “I see the decline of a Congress that legislates as a serious constitutional crisis that anybody who believes in republican government should be concerned about. So I tend not to see this as just a neutral change. I see it as a serious constitutional concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Show them the money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers also need to decide how they are going to approve the spending bills for fiscal year 2026 — which starts Oct. 1 — after punting on this year’s bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Kosar, a congressional scholar with the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute, said it was understandable for Congress to want to clear the decks at the start of this Congress, but the real test of congressional muscle under Trump will be how they handle next year’s spending bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The patient we know as Congress, I do not think is wholly dead,” Kosar said, adding that House and Senate lawmakers will want some assurances that the money is actually going to be spent, because otherwise it’s a futile process. “I would think, ultimately, the appropriators’ desire for power would kick in. I mean, it’s going to have to kick in at some point. Otherwise, what’s the point of being an appropriator?” Kosar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Binder, a congressional scholar with the centrist Brookings Institution, agrees. “You don’t want to overuse the word, but it is kind of existential for Congress,” she said. “It’s really hard to get around the single most important power that Congress has as the power of the purse, and if the parties can’t be sure that the administration is going to abide by those pots of money that they set into statute, that they put into law, then the jig is up, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kosar also nodded to the political reality of the moment, where the House GOP majority is on the line in 2026. Historically, the party in power in the White House tends to lose seats in the midterms. Republicans hold a slim two-seat majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do feel like the administration and congressional Republicans, to a degree, really are operating within a two-year window, and so the amount of deference that legislators are showing is to some degree, like, ‘we just have to do this to see if we can rack up as many wins as possible, because those midterms are probably not going to go our way.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Speaker Johnson has gone so far as to use parliamentary rules to effectively block the House’s ability to vote to repeal Trump’s tariffs, as well as any effort to vote on a resolution calling for an investigation into Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s use of the Signal messaging app to discuss sensitive military operations. “I think it’s an overreach here,” said Rep. Mary Scanlon, D-Pa., on Monday, “I think it’s simply for the purpose of having to avoid tough votes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, newly minted Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., told reporters on Tuesday that Republicans want to be “good partners” to a president who Thune reiterated has a mandate — “It was clear, it was decisive” — to enact his policy goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A near-term policy fight that could upend the Senate indefinitely\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Thune has been working judiciously with Senate Republicans to make those policy goals a reality in the one “big, beautiful bill” Trump has demanded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That massive undertaking is intended to make Trump’s 2017 tax cuts permanent, as well as include border security and energy provision using a budget process called reconciliation that allows the majority party to skirt the filibuster, the chamber’s 60-vote threshold to pass most legislation, and advance the package without Democratic votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thune has already described it as an “arduous” process that typically involves relying on the Senate parliamentarian to referee what can and what fits the strict rules for a reconciliation bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parliamentarian is a nonpartisan Senate staffer tasked with safeguarding Senate rules. In the past, reconciliation has been guided by that person’s judgment. For instance, Democrats wanted to include a $15 federal minimum wage hike in a 2021 pandemic relief package that advanced under reconciliation rules. But the parliamentarian nixed the policy because it did not comply with the complicated rules for what is allowed in such a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, in order for a bill to qualify for reconciliation and the lower, 50-vote threshold for passage, it generally cannot increase the federal deficit over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Republicans, backed by Majority Leader Thune, are already looking to bypass that rule — and the parliamentarian — to use a favorable analysis for the deficit impact of the tax cuts. In reality, trillions will be added to the U.S. national debt over the next decade if Trump’s tax cuts are extended without ways to pay for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Binder says ignoring the parliamentarian can be consequential. “If you just ignore parliamentary history, it’s really, for a lack of a better term, it’s really “\u003ca href=\"https://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/Main/Calvinball\">\u003cu>Calvin ball\u003c/u>\u003c/a>\u003cu>,\u003c/u>” where you choose your rules solely for the purpose of getting the outcome that you want, and that’s quite destabilizing to the U.S. Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thune will also likely face pressure to overrule the parliamentarian if the official rules that provisions on immigration or energy policy do not comply with budget rules. Thune has said publicly he does not wish to overrule the parliamentarian, but he could face a pressure campaign from Trump to get what the president wants in that bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats warn that doing so would amount to going “nuclear” and threaten the foundational pillar of minority rule in the Senate: the filibuster. “They are tramping all over the rules that have governed the Senate for decades in order to give massive tax cuts for their billionaire friends,” said Minority Leader Chuck Schumer on the Senate floor earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The U.S. House of Representatives has voted to undo three federal waivers that let\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\"> California\u003c/a> set strict vehicle \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pollution\">pollution\u003c/a> standards. On Wednesday, the House voted against two waivers involving heavy trucking, and on Thursday, it voted to reverse a state rule that would require all new vehicles in the state to be zero-emission by 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two nonpartisan government entities have advised Congress that it can’t actually reverse those waivers through the mechanism it’s using. The Senate now needs to decide whether to follow that guidance — or follow the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s standards have been described by supporters as ambitious, and by critics as unrealistic. Beginning with model year 2026, the state requires 35% of new cars sold by any given automaker to be zero-emission. Currently, about 25% of new cars sold in California are electric; the national average is closer to 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These rules are not something automakers can brush off or overlook. California is a huge state and a major auto market. Other states can’t set their own standards, but they can opt to follow California’s, and about a dozen have adopted its zero-emission rule. The result is that more than 30% of the U.S. auto market is governed by California’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s waiver has a massive impact,” Stephanie Brinley, the associate director of AutoIntelligence at S&P Global Mobility, wrote in a report in January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032226\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Traffic on Interstate 550 in Oakland flowing with cars, but without large diesel trucks, which are prohibited from driving on this interstate. \u003ccite>(Joyce Tsai/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Alliance for Automotive Innovation, a trade group representing automakers, had pushed hard for Congress to step in and overrule California because they argue that consumer demand for EVs is not strong enough to support California’s targets. John Bozzella, the trade group’s president, has warned that meeting the requirements \u003ca href=\"https://www.autosinnovate.org/posts/papers-reports/December%202024%20Memo%20-%20California%20and%20states%20with%20EV%20sales%20requirements.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>would “take a miracle”\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and said in a statement Wednesday that “thousands of American auto jobs and millions of units of U.S. auto production are at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental groups such as the Union of Concerned Scientists argue that flexibilities built into the rules make them \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ucs.org/dave-reichmuth/what-the-auto-industry-isnt-telling-you-about-californias-clean-vehicle-rules/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>more achievable than they seem\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. And they say stricter regulations are important for protecting public health and the climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This vote is an unprecedented and reckless attack on states’ legal authority to address the vehicle pollution causing asthma, lung disease and heart conditions,” Kathy Harris, Director of Clean Vehicles at the Natural Resources Defense Council, wrote in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how we got here, and what’s next.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is a ‘California waiver’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Picture Los Angeles in the 1940s and ’50s. Beautiful beaches, palm trees and picturesque homes — that were impossible to see behind a thick haze. That choking smog was fueled by air pollution from cars and industry, which became trapped mid-air by mountains and wind patterns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing this unusually severe problem, the state began regulating air pollution well before the federal government did. As a result, California has a unique privilege: It, alone among U.S. states, can impose its own emissions standards that are stricter than the nation’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each time California wants to add a new, stricter rule, it has to obtain a waiver from the EPA. It’s done that more than 75 times.[aside postID=news_12037646 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230928-EAGLE-ROCK-SETTLE-MD-09_qed-1020x680.jpg']Today, the House voted to rescind the waiver that let California issue its zero-emission rule for passenger cars, along with two more that allow California to set rules for heavy trucks. One rule would require more heavy trucks to be electric, while the other would require new diesel vehicles to become cleaner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those three California rules aren’t \u003cem>just \u003c/em>about reducing smog. Cars and trucks are a major source of carbon dioxide emissions that are warming the planet. Increasingly, California has become a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2015/11/24/456650555/california-an-environmental-leader-eyes-a-key-role-in-climate-talks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>global leader\u003c/u>\u003c/a> in reducing the carbon emissions that fuel climate change, and zero-emission vehicles are a key part of those climate policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s climate-minded vehicle regulations, far more aggressive than the federal standards and explicitly designed to fight climate change, have long \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/factbase/trump/transcript/donald-trump-speech-political-rally-green-bay-wisconsin-april-2-2024/#85\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>outraged\u003c/u>\u003c/a> President Trump and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.governing.com/resilience/a-blow-against-californias-ev-tyranny\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>allies\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. Trump has dismissed climate concerns and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/01/nx-s1-5273496/trump-biden-climate-change-energy-fossil-fuels-paris-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>prioritized the domestic fossil fuel industry\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/12/nx-s1-5326354/trump-epa-environmental-rules-rollback-deregulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>opposes regulations\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that he describes as limiting consumer choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is working to eliminate a number of the Biden administration’s pro-EV policies, from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/07/nx-s1-5289922/trump-transportation-department-ev-charging-halt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>freezing EV charger funding\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/30/nx-s1-5272749/donald-trump-ev-electric-vehicles-subsidies-auto-industry\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>reconsidering federal vehicle standards\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the administration eases federal standards, California’s tougher rules still push the auto industry to move aggressively toward EVs. That’s why reversing these waivers is a key part of the Trump administration’s broader deregulation plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wait, didn’t this happen before?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes. During the first Trump presidency, the federal government revoked a waiver that allowed California to set its own vehicle standards. That had never been done before, and triggered years of litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also split the auto industry. Some companies that had already made costly investments based on existing rules, and that were looking for some consistency among flip-flopping policies, sided with California. They agreed to follow the state’s rules regardless of whether they were legally required to. Others sided with the Trump administration. The whole situation was messy, chaotic and, ultimately, temporary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Biden took office, the waiver was reinstated. Over the next few years, California made its rules even stricter, requiring a new waiver to be granted — the one on passenger vehicles that the House just voted to nix.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s different this time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new Trump administration is now trying a different tactic to eliminate these waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA grants them. In the first Trump term, it was also the EPA that revoked the passenger vehicle waiver. As soon as Biden was in office, the EPA just issued the waiver again. That flip-flopping could, hypothetically, continue with each new administration, unless something changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035189\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1044\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-1536x1002.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump answers a reporter’s question in the Oval Office on Monday. \u003ccite>(Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This time, Congress is attempting to use the Congressional Review Act to reverse the EPA’s decision to grant these waivers in the first place. It’s a little bit like pressing an “undo” button, wiping the waivers out of existence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s only an option within a narrow window of time — and it only works if the president’s party controls Congress. (Trump used this tool heavily in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/04/09/523064408/republicans-are-using-an-obscure-law-to-repeal-some-obama-era-regulations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>first administration\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.) Significantly, rules that are reversed under the CRA \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R43992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>may not be reissued\u003c/u>\u003c/a> in “substantially the same form” unless Congress passes a new law authorizing that specific rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Congressional Review Act also states that actions taken under it are not subject to judicial review, meaning that courts can’t overturn Congress’ decision. But if the California waiver is in fact revoked under the CRA, expect legal challenges anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s guaranteed,” says Christopher “Smitty” Smith, an environmental lawyer in California. “And that’s something I’m willing to state: It’s \u003cem>guaranteed \u003c/em>to result in litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now, the Senate has a decision to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Government Accountability Office, a federal agency, believes the waiver is \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/b-337179\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>not actually eligible\u003c/u>\u003c/a> for this kind of reversal. So does the Senate parliamentarian, a sort of referee over what Congress can and can’t do according to its own rules. \u003ca href=\"https://www.schiff.senate.gov/news/press-releases/statement-whitehouse-padilla-schiff-on-senate-parliamentarian-reaffirming-californias-clean-air-act-waivers-not-subject-to-cra/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>Three Democratic senators\u003c/u>\u003c/a> say the parliamentarian “reaffirmed” in early April that the waiver is not subject to the Congressional Review Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parliamentarian is not elected, and while her rulings hold significant weight in the Senate, they are not binding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But overruling the parliamentarian violates long-held Senate norms — the same norms that keep the filibuster in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reports \u003ca href=\"https://www.eenews.net/articles/senators-weigh-next-move-on-california-clean-car-rules/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>indicate\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that some Republican senators have been weighing whether eliminating the California rules justifies breaking that norm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying on this issue has been intense, with traditional automakers and the oil industry pushing hard for Congress to eliminate the rules, and public health groups like the American Lung Association joining environmental and EV groups to defend California’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The U.S. House of Representatives has voted to undo three federal waivers that let\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\"> California\u003c/a> set strict vehicle \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pollution\">pollution\u003c/a> standards. On Wednesday, the House voted against two waivers involving heavy trucking, and on Thursday, it voted to reverse a state rule that would require all new vehicles in the state to be zero-emission by 2035.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two nonpartisan government entities have advised Congress that it can’t actually reverse those waivers through the mechanism it’s using. The Senate now needs to decide whether to follow that guidance — or follow the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s standards have been described by supporters as ambitious, and by critics as unrealistic. Beginning with model year 2026, the state requires 35% of new cars sold by any given automaker to be zero-emission. Currently, about 25% of new cars sold in California are electric; the national average is closer to 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These rules are not something automakers can brush off or overlook. California is a huge state and a major auto market. Other states can’t set their own standards, but they can opt to follow California’s, and about a dozen have adopted its zero-emission rule. The result is that more than 30% of the U.S. auto market is governed by California’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s waiver has a massive impact,” Stephanie Brinley, the associate director of AutoIntelligence at S&P Global Mobility, wrote in a report in January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12032226\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12032226\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_6860_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Traffic on Interstate 550 in Oakland flowing with cars, but without large diesel trucks, which are prohibited from driving on this interstate. \u003ccite>(Joyce Tsai/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Alliance for Automotive Innovation, a trade group representing automakers, had pushed hard for Congress to step in and overrule California because they argue that consumer demand for EVs is not strong enough to support California’s targets. John Bozzella, the trade group’s president, has warned that meeting the requirements \u003ca href=\"https://www.autosinnovate.org/posts/papers-reports/December%202024%20Memo%20-%20California%20and%20states%20with%20EV%20sales%20requirements.