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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown berated the manufacturer of a life-saving emergency allergy treatment on Friday for price gouging, even as he signed legislation to make it easier for afterschool programs, daycare centers, colleges and businesses to obtain the treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pharmaceutical company Mylan raised the price of a two-pack of EpiPen epinephrine auto-injectors from $100 in 2008 to more than $600 today, Brown wrote in his signing message. EpiPens, which reportedly face little competition in the market, deliver a dose of epinephrine to counteract anaphylaxis, a potentially life-threatening allergic reaction that includes difficulty breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“State government cannot stop unconscionable price increases but it can shed light on such rapacious corporate behavior,” Brown’s message said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is difficult to imagine how they can justify the 500 percent increase in the price of EpiPens,” wrote Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declaring his “strong objection” to the price increases, Brown noted that they occurred as Mylan was expanding sales by promoting the stockpiling of EpiPens as a matter of public health in schools, scout troops, colleges and businesses in California and across the country. Mylan is listed as the sponsor of the new law, Assembly Bill 1386, by Assemblyman Evan Low, D-San Jose, and as a supporter of Senate Bill 1266, by Sen. Bob Huff, R-San Dimas, which passed in 2014 and requires schools to stock epinephrine auto-injectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he was at it, Brown sent a letter Friday to Congressional leaders Mitch McConnell, Paul Ryan, Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi in support of a bipartisan oversight hearing set for next week concerning Mylan’s pricing of EpiPens. “It is difficult to imagine how they can justify the 500 percent increase in the price of EpiPens, the 600 percent increase in executive pay and the tax move of their corporate offices to the Netherlands, as recently reported in numerous publications,” Brown wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new California law will make it easier for summer camps, restaurants and sports leagues to obtain prescriptions for pre-loaded epinephrine auto-injectors by allowing doctors to write prescriptions in the name of an organization, rather than an individual. Someone in the organization must be trained to use the disposable device; a provision to limit the liability for prescription-writing physicians is part of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EpiPens often are carried in lunchboxes, backpacks or briefcases by children and adults who know they have serious allergies to a food, drug, bee sting or other matter. Through its “EpiPen4Schools” program started in 2012, Mylan provides eligible public and private schools two free twin-packs of Epi-Pens a year. Last year, a program manager said it appeared that 766 public and private schools in California had placed orders for the free devices from January through mid-May 2015. The EpiPen4Schools program allegedly required schools to agree they would not buy or obtain another brand of injector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents who fear that their child will be caught without an injector or suffer a severe first-time allergic reaction have called for epinephrine auto-injectors to be widely available as a first-aid provision. During legislative debate, Low noted that “schools are not the only place where children can come into contact with allergens capable of causing anaphylaxis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Low applauded the signing of the bill into law but called Mylan’s increases in EpiPen prices and executive salaries “simply unconscionable.” While Mylan sponsored Assembly Bill 1386, Low’s office said Mylan has not made a contribution to the assemblyman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the outcry in recent weeks over the rising cost of EpiPens, Mylan announced it will create a generic EpiPen to be sold in a pack of two for $300. The company also is asking that the federal government add the EpiPen to its list of preventive medications that are made available to patients with no insurance co-pay. The cost would be born by insurance companies, the government or employers.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he was at it, Brown sent a letter Friday to Congressional leaders Mitch McConnell, Paul Ryan, Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi in support of a bipartisan oversight hearing set for next week concerning Mylan’s pricing of EpiPens. “It is difficult to imagine how they can justify the 500 percent increase in the price of EpiPens, the 600 percent increase in executive pay and the tax move of their corporate offices to the Netherlands, as recently reported in numerous publications,” Brown wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new California law will make it easier for summer camps, restaurants and sports leagues to obtain prescriptions for pre-loaded epinephrine auto-injectors by allowing doctors to write prescriptions in the name of an organization, rather than an individual. Someone in the organization must be trained to use the disposable device; a provision to limit the liability for prescription-writing physicians is part of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EpiPens often are carried in lunchboxes, backpacks or briefcases by children and adults who know they have serious allergies to a food, drug, bee sting or other matter. Through its “EpiPen4Schools” program started in 2012, Mylan provides eligible public and private schools two free twin-packs of Epi-Pens a year. Last year, a program manager said it appeared that 766 public and private schools in California had placed orders for the free devices from January through mid-May 2015. The EpiPen4Schools program allegedly required schools to agree they would not buy or obtain another brand of injector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents who fear that their child will be caught without an injector or suffer a severe first-time allergic reaction have called for epinephrine auto-injectors to be widely available as a first-aid provision. During legislative debate, Low noted that “schools are not the only place where children can come into contact with allergens capable of causing anaphylaxis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Low applauded the signing of the bill into law but called Mylan’s increases in EpiPen prices and executive salaries “simply unconscionable.” While Mylan sponsored Assembly Bill 1386, Low’s office said Mylan has not made a contribution to the assemblyman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the outcry in recent weeks over the rising cost of EpiPens, Mylan announced it will create a generic EpiPen to be sold in a pack of two for $300. The company also is asking that the federal government add the EpiPen to its list of preventive medications that are made available to patients with no insurance co-pay. The cost would be born by insurance companies, the government or employers.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Patients may one day soon be able to openly use medical marijuana inside a Northern California hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the hospital's governing board approves the idea, Marin General Hospital would become the first in the state to allow it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday evening, the Marin Healthcare District Board took a step in that direction by voting to ask its staff to investigate clinical and legal issues related to patient use of the drug on-site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medical marijuana is legal in the state, but hospitals haven't yet allowed patients to use it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.marinhealthcare.org/about-us/board-of-directors\" target=\"_blank\">Larry Bedard\u003c/a>, a retired emergency physician and board member who proposed the plan to investigate the issue, says medical marijuana is already used \"under cover\" at hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family members and friends sometimes bring medical marijuana to hospital patients who use it at home for their conditions, Bedard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's better to be open and transparent about medical marijuana use in the hospital, he said, so doctors have the full picture of all medications the patients are taking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\"\u003c/strong>Cannabis use in this hospital is 'don’t ask, don’t tell,.' \" Bedard said. \"So I think there’s a cannabis closet.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But would allowing open use of medical marijuana mean that patients are lighting up joints in their hospital rooms? Of course not, Bedard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/282803262\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since smoking is prohibited in hospitals, the medical marijuana would be delivered to patients in other forms, such as edible products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health advocate Larry Cohen, executive director of the Prevention Institute in Oakland, said hospitals would be ideal for supervising use of medical marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's far better for the medical staff to know what people are using and to ensure the right quality and the right fit with other medications, so this is probably smart,\" Cohen said. \"One of the biggest disadvantages of edibles has to do with unsupervised risk related to children, and clearly this is far less of a concern in a medical institution.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medical marijuana use in hospitals has been the subject of public debate in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two states, Connecticut and Maine, passed legislation protecting hospital staff from criminal, civil, or disciplinary action if they administer marijuana to hospital patients, said Paul Armentano,\u003cbr>\ndeputy director of NORML, a marijuana legalization advocacy group based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armentano said it was unclear whether hospitals in those states have changed their polices, but the doors have been open to do so, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medical marijuana use in hospitals in California has already happened unofficially, said Dale Gieringer, director of the California branch of NORML.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Brownie Mary used to distribute medicated brownies to AIDS patients in San Francisco,\" Gieringer said. \"I remember hearing that she visited hospitals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Marin Healthcare District Board plans to hold a series of public meetings on medical marijuana use, Bedard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff report examining the issue is expected to be concluded in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Tiffany Camhi and Mina Kim contributed to this report\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Patients may one day soon be able to openly use medical marijuana inside a Northern California hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the hospital's governing board approves the idea, Marin General Hospital would become the first in the state to allow it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday evening, the Marin Healthcare District Board took a step in that direction by voting to ask its staff to investigate clinical and legal issues related to patient use of the drug on-site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medical marijuana is legal in the state, but hospitals haven't yet allowed patients to use it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.marinhealthcare.org/about-us/board-of-directors\" target=\"_blank\">Larry Bedard\u003c/a>, a retired emergency physician and board member who proposed the plan to investigate the issue, says medical marijuana is already used \"under cover\" at hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family members and friends sometimes bring medical marijuana to hospital patients who use it at home for their conditions, Bedard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's better to be open and transparent about medical marijuana use in the hospital, he said, so doctors have the full picture of all medications the patients are taking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\"\u003c/strong>Cannabis use in this hospital is 'don’t ask, don’t tell,.' \" Bedard said. \"So I think there’s a cannabis closet.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But would allowing open use of medical marijuana mean that patients are lighting up joints in their hospital rooms? Of course not, Bedard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/282803262&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/282803262'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since smoking is prohibited in hospitals, the medical marijuana would be delivered to patients in other forms, such as edible products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public health advocate Larry Cohen, executive director of the Prevention Institute in Oakland, said hospitals would be ideal for supervising use of medical marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's far better for the medical staff to know what people are using and to ensure the right quality and the right fit with other medications, so this is probably smart,\" Cohen said. \"One of the biggest disadvantages of edibles has to do with unsupervised risk related to children, and clearly this is far less of a concern in a medical institution.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medical marijuana use in hospitals has been the subject of public debate in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two states, Connecticut and Maine, passed legislation protecting hospital staff from criminal, civil, or disciplinary action if they administer marijuana to hospital patients, said Paul Armentano,\u003cbr>\ndeputy director of NORML, a marijuana legalization advocacy group based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armentano said it was unclear whether hospitals in those states have changed their polices, but the doors have been open to do so, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medical marijuana use in hospitals in California has already happened unofficially, said Dale Gieringer, director of the California branch of NORML.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Brownie Mary used to distribute medicated brownies to AIDS patients in San Francisco,\" Gieringer said. \"I remember hearing that she visited hospitals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Marin Healthcare District Board plans to hold a series of public meetings on medical marijuana use, Bedard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff report examining the issue is expected to be concluded in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Tiffany Camhi and Mina Kim contributed to this report\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "FDA has a Backlog of More Than 4,000 Applicants to Create EpiPen Generic Drug",
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"content": "\u003cp>Consumers and lawmakers pushing for cheaper alternatives to the EpiPen, an antidote for life-threatening allergic reactions, and other high-priced drugs are seeking answers about a stubborn backlog of generic drug applications at the Food and Drug Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after the agency started levying user fees on drugmakers in 2012 to pay for more people to review the medicines, the backlog of decisions still stretches almost four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, the FDA had 4,036 generic drug applications \u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/downloads/Drugs/DevelopmentApprovalProcess/HowDrugsareDevelopedandApproved/ApprovalApplications/AbbreviatedNewDrugApplicationANDAGenerics/UCM511473.pdf\">awaiting approval\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>and the median time it takes for the FDA to approve a generic is now 47 months, according to the Generic Pharmaceutical Association, a trade group. The FDA has approved more generics in the past few years, but a flood of applications has added to the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"BGNOLWPxZUn1WMw7B7RxLMvMuglmKPhF\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, the European Medicines Agency, Europe's version of the FDA, has just 24 generics, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2015/03/10/388668910/fda-decision-signals-new-competition-for-some-of-the-costliest-drugs\">biologically based biosimilars\u003c/a> awaiting approval. The FDA's generic count doesn't include biosimilars, which are more complicated medicines to review. The EMA along with the European Commission, which handles approval of marketing materials, are approving generics and brand-name drugs in about a year on average, according to the EMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say getting generic alternatives to the U.S. market for products like EpiPen is still taking far too long. Other off-patent drugs with rising prices and no generic competition have also drawn scrutiny, including Turing Pharmaceuticals' Daraprim, for toxoplasmosis, and Valeant's cardiovascular drugs Isuprel and Nitropress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Congress asks why generic version of EpiPens aren't available\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are concerned that Mylan (maker of the EpiPen) has not faced much competition for its product,\" five U.S. senators \u003ca href=\"http://www.grassley.senate.gov/sites/default/files/constituents/upload/2016-08-24%20CEG%20PJ%20AK%20RB%20RJ%20to%20FDA%20(Mylan%20EpiPen)_Redacted.pdf\">wrote Aug. 24\u003c/a> to FDA Commissioner Dr. Robert Califf, adding that one of EpiPen's nongeneric competitors, Auvi-Q, was recalled in October, granting Mylan a near monopoly. \"News reports indicate that generic versions of the EpiPen have been subject to additional questioning by the FDA and have yet to be approved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, three members of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce \u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/news-center/press-releases/epipen-costs-soar-ec-leaders-press-fda-answers-agency-s-regulatory\">wrote a similar letter\u003c/a> to the FDA, seeking information about the EpiPen generic applications it has received and how they've been prioritized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether the FDA bears any responsibility for the lack of EpiPen competition, FDA spokesman Kristofer Baumgartner said he couldn't comment on pending applications or confirm their existence, citing confidentiality rules. But he stressed that the FDA pushes pending applications for drugs with no current generics to the front of the line and approved 580 generics in 2015, a record for the agency and 40 percent more than in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The FDA is confident that the overall trend in actions on generic drug applications will be one of continuing improvement,\" Baumgartner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, generics giant Teva Pharmaceuticals \u003ca href=\"http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-03-01/mylan-s-epipen-gets-boost-as-fda-spots-holes-in-teva-application?cmpid=yhoo.headline\">told investors \u003c/a>that its generic version of EpiPen was rejected by the FDA, and that it wouldn't be able to launch the generic until at least 2017. Adamis Pharmaceuticals \u003ca href=\"http://ir.adamispharmaceuticals.