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>would “take a miracle”\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and said in a statement Wednesday that “thousands of American auto jobs and millions of units of U.S. auto production are at stake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental groups such as the Union of Concerned Scientists argue that flexibilities built into the rules make them \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ucs.org/dave-reichmuth/what-the-auto-industry-isnt-telling-you-about-californias-clean-vehicle-rules/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>more achievable than they seem\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. And they say stricter regulations are important for protecting public health and the climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This vote is an unprecedented and reckless attack on states’ legal authority to address the vehicle pollution causing asthma, lung disease and heart conditions,” Kathy Harris, Director of Clean Vehicles at the Natural Resources Defense Council, wrote in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how we got here, and what’s next.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is a ‘California waiver’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Picture Los Angeles in the 1940s and ’50s. Beautiful beaches, palm trees and picturesque homes — that were impossible to see behind a thick haze. That choking smog was fueled by air pollution from cars and industry, which became trapped mid-air by mountains and wind patterns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing this unusually severe problem, the state began regulating air pollution well before the federal government did. As a result, California has a unique privilege: It, alone among U.S. states, can impose its own emissions standards that are stricter than the nation’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each time California wants to add a new, stricter rule, it has to obtain a waiver from the EPA. It’s done that more than 75 times.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Today, the House voted to rescind the waiver that let California issue its zero-emission rule for passenger cars, along with two more that allow California to set rules for heavy trucks. One rule would require more heavy trucks to be electric, while the other would require new diesel vehicles to become cleaner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those three California rules aren’t \u003cem>just \u003c/em>about reducing smog. Cars and trucks are a major source of carbon dioxide emissions that are warming the planet. Increasingly, California has become a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2015/11/24/456650555/california-an-environmental-leader-eyes-a-key-role-in-climate-talks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>global leader\u003c/u>\u003c/a> in reducing the carbon emissions that fuel climate change, and zero-emission vehicles are a key part of those climate policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s climate-minded vehicle regulations, far more aggressive than the federal standards and explicitly designed to fight climate change, have long \u003ca href=\"https://rollcall.com/factbase/trump/transcript/donald-trump-speech-political-rally-green-bay-wisconsin-april-2-2024/#85\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>outraged\u003c/u>\u003c/a> President Trump and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.governing.com/resilience/a-blow-against-californias-ev-tyranny\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>allies\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. Trump has dismissed climate concerns and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/01/nx-s1-5273496/trump-biden-climate-change-energy-fossil-fuels-paris-agreement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>prioritized the domestic fossil fuel industry\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/12/nx-s1-5326354/trump-epa-environmental-rules-rollback-deregulation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>opposes regulations\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that he describes as limiting consumer choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is working to eliminate a number of the Biden administration’s pro-EV policies, from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/07/nx-s1-5289922/trump-transportation-department-ev-charging-halt\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>freezing EV charger funding\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/30/nx-s1-5272749/donald-trump-ev-electric-vehicles-subsidies-auto-industry\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>reconsidering federal vehicle standards\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the administration eases federal standards, California’s tougher rules still push the auto industry to move aggressively toward EVs. That’s why reversing these waivers is a key part of the Trump administration’s broader deregulation plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wait, didn’t this happen before?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes. During the first Trump presidency, the federal government revoked a waiver that allowed California to set its own vehicle standards. That had never been done before, and triggered years of litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also split the auto industry. Some companies that had already made costly investments based on existing rules, and that were looking for some consistency among flip-flopping policies, sided with California. They agreed to follow the state’s rules regardless of whether they were legally required to. Others sided with the Trump administration. The whole situation was messy, chaotic and, ultimately, temporary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Biden took office, the waiver was reinstated. Over the next few years, California made its rules even stricter, requiring a new waiver to be granted — the one on passenger vehicles that the House just voted to nix.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s different this time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new Trump administration is now trying a different tactic to eliminate these waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EPA grants them. In the first Trump term, it was also the EPA that revoked the passenger vehicle waiver. As soon as Biden was in office, the EPA just issued the waiver again. That flip-flopping could, hypothetically, continue with each new administration, unless something changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035189\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1044\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-6-1536x1002.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Trump answers a reporter’s question in the Oval Office on Monday. \u003ccite>(Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This time, Congress is attempting to use the Congressional Review Act to reverse the EPA’s decision to grant these waivers in the first place. It’s a little bit like pressing an “undo” button, wiping the waivers out of existence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s only an option within a narrow window of time — and it only works if the president’s party controls Congress. (Trump used this tool heavily in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/04/09/523064408/republicans-are-using-an-obscure-law-to-repeal-some-obama-era-regulations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>first administration\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.) Significantly, rules that are reversed under the CRA \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R43992\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>may not be reissued\u003c/u>\u003c/a> in “substantially the same form” unless Congress passes a new law authorizing that specific rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Congressional Review Act also states that actions taken under it are not subject to judicial review, meaning that courts can’t overturn Congress’ decision. But if the California waiver is in fact revoked under the CRA, expect legal challenges anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s guaranteed,” says Christopher “Smitty” Smith, an environmental lawyer in California. “And that’s something I’m willing to state: It’s \u003cem>guaranteed \u003c/em>to result in litigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now, the Senate has a decision to make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Government Accountability Office, a federal agency, believes the waiver is \u003ca href=\"https://www.gao.gov/products/b-337179\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>not actually eligible\u003c/u>\u003c/a> for this kind of reversal. So does the Senate parliamentarian, a sort of referee over what Congress can and can’t do according to its own rules. \u003ca href=\"https://www.schiff.senate.gov/news/press-releases/statement-whitehouse-padilla-schiff-on-senate-parliamentarian-reaffirming-californias-clean-air-act-waivers-not-subject-to-cra/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>Three Democratic senators\u003c/u>\u003c/a> say the parliamentarian “reaffirmed” in early April that the waiver is not subject to the Congressional Review Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parliamentarian is not elected, and while her rulings hold significant weight in the Senate, they are not binding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But overruling the parliamentarian violates long-held Senate norms — the same norms that keep the filibuster in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reports \u003ca href=\"https://www.eenews.net/articles/senators-weigh-next-move-on-california-clean-car-rules/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>indicate\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that some Republican senators have been weighing whether eliminating the California rules justifies breaking that norm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying on this issue has been intense, with traditional automakers and the oil industry pushing hard for Congress to eliminate the rules, and public health groups like the American Lung Association joining environmental and EV groups to defend California’s policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'Burned Out': Remaining Social Security Workers Struggle to Keep Up After Employee Cuts",
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"headTitle": "‘Burned Out’: Remaining Social Security Workers Struggle to Keep Up After Employee Cuts | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jessica LaPointe has worked at a Social Security field office in Madison, Wis., for the past 16 years. And she says right now, the work is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaPointe says disruptions prompted by the Trump administration’s efforts to make deep cuts in the federal government workforce have left many remaining Social Security employees “burned out … and overwhelmed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Field offices are the public-facing branch of a sprawling agency that provides retirement and anti-poverty benefits to 73 million Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really feel the brunt of the public that we serve and the chaos and confusion surrounding Social Security and its impact on them,” said LaPointe, who’s president of a local chapter of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), which represents 25,000 field office workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Social Security Administration (SSA) has laid out plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/28/nx-s1-5296986/trump-worker-cuts-social-security-administration\">slash about 12% of its overall workforce, or 7,000 jobs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Couture, a spokesman for AFGE SSA’s General Committee, says more than 2,500 employees at the agency have taken an offered buyout, and that many of the workers who have left were in critical roles — including those local field offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the primary point of contact, other than the 1-800 number, that the American people have with Social Security,” he said. “They take care of enumeration issues with respect to Social Security cards, handle retirement, disability survivor claims, interviews and processing, among other workloads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12033802 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-14-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Couture says the agency has lost about 2,000 employees specifically from the field offices through the federal government’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.opm.gov/policy-data-oversight/workforce-restructuring/voluntary-separation-incentive-payments/\">buyout program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These losses have disproportionately affected certain local offices. Couture told NPR that there are about 40 field offices that have lost at least 25% of their staff so far, and others, such as offices in Nevada, Mo., and Alexandria, Minn., have lost half or more of their workers, according to agency data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact on those offices in particular is going to be significant, where you are going to see waiting times for visitors, including those who have appointments, go up exponentially,” Couture said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office in the city of Wisconsin Rapids has lost more than 58% of its staff. LaPointe, whose field office is 100 miles south, says massive losses in one office often affect nearby sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That office then takes the work and moves it to the surrounding offices, the surrounding areas and then throughout the region and even then nationwide to get help,” LaPointe said. “So every office is overburdened, short-staffed with public demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump promised no cuts to benefits, but advocates say service cuts affect benefits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has routinely pledged not to cut Social Security benefits, while simultaneously cutting waste and fraud from the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump has promised to protect Americans’ hard-earned Social Security benefits so that all eligible individuals can access them,” Lee Dudek, the acting commissioner of Social Security, said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/news/press/releases/2025/#2025-04-22\">statement\u003c/a> recently.[aside postID=news_12035781 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/iStock_000047219414_Large_qed-1020x680.jpg']But SSA workers and advocates for older and disabled Americans say these staff cuts — as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/22/nx-s1-5320263/social-security-administration-changes-identity-office\">controversial agency moves\u003c/a> under Dudek’s leadership — amount to a cut to services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cut to the program is the deterioration of staff,” LaPointe said. “That is the backdoor cut to the program because benefits delayed are benefits denied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the agency’s own \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/ssa-performance/800-number-performance#average-call-wait-time-trend\">performance data\u003c/a>, there has been a significant increase in wait times for phone services since President Trump was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year the average wait time for phone services was about an hour. So far this year, it’s more than an hour and a half. At the same time, the number of people calling in to the agency has skyrocketed. In November of last year, roughly 6.5 million calls were received by the SSA that month. Last month, the agency received 10.4 million calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the increase in call volume, LaPointe said, is due to “confusion and fear” created by the administration. Some of that concern, she said, was a result of recently announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/preventing-illegal-aliens-from-obtaining-social-security-act-benefits/\">anti-fraud\u003c/a> measures, as well as stories of some beneficiaries being \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/10/us/politics/migrants-deport-social-security-doge.html\">erroneously classified\u003c/a> as dead. She said she also saw an uptick in calls after Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/03/21/social-security-lutnick-doge-checks\">suggested\u003c/a> that only a “fraudster” would complain if they missed a Social Security check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People started to come in just to verify their identity [and] that they’re alive,” LaPointe said, “that they’re associated with their account [and] to let us know they do need their money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reassignments and retirements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s expected many of the lost field office employees will be replaced by staff who were working at the agency’s headquarters or one of the regional offices. One of the Trump administration’s plans is to cut down the number of regional offices — which provide IT and human resources to the field offices — from 10 to four, and then retrain some workers who “volunteered” to be reassigned to public-facing roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SSA offered all employees the opportunity to volunteer to be reassigned from a non-mission critical position to a local field office, teleservice center, processing center, payment center, workload support unit, or hearing office,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/news/workforce/\">the agency says\u003c/a>. More than 2,000 employees have volunteered for a reassignment.[aside postID=news_12032994 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-07-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Couture said the union, however, has not heard any “well-developed plan for ensuring that there was orderly knowledge transfer” as people are placed in those roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Haltzel was the former associate commissioner for the SSA’s Office of Research, Evaluation and Statistics in the agency’s Maryland headquarters. Rather than volunteer for reassignment and face more uncertainty, she decided to take an offer of early retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haltzel said there are problems with the expectation that workers in roles like hers would be able to quickly jump in and replace the thousands of frontline workers that have left. She called the plan a “sort of mythical idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost an extreme amount of expertise and knowledge that we simply are not going to get back,” she said. “Let’s say somebody in my team, who is a statistician, [you] suddenly turn them into a claims processor. It takes two years of training for someone to become proficient at taking a Social Security claim because of the complexity of the law. That is not something that you can simply plug somebody into overnight and keep up at the same pace as it had been operating previously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to meet the overall staffing goal, agency officials are urging more workers in “non-critical roles” at headquarters to consider the deferred resignation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haltzel said it’s an open question whether many of these workers will want to leave, despite the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are taking reassignments out of fear that they will have no jobs because the entire economy in the D.C. area now is affected by a loss of employment across the federal landscape,” she said. “And for all of these individuals to find new jobs in the private sector, that’s simply not a reality, particularly from the Social Security Administration, for which there is no private equivalent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Social Security told NPR in a statement that the agency “has implemented its workforce optimization plan that focuses on reducing employees in non-mission-critical positions and bolstering staff in mission-critical roles” and that officials will “continue to monitor progress” of the staff reductions as they continue throughout the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haltzel said she’s deeply concerned about the loss of expertise that has left the SSA in recent weeks. She said her former team, which analyzed whether the agency was doing a good job serving beneficiaries, has been cut by more than half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that we’re able to sustain a basic minimum of knowledge in order to maintain the functioning of the agency,” Haltzel said. “But frankly, given that they have no control over who takes the reassignments and who simply retires and leaves, they could lose individuals where we are one person deep in knowledge. And once that knowledge is gone, it is gone. These people will not come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration's efforts to make deep cuts in the federal government workforce have left many remaining Social Security employees feeling overwhelmed.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jessica LaPointe has worked at a Social Security field office in Madison, Wis., for the past 16 years. And she says right now, the work is harder than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaPointe says disruptions prompted by the Trump administration’s efforts to make deep cuts in the federal government workforce have left many remaining Social Security employees “burned out … and overwhelmed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Field offices are the public-facing branch of a sprawling agency that provides retirement and anti-poverty benefits to 73 million Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really feel the brunt of the public that we serve and the chaos and confusion surrounding Social Security and its impact on them,” said LaPointe, who’s president of a local chapter of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), which represents 25,000 field office workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Social Security Administration (SSA) has laid out plans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/28/nx-s1-5296986/trump-worker-cuts-social-security-administration\">slash about 12% of its overall workforce, or 7,000 jobs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Couture, a spokesman for AFGE SSA’s General Committee, says more than 2,500 employees at the agency have taken an offered buyout, and that many of the workers who have left were in critical roles — including those local field offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the primary point of contact, other than the 1-800 number, that the American people have with Social Security,” he said. “They take care of enumeration issues with respect to Social Security cards, handle retirement, disability survivor claims, interviews and processing, among other workloads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Couture says the agency has lost about 2,000 employees specifically from the field offices through the federal government’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.opm.gov/policy-data-oversight/workforce-restructuring/voluntary-separation-incentive-payments/\">buyout program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These losses have disproportionately affected certain local offices. Couture told NPR that there are about 40 field offices that have lost at least 25% of their staff so far, and others, such as offices in Nevada, Mo., and Alexandria, Minn., have lost half or more of their workers, according to agency data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact on those offices in particular is going to be significant, where you are going to see waiting times for visitors, including those who have appointments, go up exponentially,” Couture said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office in the city of Wisconsin Rapids has lost more than 58% of its staff. LaPointe, whose field office is 100 miles south, says massive losses in one office often affect nearby sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That office then takes the work and moves it to the surrounding offices, the surrounding areas and then throughout the region and even then nationwide to get help,” LaPointe said. “So every office is overburdened, short-staffed with public demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump promised no cuts to benefits, but advocates say service cuts affect benefits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has routinely pledged not to cut Social Security benefits, while simultaneously cutting waste and fraud from the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump has promised to protect Americans’ hard-earned Social Security benefits so that all eligible individuals can access them,” Lee Dudek, the acting commissioner of Social Security, said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/news/press/releases/2025/#2025-04-22\">statement\u003c/a> recently.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But SSA workers and advocates for older and disabled Americans say these staff cuts — as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/22/nx-s1-5320263/social-security-administration-changes-identity-office\">controversial agency moves\u003c/a> under Dudek’s leadership — amount to a cut to services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cut to the program is the deterioration of staff,” LaPointe said. “That is the backdoor cut to the program because benefits delayed are benefits denied.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the agency’s own \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/ssa-performance/800-number-performance#average-call-wait-time-trend\">performance data\u003c/a>, there has been a significant increase in wait times for phone services since President Trump was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year the average wait time for phone services was about an hour. So far this year, it’s more than an hour and a half. At the same time, the number of people calling in to the agency has skyrocketed. In November of last year, roughly 6.5 million calls were received by the SSA that month. Last month, the agency received 10.4 million calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the increase in call volume, LaPointe said, is due to “confusion and fear” created by the administration. Some of that concern, she said, was a result of recently announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/preventing-illegal-aliens-from-obtaining-social-security-act-benefits/\">anti-fraud\u003c/a> measures, as well as stories of some beneficiaries being \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/10/us/politics/migrants-deport-social-security-doge.html\">erroneously classified\u003c/a> as dead. She said she also saw an uptick in calls after Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/03/21/social-security-lutnick-doge-checks\">suggested\u003c/a> that only a “fraudster” would complain if they missed a Social Security check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People started to come in just to verify their identity [and] that they’re alive,” LaPointe said, “that they’re associated with their account [and] to let us know they do need their money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reassignments and retirements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s expected many of the lost field office employees will be replaced by staff who were working at the agency’s headquarters or one of the regional offices. One of the Trump administration’s plans is to cut down the number of regional offices — which provide IT and human resources to the field offices — from 10 to four, and then retrain some workers who “volunteered” to be reassigned to public-facing roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SSA offered all employees the opportunity to volunteer to be reassigned from a non-mission critical position to a local field office, teleservice center, processing center, payment center, workload support unit, or hearing office,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/news/workforce/\">the agency says\u003c/a>. More than 2,000 employees have volunteered for a reassignment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Couture said the union, however, has not heard any “well-developed plan for ensuring that there was orderly knowledge transfer” as people are placed in those roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Haltzel was the former associate commissioner for the SSA’s Office of Research, Evaluation and Statistics in the agency’s Maryland headquarters. Rather than volunteer for reassignment and face more uncertainty, she decided to take an offer of early retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haltzel said there are problems with the expectation that workers in roles like hers would be able to quickly jump in and replace the thousands of frontline workers that have left. She called the plan a “sort of mythical idea.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost an extreme amount of expertise and knowledge that we simply are not going to get back,” she said. “Let’s say somebody in my team, who is a statistician, [you] suddenly turn them into a claims processor. It takes two years of training for someone to become proficient at taking a Social Security claim because of the complexity of the law. That is not something that you can simply plug somebody into overnight and keep up at the same pace as it had been operating previously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to meet the overall staffing goal, agency officials are urging more workers in “non-critical roles” at headquarters to consider the deferred resignation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haltzel said it’s an open question whether many of these workers will want to leave, despite the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are taking reassignments out of fear that they will have no jobs because the entire economy in the D.C. area now is affected by a loss of employment across the federal landscape,” she said. “And for all of these individuals to find new jobs in the private sector, that’s simply not a reality, particularly from the Social Security Administration, for which there is no private equivalent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Social Security told NPR in a statement that the agency “has implemented its workforce optimization plan that focuses on reducing employees in non-mission-critical positions and bolstering staff in mission-critical roles” and that officials will “continue to monitor progress” of the staff reductions as they continue throughout the fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haltzel said she’s deeply concerned about the loss of expertise that has left the SSA in recent weeks. She said her former team, which analyzed whether the agency was doing a good job serving beneficiaries, has been cut by more than half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope that we’re able to sustain a basic minimum of knowledge in order to maintain the functioning of the agency,” Haltzel said. “But frankly, given that they have no control over who takes the reassignments and who simply retires and leaves, they could lose individuals where we are one person deep in knowledge. And once that knowledge is gone, it is gone. These people will not come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "oil-companies-expected-a-big-business-boom-under-trump-now-theyre-worried",
"title": "Oil Companies Expected a Big Business Boom Under Trump. Now They're Worried",
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"content": "\u003cp>The San Juan Basin, in the northwestern part of New Mexico, is one of the oldest \u003ca href=\"https://geoinfo.nmt.edu/geoscience/research/home.cfml?id=44\">federal lands drilling areas\u003c/a> in the U.S. It’s a huge swath of barren, brown high desert that first started booming in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, some 40,000 wells pockmark the rolling hills of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npca.org/articles/2746-an-insider-s-guide-to-the-four-corners\">Four Corners region\u003c/a>, several thousand of them still reliably pump up light sweet crude oil and natural gas through the old iconic pumpjacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this historic and remote drilling region has struggled for the last decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be an epicenter,” says Sean Dugan, the third-generation president of Dugan Production, a family drilling business in the boom-and-bust town of Farmington. “When the majors left, they took all their rigs with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s talking about the major international companies like Chevron and BP that started pulling out of the basin after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/112578215/financial-crisis-one-year-and-counting\">2008 financial crisis\u003c/a>, namely when natural gas prices slumped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many left for shale drilling areas like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/23/669198912/after-struggles-north-dakota-grows-into-its-ongoing-oil-boom\">Bakken in North Dakota\u003c/a> or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/06/09/1179415899/oil-production-gas-prices-opec-climate-change-permian-basin-texas\">Permian Basin\u003c/a> in southern New Mexico and Texas where drilling on private land was more productive, lucrative and economical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today it’s only the smaller independents like Dugan still hanging on. But he sees potential for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5359013/trump-orders-coal-revival-market-favors-natural-gas\">another boom\u003c/a> out here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh yeah, we’ve got a lot of tricks up our sleeves,” says the cheerful and charismatic Dugan. “The basin has a lot to give. We’ve barely begun to tap its potential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Dugan’s family drilling company has been a steady local employer for decades in New Mexico. \u003ccite>(Kirk Siegler/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local drillers say more than half the natural gas reserves in this region have yet to be tapped. And the hope is all the new computer data centers being built in places like Phoenix will want cheaper gas-powered electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But watching a group of roughnecks on a rig in grubby overalls moving huge, long steel pipes, Dugan’s smile begins to fade to a smirk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your polypipe, which is what these pipelines are made out of now. That all comes from the Asian markets,” Dugan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan says the cost of doing business out here was already expensive and President Trump’s trade war is making it worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump’s trade war is causing anxiety in the oil patch\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many oil and gas company executives, particularly the larger ones, initially celebrated Trump’s return to the White House. But lately, that optimism for higher oil company profits appears to have faded amid growing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354927/recession-trump-tariffs\">fears of a recession\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, drill baby drill and lower oil prices are not simpatico,” says George Sharpe, investment manager for Merrion Oil and Gas, one of the San Juan Basin’s oldest drillers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, Sharpe says, if Trump tanks the economy and oil prices hover at or below the cost of production, you can remove all the regulatory barriers you want, but companies will be wary of drilling new wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the whole tariff thing is going to backfire on Trump,” Sharpe says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks with reporters at the White House on Wednesday in Washington. Many oil and gas company executives, particularly the larger ones, initially celebrated Trump’s return as president. But lately, that optimism for higher oil company profits appears to have faded amid growing fears of a recession. \u003ccite>(Alex Brandon/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dugan says he wakes up every morning and checks the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/22/nx-s1-5372588/trump-tariffs-imf-trade-world-economy\">news on tariffs\u003c/a>. He used to spend about $80,000 on a load of pipes that come from South Korea. Now, he figures it could be up to $120,000. His company was one of the few locally to avoid mass layoffs at the start of the pandemic in 2020 when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/coronavirus-live-updates/2020/04/20/838521862/free-falling-oil-prices-keep-diving-as-demand-disappears\">oil prices tanked\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026185 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Dugan says he wants to plan for ten years out. But he doesn’t even know what’s going to happen tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just kneecaps ya when all this uncertainty and volatility is in the air,” Dugan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/2024-election-results/new-mexico.html?section=key-races\">lost New Mexico handily\u003c/a> in the presidential election last year, but he did rack up big wins in rural counties like this. In interviews with local industry and community leaders, it’s clear there is still plenty of hope that the Trump administration’s newer, revised slogan of “build baby build” will make it easier to get a new gas pipeline built between the San Juan Basin and Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is optimism in the air. Our workers welcome energy policies that put American energy first,” Farmington Mayor Nate Duckett said, noting in an email that his town was built on top of one of the richest gas and coal fields in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Boom and bust energy towns are in limbo\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the day President Trump issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/reinvigorating-americas-beautiful-clean-coal-industry-and-amending-executive-order-14241/\">four new executive orders\u003c/a> to revive \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5359013/trump-orders-coal-revival-market-favors-natural-gas\">America’s coal industry\u003c/a>, local environmentalist Dave Fosdeck was driving his four-wheel drive truck to the top of a hogback for what turned out to be a bit of an apocalyptic view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here we are up on top,” Fosdeck said, hopping out for a 360 view. “Four Corners power plant about 11 o’clock there, and San Juan Generating station up to our left at 9 o’clock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Most of the oil and gas jobs in New Mexico’s San Juan Basin today are servicing or decommissioning wells like these. \u003ccite>(Kirk Siegler/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was the enormous San Juan coal plant — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/05/nx-s1-5076973/coal-power-plant-demolition-navajo-new-mexico\">currently being dismantled\u003c/a> — a hulking gash of twisted metal and steel glaring in the desert sun. The Four Corners plant on the Navajo Nation is supposed to be decommissioned in 2031, but Trump has promised to stop coal plants from closing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about supply and demand and also the cost of producing in this remote region compared to like, Texas or Louisiana,” Fosdeck says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But people here are tired of seeing Farmington in the headlines as a town that’s losing population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s opportunity, but, ugh, it’s hard,” Fosdeck says. “It’s hard to find an area like this that has been so dependent on oil and gas trying to transition to something else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmington has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/28/1202187607/fossil-fuel-blm-new-mexico-outdoor-recreation-biden-federal-land-oil-gas\">tried to diversify\u003c/a> by promoting tourism and outdoor recreation on all the federal public lands in the region. But those jobs don’t pay nearly as much. With virtually no new drilling here for now, most of the oilfield work is in servicing existing wells, or decommissioning them, to prevent the leaking of methane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Prieto is supervising a crew that’s laying production pipe into a shuttered well, before they’ll pump cement and cap it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s grateful for the job in a time when so much feels uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love it, just keeping my head busy,” Prieto says. “I provide for my family which is the most important thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also means he doesn’t have to travel to other oil patches out of state for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we’re working we’re happy. The oil field is the main thing out here,” Prieto says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But no one seems to be preparing for a lot of new hiring here at this point, despite promises of a new oil and gas boom on federal land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is the latest report in an occasional NPR National Desk series examining how President Trump’s early actions are playing out across America.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Many oil and gas company executives initially celebrated Trump's return to the White House, but now that optimism for higher oil company profits is fading amid growing fears of a recession.",