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=99350&p=irol-newsArticle&ID=2175190\">reported\u003c/a> a similar rejection from the FDA for its EpiPen generic in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mylan has \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2016/08/29/491797051/maker-of-epipen-to-sell-generic-version-for-half-the-price\">said it will offer a $300 generic\u003c/a> in the coming weeks. Because Mylan also makes the brand-name product, it won't have to wait in line behind other pending generics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. James Baker, the CEO and chief medical officer of the advocacy group Food Allergy and Research Education, said Mylan's move may deter other generic manufacturers from seeking approval. Adrenaclick is the only other epinephrine auto-injector on the market, but it isn't an exact generic of EpiPen and can't be swapped automatically at the pharmacy if a doctor has written a prescription for EpiPen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adrenaclick also isn't widely available. \"You call up 100 pharmacies, and maybe 10 have the device, from what we gather,\" Baker said of Adrenaclick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said several factors have allowed EpiPen's price tag to swell over the years. Many patients were in the dark about EpiPen price increases until insurers started shifting more of the cost onto consumers a few years ago, and getting approval for a generic that's both a drug and a device is more complicated than getting approval for a drug alone, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Mylan has aggressively marketed its product and raised doubts about alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And documents show that Mylan submitted a citizen petition to the FDA arguing that people trained to use EpiPens wouldn't be able to use Teva's pending generic epinephrine auto-injector because of design differences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Is Mylan doing anything illegal? No,\" Baker said. \"It's taking advantage of all these things to take the market and basically push it to an extreme.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>User fees levied to speed up the approval process\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA's generic backlog isn't a new problem. In 2012, it was so large that it prompted the government to start charging user fees to generic manufacturers to provide the funds for the FDA to speed the process. The fees built on the 20-year-old\u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/Drugs/DevelopmentApprovalProcess/SmallBusinessAssistance/ucm069943.htm\">Prescription Drug User Fee Act\u003c/a>, which required brand-name drugmakers to pay fees to expand FDA's capacity to review applications for those medicines. In the first three years, the FDA collected $1 billion from generic drug manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fees were used to hire an additional 1,000 employees, and put the Office of Generic Drugs on par with the Office of New Drugs by reorganizing it and moving it from four outlying buildings to the FDA's main campus in Silver Spring, Md.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds were also used to upgrade the office's information technology. The FDA says on its \u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/ForIndustry/UserFees/GenericDrugUserFees/default.htm\">website\u003c/a>: \"Additional resources will enable the Agency to reduce a current backlog of pending applications, cut the average time required to review generic drug applications for safety, and increase risk-based inspections.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2012, there was a backlog of 2,868 generic drugs awaiting approval, and the FDA said it would take a \"first action\" on 90 percent of these drugs by 2017. This summer, the agency met its goal a year early, but a first action isn't an approval. Instead, it stops the review clock and puts the applications back in industry's court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 1,551 generics have been approved since the fees on drugmakers were initiated, and that total includes some extra applications that weren't considered part of the official backlog. So, all told, the agency has only approved about half of the backlogged generics that were awaiting approval in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Most applications from the backlog will need to come back to FDA for additional review due to deficiencies in the submissions, before approval is possible,\" the agency said in a statement in responses to questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Gaugh, senior vice president for science and regulatory affairs at the Generic Pharmaceuticals Association, \u003ca href=\"http://www.gphaonline.org/gpha-media/press/statement-by-david-gaugh-senior-vice-president-sciences-and-regulatory-affairs-gpha-regarding-the-senate-help-hearing-on-gdufa/\">said\u003c/a> standards used to compile generic applications when they were submitted three or four years ago have changed while the applications were sitting in the backlog. So when the FDA got back to those companies, it said the applications were of \"poor quality.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applications for generic drugs have continued to pile up even as the FDA approved a record number of generics in 2015 and again in the first seven months of 2016. The number of generic drug applications tripled from 2002 to 2012, according to January congressional \u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/NewsEvents/Testimony/ucm484304.htm\">testimony \u003c/a>from Janet Woodcock, who directs the FDA's Center for Drug Evaluation and Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some see signs the agency is on the right track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that it is an optimistic picture overall ... at the FDA, there's been a lot of progress, and I think there is more to be made,\" said \u003ca href=\"http://www.drugepi.org/faculty-staff-trainees/faculty/aaron-kesselheim/\">Dr. Aaron Kesselheim\u003c/a>, an interdisciplinary drug researcher at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women's Hospital. \"This is not something that people should think has been solved at this point. It's totally an ongoing process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent news service that is part of the nonpartisan Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. Follow Sydney Lupkin \u003c/em>\u003cem>on Twitter:\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/slupkin\">@slupkin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Consumers and lawmakers pushing for cheaper alternatives to the EpiPen, an antidote for life-threatening allergic reactions, and other high-priced drugs are seeking answers about a stubborn backlog of generic drug applications at the Food and Drug Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after the agency started levying user fees on drugmakers in 2012 to pay for more people to review the medicines, the backlog of decisions still stretches almost four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, the FDA had 4,036 generic drug applications \u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/downloads/Drugs/DevelopmentApprovalProcess/HowDrugsareDevelopedandApproved/ApprovalApplications/AbbreviatedNewDrugApplicationANDAGenerics/UCM511473.pdf\">awaiting approval\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, \u003c/strong>and the median time it takes for the FDA to approve a generic is now 47 months, according to the Generic Pharmaceutical Association, a trade group. The FDA has approved more generics in the past few years, but a flood of applications has added to the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By comparison, the European Medicines Agency, Europe's version of the FDA, has just 24 generics, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2015/03/10/388668910/fda-decision-signals-new-competition-for-some-of-the-costliest-drugs\">biologically based biosimilars\u003c/a> awaiting approval. The FDA's generic count doesn't include biosimilars, which are more complicated medicines to review. The EMA along with the European Commission, which handles approval of marketing materials, are approving generics and brand-name drugs in about a year on average, according to the EMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say getting generic alternatives to the U.S. market for products like EpiPen is still taking far too long. Other off-patent drugs with rising prices and no generic competition have also drawn scrutiny, including Turing Pharmaceuticals' Daraprim, for toxoplasmosis, and Valeant's cardiovascular drugs Isuprel and Nitropress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Congress asks why generic version of EpiPens aren't available\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are concerned that Mylan (maker of the EpiPen) has not faced much competition for its product,\" five U.S. senators \u003ca href=\"http://www.grassley.senate.gov/sites/default/files/constituents/upload/2016-08-24%20CEG%20PJ%20AK%20RB%20RJ%20to%20FDA%20(Mylan%20EpiPen)_Redacted.pdf\">wrote Aug. 24\u003c/a> to FDA Commissioner Dr. Robert Califf, adding that one of EpiPen's nongeneric competitors, Auvi-Q, was recalled in October, granting Mylan a near monopoly. \"News reports indicate that generic versions of the EpiPen have been subject to additional questioning by the FDA and have yet to be approved.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, three members of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce \u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/news-center/press-releases/epipen-costs-soar-ec-leaders-press-fda-answers-agency-s-regulatory\">wrote a similar letter\u003c/a> to the FDA, seeking information about the EpiPen generic applications it has received and how they've been prioritized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether the FDA bears any responsibility for the lack of EpiPen competition, FDA spokesman Kristofer Baumgartner said he couldn't comment on pending applications or confirm their existence, citing confidentiality rules. But he stressed that the FDA pushes pending applications for drugs with no current generics to the front of the line and approved 580 generics in 2015, a record for the agency and 40 percent more than in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The FDA is confident that the overall trend in actions on generic drug applications will be one of continuing improvement,\" Baumgartner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, generics giant Teva Pharmaceuticals \u003ca href=\"http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-03-01/mylan-s-epipen-gets-boost-as-fda-spots-holes-in-teva-application?cmpid=yhoo.headline\">told investors \u003c/a>that its generic version of EpiPen was rejected by the FDA, and that it wouldn't be able to launch the generic until at least 2017. Adamis Pharmaceuticals \u003ca href=\"http://ir.adamispharmaceuticals.com/phoenix.zhtml?c=99350&p=irol-newsArticle&ID=2175190\">reported\u003c/a> a similar rejection from the FDA for its EpiPen generic in June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mylan has \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2016/08/29/491797051/maker-of-epipen-to-sell-generic-version-for-half-the-price\">said it will offer a $300 generic\u003c/a> in the coming weeks. Because Mylan also makes the brand-name product, it won't have to wait in line behind other pending generics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. James Baker, the CEO and chief medical officer of the advocacy group Food Allergy and Research Education, said Mylan's move may deter other generic manufacturers from seeking approval. Adrenaclick is the only other epinephrine auto-injector on the market, but it isn't an exact generic of EpiPen and can't be swapped automatically at the pharmacy if a doctor has written a prescription for EpiPen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adrenaclick also isn't widely available. \"You call up 100 pharmacies, and maybe 10 have the device, from what we gather,\" Baker said of Adrenaclick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said several factors have allowed EpiPen's price tag to swell over the years. Many patients were in the dark about EpiPen price increases until insurers started shifting more of the cost onto consumers a few years ago, and getting approval for a generic that's both a drug and a device is more complicated than getting approval for a drug alone, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Mylan has aggressively marketed its product and raised doubts about alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And documents show that Mylan submitted a citizen petition to the FDA arguing that people trained to use EpiPens wouldn't be able to use Teva's pending generic epinephrine auto-injector because of design differences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Is Mylan doing anything illegal? No,\" Baker said. \"It's taking advantage of all these things to take the market and basically push it to an extreme.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>User fees levied to speed up the approval process\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FDA's generic backlog isn't a new problem. In 2012, it was so large that it prompted the government to start charging user fees to generic manufacturers to provide the funds for the FDA to speed the process. The fees built on the 20-year-old\u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/Drugs/DevelopmentApprovalProcess/SmallBusinessAssistance/ucm069943.htm\">Prescription Drug User Fee Act\u003c/a>, which required brand-name drugmakers to pay fees to expand FDA's capacity to review applications for those medicines. In the first three years, the FDA collected $1 billion from generic drug manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fees were used to hire an additional 1,000 employees, and put the Office of Generic Drugs on par with the Office of New Drugs by reorganizing it and moving it from four outlying buildings to the FDA's main campus in Silver Spring, Md.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds were also used to upgrade the office's information technology. The FDA says on its \u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/ForIndustry/UserFees/GenericDrugUserFees/default.htm\">website\u003c/a>: \"Additional resources will enable the Agency to reduce a current backlog of pending applications, cut the average time required to review generic drug applications for safety, and increase risk-based inspections.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2012, there was a backlog of 2,868 generic drugs awaiting approval, and the FDA said it would take a \"first action\" on 90 percent of these drugs by 2017. This summer, the agency met its goal a year early, but a first action isn't an approval. Instead, it stops the review clock and puts the applications back in industry's court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 1,551 generics have been approved since the fees on drugmakers were initiated, and that total includes some extra applications that weren't considered part of the official backlog. So, all told, the agency has only approved about half of the backlogged generics that were awaiting approval in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Most applications from the backlog will need to come back to FDA for additional review due to deficiencies in the submissions, before approval is possible,\" the agency said in a statement in responses to questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Gaugh, senior vice president for science and regulatory affairs at the Generic Pharmaceuticals Association, \u003ca href=\"http://www.gphaonline.org/gpha-media/press/statement-by-david-gaugh-senior-vice-president-sciences-and-regulatory-affairs-gpha-regarding-the-senate-help-hearing-on-gdufa/\">said\u003c/a> standards used to compile generic applications when they were submitted three or four years ago have changed while the applications were sitting in the backlog. So when the FDA got back to those companies, it said the applications were of \"poor quality.