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"title": "Oil Companies Expected a Big Business Boom Under Trump. Now They're Worried | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The San Juan Basin, in the northwestern part of New Mexico, is one of the oldest \u003ca href=\"https://geoinfo.nmt.edu/geoscience/research/home.cfml?id=44\">federal lands drilling areas\u003c/a> in the U.S. It’s a huge swath of barren, brown high desert that first started booming in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, some 40,000 wells pockmark the rolling hills of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npca.org/articles/2746-an-insider-s-guide-to-the-four-corners\">Four Corners region\u003c/a>, several thousand of them still reliably pump up light sweet crude oil and natural gas through the old iconic pumpjacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this historic and remote drilling region has struggled for the last decade or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be an epicenter,” says Sean Dugan, the third-generation president of Dugan Production, a family drilling business in the boom-and-bust town of Farmington. “When the majors left, they took all their rigs with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s talking about the major international companies like Chevron and BP that started pulling out of the basin after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/112578215/financial-crisis-one-year-and-counting\">2008 financial crisis\u003c/a>, namely when natural gas prices slumped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many left for shale drilling areas like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/23/669198912/after-struggles-north-dakota-grows-into-its-ongoing-oil-boom\">Bakken in North Dakota\u003c/a> or the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/06/09/1179415899/oil-production-gas-prices-opec-climate-change-permian-basin-texas\">Permian Basin\u003c/a> in southern New Mexico and Texas where drilling on private land was more productive, lucrative and economical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today it’s only the smaller independents like Dugan still hanging on. But he sees potential for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5359013/trump-orders-coal-revival-market-favors-natural-gas\">another boom\u003c/a> out here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh yeah, we’ve got a lot of tricks up our sleeves,” says the cheerful and charismatic Dugan. “The basin has a lot to give. We’ve barely begun to tap its potential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-20-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Dugan’s family drilling company has been a steady local employer for decades in New Mexico. \u003ccite>(Kirk Siegler/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local drillers say more than half the natural gas reserves in this region have yet to be tapped. And the hope is all the new computer data centers being built in places like Phoenix will want cheaper gas-powered electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But watching a group of roughnecks on a rig in grubby overalls moving huge, long steel pipes, Dugan’s smile begins to fade to a smirk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your polypipe, which is what these pipelines are made out of now. That all comes from the Asian markets,” Dugan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dugan says the cost of doing business out here was already expensive and President Trump’s trade war is making it worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trump’s trade war is causing anxiety in the oil patch\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many oil and gas company executives, particularly the larger ones, initially celebrated Trump’s return to the White House. But lately, that optimism for higher oil company profits appears to have faded amid growing \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354927/recession-trump-tariffs\">fears of a recession\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, drill baby drill and lower oil prices are not simpatico,” says George Sharpe, investment manager for Merrion Oil and Gas, one of the San Juan Basin’s oldest drillers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, Sharpe says, if Trump tanks the economy and oil prices hover at or below the cost of production, you can remove all the regulatory barriers you want, but companies will be wary of drilling new wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the whole tariff thing is going to backfire on Trump,” Sharpe says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-21-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks with reporters at the White House on Wednesday in Washington. Many oil and gas company executives, particularly the larger ones, initially celebrated Trump’s return as president. But lately, that optimism for higher oil company profits appears to have faded amid growing fears of a recession. \u003ccite>(Alex Brandon/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dugan says he wakes up every morning and checks the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/22/nx-s1-5372588/trump-tariffs-imf-trade-world-economy\">news on tariffs\u003c/a>. He used to spend about $80,000 on a load of pipes that come from South Korea. Now, he figures it could be up to $120,000. His company was one of the few locally to avoid mass layoffs at the start of the pandemic in 2020 when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/coronavirus-live-updates/2020/04/20/838521862/free-falling-oil-prices-keep-diving-as-demand-disappears\">oil prices tanked\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today Dugan says he wants to plan for ten years out. But he doesn’t even know what’s going to happen tomorrow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just kneecaps ya when all this uncertainty and volatility is in the air,” Dugan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://apps.npr.org/2024-election-results/new-mexico.html?section=key-races\">lost New Mexico handily\u003c/a> in the presidential election last year, but he did rack up big wins in rural counties like this. In interviews with local industry and community leaders, it’s clear there is still plenty of hope that the Trump administration’s newer, revised slogan of “build baby build” will make it easier to get a new gas pipeline built between the San Juan Basin and Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is optimism in the air. Our workers welcome energy policies that put American energy first,” Farmington Mayor Nate Duckett said, noting in an email that his town was built on top of one of the richest gas and coal fields in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Boom and bust energy towns are in limbo\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the day President Trump issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/reinvigorating-americas-beautiful-clean-coal-industry-and-amending-executive-order-14241/\">four new executive orders\u003c/a> to revive \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/nx-s1-5359013/trump-orders-coal-revival-market-favors-natural-gas\">America’s coal industry\u003c/a>, local environmentalist Dave Fosdeck was driving his four-wheel drive truck to the top of a hogback for what turned out to be a bit of an apocalyptic view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here we are up on top,” Fosdeck said, hopping out for a 360 view. “Four Corners power plant about 11 o’clock there, and San Juan Generating station up to our left at 9 o’clock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-22-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Most of the oil and gas jobs in New Mexico’s San Juan Basin today are servicing or decommissioning wells like these. \u003ccite>(Kirk Siegler/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was the enormous San Juan coal plant — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/05/nx-s1-5076973/coal-power-plant-demolition-navajo-new-mexico\">currently being dismantled\u003c/a> — a hulking gash of twisted metal and steel glaring in the desert sun. The Four Corners plant on the Navajo Nation is supposed to be decommissioned in 2031, but Trump has promised to stop coal plants from closing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about supply and demand and also the cost of producing in this remote region compared to like, Texas or Louisiana,” Fosdeck says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But people here are tired of seeing Farmington in the headlines as a town that’s losing population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s opportunity, but, ugh, it’s hard,” Fosdeck says. “It’s hard to find an area like this that has been so dependent on oil and gas trying to transition to something else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmington has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/28/1202187607/fossil-fuel-blm-new-mexico-outdoor-recreation-biden-federal-land-oil-gas\">tried to diversify\u003c/a> by promoting tourism and outdoor recreation on all the federal public lands in the region. But those jobs don’t pay nearly as much. With virtually no new drilling here for now, most of the oilfield work is in servicing existing wells, or decommissioning them, to prevent the leaking of methane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Prieto is supervising a crew that’s laying production pipe into a shuttered well, before they’ll pump cement and cap it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s grateful for the job in a time when so much feels uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love it, just keeping my head busy,” Prieto says. “I provide for my family which is the most important thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also means he doesn’t have to travel to other oil patches out of state for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we’re working we’re happy. The oil field is the main thing out here,” Prieto says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But no one seems to be preparing for a lot of new hiring here at this point, despite promises of a new oil and gas boom on federal land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is the latest report in an occasional NPR National Desk series examining how President Trump’s early actions are playing out across America.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The spring housing market was supposed to boom. Instead, it’s whimpering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Existing home sales in March slumped 5.9% from February — the largest month-to-month decline since November 2022 when seasonally adjusted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to a year ago, sales in March were down 2.4% from March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline came as something of a surprise, following \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/newsroom/existing-home-sales-accelerated-4-2-in-february\">an uptick in sales\u003c/a> in February. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/03/nx-s1-5349453/spring-home-buying-mortgage-rates\">More inventory\u003c/a> has been hitting the market, which was expected to drive sales, and spring tends to be among the busiest times for home sales, as parents with kids try to move when school is out for the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the sales figures suggest that the housing market is in a continued slump, hampered by high mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036934 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/RS35749_GettyImages-452284506-qut-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two years have been incredibly slow, with existing home sales \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/24/nx-s1-5272647/home-sales-housing-affordability\">at their lowest levels\u003c/a> since the mid-1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New home sales are rosier\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in the market, a different story is unfolding. Sales of \u003cem>new\u003c/em> single-family homes were up 7.4% from February, and 6% higher than a year ago. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrs/pdf/newressales.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to data (PDF)\u003c/a> from the U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development released on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median sales price of new homes sold in March 2025 was $403,600 — a smidge lower than the median sales price of an \u003cem>existing\u003c/em> home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unusual: There’s usually a 15–20% premium for new homes, said Yun. This month’s price parity between new and existing homes is an indication that homebuilders are more into constructing smaller, cheaper homes — and not the high-priced McMansions of yore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supply is good news for buyers who’ve been priced out of the existing home market — though some regions, especially the Northeast, are building scant little new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, there are signs that this year’s spring market overall might be a weak one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage applications decreased 12.7% from one week earlier, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mba.org/news-and-research/newsroom/news/2025/04/23/mortgage-applications-decrease-in-latest-mba-weekly-survey\">according to data\u003c/a> from the Mortgage Bankers Association for the week ending April 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the result of mortgage rates jumping in the last two weeks, said MBA President and CEO Bob Broeksmit in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[M]any potential borrowers will likely stay on the sidelines until they have a better idea of the direction that rates, and the economy, are headed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Despite expectations of a housing market boom, existing home sales in March slumped 5.9% from February — the largest month-to-month decline since November 2022 when seasonally adjusted. \r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The spring housing market was supposed to boom. Instead, it’s whimpering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Existing home sales in March slumped 5.9% from February — the largest month-to-month decline since November 2022 when seasonally adjusted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to a year ago, sales in March were down 2.4% from March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline came as something of a surprise, following \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/newsroom/existing-home-sales-accelerated-4-2-in-february\">an uptick in sales\u003c/a> in February. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/03/nx-s1-5349453/spring-home-buying-mortgage-rates\">More inventory\u003c/a> has been hitting the market, which was expected to drive sales, and spring tends to be among the busiest times for home sales, as parents with kids try to move when school is out for the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the sales figures suggest that the housing market is in a continued slump, hampered by high mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two years have been incredibly slow, with existing home sales \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/24/nx-s1-5272647/home-sales-housing-affordability\">at their lowest levels\u003c/a> since the mid-1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New home sales are rosier\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in the market, a different story is unfolding. Sales of \u003cem>new\u003c/em> single-family homes were up 7.4% from February, and 6% higher than a year ago. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrs/pdf/newressales.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to data (PDF)\u003c/a> from the U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development released on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median sales price of new homes sold in March 2025 was $403,600 — a smidge lower than the median sales price of an \u003cem>existing\u003c/em> home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unusual: There’s usually a 15–20% premium for new homes, said Yun. This month’s price parity between new and existing homes is an indication that homebuilders are more into constructing smaller, cheaper homes — and not the high-priced McMansions of yore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supply is good news for buyers who’ve been priced out of the existing home market — though some regions, especially the Northeast, are building scant little new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, there are signs that this year’s spring market overall might be a weak one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage applications decreased 12.7% from one week earlier, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mba.org/news-and-research/newsroom/news/2025/04/23/mortgage-applications-decrease-in-latest-mba-weekly-survey\">according to data\u003c/a> from the Mortgage Bankers Association for the week ending April 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the result of mortgage rates jumping in the last two weeks, said MBA President and CEO Bob Broeksmit in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[M]any potential borrowers will likely stay on the sidelines until they have a better idea of the direction that rates, and the economy, are headed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "She Grew Up Believing She Was a US Citizen. Then She Applied for a Passport",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the better part of A’s life, she never suspected anything was wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She breezed through getting her driver’s license. She applied to college and filed her taxes year after year without any hiccups. That is, until she applied for her passport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, the document she always relied on — a delayed registration of birth, which is fairly common among adoptees — was no longer enough. She realized the papers that would prove she was a citizen were not just missing — they had never existed in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just sensed there was something wrong and it seemed frightening,” said A, who asked to be referred to by her last initial out of fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A later found out that her adoptive parents never completed her naturalization. It meant she was technically barred from accessing things that she took for granted all her life — like college financial aid. It also left A, who is now in her 40s, vulnerable to deportation to her native South Korea — a country she has never been to, where she doesn’t speak the language or know of any family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress tried to address this issue by passing the Child Citizenship Act in 2000, which grants automatic citizenship to international adoptees. But the law only covered future adoptees and those under 18 at the time the law went into effect, or only those born after February 1983. It also did not apply to children who were brought to the U.S. on the wrong type of visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past 25 years, advocates have been pushing for Congress to remove the age cutoff and narrow the citizenship gap among adoptees. A bill was reintroduced several times, but it has yet to make it past the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, advocates say President Trump’s second term has ushered in a new era of fear for adoptees without citizenship. Trump has consistently vowed to carry out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/11/1244093031/how-trumps-immigration-policy-changes-who-gets-arrested-and-detained\">largest deportation program\u003c/a> that the country has ever seen. To do so, his administration is casting a far wider net on who to deport — making adoptees like A question if they will be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I definitely didn’t think it was possible for any adoptee to be in my state of limbo. I know now that it’s not only possible but common,” A said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How adoptees fell through the cracks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s difficult to determine how many adoptees lack citizenship in the U.S. Many are unaware of their circumstances until adulthood, when they attempt to apply for a passport, try to obtain a Real ID or, in the worst-case scenario, get convicted of a crime, which makes them a priority for removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036849\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-17.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-17.jpg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-17-160x213.