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applications for generic drugs have continued to pile up even as the FDA approved a record number of generics in 2015 and again in the first seven months of 2016. The number of generic drug applications tripled from 2002 to 2012, according to January congressional \u003ca href=\"http://www.fda.gov/NewsEvents/Testimony/ucm484304.htm\">testimony \u003c/a>from Janet Woodcock, who directs the FDA's Center for Drug Evaluation and Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some see signs the agency is on the right track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that it is an optimistic picture overall ... at the FDA, there's been a lot of progress, and I think there is more to be made,\" said \u003ca href=\"http://www.drugepi.org/faculty-staff-trainees/faculty/aaron-kesselheim/\">Dr. Aaron Kesselheim\u003c/a>, an interdisciplinary drug researcher at Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women's Hospital. \"This is not something that people should think has been solved at this point. It's totally an ongoing process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent news service that is part of the nonpartisan Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. Follow Sydney Lupkin \u003c/em>\u003cem>on Twitter:\u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/slupkin\">@slupkin\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Has the fight over soda taxes gone flat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by campaigns battling over taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages in four U.S. cities has topped the seven-figure mark, but still falls far short of the dollars spent on the last two major soda tax initiatives, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/soda-tax-fundraising-flat-for-now\">MapLight analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups for and against the taxes have raised $1.4 million in the four cities so far. The amount represents about 15 percent of the $9.5 million raised in the battle over a failed 2014 San Francisco initiative that would have added a two-penny-an-ounce soda tax, according to city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slowdown in funding is unusual, because the fight over sugar-sweetened beverages marks a potential turning point in American politics. While public health advocates have battled powerful industries, such as tobacco and coal, those fights have generally been settled by legislatures or courts. The attempt to slow sales of the $278 billion soft-drink industry represents one of the rare occasions when voters can directly address a public health controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may see more public health measures via community-led signature-gathering campaigns in the future,” San Francisco Supervisor Eric Mar said in an email. “Communities…can pass much stronger laws at the ballot box than legislating by the board of supervisors and mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"YbUVpLIvFMgTsbGdsQNByRf5SCgvYSw0\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trio of organizations battling over a San Francisco measure have combined to raise nearly $800,000 during 2016, according to city records. The total raised so far exceeds the amounts raised in two other California cities -- Oakland and Albany -- with similar initiatives on their November ballots. Boulder, Colorado is considering a similar tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. At least $615,000 has been raised for and against the Oakland measure, while $10,000 has been raised in support of the Colorado measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Mayor and The Big Gulp\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politics of soda emerged as a national issue in May 2012, when then-New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg imposed a ban on large sugar-sweetened beverages at restaurants, movie theaters and street carts in an effort to combat the city’s obesity epidemic. The prohibition outraged libertarians and the soft-drink industry, which has seen sales decline for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor, who had spearheaded a 2003 ban on smoking in city restaurants and bars, was roundly criticized for the soda ban, which residents erroneously thought included the 7-Eleven chain’s super-sized “Big Gulp” drinks. Sixty percent of city residents opposed the idea. The state’s highest court overturned the ban in June 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rejection, other cities began taking action to curb soda consumption. In 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2014/11/04/will-berkeley-and-san-francisco-soda-tax-measures-set-precedent/\">Berkeley became the first city \u003c/a>in the nation to pass a measure to tax sugary beverages, with 76 percent of voters approving a penny-an-ounce tax. During the campaign, the American Beverage Association contributed more than $2.4 million to fight the initiative. Supporters were able to raise about $930,000, including more than $600,000 in donations from Bloomberg, a billionaire who founded one of the largest financial data companies in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 55 percent of San Francisco voters in 2014 supported a proposed two-cent-per-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks. The measure failed, in part because it specified that money from the tax would be spent on nutrition and health programs. Under state law, taxes applied to specific purposes require a two-thirds majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley tax has been linked to a 21 percent decrease in sugar-sweetened beverage consumption among lower-income residents, according to a study published last week by the American Journal of Public Health. Researchers also found a 4 percent increase in soda consumption in adjacent San Francisco and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Second Serving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ameribev.org/\">American Beverage Association\u003c/a> has been the largest financial opponent of soda taxes in 2016, according to public records. The industry group, which includes Coca Cola, PepsiCo, and Sunny Delight, has poured $545,000 into a political action committee (PAC) to battle San Francisco’s measure -- a fraction of the $9.2 million it dropped in the city in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two organizations have provided most of the money in support of the tax. About $250,000 has been raised by San Franciscans United to Reduce Diabetes, a political action committee. John Arnold, a billionaire hedge fund founder, and his wife Laura, contributed $60,000 of that total through a social welfare organization they created, Action Now Initiative. The organization also contributed money to support the 2014 Berkeley measure. (Disclosure: The Laura and John Arnold Foundation is a donor to MapLight.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage PAC has also raised $600,000 to fight the Oakland ballot measure, which would add a one-cent tax to sodas. It is using the money to buy ads that frame the initiative as a tax on groceries and that feature halal and Asian grocers. The ads suggest the beverage industry is using the results from the 2014 San Francisco campaign to inform its current strategy: then there was little support for the proposed tax in neighborhoods with more lower-income and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desley Brooks, an Oakland council member supporting the measure, claimed the soda industry “is targeting people of color, and they have no shame when it comes to spreading falsehoods.” But Lauren Kane, a spokeswoman for the beverage industry association, described the proposals as “regressive and discriminatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Singling out one item in a grocery cart is discriminatory,” said Kane, adding that 43 soda tax proposals have been rejected by local governments since 2008. And while Kane wouldn’t discuss the industry’s strategy for fighting the four ballot measures, she said there’s plenty of time between now and November for the industry to make its case to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for Healthy Oakland Children, which advocates for the new tax, has only raised $18,545 -- $1 for every $32 collected by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brotherly Love\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of soda taxes were heartened by \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/16/philadelphia-first-major-u-s-city-to-pass-soda-tax/\">a June vote\u003c/a> in the Philadelphia City Council that placed a 1.5 cent-per-ounce tax on sodas to provide $400 million in funds for pre-kindergarten and recreation programs. Earlier efforts had failed, stymied in part by the industry’s $10 million gift to the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Philadelphia tax was passed by a government vote rather than a ballot, money figured heavily in the battle. Philadelphians for a Fair Future, a “dark money” group that is not required to reveal its donors, spent heavily to back the new tax. Bloomberg gave the group about $1.5 million, and the Arnolds’ Action Now Initiative chipped in another $400,000. The beverage industry spent $4.2 million on advertising and is mounting a legal battle to overturn the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Roache, a fellow at the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University Law Center, said it’s possible that the beverage industry may simply be waiting to raise larger sums of money until just before the California and Colorado votes. Roache, whose research includes potential policy solutions to unhealthy diets, said the industry waited until days before a crucial city council vote in Philadelphia to unleash an unsuccessful advertising blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial stakes have been much lower in Albany, a Bay Area suburb of 18,500 that’s nestled against the northern boundary of Berkeley. The city clerk’s office has reported no contributions or expenditures relating to the proposed penny-per-ounce soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Colorado Beverage Association is backing a challenge to a similar proposal in Boulder, Colorado. The group argued unsuccessfully to city officials that the petition to put the measure on the ballot didn’t abide by state laws requiring voters to be notified that the soda tax is, in fact, a tax increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City records show that Healthy Boulder Kids, an organization composed primarily of public health advocates, has raised about $10,350. Another organization, No Boulder Grocery Tax, has not reported any contributions, but said it had spent $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting and opposing ballot measures that would tax sugar-sweetened beverages in the November 2014 and 2016 elections using the latest data available from local campaign finance reports as of Aug. 29, 2016.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About MapLight\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>MapLight is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that tracks money in politics. More information about MapLight can be found \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/about-maplight\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Has the fight over soda taxes gone flat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by campaigns battling over taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages in four U.S. cities has topped the seven-figure mark, but still falls far short of the dollars spent on the last two major soda tax initiatives, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/soda-tax-fundraising-flat-for-now\">MapLight analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups for and against the taxes have raised $1.4 million in the four cities so far. The amount represents about 15 percent of the $9.5 million raised in the battle over a failed 2014 San Francisco initiative that would have added a two-penny-an-ounce soda tax, according to city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slowdown in funding is unusual, because the fight over sugar-sweetened beverages marks a potential turning point in American politics. While public health advocates have battled powerful industries, such as tobacco and coal, those fights have generally been settled by legislatures or courts. The attempt to slow sales of the $278 billion soft-drink industry represents one of the rare occasions when voters can directly address a public health controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may see more public health measures via community-led signature-gathering campaigns in the future,” San Francisco Supervisor Eric Mar said in an email. “Communities…can pass much stronger laws at the ballot box than legislating by the board of supervisors and mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trio of organizations battling over a San Francisco measure have combined to raise nearly $800,000 during 2016, according to city records. The total raised so far exceeds the amounts raised in two other California cities -- Oakland and Albany -- with similar initiatives on their November ballots. Boulder, Colorado is considering a similar tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. At least $615,000 has been raised for and against the Oakland measure, while $10,000 has been raised in support of the Colorado measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Mayor and The Big Gulp\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politics of soda emerged as a national issue in May 2012, when then-New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg imposed a ban on large sugar-sweetened beverages at restaurants, movie theaters and street carts in an effort to combat the city’s obesity epidemic. The prohibition outraged libertarians and the soft-drink industry, which has seen sales decline for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor, who had spearheaded a 2003 ban on smoking in city restaurants and bars, was roundly criticized for the soda ban, which residents erroneously thought included the 7-Eleven chain’s super-sized “Big Gulp” drinks. Sixty percent of city residents opposed the idea. The state’s highest court overturned the ban in June 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rejection, other cities began taking action to curb soda consumption. In 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2014/11/04/will-berkeley-and-san-francisco-soda-tax-measures-set-precedent/\">Berkeley became the first city \u003c/a>in the nation to pass a measure to tax sugary beverages, with 76 percent of voters approving a penny-an-ounce tax. During the campaign, the American Beverage Association contributed more than $2.4 million to fight the initiative. Supporters were able to raise about $930,000, including more than $600,000 in donations from Bloomberg, a billionaire who founded one of the largest financial data companies in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 55 percent of San Francisco voters in 2014 supported a proposed two-cent-per-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks. The measure failed, in part because it specified that money from the tax would be spent on nutrition and health programs. Under state law, taxes applied to specific purposes require a two-thirds majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley tax has been linked to a 21 percent decrease in sugar-sweetened beverage consumption among lower-income residents, according to a study published last week by the American Journal of Public Health. Researchers also found a 4 percent increase in soda consumption in adjacent San Francisco and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Second Serving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ameribev.org/\">American Beverage Association\u003c/a> has been the largest financial opponent of soda taxes in 2016, according to public records. The industry group, which includes Coca Cola, PepsiCo, and Sunny Delight, has poured $545,000 into a political action committee (PAC) to battle San Francisco’s measure -- a fraction of the $9.2 million it dropped in the city in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two organizations have provided most of the money in support of the tax. About $250,000 has been raised by San Franciscans United to Reduce Diabetes, a political action committee. John Arnold, a billionaire hedge fund founder, and his wife Laura, contributed $60,000 of that total through a social welfare organization they created, Action Now Initiative. The organization also contributed money to support the 2014 Berkeley measure. (Disclosure: The Laura and John Arnold Foundation is a donor to MapLight.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage PAC has also raised $600,000 to fight the Oakland ballot measure, which would add a one-cent tax to sodas. It is using the money to buy ads that frame the initiative as a tax on groceries and that feature halal and Asian grocers. The ads suggest the beverage industry is using the results from the 2014 San Francisco campaign to inform its current strategy: then there was little support for the proposed tax in neighborhoods with more lower-income and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desley Brooks, an Oakland council member supporting the measure, claimed the soda industry “is targeting people of color, and they have no shame when it comes to spreading falsehoods.” But Lauren Kane, a spokeswoman for the beverage industry association, described the proposals as “regressive and discriminatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Singling out one item in a grocery cart is discriminatory,” said Kane, adding that 43 soda tax proposals have been rejected by local governments since 2008. And while Kane wouldn’t discuss the industry’s strategy for fighting the four ballot measures, she said there’s plenty of time between now and November for the industry to make its case to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for Healthy Oakland Children, which advocates for the new tax, has only raised $18,545 -- $1 for every $32 collected by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brotherly Love\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of soda taxes were heartened by \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/16/philadelphia-first-major-u-s-city-to-pass-soda-tax/\">a June vote\u003c/a> in the Philadelphia City Council that placed a 1.5 cent-per-ounce tax on sodas to provide $400 million in funds for pre-kindergarten and recreation programs. Earlier efforts had failed, stymied in part by the industry’s $10 million gift to the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Philadelphia tax was passed by a government vote rather than a ballot, money figured heavily in the battle. Philadelphians for a Fair Future, a “dark money” group that is not required to reveal its donors, spent heavily to back the new tax. Bloomberg gave the group about $1.5 million, and the Arnolds’ Action Now Initiative chipped in another $400,000. The beverage industry spent $4.2 million on advertising and is mounting a legal battle to overturn the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Roache, a fellow at the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University Law Center, said it’s possible that the beverage industry may simply be waiting to raise larger sums of money until just before the California and Colorado votes. Roache, whose research includes potential policy solutions to unhealthy diets, said the industry waited until days before a crucial city council vote in Philadelphia to unleash an unsuccessful advertising blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial stakes have been much lower in Albany, a Bay Area suburb of 18,500 that’s nestled against the northern boundary of Berkeley. The city clerk’s office has reported no contributions or expenditures relating to the proposed penny-per-ounce soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Colorado Beverage Association is backing a challenge to a similar proposal in Boulder, Colorado. The group argued unsuccessfully to city officials that the petition to put the measure on the ballot didn’t abide by state laws requiring voters to be notified that the soda tax is, in fact, a tax increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City records show that Healthy Boulder Kids, an organization composed primarily of public health advocates, has raised about $10,350. Another organization, No Boulder Grocery Tax, has not reported any contributions, but said it had spent $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting and opposing ballot measures that would tax sugar-sweetened beverages in the November 2014 and 2016 elections using the latest data available from local campaign finance reports as of Aug. 29, 2016.