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In her earliest memories, A sensed a difference between her and her white parents. Yet, she also remembers feeling special, chosen and cared for. \u003ccite>(Family photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arissa Oh, a history professor at Boston College who has written extensively about the origins of international adoptions, said a host of factors contributed to the phenomenon of noncitizen adoptees. In some cases, the adoptive parents were to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either the adoptive parents did not know that naturalization was a separate process from immigration and adoption, or they couldn’t get around to it for whatever reason,” Oh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the adoptions were never fully legal in the first place. Last month, the government of South Korea, where A is from, admitted that its adoption agencies \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/27/nx-s1-5341421/south-korea-admits-agencies-mishandled-international-adoptions\">engaged in fraud or malpractice\u003c/a> to keep up with demand, including not properly vetting prospective parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, led by the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, urged the Korean government to investigate citizenship issues among adoptees sent to the U.S. and take steps to support those without citizenship, the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/south-korea-adoptions-responsibility-fraud-abuse-67970ea6e153e7cbb63d5b4bc29325f4\">Associated Press\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Oh, all of the systemic factors that kept adoptees from being naturalized underscore a long-standing discrepancy between federal and state roles in international adoptions. While U.S. citizenship is governed at the federal level, adoptions themselves are generally regarded as domestic matters, much like marriage, which is why they are processed through state courts, Oh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where you see a failure, in terms of the protection of the children,” she said. “Because they could fall through the gap between federal law and state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t know who to ask for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A was just 3 weeks old when she was brought to the West Coast from South Korea. Her adoptive parents had trouble conceiving, she was told. It never occurred to A to ask if she was indeed a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in her 20s, while working at a coffee shop, A opened a letter from the U.S. State Department asking for more proof of her citizenship. She had no idea who to turn to and couldn’t afford a lawyer.[aside postID=news_12024082 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/01/GettyImages-1314541146-1020x690.jpg']“I think I just felt really alone and scared,” A said. “I didn’t know who to ask for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, she tucked the letter away and returned to the mountain of dishes she needed to wash. Although part of her was worried, A figured it was some misunderstanding and could be easily resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, when she asked her parents about her citizenship, they told her: “You were adopted by a U.S. citizen. So you’re a U.S. citizen,” she recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, in a Facebook group for adoptees, she confided to another member about her situation, who then urged her to contact attorney Gregory Luce as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An adoptee himself, Luce specializes in this area. After he and A connected in 2019, Luce spent the next two years going back and forth with various government agencies to determine if A was a citizen. The drawn-out wait was typical, he said. The truth was nothing short of gut-wrenching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Greg said officially: ‘You’re not a U.S. citizen,’ ” A said. “It was hard to hear, but a lot of it was that I was scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some deported adoptees have faced homelessness and mental health crises\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adoptees are supposed to be granted the same rights as if they were the biological children of their adoptive parents. Yet adoptees who lack citizenship live in limbo almost as if they newly arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes them ineligible for most college financial aid, federal benefits and certain government jobs. Soon, they’ll also lose the ability to fly domestically when enforcement of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/12/05/1140778386/real-id-enforcement-delayed-2025-immigration-privacy\">Real ID\u003c/a>, a driver’s license or ID card with stricter standards, kicks off in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joy Alessi, a Korean adoptee who’s with the Adoptee Rights Campaign, did not gain citizenship until she was 52 years old. She worries about how the years she spent working as a noncitizen will impact her future retirement benefits.[aside postID=news_12033789 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250324-WongKimArk-02-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']“As children, we didn’t broker our own adoptions, nor did we bring ourselves across the border without the proper documentation. Nor did we fail to apply for our own citizenship,” she said. “So why are we holding children responsible for their parents’ mistakes?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, attorneys often advised Alessi to simply “lay low” rather than try to take steps to correct her immigration status. But leaving the issue unresolved puts adoptees at another kind of risk: a criminal conviction, no matter how minor, can expose them to the full weight of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR previously reported of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/27/1107966562/waiting-in-no-mans-land\">an adoptee and father of five\u003c/a> who was convicted of marijuana possession in Texas. Because his adoption was filed improperly, he was sent to his birth country of Mexico after having served a few years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amanda Cho, a spokesperson for Adoptees for Justice, said adoptees who are deported often receive little to no support to navigate life in an unfamiliar country, putting them at significant risk of unemployment, homelessness, and mental health crises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re kind of just left to struggle and survive on their own,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one case, an adoptee named Phillip Clay killed himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/deported-adoptee-s-death-heightens-calls-citizenship-bill-n767341\">after struggling to adjust\u003c/a> to life in South Korea.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Thousands of adoptees could have relief with this bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The State Department said in a statement that it works to ensure intercountry adoptions are “safe, ethical, legal and transparent” but “[its] role in issues regarding adoptee citizenship is generally limited to adjudicating applications for a U.S. passport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adoptee advocates argue the solution lies in eliminating the age cutoff from the 2000 law. Legislative efforts to do just that have historically received bipartisan support. But progress has been slow because the issue had been tied to immigration, an area that has been persistently difficult to reform, according Rep. Adam Smith, D-Wash., who has previously sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it’s really paralyzed our ability to right a very simple and straightforward wrong,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cho said at its core, the bill is about preventing family separation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Adoptees were adopted into a family as children,” she said. “It’s not fair that a biological child can commit a crime, do their time and continue on with their life. But an adopted child is treated [differently].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the federal level, states can also better support adoptees by allowing them greater access to their adoption records, according to Luce, who is also the founder of the Adoptee Rights Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These documents are often considered the most secretive of all court files given their sensitive nature. In many states, including California, Kentucky and Virginia, adult adoptees must secure \u003ca href=\"https://adopteerightslaw.com/united-states-obc/\">a court order or permission\u003c/a> from their adoptive parents in order to gain access to certain adoption papers. The fee to obtain these files can also be far higher than the cost to retrieve a non-adoptee birth certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue impacts both those who were adopted domestically and internationally. In A’s case, Luce said he requested documents essential to her immigration case in state court three times over two years. Had it been easier to get those papers, A would have obtained her green card by now, according to Luce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly frustrating if not insane and ultimately dangerous for intercountry adopted people like A when they cannot get basic documents to prove they are lawfully in the United States,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is an issue of human rights and individual dignity that we’ve been fighting for more than 50 years,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A tries to get a green card amid the new Trump administration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, A married a U.S. citizen — opening up a new viable pathway toward citizenship. It’s promising, but A won’t be able to get a green card until she has obtained adoption papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A said her husband is “more nervous now than ever before because of the current administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, A won’t be able to fly within the country because she’s not eligible for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/10/nx-s1-5355902/real-id-enforcement-may-7\">a Real ID\u003c/a>. It means missing work trips and her best friend’s birthday in New York, breaking a 12-year tradition. “It’s a really big loss,” A said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also comes at a time when she feels the most grateful for the life that she has built — securing her dream two-bedroom apartment nestled between parks and hiking paths, working a job she loves and having a close-knit group of friends, many of whom are fellow adoptees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so in tune with how lucky I am and somehow it feels like a way to measure how long and hard I worked and how many times I moved trying to find my place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the better part of A’s life, she never suspected anything was wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She breezed through getting her driver’s license. She applied to college and filed her taxes year after year without any hiccups. That is, until she applied for her passport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, the document she always relied on — a delayed registration of birth, which is fairly common among adoptees — was no longer enough. She realized the papers that would prove she was a citizen were not just missing — they had never existed in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just sensed there was something wrong and it seemed frightening,” said A, who asked to be referred to by her last initial out of fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A later found out that her adoptive parents never completed her naturalization. It meant she was technically barred from accessing things that she took for granted all her life — like college financial aid. It also left A, who is now in her 40s, vulnerable to deportation to her native South Korea — a country she has never been to, where she doesn’t speak the language or know of any family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress tried to address this issue by passing the Child Citizenship Act in 2000, which grants automatic citizenship to international adoptees. But the law only covered future adoptees and those under 18 at the time the law went into effect, or only those born after February 1983. It also did not apply to children who were brought to the U.S. on the wrong type of visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past 25 years, advocates have been pushing for Congress to remove the age cutoff and narrow the citizenship gap among adoptees. A bill was reintroduced several times, but it has yet to make it past the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, advocates say President Trump’s second term has ushered in a new era of fear for adoptees without citizenship. Trump has consistently vowed to carry out the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/11/1244093031/how-trumps-immigration-policy-changes-who-gets-arrested-and-detained\">largest deportation program\u003c/a> that the country has ever seen. To do so, his administration is casting a far wider net on who to deport — making adoptees like A question if they will be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I definitely didn’t think it was possible for any adoptee to be in my state of limbo. I know now that it’s not only possible but common,” A said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How adoptees fell through the cracks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s difficult to determine how many adoptees lack citizenship in the U.S. Many are unaware of their circumstances until adulthood, when they attempt to apply for a passport, try to obtain a Real ID or, in the worst-case scenario, get convicted of a crime, which makes them a priority for removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036849\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-17.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-17.jpg 600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-17-160x213.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In her earliest memories, A sensed a difference between her and her white parents. Yet, she also remembers feeling special, chosen and cared for. \u003ccite>(Family photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arissa Oh, a history professor at Boston College who has written extensively about the origins of international adoptions, said a host of factors contributed to the phenomenon of noncitizen adoptees. In some cases, the adoptive parents were to blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Either the adoptive parents did not know that naturalization was a separate process from immigration and adoption, or they couldn’t get around to it for whatever reason,” Oh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the adoptions were never fully legal in the first place. Last month, the government of South Korea, where A is from, admitted that its adoption agencies \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/03/27/nx-s1-5341421/south-korea-admits-agencies-mishandled-international-adoptions\">engaged in fraud or malpractice\u003c/a> to keep up with demand, including not properly vetting prospective parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, led by the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, urged the Korean government to investigate citizenship issues among adoptees sent to the U.S. and take steps to support those without citizenship, the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/south-korea-adoptions-responsibility-fraud-abuse-67970ea6e153e7cbb63d5b4bc29325f4\">Associated Press\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Oh, all of the systemic factors that kept adoptees from being naturalized underscore a long-standing discrepancy between federal and state roles in international adoptions. While U.S. citizenship is governed at the federal level, adoptions themselves are generally regarded as domestic matters, much like marriage, which is why they are processed through state courts, Oh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where you see a failure, in terms of the protection of the children,” she said. “Because they could fall through the gap between federal law and state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t know who to ask for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A was just 3 weeks old when she was brought to the West Coast from South Korea. Her adoptive parents had trouble conceiving, she was told. It never occurred to A to ask if she was indeed a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in her 20s, while working at a coffee shop, A opened a letter from the U.S. State Department asking for more proof of her citizenship. She had no idea who to turn to and couldn’t afford a lawyer.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I think I just felt really alone and scared,” A said. “I didn’t know who to ask for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, she tucked the letter away and returned to the mountain of dishes she needed to wash. Although part of her was worried, A figured it was some misunderstanding and could be easily resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later, when she asked her parents about her citizenship, they told her: “You were adopted by a U.S. citizen. So you’re a U.S. citizen,” she recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, in a Facebook group for adoptees, she confided to another member about her situation, who then urged her to contact attorney Gregory Luce as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An adoptee himself, Luce specializes in this area. After he and A connected in 2019, Luce spent the next two years going back and forth with various government agencies to determine if A was a citizen. The drawn-out wait was typical, he said. The truth was nothing short of gut-wrenching.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Greg said officially: ‘You’re not a U.S. citizen,’ ” A said. “It was hard to hear, but a lot of it was that I was scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Some deported adoptees have faced homelessness and mental health crises\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adoptees are supposed to be granted the same rights as if they were the biological children of their adoptive parents. Yet adoptees who lack citizenship live in limbo almost as if they newly arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It makes them ineligible for most college financial aid, federal benefits and certain government jobs. Soon, they’ll also lose the ability to fly domestically when enforcement of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/12/05/1140778386/real-id-enforcement-delayed-2025-immigration-privacy\">Real ID\u003c/a>, a driver’s license or ID card with stricter standards, kicks off in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joy Alessi, a Korean adoptee who’s with the Adoptee Rights Campaign, did not gain citizenship until she was 52 years old. She worries about how the years she spent working as a noncitizen will impact her future retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“As children, we didn’t broker our own adoptions, nor did we bring ourselves across the border without the proper documentation. Nor did we fail to apply for our own citizenship,” she said. “So why are we holding children responsible for their parents’ mistakes?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, attorneys often advised Alessi to simply “lay low” rather than try to take steps to correct her immigration status. But leaving the issue unresolved puts adoptees at another kind of risk: a criminal conviction, no matter how minor, can expose them to the full weight of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR previously reported of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/27/1107966562/waiting-in-no-mans-land\">an adoptee and father of five\u003c/a> who was convicted of marijuana possession in Texas. Because his adoption was filed improperly, he was sent to his birth country of Mexico after having served a few years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amanda Cho, a spokesperson for Adoptees for Justice, said adoptees who are deported often receive little to no support to navigate life in an unfamiliar country, putting them at significant risk of unemployment, homelessness, and mental health crises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re kind of just left to struggle and survive on their own,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one case, an adoptee named Phillip Clay killed himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/deported-adoptee-s-death-heightens-calls-citizenship-bill-n767341\">after struggling to adjust\u003c/a> to life in South Korea.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Thousands of adoptees could have relief with this bill\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The State Department said in a statement that it works to ensure intercountry adoptions are “safe, ethical, legal and transparent” but “[its] role in issues regarding adoptee citizenship is generally limited to adjudicating applications for a U.S. passport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adoptee advocates argue the solution lies in eliminating the age cutoff from the 2000 law. Legislative efforts to do just that have historically received bipartisan support. But progress has been slow because the issue had been tied to immigration, an area that has been persistently difficult to reform, according Rep. Adam Smith, D-Wash., who has previously sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it’s really paralyzed our ability to right a very simple and straightforward wrong,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cho said at its core, the bill is about preventing family separation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Adoptees were adopted into a family as children,” she said. “It’s not fair that a biological child can commit a crime, do their time and continue on with their life. But an adopted child is treated [differently].