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Update: Lawmakers Pass Measure to End Surprise Out-of-Network Medical Bills",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5:00 p.m., Wednesday Aug. 31:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe California Assembly passed AB 72 late this afternoon. The bill heads next to Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk. It passed by a huge margin with bipartisan support, unlike a similar bill last year which stalled by three votes on the last day of the 2015 legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nWhen Nancy Randle prepared for the birth of her third child, she was careful to play by the health insurance rules: She got referrals and went to her insurer's recommended hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What she didn’t know was that some doctors, like the one who did a hearing test on her baby, were out of network. She didn’t think to ask. After she came home, she got a surprise bill for that test: $250.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I didn’t even realize this was a loophole or that it would affect me,\" Randle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/280779549\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loophole occurs when out-of-network doctors -- anesthesiologists, radiologists and others -- provide care at a patient's in-network hospital or clinic, but charge their out-of-network fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the issue, a bipartisan group of state legislators introduced AB 72 to put a stop to surprise, out-of-network bills for non-emergency services. Assemblymember Rob Bonta (D-Alameda) is one of the bill's six co-authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This bill will be the first of its kind in terms of strength of consumer protections, and it will be a model for the rest of the nation,\" Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If signed into law, patients who go to in-network health facilities will pay in-network prices. Insurance companies would compensate out-of-network doctors for treatment, either at the average procedure rate for the region or at 125 percent of what Medicare pays, whichever is greatest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill opposition comes from groups representing doctors, like the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons. Dr. Jane Orient is the executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The quality of care will go down, and patients will have fewer choices,\" Orient said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says doctors won’t be compensated at the rate they need to keep their practices running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bill failed on the final day of last year’s legislative session, but AB 72 looks like it will see a different outcome, given revisions to last year’s text and wider-ranging support.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5:00 p.m., Wednesday Aug. 31:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe California Assembly passed AB 72 late this afternoon. The bill heads next to Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk. It passed by a huge margin with bipartisan support, unlike a similar bill last year which stalled by three votes on the last day of the 2015 legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nWhen Nancy Randle prepared for the birth of her third child, she was careful to play by the health insurance rules: She got referrals and went to her insurer's recommended hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What she didn’t know was that some doctors, like the one who did a hearing test on her baby, were out of network. She didn’t think to ask. After she came home, she got a surprise bill for that test: $250.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I didn’t even realize this was a loophole or that it would affect me,\" Randle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/280779549&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/280779549'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loophole occurs when out-of-network doctors -- anesthesiologists, radiologists and others -- provide care at a patient's in-network hospital or clinic, but charge their out-of-network fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the issue, a bipartisan group of state legislators introduced AB 72 to put a stop to surprise, out-of-network bills for non-emergency services. Assemblymember Rob Bonta (D-Alameda) is one of the bill's six co-authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This bill will be the first of its kind in terms of strength of consumer protections, and it will be a model for the rest of the nation,\" Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If signed into law, patients who go to in-network health facilities will pay in-network prices. Insurance companies would compensate out-of-network doctors for treatment, either at the average procedure rate for the region or at 125 percent of what Medicare pays, whichever is greatest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill opposition comes from groups representing doctors, like the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons. Dr. Jane Orient is the executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The quality of care will go down, and patients will have fewer choices,\" Orient said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says doctors won’t be compensated at the rate they need to keep their practices running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bill failed on the final day of last year’s legislative session, but AB 72 looks like it will see a different outcome, given revisions to last year’s text and wider-ranging support.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sky-high price hikes for EpiPen, the injected emergency medicine for severe allergic reactions to foods and bug bites, have made its maker the latest target for patients and politicians infuriated by soaring drug prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, Mylan, has a virtual monopoly on epinephrine injectors, potentially life-saving devices used to stop a runaway allergic reaction. Mylan N.V., which has headquarters in Hertfordshire, England, and Pittsburgh, has hiked prices as frequently as three times a year over the past nine years, pushing its list price for a package of two syringes to more than $600.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A look at the situation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Who uses EpiPens?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40 million Americans have severe allergies to spider bites, bee stings and foods like nuts, eggs and shellfish. They at risk for a serious reaction - anaphylactic shock. Symptoms quickly escalate from wheezing, hives and skin swelling to rapid heartbeat, trouble breathing and convulsions and, without treatment, possibly death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a precaution, many carry EpiPens, which contain the best \"antidote,\" the hormone epinephrine. Last year, more than 3.6 million U.S. prescriptions for two-packs of EpiPens were filled, according to data firm IMS Health. That earned Mylan nearly $1.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: How do EpiPens work?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: In an emergency, the syringe is jabbed against the thigh. The needle inside injects the epinephrine into muscle tissue. But that can be difficult in a panic or with a child who won't hold still. The syringes expire after a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: How did the price for EpiPens get so high?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all drugmakers, Mylan periodically hikes its prices. In 2007, when Mylan took over rights to EpiPen, a pair of syringes cost $93.88. According to Elsevier Clinical Solutions' database of prices set by manufacturers, Mylan raised the price 5 percent the in 2008 and 2009, when a competitor hit the market. Its price jumped 20 percent in late 2009, followed by a series of 10 percent and 15 percent increases. The price hit $609 per pair in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: How can Mylan do that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: In the U.S., drug manufacturers charge what they think the market will bear. Unlike other countries, the U.S. government doesn't regulate drug prices, though the Veterans Affairs and Medicaid negotiate big discounts. Mylan hasn't answered questions about how it justifies its price hikes. A statement released Monday didn't address prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: What do people really pay?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: It depends on an individual's insurance coverage. Private insurers often negotiate discounts off the list price, and patient out-of-pocket costs vary by plan. But patients with high-deductible plans or no insurance can pay list price or more, depending on the pharmacy. In its statement, Mylan said most customers have insurance that limits their copayments, or they can use a copay discount card to save $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement recommended that people review their coverage. It also says that since 2012, Mylan's EpiPen4Schools program has given schools more than 700,000 free EpiPens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Isn't there any competition?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: Barely, and few people know about it. One cheaper product remains on the market, Adrenaclick. But EpiPen, introduced in 1987, is so well known that most doctors prescribe it without considering Adrenaclick, and pharmacists can't substitute that for EpiPen, said Evelyn Hermes-DeSantis, director of drug information services at Rutgers University's pharmacy school. A pair of Adrenaclick syringes costs $142 to $380 at pharmacies, according to online comparison sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EpiPen has a U.S. patent giving it a monopoly until 2025, according to Evercore ISI analyst Umer Raffat. Generic maker Teva has permission to launch a version but hasn't gotten regulatory approval yet. A rival injector called Auvi-Q was recalled last year because of potential inaccurate dosing, Raffat noted, and a third product has twice been rejected because of issues with the injector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Is there another alternative?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: Some people get prescriptions for epinephrine vials and get a doctor to put it in syringes. But Rutgers' Hermes-DeSantis said that raises concerns about sterility and proper storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Why is there such a furor now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: Drug prices are a hot topic in the presidential race, and Congressional committees have been investigating eye-popping increases by other companies. New drugs for cancer and rare diseases can cost hundreds of thousands of dollars and older drugs, even some generics, have had unprecedented price spikes. With the increase in high-deductible insurance plans, more people are paying the full cost of prescriptions. And the back-to-school season means some families are facing sticker shock as they buy new EpiPens to keep at their child's school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_auto_sidebar]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sky-high price hikes for EpiPen, the injected emergency medicine for severe allergic reactions to foods and bug bites, have made its maker the latest target for patients and politicians infuriated by soaring drug prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, Mylan, has a virtual monopoly on epinephrine injectors, potentially life-saving devices used to stop a runaway allergic reaction. Mylan N.V., which has headquarters in Hertfordshire, England, and Pittsburgh, has hiked prices as frequently as three times a year over the past nine years, pushing its list price for a package of two syringes to more than $600.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A look at the situation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Who uses EpiPens?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40 million Americans have severe allergies to spider bites, bee stings and foods like nuts, eggs and shellfish. They at risk for a serious reaction - anaphylactic shock. Symptoms quickly escalate from wheezing, hives and skin swelling to rapid heartbeat, trouble breathing and convulsions and, without treatment, possibly death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a precaution, many carry EpiPens, which contain the best \"antidote,\" the hormone epinephrine. Last year, more than 3.6 million U.S. prescriptions for two-packs of EpiPens were filled, according to data firm IMS Health. That earned Mylan nearly $1.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: How do EpiPens work?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: In an emergency, the syringe is jabbed against the thigh. The needle inside injects the epinephrine into muscle tissue. But that can be difficult in a panic or with a child who won't hold still. The syringes expire after a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: How did the price for EpiPens get so high?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all drugmakers, Mylan periodically hikes its prices. In 2007, when Mylan took over rights to EpiPen, a pair of syringes cost $93.88. According to Elsevier Clinical Solutions' database of prices set by manufacturers, Mylan raised the price 5 percent the in 2008 and 2009, when a competitor hit the market. Its price jumped 20 percent in late 2009, followed by a series of 10 percent and 15 percent increases. The price hit $609 per pair in mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: How can Mylan do that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: In the U.S., drug manufacturers charge what they think the market will bear. Unlike other countries, the U.S. government doesn't regulate drug prices, though the Veterans Affairs and Medicaid negotiate big discounts. Mylan hasn't answered questions about how it justifies its price hikes. A statement released Monday didn't address prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: What do people really pay?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: It depends on an individual's insurance coverage. Private insurers often negotiate discounts off the list price, and patient out-of-pocket costs vary by plan. But patients with high-deductible plans or no insurance can pay list price or more, depending on the pharmacy. In its statement, Mylan said most customers have insurance that limits their copayments, or they can use a copay discount card to save $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement recommended that people review their coverage. It also says that since 2012, Mylan's EpiPen4Schools program has given schools more than 700,000 free EpiPens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Isn't there any competition?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: Barely, and few people know about it. One cheaper product remains on the market, Adrenaclick. But EpiPen, introduced in 1987, is so well known that most doctors prescribe it without considering Adrenaclick, and pharmacists can't substitute that for EpiPen, said Evelyn Hermes-DeSantis, director of drug information services at Rutgers University's pharmacy school. A pair of Adrenaclick syringes costs $142 to $380 at pharmacies, according to online comparison sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>EpiPen has a U.S. patent giving it a monopoly until 2025, according to Evercore ISI analyst Umer Raffat. Generic maker Teva has permission to launch a version but hasn't gotten regulatory approval yet. A rival injector called Auvi-Q was recalled last year because of potential inaccurate dosing, Raffat noted, and a third product has twice been rejected because of issues with the injector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Is there another alternative?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: Some people get prescriptions for epinephrine vials and get a doctor to put it in syringes. But Rutgers' Hermes-DeSantis said that raises concerns about sterility and proper storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Q: Why is there such a furor now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A: Drug prices are a hot topic in the presidential race, and Congressional committees have been investigating eye-popping increases by other companies. New drugs for cancer and rare diseases can cost hundreds of thousands of dollars and older drugs, even some generics, have had unprecedented price spikes. With the increase in high-deductible insurance plans, more people are paying the full cost of prescriptions. And the back-to-school season means some families are facing sticker shock as they buy new EpiPens to keep at their child's school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_auto_sidebar]\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Medical marijuana has been legal in Maine for almost 20 years. But Farmington physician Jean Antonucci says she continues to feel unprepared when counseling sick patients about whether the drug could benefit them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will it help my glaucoma? Or my chronic pain? My chemotherapy’s making me nauseous, and nothing’s helped. Is cannabis the solution? Patients hope Antonucci, 62, can answer those questions. But she said she is still “completely in the dark.