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond the federal level, states can also better support adoptees by allowing them greater access to their adoption records, according to Luce, who is also the founder of the Adoptee Rights Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These documents are often considered the most secretive of all court files given their sensitive nature. In many states, including California, Kentucky and Virginia, adult adoptees must secure \u003ca href=\"https://adopteerightslaw.com/united-states-obc/\">a court order or permission\u003c/a> from their adoptive parents in order to gain access to certain adoption papers. The fee to obtain these files can also be far higher than the cost to retrieve a non-adoptee birth certificate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue impacts both those who were adopted domestically and internationally. In A’s case, Luce said he requested documents essential to her immigration case in state court three times over two years. Had it been easier to get those papers, A would have obtained her green card by now, according to Luce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s incredibly frustrating if not insane and ultimately dangerous for intercountry adopted people like A when they cannot get basic documents to prove they are lawfully in the United States,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is an issue of human rights and individual dignity that we’ve been fighting for more than 50 years,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A tries to get a green card amid the new Trump administration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, A married a U.S. citizen — opening up a new viable pathway toward citizenship. It’s promising, but A won’t be able to get a green card until she has obtained adoption papers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A said her husband is “more nervous now than ever before because of the current administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, A won’t be able to fly within the country because she’s not eligible for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/10/nx-s1-5355902/real-id-enforcement-may-7\">a Real ID\u003c/a>. It means missing work trips and her best friend’s birthday in New York, breaking a 12-year tradition. “It’s a really big loss,” A said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also comes at a time when she feels the most grateful for the life that she has built — securing her dream two-bedroom apartment nestled between parks and hiking paths, working a job she loves and having a close-knit group of friends, many of whom are fellow adoptees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so in tune with how lucky I am and somehow it feels like a way to measure how long and hard I worked and how many times I moved trying to find my place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Supreme Court Temporarily Blocks New Deportations Under Alien Enemies Act",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Supreme Court temporarily blocked the Trump administration from deporting any Venezuelans held in the Bluebonnet Detention Center, in west-central Texas, under the Alien Enemies Act, a rarely used 18th-century wartime law that allows for accelerated removal of foreigners deemed a threat by authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government is directed not to remove any member of the putative class of detainees from the United States until further order of this court,” the court said in a brief early Saturday note. Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union late Friday had warned that immigration authorities were moving to quickly restart removals under \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/17/1245273514/alien-enemies-act\">the Alien Enemies Act\u003c/a> despite the previous Supreme Court’s restrictions on how it can use the act. Late Thursday a group of Venezuelans detained at the Bluebonnet Detention Center was advised that they would be immediately deported. ACLU lawyer Lee Gelernt told NPR that migrants at the Anson, Texas, facility were being loaded onto buses for removal late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This came despite a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5345601/supreme-court-alien-enemies-act\">U.S. Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that found the Trump administration could continue deporting under the act — only if detainees are given due process to challenge their removal. The government says 137 migrants accused of being members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, including a group of men sent to a prison in El Salvador, have already been deported under the Alien Enemies Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR was unable to independently confirm the number of people who may be deported from the Bluebonnet Detention facility. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security declined to provide details or answer additional questions about the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to reveal the details of counter terrorism operations, and we are complying with the Supreme Court’s ruling,” said Assistant Secretary of Homeland Security Tricia McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>ACLU asked Supreme Court and federal judges for emergency injunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The ACLU late Friday had asked the Supreme Court for an emergency injunction and stay of removal. The group asked that migrants being subjected to the Alien Enemies Act be given at least 30 days advance notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The notice the government is providing does not remotely comply with the Supreme Court’s order,” the ACLU argued in the request for an injunction. “At a minimum, the notice must be translated into a language that individuals can understand. Most importantly, there must be sufficient time for individuals to seek review. As during World War II, that notice must be at least 30 days in advance of any attempted removal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101909250 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/03/GettyImages-2205115524-1-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also unsuccessfully asked a federal judge to halt any new deportations. At an emergency hearing Friday evening federal Judge James Boasberg seemed to agree the forms migrants were asked to sign regarding the Act had no information regarding their right to contest and were inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t say you have the right to contest, you have the right to challenge anything. It’s just telling you here’s the notice, you’re getting removed,” Boasberg told Justice Department attorney Drew Ensign. “That certainly seems problematic to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department argued that the notice complies with the previous Supreme Court’s guidance on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal judges in several districts have blocked the deportation of people using the Alien Enemies Act. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/aarp-v-trump\">ACLU sued\u003c/a> the administration again this week, in order to block deportations at several additional Texas detention centers, including Bluebonnet, a facility in west-central Texas about halfway between Lubbock and Fort Worth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU alleges that in recent days, many Venezuelan migrants were specifically brought to Bluebonnet for that reason. The government denies this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boasberg earlier this week \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/g-s1-60696/judge-contempt-alien-enemies-act\">found probable cause\u003c/a> that the Trump administration committed criminal contempt by disobeying his ruling, only to see the Supreme Court rule that only judges where migrants are being held have jurisdiction to halt their removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Stella M. Chávez from The Texas Newsroom and NPR’s Ximena Bustillo contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Supreme Court temporarily blocked the Trump administration from deporting any Venezuelans held in the Bluebonnet Detention Center, in west-central Texas, under the Alien Enemies Act, a rarely used 18th-century wartime law that allows for accelerated removal of foreigners deemed a threat by authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The government is directed not to remove any member of the putative class of detainees from the United States until further order of this court,” the court said in a brief early Saturday note. Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito dissented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union late Friday had warned that immigration authorities were moving to quickly restart removals under \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/17/1245273514/alien-enemies-act\">the Alien Enemies Act\u003c/a> despite the previous Supreme Court’s restrictions on how it can use the act. Late Thursday a group of Venezuelans detained at the Bluebonnet Detention Center was advised that they would be immediately deported. ACLU lawyer Lee Gelernt told NPR that migrants at the Anson, Texas, facility were being loaded onto buses for removal late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This came despite a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5345601/supreme-court-alien-enemies-act\">U.S. Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that found the Trump administration could continue deporting under the act — only if detainees are given due process to challenge their removal. The government says 137 migrants accused of being members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, including a group of men sent to a prison in El Salvador, have already been deported under the Alien Enemies Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR was unable to independently confirm the number of people who may be deported from the Bluebonnet Detention facility. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security declined to provide details or answer additional questions about the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to reveal the details of counter terrorism operations, and we are complying with the Supreme Court’s ruling,” said Assistant Secretary of Homeland Security Tricia McLaughlin.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>ACLU asked Supreme Court and federal judges for emergency injunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The ACLU late Friday had asked the Supreme Court for an emergency injunction and stay of removal. The group asked that migrants being subjected to the Alien Enemies Act be given at least 30 days advance notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The notice the government is providing does not remotely comply with the Supreme Court’s order,” the ACLU argued in the request for an injunction. “At a minimum, the notice must be translated into a language that individuals can understand. Most importantly, there must be sufficient time for individuals to seek review. As during World War II, that notice must be at least 30 days in advance of any attempted removal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also unsuccessfully asked a federal judge to halt any new deportations. At an emergency hearing Friday evening federal Judge James Boasberg seemed to agree the forms migrants were asked to sign regarding the Act had no information regarding their right to contest and were inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t say you have the right to contest, you have the right to challenge anything. It’s just telling you here’s the notice, you’re getting removed,” Boasberg told Justice Department attorney Drew Ensign. “That certainly seems problematic to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department argued that the notice complies with the previous Supreme Court’s guidance on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal judges in several districts have blocked the deportation of people using the Alien Enemies Act. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/aarp-v-trump\">ACLU sued\u003c/a> the administration again this week, in order to block deportations at several additional Texas detention centers, including Bluebonnet, a facility in west-central Texas about halfway between Lubbock and Fort Worth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU alleges that in recent days, many Venezuelan migrants were specifically brought to Bluebonnet for that reason. The government denies this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boasberg earlier this week \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/16/g-s1-60696/judge-contempt-alien-enemies-act\">found probable cause\u003c/a> that the Trump administration committed criminal contempt by disobeying his ruling, only to see the Supreme Court rule that only judges where migrants are being held have jurisdiction to halt their removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Stella M. Chávez from The Texas Newsroom and NPR’s Ximena Bustillo contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When the nurse told Yasmelin Velazquez she was going to be hospitalized for a couple of days, Velazquez’s anxiety spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t stay!” she exclaimed. “I have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975904/new-bay-area-immigration-court-opens-aims-to-tackle-deportation-backlog\">immigration court\u003c/a> tomorrow!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospitalization comes at a bad time. Missing her first court hearing the next day would almost guarantee a deportation order for the 36-year-old Venezuelan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">immigrant\u003c/a> and her two young sons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s especially on edge since receiving \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/08/g-s1-58984/cbp-one-app-migrants-dhs-border\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cu>an email\u003c/u>\u003c/a> from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security two days earlier notifying her that her temporary status in the country was terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is time for you to leave the United States,” the email read. “Do not attempt to remain in the United States — the federal government will find you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velazquez is among the growing number of migrants who received the DHS email. All of them came to the U.S. through legal pathways now terminated by President Trump, or were given temporary protection from deportation after surrendering to immigration authorities at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12034703 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250319-UCBerkeleyProtest-14-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are now left in limbo: Should they stay and continue the legal process? Could they be detained or deported while waiting for their day in court?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR has followed Velazquez’s immigration journey from Ciudad Juárez, México, where she waited 8 months to enter the U.S. via the CBP One app, a Biden-era legal pathway for asylum seekers. She became one of 900,000 people who used the app, which was the only way to schedule an immigration hearing in the U.S. at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as her court date approached, Velazquez told NPR she was getting nervous. Migrants have been picked up by immigration authorities at court lately, and that could happen to her, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, her doctor called during Velazquez’s shift at Walmart. The doctor explained that she had some bad test results and might need to stay in the emergency room for a couple of days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After pushing back, Velazquez was cleared to leave the hospital. She will make it to court the next day – but the doctor warns her condition could worsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/6720x4480+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fc1%2F1f%2Fcab713b94f82a20943cb5fce3b48%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-136.jpg\" alt=\"Outside John F. Kennedy Memorial Hospital in Indio, Calif., Yasmelin Valazquez waits for her partner to bring the car around on April 9, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>Outside John F. Kennedy Memorial Hospital in Indio, Calif., Yasmelin Valazquez waits for her partner to bring the car around on April 9, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/6000x4000+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F39%2F58%2F9d61d3474b61b62b16c5c37da07d%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-146.jpg\" alt=\"After being away overnight, Yasmelin Valazquez is greeted with joy as her two sons jump on her in a reunion on April 9, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>After being away overnight, Yasmelin Valazquez is greeted with joy as her two sons jump on her in a reunion on April 9, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The sun had not risen when Velazquez, her partner, and her two little boys, 2-year-old Jeremías and 4-year-old Jordan, left their home in Indio, California, the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Father God, be our lawyer, be our judge,” they prayed. “Touch the heart of Judge Simmons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are anxious — so they sing while they drive their used black SUV down the highway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than two hours on the road, the family pulls up at the immigration court in an industrial park in a Southern California suburb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen or so other families make their way into the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5418x3612+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F6b%2Ffa%2F856691424698ae292a70c87b09c9%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-166.jpg\" alt=\"Yasmelin Valazquez wakes up her two sons at 3:30 in the morning to have breakfast before they leave for immigration court. April 10, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>Yasmelin Valazquez wakes up her two sons at 3:30 in the morning to have breakfast before they leave for immigration court. April 10, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5657x3771+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F54%2Fda%2F52f06fc74f519f46c9c0f319465c%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-178.jpg\" alt=\"Yasmelin Valazquez's sons sit quietly as the family drives two hours to immigration court on April 10, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>Yasmelin Valazquez’s sons sit quietly as the family drives two hours to immigration court on April 10, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First hearings like this one are usually low-stakes. A judge validates the migrants’ identities, and they decide whether to file for a form of relief, such as asylum. Then a second hearing is scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But under Trump, anything can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the courtroom, Velazquez and the kids sit in the first row of wooden benches. They wait an hour for their turn– long enough that the two-year-old pees his pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, the judge asks Velazquez whether she understands the reason she’s in court: that the government believes she doesn’t have a legal right to be in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” she replies quietly, adding that she’s planning to claim asylum later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge tells her to come back in August, this time with an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole interaction only took a few minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velazquez is free to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5170x3447+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F3b%2Fdf%2Ff88d55fc4af78dfd4c90f8c58046%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-181.jpg\" alt=\"With a little nervousness, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family arrive for thier immigration court hearing in Santa Ana, California on April 10, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>With a little nervousness, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family arrive for thier immigration court hearing in Santa Ana, California on April 10, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5123x3414+0+555/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F6a%2F48%2F97974ae948d4ac902739b7dbca9c%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-190.jpg\" alt=\"After immigration court, Yasmelin Valazquez secures her paperwork inside her folder where she keeps track of her documents. April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR\">\u003cfigcaption>After immigration court, Yasmelin Valazquez secures her paperwork inside her folder where she keeps track of her documents. April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I feel victorious,” she tells NPR after the hearing, her relieved laughter ringing over the parking lot while her kids snack on juice and arepas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But their day isn’t over yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next is another hour-long drive to Velazquez’s regular in-person check-in with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which she has to do every few months in addition to weekly calls and texts with the agent in charge of her parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the check-in seems scarier. There have been reports of migrants being picked up by agents as they go into the ICE office. And now, there’s that email from DHS to worry about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velazquez enters the office and meets with the agent assigned to her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight minutes later, she comes out again, beaming a huge smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, my future looks marvelous,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was not detained today, but her optimism might be premature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5900x3933+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F0b%2Fec%2F48b9a0214833b8fb1bedbdf6c1a6%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-195.jpg\" alt=\"After a long day, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family share a moment of joy at a parking lot in San Bernadino, California on April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR\">\u003cfigcaption>After a long day, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family share a moment of joy at a parking lot in San Bernadino, California on April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She has a long way to go in her quest for legal status, and the Trump administration is unpredictable and willing to push legal limits to fulfill its goal of deporting millions of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Velazquez knows that when you are living day-to-day in the U.S., you take a win when you can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’ll be able to obtain permanent residency, and who knows, maybe citizenship, too!” she says, laughing and smiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are now left in limbo: Should they stay and continue the legal process? Could they be detained or deported while waiting for their day in court?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR has followed Velazquez’s immigration journey from Ciudad Juárez, México, where she waited 8 months to enter the U.S. via the CBP One app, a Biden-era legal pathway for asylum seekers. She became one of 900,000 people who used the app, which was the only way to schedule an immigration hearing in the U.S. at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as her court date approached, Velazquez told NPR she was getting nervous. Migrants have been picked up by immigration authorities at court lately, and that could happen to her, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, her doctor called during Velazquez’s shift at Walmart. The doctor explained that she had some bad test results and might need to stay in the emergency room for a couple of days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After pushing back, Velazquez was cleared to leave the hospital. She will make it to court the next day – but the doctor warns her condition could worsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/6720x4480+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fc1%2F1f%2Fcab713b94f82a20943cb5fce3b48%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-136.jpg\" alt=\"Outside John F. Kennedy Memorial Hospital in Indio, Calif., Yasmelin Valazquez waits for her partner to bring the car around on April 9, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>Outside John F. Kennedy Memorial Hospital in Indio, Calif., Yasmelin Valazquez waits for her partner to bring the car around on April 9, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/6000x4000+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F39%2F58%2F9d61d3474b61b62b16c5c37da07d%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-146.jpg\" alt=\"After being away overnight, Yasmelin Valazquez is greeted with joy as her two sons jump on her in a reunion on April 9, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>After being away overnight, Yasmelin Valazquez is greeted with joy as her two sons jump on her in a reunion on April 9, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The sun had not risen when Velazquez, her partner, and her two little boys, 2-year-old Jeremías and 4-year-old Jordan, left their home in Indio, California, the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Father God, be our lawyer, be our judge,” they prayed. “Touch the heart of Judge Simmons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are anxious — so they sing while they drive their used black SUV down the highway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than two hours on the road, the family pulls up at the immigration court in an industrial park in a Southern California suburb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen or so other families make their way into the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5418x3612+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F6b%2Ffa%2F856691424698ae292a70c87b09c9%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-166.jpg\" alt=\"Yasmelin Valazquez wakes up her two sons at 3:30 in the morning to have breakfast before they leave for immigration court. April 10, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>Yasmelin Valazquez wakes up her two sons at 3:30 in the morning to have breakfast before they leave for immigration court. April 10, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5657x3771+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F54%2Fda%2F52f06fc74f519f46c9c0f319465c%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-178.jpg\" alt=\"Yasmelin Valazquez's sons sit quietly as the family drives two hours to immigration court on April 10, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>Yasmelin Valazquez’s sons sit quietly as the family drives two hours to immigration court on April 10, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>First hearings like this one are usually low-stakes. A judge validates the migrants’ identities, and they decide whether to file for a form of relief, such as asylum. Then a second hearing is scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But under Trump, anything can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the courtroom, Velazquez and the kids sit in the first row of wooden benches. They wait an hour for their turn– long enough that the two-year-old pees his pants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, the judge asks Velazquez whether she understands the reason she’s in court: that the government believes she doesn’t have a legal right to be in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” she replies quietly, adding that she’s planning to claim asylum later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge tells her to come back in August, this time with an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole interaction only took a few minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velazquez is free to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5170x3447+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F3b%2Fdf%2Ff88d55fc4af78dfd4c90f8c58046%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-181.jpg\" alt=\"With a little nervousness, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family arrive for thier immigration court hearing in Santa Ana, California on April 10, 2025.\">\u003cfigcaption>With a little nervousness, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family arrive for thier immigration court hearing in Santa Ana, California on April 10, 2025. \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5123x3414+0+555/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F6a%2F48%2F97974ae948d4ac902739b7dbca9c%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-190.jpg\" alt=\"After immigration court, Yasmelin Valazquez secures her paperwork inside her folder where she keeps track of her documents. April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR\">\u003cfigcaption>After immigration court, Yasmelin Valazquez secures her paperwork inside her folder where she keeps track of her documents. April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I feel victorious,” she tells NPR after the hearing, her relieved laughter ringing over the parking lot while her kids snack on juice and arepas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But their day isn’t over yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next is another hour-long drive to Velazquez’s regular in-person check-in with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which she has to do every few months in addition to weekly calls and texts with the agent in charge of her parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the check-in seems scarier. There have been reports of migrants being picked up by agents as they go into the ICE office. And now, there’s that email from DHS to worry about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velazquez enters the office and meets with the agent assigned to her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight minutes later, she comes out again, beaming a huge smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, my future looks marvelous,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was not detained today, but her optimism might be premature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/5900x3933+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F0b%2Fec%2F48b9a0214833b8fb1bedbdf6c1a6%2Fyasmelin-valazquez-195.jpg\" alt=\"After a long day, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family share a moment of joy at a parking lot in San Bernadino, California on April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR\">\u003cfigcaption>After a long day, Yasmelin Valazquez and her family share a moment of joy at a parking lot in San Bernadino, California on April 10, 2025. Zaydee Sanchez/NPR \u003ccite> (Zaydee Sanchez for NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She has a long way to go in her quest for legal status, and the Trump administration is unpredictable and willing to push legal limits to fulfill its goal of deporting millions of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Velazquez knows that when you are living day-to-day in the U.S., you take a win when you can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like I’ll be able to obtain permanent residency, and who knows, maybe citizenship, too!” she says, laughing and smiling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wall Street has been whipsawed for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/08/nx-s1-5355914/markets-swing-on-hopes-for-tariffs-deals\">more than a week\u003c/a> by President Trump’s every word about tariffs. Now he’s facing accusations of using his power to deliberately manipulate the markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scrutiny started with a tale of two social media posts. On Wednesday, shortly after the U.S. stock market opened, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114308272725981913\">posted on his Truth Social network\u003c/a> in all caps: “THIS IS A GREAT TIME TO BUY!!!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114309144289505174\">four hours \u003c/a>after his post, Trump said on Truth Social that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/09/nx-s1-5357645/trump-tariffs-paused\">he would pause\u003c/a> the harshest of his tariffs on most countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stocks immediately \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/09/nx-s1-5357405/stocks-tariffs-china-eu-trump-trade-war\">skyrocketed in relief\u003c/a>, with the Dow closing up almost 3,000 points — meaning that any investors who had followed Trump’s advice in the morning and bought into the stock market right away would have made quite a bit of money by the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to his post, share prices had been plummeting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354231/markets-continue-to-tumble-following-trumps-new-tariffs-announcement\">for days\u003c/a>, as fears mounted about the economic damage Trump’s new trade policies could cause. Powerful investors and billionaire business leaders had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354797/tariffs-wall-street-warnings\">increasingly gone public\u003c/a> airing their worries about the new tariffs and the resulting financial panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Wednesday afternoon, Trump seemed to hear them when he hit pause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now some Democratic lawmakers and government ethics experts are calling for investigations into whether Trump was attempting to deliberately manipulate the markets, or to enable others to trade on insider information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sens. Adam Schiff, Democrat from California, and Ruben Gallego, Democrat from Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://www.schiff.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/2025.04.10-Sens.-Schiff-Gallego-Letter-to-WH-OGE-on-Insider-Trading-and-Tariffs.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sent a letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to the White House on Wednesday requesting “an urgent inquiry into whether President Trump, his family, or other members of the administration engaged in insider trading or other illegal financial transactions, informed by advanced knowledge” of his tariff policy changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Elizabeth Warren, Democrat from Massachusetts, \u003ca href=\"https://finance.yahoo.com/news/aoc-elizabeth-warren-demand-answers-135944420.html\">also called\u003c/a> for an investigation, asking on the floor of Congress if this was “corruption in plain sight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White House spokesperson Kush Desai accused Democrats of “playing partisan games” and tells NPR that Trump’s early-morning post was merely meant to calm investors’ fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“”It is the responsibility of the President of the United States to reassure the markets and Americans about their economic security,” he wrote in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>George W. Bush’s former chief ethics lawyer says such statements would have led to firing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But the criticisms of Trump’s two Truth Social posts aren’t just limited to his partisan opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t have senior public officials — including the president — talking about stock prices and where to buy or to sell at the same time as they are making and announcing decisions that have a dramatic impact on stock prices,” says Richard Painter, a law professor at the University of Minnesota, who previously served as the chief ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101909473 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/04/GettyImages-2207863842-stock-market-tariffs-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If anyone in the Bush administration had made similar public statements urging people to buy or sell stocks, Painter added, “that person probably would [have been] fired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Painter did not accuse President Trump of market manipulation: “We don’t have clear evidence of that here,” he tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he pointed out that the president already has a track record of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/29/nx-s1-5209831/a-second-trump-term-could-bring-more-financial-conflicts-of-interest\">pushing the boundaries\u003c/a>, at the very least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Financial conflicts of interests for President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/12/05/503611249/trumps-businesses-and-potential-conflicts-sorting-it-out\">have been a concern\u003c/a> since he was first elected in 2016,” Painter says, adding that the problems today are even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5056183/trump-has-a-pro-cryptocurrency-platform-while-harris-chases-the-crypto-vote\">embrace of the crypto industry\u003c/a>, for example, has drawn \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/11/nx-s1-5184152/the-crypto-industry-won-big-this-election-it-has-several-implications\">ongoing scrutiny\u003c/a>: The president, who has a growing personal portfolio of cryptocurrency-related businesses, has appointed \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/19/nx-s1-5189643/commerce-treasury-secretary-howard-lutnick-trump-cantor-fitzgerald\">pro-crypto Cabinet officials\u003c/a> and promised the industry much friendlier regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It’s up to the SEC to investigate accusations of insider trading\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the wide-ranging calls for investigations into Trump’s social media posts on Wednesday, Painter and others aren’t expecting to see much happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican lawmakers who control both the House and Senate have shown little interest in picking fights with Trump. Nor do ethics experts expect much movement from the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, which investigates accusations of insider trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Senate\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/business/5241843-trump-sec-chair-pick-paul-atkins-confirmed-senate/\"> voted to confirm\u003c/a> Trump nominee \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/04/g-s1-36803/trump-crypto-paul-atkins-sec-chair\">Paul Atkins\u003c/a> to lead the SEC. And Trump in February \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/19/nx-s1-5302481/trump-independent-agencies\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> claiming more power over independent regulatory agencies, including the SEC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An SEC spokesperson declined to comment on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Wall Street has been whipsawed for \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/08/nx-s1-5355914/markets-swing-on-hopes-for-tariffs-deals\">more than a week\u003c/a> by President Trump’s every word about tariffs. Now he’s facing accusations of using his power to deliberately manipulate the markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scrutiny started with a tale of two social media posts. On Wednesday, shortly after the U.S. stock market opened, Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114308272725981913\">posted on his Truth Social network\u003c/a> in all caps: “THIS IS A GREAT TIME TO BUY!!!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114309144289505174\">four hours \u003c/a>after his post, Trump said on Truth Social that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/09/nx-s1-5357645/trump-tariffs-paused\">he would pause\u003c/a> the harshest of his tariffs on most countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stocks immediately \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/09/nx-s1-5357405/stocks-tariffs-china-eu-trump-trade-war\">skyrocketed in relief\u003c/a>, with the Dow closing up almost 3,000 points — meaning that any investors who had followed Trump’s advice in the morning and bought into the stock market right away would have made quite a bit of money by the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to his post, share prices had been plummeting \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354231/markets-continue-to-tumble-following-trumps-new-tariffs-announcement\">for days\u003c/a>, as fears mounted about the economic damage Trump’s new trade policies could cause. Powerful investors and billionaire business leaders had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5354797/tariffs-wall-street-warnings\">increasingly gone public\u003c/a> airing their worries about the new tariffs and the resulting financial panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By Wednesday afternoon, Trump seemed to hear them when he hit pause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now some Democratic lawmakers and government ethics experts are calling for investigations into whether Trump was attempting to deliberately manipulate the markets, or to enable others to trade on insider information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sens. Adam Schiff, Democrat from California, and Ruben Gallego, Democrat from Arizona, \u003ca href=\"https://www.schiff.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/2025.04.10-Sens.-Schiff-Gallego-Letter-to-WH-OGE-on-Insider-Trading-and-Tariffs.