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antonucci doesn’t know whether marijuana is the right way to treat an ailment, what amount is an appropriate dose, or whether a patient should smoke it, eat it, rub it through an oil or vaporize it. Like most doctors, she was never trained to have these discussions. And, because the topic still is not usually covered in medical school, seasoned doctors, as well as younger ones, often consider themselves ill-equipped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she tries to keep up with the scientific literature, Antonucci said, “it’s very difficult to support patients but not know what you’re saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the number of states allowing medical marijuana grows — the total has reached 25 plus the District of Columbia — some are working to address this knowledge gap with physician training programs. States are beginning to require doctors to take continuing medical education courses that detail how marijuana interacts with the nervous system and other medications, as well as its side effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though laws vary, they have common themes. They usually set up a process by which states establish marijuana dispensaries, where patients with qualifying medical conditions can obtain the drug. The conditions are specified on a state-approved list. And the role of doctors is often to certify that patients have one of those ailments. But many say that, without knowing cannabis’ health effects, even writing a certification makes them uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just don’t know what we don’t know. And that’s a concern,” said Wanda Filer, president of the American Academy of Family Physicians and a practicing doctor in Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This medical uncertainty is complicated by confusion over how to navigate often contradictory laws. While states generally involve physicians in the process by which patients obtain marijuana, national drug policies have traditionally had a chilling effect on these conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Federation of State Medical Boards has \u003ca href=\"http://jama.jamanetwork.com/article.aspx?articleid=2529569\" target=\"_blank\">tried to add clarity\u003c/a>. In an Aug. 9 JAMA editorial, leaders noted that federal law technically prohibits prescribing marijuana, and tasks states that allow it for medical use to “implement strong and effective … enforcement systems to address any threat those laws could pose to public safety, public health, and other interests.” If state regulation is deemed insufficient, the federal government can step in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why many doctors say they feel caught in the middle, not completely sure of where the line is now drawn between legal medical practice and what could get them in trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/publications/1065.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">New York\u003c/a>, which legalized marijuana for medicinal purposes in 2014, the state health department rolled out a certification program last October. (The state’s medical marijuana program itself launched in January 2016.) The course, which lasts about four hours and costs $249, is part of a larger physician registration process. So far, \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/regulations/medical_marijuana/\" target=\"_blank\">the state estimates\u003c/a>656 physicians have completed the required steps. Other states have contacted New York’s Department of Health to learn how the training works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pennsylvania and Ohio are also developing similar programs. Meanwhile in Massachusetts, doctors who wish to participate in the state medical marijuana program are required to take courses approved by the American Medical Association. Maryland doesn’t require training but encourages it through its \u003ca href=\"http://mmc.maryland.gov/pages/physicians/physicians.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">Medical Cannabis Commission website\u003c/a>, a policy also followed in some other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Physicians appear to welcome such direction. A \u003ca href=\"http://www.jabfm.org/content/26/1/52.full.pdf+html\" target=\"_blank\">2013 study in Colorado\u003c/a>, for instance, found more than 80 percent of family doctors thought physicians needed medical training before recommending marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some advocates worry that doctors may find these requirements onerous and opt out, which would in turn thwart patients’ access to the now-legal therapy, said Ellen Smith, a board member of the U.S. Pain Foundation, which favors expanded access to medical cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education is essential, given the complexity of how marijuana interacts with the body and how little physicians know, said Stephen Corn, an associate professor of anesthesiology, perioperative and pain medicine at Harvard Medical School. Corn also co-founded The Answer Page, a medical information website that provides educational content to the New York program, as well as a similar Florida initiative. The company, one of a few groups to offer teachings on medical marijuana, is also bidding to supply information for the Pennsylvania program, Corn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need a multi-hour course to learn where the medical cannabis works within the body,” Corn said. “As a patient, would you want a doctor blindly recommending something without knowing how it’s going to interact with your other medications? What to expect from it? What not to expect?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many say the science is too weak to answer these questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason: the federal Drug Enforcement Agency classifies marijuana as a schedule I drug, the same level as heroin. This classification makes it more difficult for researchers to gain access to the drug and to gain approval for human subjects to participate in studies. The White House \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2016/08/10/489509471/dea-rejects-attempt-to-loosen-federal-restrictions-on-marijuana\" target=\"_blank\">rejected a petition\u003c/a> this past week to reclassify the drug in a less strict category, though federal authorities say they will start letting more facilities grow marijuana for the purpose of research. (Currently, only the University of Mississippi can produce it, which advocates say limits study.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From a medical standpoint, the lack of information is troubling, Filer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Typically, when we’re going to prescribe something, you’ve got data that shows safety and efficacy,” she said. With marijuana, the body of research doesn’t match what many doctors are used to for prescription drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Corn said, doctors appear pleased with the state training sessions. More than 80 percent of New York doctors who have taken his course said they changed their practice in response to what they learned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even now, whenever Corn speaks with doctors about medical marijuana, people ask him how they can learn more about the drug’s medical properties and about legal risks. Those two concerns, he said, likely reduce the number of doctors comfortable with and willing to discuss marijuana’s place in medicine, even if it’s allowed in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though others say this circumstance is starting to ease, doctors like Jean Antonucci in Maine continue to struggle to figure out how marijuana can fit into safe and compassionate medicine. “You just try and be careful — and learn as much as you can about a patient, and try to do no harm,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Medical marijuana has been legal in Maine for almost 20 years. But Farmington physician Jean Antonucci says she continues to feel unprepared when counseling sick patients about whether the drug could benefit them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will it help my glaucoma? Or my chronic pain? My chemotherapy’s making me nauseous, and nothing’s helped. Is cannabis the solution? Patients hope Antonucci, 62, can answer those questions. But she said she is still “completely in the dark.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antonucci doesn’t know whether marijuana is the right way to treat an ailment, what amount is an appropriate dose, or whether a patient should smoke it, eat it, rub it through an oil or vaporize it. Like most doctors, she was never trained to have these discussions. And, because the topic still is not usually covered in medical school, seasoned doctors, as well as younger ones, often consider themselves ill-equipped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though she tries to keep up with the scientific literature, Antonucci said, “it’s very difficult to support patients but not know what you’re saying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the number of states allowing medical marijuana grows — the total has reached 25 plus the District of Columbia — some are working to address this knowledge gap with physician training programs. States are beginning to require doctors to take continuing medical education courses that detail how marijuana interacts with the nervous system and other medications, as well as its side effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though laws vary, they have common themes. They usually set up a process by which states establish marijuana dispensaries, where patients with qualifying medical conditions can obtain the drug. The conditions are specified on a state-approved list. And the role of doctors is often to certify that patients have one of those ailments. But many say that, without knowing cannabis’ health effects, even writing a certification makes them uncomfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just don’t know what we don’t know. And that’s a concern,” said Wanda Filer, president of the American Academy of Family Physicians and a practicing doctor in Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This medical uncertainty is complicated by confusion over how to navigate often contradictory laws. While states generally involve physicians in the process by which patients obtain marijuana, national drug policies have traditionally had a chilling effect on these conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Federation of State Medical Boards has \u003ca href=\"http://jama.jamanetwork.com/article.aspx?articleid=2529569\" target=\"_blank\">tried to add clarity\u003c/a>. In an Aug. 9 JAMA editorial, leaders noted that federal law technically prohibits prescribing marijuana, and tasks states that allow it for medical use to “implement strong and effective … enforcement systems to address any threat those laws could pose to public safety, public health, and other interests.” If state regulation is deemed insufficient, the federal government can step in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why many doctors say they feel caught in the middle, not completely sure of where the line is now drawn between legal medical practice and what could get them in trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/publications/1065.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">New York\u003c/a>, which legalized marijuana for medicinal purposes in 2014, the state health department rolled out a certification program last October. (The state’s medical marijuana program itself launched in January 2016.) The course, which lasts about four hours and costs $249, is part of a larger physician registration process. So far, \u003ca href=\"https://www.health.ny.gov/regulations/medical_marijuana/\" target=\"_blank\">the state estimates\u003c/a>656 physicians have completed the required steps. Other states have contacted New York’s Department of Health to learn how the training works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pennsylvania and Ohio are also developing similar programs. Meanwhile in Massachusetts, doctors who wish to participate in the state medical marijuana program are required to take courses approved by the American Medical Association. Maryland doesn’t require training but encourages it through its \u003ca href=\"http://mmc.maryland.gov/pages/physicians/physicians.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">Medical Cannabis Commission website\u003c/a>, a policy also followed in some other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Physicians appear to welcome such direction. A \u003ca href=\"http://www.jabfm.org/content/26/1/52.full.pdf+html\" target=\"_blank\">2013 study in Colorado\u003c/a>, for instance, found more than 80 percent of family doctors thought physicians needed medical training before recommending marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some advocates worry that doctors may find these requirements onerous and opt out, which would in turn thwart patients’ access to the now-legal therapy, said Ellen Smith, a board member of the U.S. Pain Foundation, which favors expanded access to medical cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education is essential, given the complexity of how marijuana interacts with the body and how little physicians know, said Stephen Corn, an associate professor of anesthesiology, perioperative and pain medicine at Harvard Medical School. Corn also co-founded The Answer Page, a medical information website that provides educational content to the New York program, as well as a similar Florida initiative. The company, one of a few groups to offer teachings on medical marijuana, is also bidding to supply information for the Pennsylvania program, Corn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need a multi-hour course to learn where the medical cannabis works within the body,” Corn said. “As a patient, would you want a doctor blindly recommending something without knowing how it’s going to interact with your other medications? What to expect from it? What not to expect?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many say the science is too weak to answer these questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason: the federal Drug Enforcement Agency classifies marijuana as a schedule I drug, the same level as heroin. This classification makes it more difficult for researchers to gain access to the drug and to gain approval for human subjects to participate in studies. The White House \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2016/08/10/489509471/dea-rejects-attempt-to-loosen-federal-restrictions-on-marijuana\" target=\"_blank\">rejected a petition\u003c/a> this past week to reclassify the drug in a less strict category, though federal authorities say they will start letting more facilities grow marijuana for the purpose of research. (Currently, only the University of Mississippi can produce it, which advocates say limits study.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From a medical standpoint, the lack of information is troubling, Filer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Typically, when we’re going to prescribe something, you’ve got data that shows safety and efficacy,” she said. With marijuana, the body of research doesn’t match what many doctors are used to for prescription drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Corn said, doctors appear pleased with the state training sessions. More than 80 percent of New York doctors who have taken his course said they changed their practice in response to what they learned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even now, whenever Corn speaks with doctors about medical marijuana, people ask him how they can learn more about the drug’s medical properties and about legal risks. Those two concerns, he said, likely reduce the number of doctors comfortable with and willing to discuss marijuana’s place in medicine, even if it’s allowed in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though others say this circumstance is starting to ease, doctors like Jean Antonucci in Maine continue to struggle to figure out how marijuana can fit into safe and compassionate medicine. “You just try and be careful — and learn as much as you can about a patient, and try to do no harm,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "New Plan Could Ease Geographic Disparities in Access to Liver Transplants",
"title": "New Plan Could Ease Geographic Disparities in Access to Liver Transplants",
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"content": "\u003cp>The nation's transplant network is taking a long-awaited step to ease a serious disparity: Where you live affects whether you get a timely liver transplant or die waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desperate patients sometimes travel across the country to get on a shorter waiting list — if they can afford it. On Monday, the United Network for Organ Sharing is proposing a change, redraw the map that governs how donated livers are distributed so patients wouldn't need to leave home for better odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to make sure we give everyone a fair opportunity to get a liver transplant,\" said Dr. Ryutaro Hirose, chairman of the liver transplant committee at UNOS, which runs the nation's transplant system. \"It's pretty much long overdue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem is that some parts of the country have fewer available organs, and higher demand for them, than others. That means someone in California or New York, among the toughest places to get a new liver, tends to be sicker before getting a transplant than someone in South Carolina or Washington state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's a huge difference in the risk of death on that waiting list depending on where you live,\" said Hirose, a transplant surgeon at the University of California, San Francisco. Shifting the boundaries that determine where a liver is offered first \"matches better the organ supply and demand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 14,600 people are on the waiting list for a new liver. Just over 7,100 received one last year — all but a few hundred from deceased donors — and more than 1,400 people died waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The geographic disparity adds another hurdle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livers are offered first to the sickest patients as determined by a ranking, a so-called MELD score, which uses laboratory tests to predict their current risk of death. The nation's 11 transplant regions are subdivided into local areas with individual waiting lists, and there are wide variations in organ availability both within and between regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, some regions are able to transplant patients before they're super-sick — with MELD scores as low as 23 — while others can't provide transplants until a patient's MELD score reaches 35, meaning they're at risk of death within weeks, Hirose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's legal to move around for a better chance, if people know that and are able to. For example, the late Apple CEO Steve Jobs lived in California but in 2009 had a transplant in Tennessee, which at the time had one of the shortest waits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UNOS' proposed fix is similar to how politicians redraw voting maps: divide the nation into eight new \"districts\" for liver transplants. That allows wider sharing and shifts the boundaries to better mix areas where more potential donors live with areas that have longer waiting lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is for patients to have similar MELD scores at the time of transplant no matter where they live. Research models suggested the change would mean the less sick in some places, such as in the South and Northwest, would wait a little longer so that sicker people elsewhere can get a new organ a little sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UNOS has debated how to change liver distribution for several years, a process Hirose called contentious as some transplant centers with shorter waits didn't want to lose them. The \u003ca href=\"https://optn.transplant.hrsa.