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sent a letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to the White House on Wednesday requesting “an urgent inquiry into whether President Trump, his family, or other members of the administration engaged in insider trading or other illegal financial transactions, informed by advanced knowledge” of his tariff policy changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Elizabeth Warren, Democrat from Massachusetts, \u003ca href=\"https://finance.yahoo.com/news/aoc-elizabeth-warren-demand-answers-135944420.html\">also called\u003c/a> for an investigation, asking on the floor of Congress if this was “corruption in plain sight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White House spokesperson Kush Desai accused Democrats of “playing partisan games” and tells NPR that Trump’s early-morning post was merely meant to calm investors’ fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“”It is the responsibility of the President of the United States to reassure the markets and Americans about their economic security,” he wrote in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>George W. Bush’s former chief ethics lawyer says such statements would have led to firing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But the criticisms of Trump’s two Truth Social posts aren’t just limited to his partisan opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t have senior public officials — including the president — talking about stock prices and where to buy or to sell at the same time as they are making and announcing decisions that have a dramatic impact on stock prices,” says Richard Painter, a law professor at the University of Minnesota, who previously served as the chief ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If anyone in the Bush administration had made similar public statements urging people to buy or sell stocks, Painter added, “that person probably would [have been] fired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Painter did not accuse President Trump of market manipulation: “We don’t have clear evidence of that here,” he tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he pointed out that the president already has a track record of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/29/nx-s1-5209831/a-second-trump-term-could-bring-more-financial-conflicts-of-interest\">pushing the boundaries\u003c/a>, at the very least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Financial conflicts of interests for President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2016/12/05/503611249/trumps-businesses-and-potential-conflicts-sorting-it-out\">have been a concern\u003c/a> since he was first elected in 2016,” Painter says, adding that the problems today are even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5056183/trump-has-a-pro-cryptocurrency-platform-while-harris-chases-the-crypto-vote\">embrace of the crypto industry\u003c/a>, for example, has drawn \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/11/nx-s1-5184152/the-crypto-industry-won-big-this-election-it-has-several-implications\">ongoing scrutiny\u003c/a>: The president, who has a growing personal portfolio of cryptocurrency-related businesses, has appointed \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/19/nx-s1-5189643/commerce-treasury-secretary-howard-lutnick-trump-cantor-fitzgerald\">pro-crypto Cabinet officials\u003c/a> and promised the industry much friendlier regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It’s up to the SEC to investigate accusations of insider trading\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the wide-ranging calls for investigations into Trump’s social media posts on Wednesday, Painter and others aren’t expecting to see much happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican lawmakers who control both the House and Senate have shown little interest in picking fights with Trump. Nor do ethics experts expect much movement from the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, which investigates accusations of insider trading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Senate\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/business/5241843-trump-sec-chair-pick-paul-atkins-confirmed-senate/\"> voted to confirm\u003c/a> Trump nominee \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/04/g-s1-36803/trump-crypto-paul-atkins-sec-chair\">Paul Atkins\u003c/a> to lead the SEC. And Trump in February \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/19/nx-s1-5302481/trump-independent-agencies\">signed an executive order\u003c/a> claiming more power over independent regulatory agencies, including the SEC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An SEC spokesperson declined to comment on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Louisiana immigration judge ruled Friday that activist Mahmoud Khalil can be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil, who as a Columbia University graduate student led pro-Palestinian protests there last year, was detained last month after Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he had determined that Khalil’s activism was antisemitic and that allowing him to remain in the country would undermine a U.S. foreign policy goal of combatting antisemitism around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a hearing at the remote Louisiana detention center where Khalil is being held, Judge Jamee Comans said she had no authority to question Rubio’s determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Khalil told the judge, “I would like to quote what you said last time that there’s nothing that’s more important to this court than due process rights and fundamental fairness. Clearly what we witnessed today, neither of these principles were present today or in this whole process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is exactly why the Trump administration has sent me to this court, 1,000 miles away from my family,” he added. “I just hope that the urgency that you deemed fit for me are afforded to the hundreds of others who have been here without hearing for months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil will not immediately be deported. His attorneys have said that if he were ordered deported, they would appeal the judge’s ruling. Comans gave Khalil until April 23 to request a stay of his deportation if his attorneys believe he qualifies for one. And the judge said if they don’t meet that deadline, she will order him deported either to Syria, where he was born, or to Algeria, where he is a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Mahmoud can be targeted in this way, simply for speaking out for Palestinians and exercising his constitutionally protected right to free speech, this can happen to anyone over any issue the Trump administration dislikes,” said Marc van Der Hout, one of Khalil’s attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of the Central Louisiana ICE Processing Facility in Jena, La., Tuesday, April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gerald Herbert/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khalil, who has a green card, is a lawful permanent resident. In ordering Khalil’s deportation, Rubio relied on a rarely used federal statute from the 1950s that played a major role in shaping American immigration during the Cold War. The McCarran-Walter Act, or the Immigration Nationality Act of 1952, gives the secretary of state authority to decide that a noncitizen’s presence in the United States threatens the country’s foreign policy goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil, 30, was arrested March 8 at the university-owned apartment building in New York City where he lives with his wife, a U.S. citizen who is pregnant. He was transported to the Jena/LaSalle Detention Facility in Jena, La., where he has been held since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Friday’s hearing took place in immigration court, a separate case is playing out in federal court in New Jersey over whether Khalil should have been arrested and detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Louisiana immigration judge ruled Friday that activist Mahmoud Khalil can be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil, who as a Columbia University graduate student led pro-Palestinian protests there last year, was detained last month after Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he had determined that Khalil’s activism was antisemitic and that allowing him to remain in the country would undermine a U.S. foreign policy goal of combatting antisemitism around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a hearing at the remote Louisiana detention center where Khalil is being held, Judge Jamee Comans said she had no authority to question Rubio’s determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the ruling, Khalil told the judge, “I would like to quote what you said last time that there’s nothing that’s more important to this court than due process rights and fundamental fairness. Clearly what we witnessed today, neither of these principles were present today or in this whole process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is exactly why the Trump administration has sent me to this court, 1,000 miles away from my family,” he added. “I just hope that the urgency that you deemed fit for me are afforded to the hundreds of others who have been here without hearing for months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil will not immediately be deported. His attorneys have said that if he were ordered deported, they would appeal the judge’s ruling. Comans gave Khalil until April 23 to request a stay of his deportation if his attorneys believe he qualifies for one. And the judge said if they don’t meet that deadline, she will order him deported either to Syria, where he was born, or to Algeria, where he is a citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Mahmoud can be targeted in this way, simply for speaking out for Palestinians and exercising his constitutionally protected right to free speech, this can happen to anyone over any issue the Trump administration dislikes,” said Marc van Der Hout, one of Khalil’s attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035718\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035718\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-6-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of the Central Louisiana ICE Processing Facility in Jena, La., Tuesday, April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gerald Herbert/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khalil, who has a green card, is a lawful permanent resident. In ordering Khalil’s deportation, Rubio relied on a rarely used federal statute from the 1950s that played a major role in shaping American immigration during the Cold War. The McCarran-Walter Act, or the Immigration Nationality Act of 1952, gives the secretary of state authority to decide that a noncitizen’s presence in the United States threatens the country’s foreign policy goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khalil, 30, was arrested March 8 at the university-owned apartment building in New York City where he lives with his wife, a U.S. citizen who is pregnant. He was transported to the Jena/LaSalle Detention Facility in Jena, La., where he has been held since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Friday’s hearing took place in immigration court, a separate case is playing out in federal court in New Jersey over whether Khalil should have been arrested and detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Higher Prices May Be Slow to Come Down Even if Tariffs Go Away, Economists Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>As consumers, we’re all familiar with a basic tenet of economics: prices can go up quickly, but they come down only slowly — or more commonly, not at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How does that play out in the era of tariff wars? The answer depends partly on something you may remember from Econ 101: Prices are “sticky.” It’s a phenomenon that might be intuitive for most consumers: Prices tend to rise more quickly than they fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some products, such as automobiles and appliances, have more price stickiness due to more complex supply chains. In these cases, producers need more time to assess cost increases and decide how much to raise prices for wholesalers or consumers, according to Robert Triest, an economics professor at Northwestern University. As a result, he says, price hikes may take longer and, once implemented, tend to stay in place longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies will be “trying to relocate where they procure parts. And that’s a costly endeavor, both in terms of the resources spent and the time it takes,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And even if tariffs come down, once they’ve made those adjustments, it’s likely that it would be a long time before they readjust the supply chain,” Triest says. “And so the costs associated with the supply chains adjustments would likely be very sticky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, he says, there are some commodities, such as food and fuel, “where the cost of procurement goes up a lot … [but] once a tariff is removed, that could come down pretty rapidly, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Experimenting with sticky prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Price stickiness is related to the concept of disinflation, explains Kenneth Louie, director of the Economic Research Institute of Erie at Penn State University. Unlike deflation, which is about falling prices and rare, disinflation “means prices are still rising, but at a slower rate,” he says. The end of tariffs would bring disinflation, not deflation, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at our most recent experience with disinflation, namely when inflation fell from 9% in 2022, back down now to under 3% recently … the rate of increase has been slowing, but that doesn’t mean prices are falling overall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Dolan, a marketing professor emeritus at Harvard Business School, says another price pressure is at play. The tariffs, he says, “will essentially launch a broad set of experiments, which will reveal to suppliers if their previous prices were profit maximizing or too low.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101909473 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/04/GettyImages-2207863842-stock-market-tariffs-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He gives the example of entertainment venues learning from secondary ticket sellers on platforms such as StubHub. Professional teams focused mainly on filling seats, not on how much people were willing to pay. In contrast, StubHub sellers set their own prices, essentially running many price experiments. This revealed that people were sometimes willing to pay much more than was previously thought for prime seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When suppliers learn that people will pay more, those price adjustments could get locked in even if tariffs go away, Dolan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s another factor, according to Carola Binder, an associate professor at the University of Texas School of Civic Leadership. It’s the cost of changing the prices on consumer goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take the example of a restaurant that needs to raise the price of guacamole. The restaurant owner will need to print a new menu to reflect the higher input cost of avocados. “If they think the prices of avocados are going to continue rising, then they’re going to set prices now,” she says. “And that’s because of that price stickiness, because they know that they are not going to instantly print a new menu every hour as input prices are changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much is likely to depend on how long the tariffs remain in place, according to Philip Braun, a clinical professor of at Northwestern’s Kellogg School of Management. The tariffs, he says, are “definitely going to disrupt everything, even if they’re reduced to zero within a few months.” That’s because anger at the U.S. and uncertainty over the White House’s next move will cause companies located abroad to “start searching for alternative supply chains outside of the U.S. And if they find them, they’re going to focus on those over the U.S.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Still, consumers have time before prices rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even so, Joseph Gagnon, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, cautions that “shifting your supply chain is such a costly and long-lasting decision that it’s unlikely to happen soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be sure, Gagnon is more optimistic about the ability of some manufacturers, such as automakers, to absorb some of the price increases due to tariffs that would otherwise be passed onto consumers. “They have profit margins that can absorb some of it,” he says. “They can shift their production so that they have factories in the U.S. and in Japan, and they can run more shifts in the U.S. and less in Japan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House’s conflicting messages — about the timing of the tariffs, their percentage and possible exemptions — are likely to make business owners hesitant to make changes, Triest says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure a lot of decisions are being put on hold right now until business people see where this all settles out,” he says. “So it’s likely that a lot of the price increases will also be delayed until businesses figure out how much the costs really will have increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies will be “trying to relocate where they procure parts. And that’s a costly endeavor, both in terms of the resources spent and the time it takes,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And even if tariffs come down, once they’ve made those adjustments, it’s likely that it would be a long time before they readjust the supply chain,” Triest says. “And so the costs associated with the supply chains adjustments would likely be very sticky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, he says, there are some commodities, such as food and fuel, “where the cost of procurement goes up a lot … [but] once a tariff is removed, that could come down pretty rapidly, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Experimenting with sticky prices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Price stickiness is related to the concept of disinflation, explains Kenneth Louie, director of the Economic Research Institute of Erie at Penn State University. Unlike deflation, which is about falling prices and rare, disinflation “means prices are still rising, but at a slower rate,” he says. The end of tariffs would bring disinflation, not deflation, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at our most recent experience with disinflation, namely when inflation fell from 9% in 2022, back down now to under 3% recently … the rate of increase has been slowing, but that doesn’t mean prices are falling overall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Dolan, a marketing professor emeritus at Harvard Business School, says another price pressure is at play. The tariffs, he says, “will essentially launch a broad set of experiments, which will reveal to suppliers if their previous prices were profit maximizing or too low.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He gives the example of entertainment venues learning from secondary ticket sellers on platforms such as StubHub. Professional teams focused mainly on filling seats, not on how much people were willing to pay. In contrast, StubHub sellers set their own prices, essentially running many price experiments. This revealed that people were sometimes willing to pay much more than was previously thought for prime seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When suppliers learn that people will pay more, those price adjustments could get locked in even if tariffs go away, Dolan says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s another factor, according to Carola Binder, an associate professor at the University of Texas School of Civic Leadership. It’s the cost of changing the prices on consumer goods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take the example of a restaurant that needs to raise the price of guacamole. The restaurant owner will need to print a new menu to reflect the higher input cost of avocados. “If they think the prices of avocados are going to continue rising, then they’re going to set prices now,” she says. “And that’s because of that price stickiness, because they know that they are not going to instantly print a new menu every hour as input prices are changing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much is likely to depend on how long the tariffs remain in place, according to Philip Braun, a clinical professor of at Northwestern’s Kellogg School of Management. The tariffs, he says, are “definitely going to disrupt everything, even if they’re reduced to zero within a few months.” That’s because anger at the U.S. and uncertainty over the White House’s next move will cause companies located abroad to “start searching for alternative supply chains outside of the U.S. And if they find them, they’re going to focus on those over the U.S.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Still, consumers have time before prices rise\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even so, Joseph Gagnon, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, cautions that “shifting your supply chain is such a costly and long-lasting decision that it’s unlikely to happen soon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be sure, Gagnon is more optimistic about the ability of some manufacturers, such as automakers, to absorb some of the price increases due to tariffs that would otherwise be passed onto consumers. “They have profit margins that can absorb some of it,” he says. “They can shift their production so that they have factories in the U.S. and in Japan, and they can run more shifts in the U.S. and less in Japan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House’s conflicting messages — about the timing of the tariffs, their percentage and possible exemptions — are likely to make business owners hesitant to make changes, Triest says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure a lot of decisions are being put on hold right now until business people see where this all settles out,” he says. “So it’s likely that a lot of the price increases will also be delayed until businesses figure out how much the costs really will have increased.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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