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">proposal will be open for comment from the public\u003c/a> through mid-October before any changes are finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sick patients shouldn't have to leave home to improve their odds of a transplant, said liver recipient Myles Kane. He was shocked when his own doctors in New York urged the Brooklyn man to explore that option after an autoimmune disease caused his liver to fail at age 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's this magical window where you have to be the sickest person on the list, but if you die from that sickness — it's a real narrow window,\" said Kane, who eventually got on a shorter waiting list in North Carolina, where his girlfriend's parents lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They gave Kane a place to stay for three months while recuperating from his December 2013 transplant; he met other patients who had to spend months in hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transplant chief at a leading liver center welcomed the proposed change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The distribution of organs is not a right, it's a gift. We want to try to allocate that gift in the most fair way possible, the way that does the greatest good,\" said Dr. Abhinav Humar of the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, who isn't part of the UNOS committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because a piece of a liver can regrow, patients can avoid the transplant wait if they're able to find a living donor, he noted. But ultimately, more organs from deceased donors are needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the proposed remapping, \"we're just changing the way the pie is distributed,\" Humar said. \"The best solution would still be to make the pie bigger.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The nation's transplant network is taking a long-awaited step to ease a serious disparity: Where you live affects whether you get a timely liver transplant or die waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desperate patients sometimes travel across the country to get on a shorter waiting list — if they can afford it. On Monday, the United Network for Organ Sharing is proposing a change, redraw the map that governs how donated livers are distributed so patients wouldn't need to leave home for better odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We want to make sure we give everyone a fair opportunity to get a liver transplant,\" said Dr. Ryutaro Hirose, chairman of the liver transplant committee at UNOS, which runs the nation's transplant system. \"It's pretty much long overdue.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem is that some parts of the country have fewer available organs, and higher demand for them, than others. That means someone in California or New York, among the toughest places to get a new liver, tends to be sicker before getting a transplant than someone in South Carolina or Washington state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's a huge difference in the risk of death on that waiting list depending on where you live,\" said Hirose, a transplant surgeon at the University of California, San Francisco. Shifting the boundaries that determine where a liver is offered first \"matches better the organ supply and demand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 14,600 people are on the waiting list for a new liver. Just over 7,100 received one last year — all but a few hundred from deceased donors — and more than 1,400 people died waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The geographic disparity adds another hurdle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Livers are offered first to the sickest patients as determined by a ranking, a so-called MELD score, which uses laboratory tests to predict their current risk of death. The nation's 11 transplant regions are subdivided into local areas with individual waiting lists, and there are wide variations in organ availability both within and between regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, some regions are able to transplant patients before they're super-sick — with MELD scores as low as 23 — while others can't provide transplants until a patient's MELD score reaches 35, meaning they're at risk of death within weeks, Hirose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's legal to move around for a better chance, if people know that and are able to. For example, the late Apple CEO Steve Jobs lived in California but in 2009 had a transplant in Tennessee, which at the time had one of the shortest waits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UNOS' proposed fix is similar to how politicians redraw voting maps: divide the nation into eight new \"districts\" for liver transplants. That allows wider sharing and shifts the boundaries to better mix areas where more potential donors live with areas that have longer waiting lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal is for patients to have similar MELD scores at the time of transplant no matter where they live. Research models suggested the change would mean the less sick in some places, such as in the South and Northwest, would wait a little longer so that sicker people elsewhere can get a new organ a little sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UNOS has debated how to change liver distribution for several years, a process Hirose called contentious as some transplant centers with shorter waits didn't want to lose them. The \u003ca href=\"https://optn.transplant.hrsa.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">proposal will be open for comment from the public\u003c/a> through mid-October before any changes are finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sick patients shouldn't have to leave home to improve their odds of a transplant, said liver recipient Myles Kane. He was shocked when his own doctors in New York urged the Brooklyn man to explore that option after an autoimmune disease caused his liver to fail at age 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's this magical window where you have to be the sickest person on the list, but if you die from that sickness — it's a real narrow window,\" said Kane, who eventually got on a shorter waiting list in North Carolina, where his girlfriend's parents lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They gave Kane a place to stay for three months while recuperating from his December 2013 transplant; he met other patients who had to spend months in hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transplant chief at a leading liver center welcomed the proposed change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The distribution of organs is not a right, it's a gift. We want to try to allocate that gift in the most fair way possible, the way that does the greatest good,\" said Dr. Abhinav Humar of the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, who isn't part of the UNOS committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because a piece of a liver can regrow, patients can avoid the transplant wait if they're able to find a living donor, he noted. But ultimately, more organs from deceased donors are needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the proposed remapping, \"we're just changing the way the pie is distributed,\" Humar said. \"The best solution would still be to make the pie bigger.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Drug Price Transparency Laws May Not Drive Down Spiraling Costs for Consumers",
"title": "Drug Price Transparency Laws May Not Drive Down Spiraling Costs for Consumers",
"headTitle": "State of Health | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Will forcing drugmakers to disclose big price hikes and new high-cost treatments help keep medications affordable for consumers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the premise behind legislation considered this year in roughly a dozen states, including California. In addition, President Barack Obama proposed in his 2017 budget that the Department of Health and Human Services require drugmakers to disclose their research and development costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some researchers and consumer advocates say these “drug price transparency” measures likely won’t bring spiraling costs down by themselves — other policy changes will be needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By themselves, I don’t think it’s likely the [measures] will have a big impact,” said Chapin White, a senior researcher and health care cost transparency expert at the Santa Monica-based think tank RAND Corp. Chapin said getting more information is only part of deciding “what’s a fair amount to pay” for pharmaceuticals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested, however, that such laws could prevent pharmaceutical companies from raising prices “for no reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, California state lawmakers will review a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1010\" target=\"_blank\">bill\u003c/a> that would require pharmaceutical companies to give advance notice if they plan to introduce drugs that cost $10,000 or more (per year or per course of treatment) or raise the price on existing medications by more than certain percentages\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong> They also would be obliged to justify those costs within 30 days — although the legislation is not clear on how they’d need to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also would require health plans to report annually how much they spend on prescription drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals in other states have included requiring pharmaceutical companies to report closely held research and development costs to government agencies, creating pharmaceutical review commissions and allowing government health programs not to cover certain high-priced drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures have stalled this year, except in California, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, according to the National Council of State Legislatures. Supporters of such legislation attribute their failure to proceed in most states to strong pressure from the pharmaceutical industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rising prescription drug costs have been hotly debated, especially since Martin Shkreli, a now-disgraced pharmaceutical executive, obtained the manufacturing license for a lifesaving antiparasitic drug and last year hiked its price by more than 5,000 percent. With that episode as an extreme example, policymakers have been searching for ways to prevent price gouging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the California bill say advance notice of price increases can help drug purchasers negotiate the best deal for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But drug companies say the legislation could prompt “hoarding” by large pharmacies because once they learned of a price hike, they could buy up the existing cheaper supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry says transparency measures threaten their fundamental business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disclosing that information is revealing very commercially sensitive information to a large population, which could frankly undermine competition and yield unintended consequences,” said Priscilla VanderVeer, deputy vice president of state communications at the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VanderVeer said a drug’s sticker price does not give an accurate picture of what it actually costs, since the price is almost always negotiated down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chapin, the RAND senior researcher, noted that current patent rules give drugmakers the power to charge high prices as a reward for innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through the system of patent protection, we’ve created monopoly power [for] pharmaceutical companies,” he said, but added that he can’t imagine that system being scrapped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he said, drug price discussions should focus on the “reasonable bounds” of pricing, and the cost of a medication should reflect how much it advances the practice of medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has to be some limit,” said Chapin. “It shouldn’t be the case that [a] firm can just charge a sky’s-the-limit price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ameet Sarpatwari, a professor at Harvard Medical School, said transparency measures could arm lawmakers with information to help them enact other, more fundamental policy changes. Actually controlling drug prices would likely require federal action, he said, such as allowing state Medicaid programs to keep high-cost drugs off their formularies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Public Employees’ Retirement System (CalPERS), which in 2014 spent $1.8 billion on prescription drugs for its 1.4 million members, says it already benefits from its own efforts to collect pharmacy spending information from health plans every year. That data has helped the agency decide how much more to charge enrollees for drugs and to determine the list of drugs it covers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalPERS supports California’s transparency bill, calling it a first step towards bringing drug prices down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t ask the questions relative to costs when folks don’t know what the costs are,” said Doug McKeever, CalPERS’ deputy executive officer for benefit programs policy and planning. “It gives us opportunities to collectively say, ‘how can we work together collaboratively to address these cost increases?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, CalPERS’ cost-cutting measures have helped protect the agency’s bottom line primarily by requiring members to pay more or have less choice. But the agency believes more widespread drug price transparency might allow health care payers to negotiate better prices later on, easing the pain for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Citizen, a national public advocacy group, supports state transparency measures as well, but it says they should have enough teeth to “open up [the] black box” of research and development costs. Without that, policymakers would not have adequate information to vet industry claims about costs, said Steven Knievel, an organizer with Public Citizen’s Global Access to Medicines program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s drug price transparency measure would be more useful, Knievel said, if it required disclosure of such costs, which some other state measures have called for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If policymakers don’t push to make information available as broadly as necessary to change the drug price conversation, Knievel added, proposed transparency measures risk becoming no more than “PR for policymakers that want to be seen as tough on the drug companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is also pushing for federal action to suppress drug prices. It says it wants government officials to step in when drugs developed using public funds are not sold on “reasonable terms.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California is one of a dozen states considering measures to force drug-makers to disclose big price hikes and new high-cost treatments. ",
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"headline": "Drug Price Transparency Laws May Not Drive Down Spiraling Costs for Consumers",
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"nprByline": " Pauline Bartolone\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/\">California Healthline\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Will forcing drugmakers to disclose big price hikes and new high-cost treatments help keep medications affordable for consumers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the premise behind legislation considered this year in roughly a dozen states, including California. In addition, President Barack Obama proposed in his 2017 budget that the Department of Health and Human Services require drugmakers to disclose their research and development costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some researchers and consumer advocates say these “drug price transparency” measures likely won’t bring spiraling costs down by themselves — other policy changes will be needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By themselves, I don’t think it’s likely the [measures] will have a big impact,” said Chapin White, a senior researcher and health care cost transparency expert at the Santa Monica-based think tank RAND Corp. Chapin said getting more information is only part of deciding “what’s a fair amount to pay” for pharmaceuticals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested, however, that such laws could prevent pharmaceutical companies from raising prices “for no reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, California state lawmakers will review a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1010\" target=\"_blank\">bill\u003c/a> that would require pharmaceutical companies to give advance notice if they plan to introduce drugs that cost $10,000 or more (per year or per course of treatment) or raise the price on existing medications by more than certain percentages\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong> They also would be obliged to justify those costs within 30 days — although the legislation is not clear on how they’d need to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also would require health plans to report annually how much they spend on prescription drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals in other states have included requiring pharmaceutical companies to report closely held research and development costs to government agencies, creating pharmaceutical review commissions and allowing government health programs not to cover certain high-priced drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the measures have stalled this year, except in California, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, according to the National Council of State Legislatures. Supporters of such legislation attribute their failure to proceed in most states to strong pressure from the pharmaceutical industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rising prescription drug costs have been hotly debated, especially since Martin Shkreli, a now-disgraced pharmaceutical executive, obtained the manufacturing license for a lifesaving antiparasitic drug and last year hiked its price by more than 5,000 percent. With that episode as an extreme example, policymakers have been searching for ways to prevent price gouging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the California bill say advance notice of price increases can help drug purchasers negotiate the best deal for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But drug companies say the legislation could prompt “hoarding” by large pharmacies because once they learned of a price hike, they could buy up the existing cheaper supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry says transparency measures threaten their fundamental business interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disclosing that information is revealing very commercially sensitive information to a large population, which could frankly undermine competition and yield unintended consequences,” said Priscilla VanderVeer, deputy vice president of state communications at the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VanderVeer said a drug’s sticker price does not give an accurate picture of what it actually costs, since the price is almost always negotiated down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chapin, the RAND senior researcher, noted that current patent rules give drugmakers the power to charge high prices as a reward for innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Through the system of patent protection, we’ve created monopoly power [for] pharmaceutical companies,” he said, but added that he can’t imagine that system being scrapped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he said, drug price discussions should focus on the “reasonable bounds” of pricing, and the cost of a medication should reflect how much it advances the practice of medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has to be some limit,” said Chapin. “It shouldn’t be the case that [a] firm can just charge a sky’s-the-limit price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ameet Sarpatwari, a professor at Harvard Medical School, said transparency measures could arm lawmakers with information to help them enact other, more fundamental policy changes. Actually controlling drug prices would likely require federal action, he said, such as allowing state Medicaid programs to keep high-cost drugs off their formularies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Public Employees’ Retirement System (CalPERS), which in 2014 spent $1.8 billion on prescription drugs for its 1.4 million members, says it already benefits from its own efforts to collect pharmacy spending information from health plans every year. That data has helped the agency decide how much more to charge enrollees for drugs and to determine the list of drugs it covers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalPERS supports California’s transparency bill, calling it a first step towards bringing drug prices down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t ask the questions relative to costs when folks don’t know what the costs are,” said Doug McKeever, CalPERS’ deputy executive officer for benefit programs policy and planning. “It gives us opportunities to collectively say, ‘how can we work together collaboratively to address these cost increases?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, CalPERS’ cost-cutting measures have helped protect the agency’s bottom line primarily by requiring members to pay more or have less choice. But the agency believes more widespread drug price transparency might allow health care payers to negotiate better prices later on, easing the pain for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Citizen, a national public advocacy group, supports state transparency measures as well, but it says they should have enough teeth to “open up [the] black box” of research and development costs. Without that, policymakers would not have adequate information to vet industry claims about costs, said Steven Knievel, an organizer with Public Citizen’s Global Access to Medicines program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s drug price transparency measure would be more useful, Knievel said, if it required disclosure of such costs, which some other state measures have called for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If policymakers don’t push to make information available as broadly as necessary to change the drug price conversation, Knievel added, proposed transparency measures risk becoming no more than “PR for policymakers that want to be seen as tough on the drug companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is also pushing for federal action to suppress drug prices. It says it wants government officials to step in when drugs developed using public funds are not sold on “reasonable terms.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Overhauling Foster Care Rates to Support Family Caregivers",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of complaints, California is drastically changing the way it financially supports foster families. It's a move that aims to prioritize the needs of the state's \u003ca href=\"http://www.kidsdata.org/topic/20/fostercare/table#fmt=16&loc=2,127,347,1763,331,348,336,171,321,345,357,332,324,369,358,362,360,337,327,364,356,217,353,328,354,323,352,320,339,334,365,343,330,367,344,355,366,368,265,349,361,4,273,59,370,326,333,322,341,338,350,342,329,325,359,351,363,340,335&tf=79\" target=\"_blank\">62,000 foster children \u003c/a>and make it easier for grandparents and other relatives to care for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'This is the very first time in California's history that we will be treating our relatives and our non-relative foster parents equally.' \u003ccite>Angie Schwartz, Alliance for Children's Rights \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Starting Jan. 1, California's foster care rates will be tied to the health and behavioral needs of each child. In the present system, the income of the home the child was removed from and whether the child was placed with relatives or non-relatives were bigger factors in determining support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new system will replace a \"tangled mess of rules\" that ends up penalizing thousands of foster children who are cared for by relatives -- even though such children have better educational outcomes and less trauma when cared for by a person with family ties, says Angie Schwartz, policy director for the Alliance for Children's Rights, which advocated for the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a very historic change in California,\" says Schwartz, whose nonprofit provides legal services for children in foster care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is the very first time in California's history that we will be treating our relatives and our non-relative foster parents equally.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Jerry Brown approved the new rate system in June as part of the state budget, and allocated about $40 million to begin implementing the payment changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'Major Transformational Effort'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy is part of a larger effort that has been at least five years in the making to improve how children and youth do in the state's foster care system, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/cdssweb/PG4869.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Continuum of Care Reform\u003c/a>. The reform also aims to significantly expand mental health and other support services to all foster families, says Greg Rose, who oversees child welfare \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">at the California Department of Social Services.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is the major transformational effort that we are putting in place so that young people in foster care can have as traditional a family life as reasonably possible,\" says Rose, adding that a goal of the reform is to reduce the use of more expensive institutionalized group homes, where foster youth tend to have the worst outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ultimately, we'll have healthier, happier youth that experience the foster care system,\" says Rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foster care rate changes will impact at least 10,000 families statewide who will be able to access similar resources as other foster families, says Rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/276496072\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next several weeks, a stakeholder group will define new rates, says Rose, which are expected to be at least slightly higher than they are at present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once new rates are established county social workers are expected to begin assessing each child in foster care statewide to determine where the child fits in the new rate structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One Mom's Story\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, all foster parents -- whether related to the child or not -- must pass similar licensing and approval standards. But the stipends they receive may vary dramatically depending on whether they are related to the child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donita Escamilla experienced the discrepancy first hand when she became a foster parent to her niece, Isabella, two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Escamilla received about $300 monthly to help care for Isabella, she would have received as much as $1,100 more is she were not related to the child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I did not ever look at Isabella as a dollar sign. I was ready to take care of Isabella funding or no funding,\" says Escamilla, who was working as a waitress at a casino and already a single mother of four when she took Isabella in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I knew that no matter what the struggle for me was, that that’s what was best for her, and that she needed to be with us,\" she says. \"I just couldn’t imagine her going with strangers, with people that we didn’t know.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of resources was stressful, says Escamilla. Isabella's birth mother had used drugs throughout her pregnancy, and the newborn tested positive for methampethamines which has impacted Isabella's development and lungs. Escamilla spent sleepless nights taking the baby to the emergency room for bouts of asthma and bronchitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_220439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-220439 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Stephanie Okada, an occupational therapist, and Isabella look for ants near a playground in the Sacramento area, as part of Isabella's weekly play and speech therapy session. Donita Escamilla, who became a foster parent for Isabella and recently adopted her, says therapy is helping the toddler develop her emotions and social skills.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1369\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-400x285.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-800x570.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-768x548.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-1440x1027.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-1180x841.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-960x685.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Isabella and Stephanie Okada, an occupational therapist, look for ants near a playground in the Sacramento area, as part of Isabella's weekly play therapy sessions. Donita Escamilla, who became a foster parent for Isabella and recently adopted her, says the toddler struggles with social interactions and therapy helps to address her needs. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Isabella's medical needs were covered through Medi-Cal, the state's insurance for low income people. But Escamilla worried about losing her job, and not being there for her other children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was always in this state of trying to balance the needs of my family as a whole, versus Isabella’s medical needs, trying to get people to take her to the doctor for me, not being able to miss work because she was ill,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escamilla adapted. She left her casino job and opened a child care center so that she could care for Isabella herself, instead of shuttling her to other caregivers. She takes Isabella weekly for play, speech and other therapy sessions to aid her social and emotional development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escamilla ended up adopting Isabella, so the new foster rate changes won't affect her, but she considers the development \"a huge victory.\" She says she hopes other relative foster parents in the state won't struggle the way she did.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Next year, California adopts new monthly foster care stipends to make it easier for relatives to care for foster children.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of complaints, California is drastically changing the way it financially supports foster families. It's a move that aims to prioritize the needs of the state's \u003ca href=\"http://www.kidsdata.org/topic/20/fostercare/table#fmt=16&loc=2,127,347,1763,331,348,336,171,321,345,357,332,324,369,358,362,360,337,327,364,356,217,353,328,354,323,352,320,339,334,365,343,330,367,344,355,366,368,265,349,361,4,273,59,370,326,333,322,341,338,350,342,329,325,359,351,363,340,335&tf=79\" target=\"_blank\">62,000 foster children \u003c/a>and make it easier for grandparents and other relatives to care for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'This is the very first time in California's history that we will be treating our relatives and our non-relative foster parents equally.' \u003ccite>Angie Schwartz, Alliance for Children's Rights \u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Starting Jan. 1, California's foster care rates will be tied to the health and behavioral needs of each child. In the present system, the income of the home the child was removed from and whether the child was placed with relatives or non-relatives were bigger factors in determining support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new system will replace a \"tangled mess of rules\" that ends up penalizing thousands of foster children who are cared for by relatives -- even though such children have better educational outcomes and less trauma when cared for by a person with family ties, says Angie Schwartz, policy director for the Alliance for Children's Rights, which advocated for the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a very historic change in California,\" says Schwartz, whose nonprofit provides legal services for children in foster care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is the very first time in California's history that we will be treating our relatives and our non-relative foster parents equally.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Jerry Brown approved the new rate system in June as part of the state budget, and allocated about $40 million to begin implementing the payment changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'Major Transformational Effort'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy is part of a larger effort that has been at least five years in the making to improve how children and youth do in the state's foster care system, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/cdssweb/PG4869.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Continuum of Care Reform\u003c/a>. The reform also aims to significantly expand mental health and other support services to all foster families, says Greg Rose, who oversees child welfare \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">at the California Department of Social Services.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is the major transformational effort that we are putting in place so that young people in foster care can have as traditional a family life as reasonably possible,\" says Rose, adding that a goal of the reform is to reduce the use of more expensive institutionalized group homes, where foster youth tend to have the worst outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ultimately, we'll have healthier, happier youth that experience the foster care system,\" says Rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The foster care rate changes will impact at least 10,000 families statewide who will be able to access similar resources as other foster families, says Rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/276496072&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/276496072'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next several weeks, a stakeholder group will define new rates, says Rose, which are expected to be at least slightly higher than they are at present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once new rates are established county social workers are expected to begin assessing each child in foster care statewide to determine where the child fits in the new rate structure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One Mom's Story\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, all foster parents -- whether related to the child or not -- must pass similar licensing and approval standards. But the stipends they receive may vary dramatically depending on whether they are related to the child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donita Escamilla experienced the discrepancy first hand when she became a foster parent to her niece, Isabella, two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Escamilla received about $300 monthly to help care for Isabella, she would have received as much as $1,100 more is she were not related to the child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I did not ever look at Isabella as a dollar sign. I was ready to take care of Isabella funding or no funding,\" says Escamilla, who was working as a waitress at a casino and already a single mother of four when she took Isabella in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I knew that no matter what the struggle for me was, that that’s what was best for her, and that she needed to be with us,\" she says. \"I just couldn’t imagine her going with strangers, with people that we didn’t know.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of resources was stressful, says Escamilla. Isabella's birth mother had used drugs throughout her pregnancy, and the newborn tested positive for methampethamines which has impacted Isabella's development and lungs. Escamilla spent sleepless nights taking the baby to the emergency room for bouts of asthma and bronchitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_220439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-220439 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Stephanie Okada, an occupational therapist, and Isabella look for ants near a playground in the Sacramento area, as part of Isabella's weekly play and speech therapy session. Donita Escamilla, who became a foster parent for Isabella and recently adopted her, says therapy is helping the toddler develop her emotions and social skills.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1369\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-400x285.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-800x570.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-768x548.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-1440x1027.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-1180x841.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2016/08/RS20497_IMG_0182-qut-960x685.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Isabella and Stephanie Okada, an occupational therapist, look for ants near a playground in the Sacramento area, as part of Isabella's weekly play therapy sessions. Donita Escamilla, who became a foster parent for Isabella and recently adopted her, says the toddler struggles with social interactions and therapy helps to address her needs. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Isabella's medical needs were covered through Medi-Cal, the state's insurance for low income people. But Escamilla worried about losing her job, and not being there for her other children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was always in this state of trying to balance the needs of my family as a whole, versus Isabella’s medical needs, trying to get people to take her to the doctor for me, not being able to miss work because she was ill,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escamilla adapted. She left her casino job and opened a child care center so that she could care for Isabella herself, instead of shuttling her to other caregivers. She takes Isabella weekly for play, speech and other therapy sessions to aid her social and emotional development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escamilla ended up adopting Isabella, so the new foster rate changes won't affect her, but she considers the development \"a huge victory.\" She says she hopes other relative foster parents in the state won't struggle the way she did.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Oakland, S.F. Revise Medical Marijuana Regulations in Face of New State Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new state law has Oakland and San Francisco remaking their medical cannabis laws in the face of new state requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actions are distinct from a November statewide ballot measure that would legalize recreational marijuana for adults over 21 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The present law, passed last fall, imposes new regulatory measures on medical pot businesses in California. Previously, businesses needed only a city license. Now they must also be licensed by the state and, depending on what type of business is run, there are now 17 different license types covering dispensaries, manufacturing, cultivation, transportation, distribution and testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s all part of the Medical Marijuana Regulation and Safety Act and there’s more coming. State agencies are expected to issue further regulations and guidelines for cities by January 2017. The new laws take full effect in January 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the act leaves cities scrambling to meet the standards taking effect now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco started working toward updating its regulations with a hearing before the Land Use and Transportation Committee earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that our regulations are keeping up with the reality of where medical cannabis is today,” said Supervisor Scott Wiener, who called for the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, San Francisco has only one type of medical cannabis permit, for dispensaries. With the state soon to offer those 17 different types of licenses, the city will have to decide whether to allow or prohibit different marijuana enterprises such as cultivation, manufacturing and delivery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the discussion at the hearing focused on land use and where dispensaries may be located. One consideration is changing buffer zones around schools. Aaron Starr from the San Francisco Planning Department recommended reducing the current buffer zone from 1,000 feet around schools to 600 feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is a dense environment,” Starr said. He said that 1,000 feet from a school could be a completely different neighborhood. That generous buffer makes it difficult for new dispensaries to open in the city. Under current zoning regulations, many of the city’s 28 dispensaries are being clustered in the South of Market neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starr also recommended that the city should amend the planning code to align with the new license types surrounding cultivation and make clear how much cannabis can be grown -- and in which parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major issue under discussion was taxation. Currently, dispensaries in San Francisco may only be nonprofit, but the new law will allow them to operate as for-profit businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The new law gives the city the opportunity to impose taxation on cultivation, production and dispensing,” said Cyndy Comerford, a manager in the planning and policy office of San Francisco’s Department of Public Health. Comerford did not have an estimate on how much revenue taxation could bring the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comerford said the city’s next steps are twofold: participating with state agencies developing new regulations and crafting local legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland is significantly ahead of its Bay Area neighbor in responding to the Medical Marijuana Regulation and Safety Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the Oakland City Council updated the city’s medical cannabis ordinances to mirror the state law and make it possible for Oakland residents to apply for the necessary local permits. It also expanded the number of dispensaries that can operate in the city, allowing up to eight new dispensaries to open a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s updated ordinance includes employment regulations geared toward Oakland residents. Under Oakland’s new laws, half of dispensary staff members must be Oakland residents -- and half of that group must live in high-unemployment areas. The ordinance also provides potential tax breaks and other incentives to dispensaries that hire Oakland residents who have been previously incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another twist in the new ordinance is an “equity” requirement. Fifty percent of new Oakland dispensaries will be eligible for a license in the Dispensary Equity Permit Program. Under the program, applicants must have at least one member who:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">has lived in Oakland for at least two years in one of six police beats that have been most affected by cannabis-related crime\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">has been incarcerated for a cannabis-related offense in the past 10 years\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">has at least a 50 percent ownership share in the dispensary\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>These stipulations are aimed at rewarding low income and previously incarcerated communities. While the new rules were unanimously approved by the Oakland City Council in May, they have not been universally endorsed and continue to be the subject of debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a lot of back and forth,” said Joe DeVries, assistant to the city administrator and a staff member on the city’s Cannabis Regulation Commission. DeVries said the bigger focus right now is getting applications out under the current ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is slated to further discuss the equity provisions at its meeting Thursday evening.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new state law has Oakland and San Francisco remaking their medical cannabis laws in the face of new state requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The actions are distinct from a November statewide ballot measure that would legalize recreational marijuana for adults over 21 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The present law, passed last fall, imposes new regulatory measures on medical pot businesses in California. Previously, businesses needed only a city license. Now they must also be licensed by the state and, depending on what type of business is run, there are now 17 different license types covering dispensaries, manufacturing, cultivation, transportation, distribution and testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s all part of the Medical Marijuana Regulation and Safety Act and there’s more coming. State agencies are expected to issue further regulations and guidelines for cities by January 2017. The new laws take full effect in January 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the act leaves cities scrambling to meet the standards taking effect now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco started working toward updating its regulations with a hearing before the Land Use and Transportation Committee earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that our regulations are keeping up with the reality of where medical cannabis is today,” said Supervisor Scott Wiener, who called for the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, San Francisco has only one type of medical cannabis permit, for dispensaries. With the state soon to offer those 17 different types of licenses, the city will have to decide whether to allow or prohibit different marijuana enterprises such as cultivation, manufacturing and delivery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the discussion at the hearing focused on land use and where dispensaries may be located. One consideration is changing buffer zones around schools. Aaron Starr from the San Francisco Planning Department recommended reducing the current buffer zone from 1,000 feet around schools to 600 feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is a dense environment,” Starr said. He said that 1,000 feet from a school could be a completely different neighborhood. That generous buffer makes it difficult for new dispensaries to open in the city. Under current zoning regulations, many of the city’s 28 dispensaries are being clustered in the South of Market neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starr also recommended that the city should amend the planning code to align with the new license types surrounding cultivation and make clear how much cannabis can be grown -- and in which parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major issue under discussion was taxation. Currently, dispensaries in San Francisco may only be nonprofit, but the new law will allow them to operate as for-profit businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The new law gives the city the opportunity to impose taxation on cultivation, production and dispensing,” said Cyndy Comerford, a manager in the planning and policy office of San Francisco’s Department of Public Health. Comerford did not have an estimate on how much revenue taxation could bring the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comerford said the city’s next steps are twofold: participating with state agencies developing new regulations and crafting local legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Oakland is significantly ahead of its Bay Area neighbor in responding to the Medical Marijuana Regulation and Safety Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the Oakland City Council updated the city’s medical cannabis ordinances to mirror the state law and make it possible for Oakland residents to apply for the necessary local permits. It also expanded the number of dispensaries that can operate in the city, allowing up to eight new dispensaries to open a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s updated ordinance includes employment regulations geared toward Oakland residents. Under Oakland’s new laws, half of dispensary staff members must be Oakland residents -- and half of that group must live in high-unemployment areas. The ordinance also provides potential tax breaks and other incentives to dispensaries that hire Oakland residents who have been previously incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another twist in the new ordinance is an “equity” requirement. Fifty percent of new Oakland dispensaries will be eligible for a license in the Dispensary Equity Permit Program. Under the program, applicants must have at least one member who:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">has lived in Oakland for at least two years in one of six police beats that have been most affected by cannabis-related crime\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">has been incarcerated for a cannabis-related offense in the past 10 years\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">has at least a 50 percent ownership share in the dispensary\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>These stipulations are aimed at rewarding low income and previously incarcerated communities. While the new rules were unanimously approved by the Oakland City Council in May, they have not been universally endorsed and continue to be the subject of debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a lot of back and forth,” said Joe DeVries, assistant to the city administrator and a staff member on the city’s Cannabis Regulation Commission. DeVries said the bigger focus right now is getting applications out under the current ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission is slated to further discuss the equity provisions at its meeting Thursday evening.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Anti-Abortion Forces Regroup In Wake Of Supreme Court Decision",
"title": "Anti-Abortion Forces Regroup In Wake Of Supreme Court Decision",
"headTitle": "State of Health | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Delegates at the Republican convention in Cleveland have approved the strongest anti-abortion platform in the party’s history. But groups that oppose abortion — and that lobbied for the strong language — are far from unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, in the wake of last month’s Supreme Court decision reaffirming a woman’s right to abortion, leaders of a movement known for speaking largely with one voice are showing some surprising disagreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past several years, anti-abortion groups have pushed an agenda aimed at imposing much stricter regulation on abortion facilities. The groups said it was to promote the health and safety of women; abortion-rights supporters said it was an effort to \u003ca href=\"http://www.reproductiverights.org/project/targeted-regulation-of-abortion-providers-trap\" target=\"_blank\">regulate the clinics out of existence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least for now, the Supreme Court is siding with abortion-rights backers. Neither of the portions of Texas’ omnibus abortion law that were up for review “offers medical benefits sufficient to justify the burdens upon access that each imposes,” wrote Justice Stephen Breyer in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/15pdf/15-274_p8k0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">majority opinion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The provisions that were struck down required abortion clinics in the state to meet the much higher safety standards for facilities that do much more advanced surgical procedures and required doctors who perform abortions to have admitting privileges at a hospital within 30 miles of the clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In hindsight, “maybe it was a mistake for us to champion safeguards for women,” said Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba-list.org/about-susan-b-anthony-list\" target=\"_blank\">Susan B. Anthony List\u003c/a>, whose goal is to elect more anti-abortion candidates to public office. “Maybe we shouldn’t have done that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a media briefing, Dannenfelser said her group will instead rally around legislation that has passed in more than a dozen states to \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/spibs/spib_PLTA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">ban abortion at roughly 20 weeks\u003c/a> of pregnancy. Similar legislation \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/house-bill/36\" target=\"_blank\">passed the U.S. House\u003c/a> but not the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20-week ban is “our top priority,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Clarke Forsythe, acting president and senior counsel for Americans United for Life, said his group plans no fundamental change in strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is more important than ever to focus on the risks to women and negative consequences,” he said in an interview. “The justices can’t sweep away the public health vacuum that they created with a few pen strokes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forsythe said that while the court’s ruling has “put some roadblocks in the way, and we will have to take those into consideration,” there are still plenty of opportunities to regulate abortion providers that could pass constitutional muster, particularly if they are more narrowly targeted than the Texas law was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation’s oldest anti-abortion group, the National Right to Life Committee, has never embraced the push for health and safety regulations aimed at women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus has always been on the humanity of the unborn,” said its president, Carol Tobias, rather than potential risks to women seeking abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her group has instead been pushing state and federal bills to ban abortions after 20 weeks and ban “\u003ca href=\"http://www.webmd.com/women/dilation-and-evacuation-de-for-abortion\" target=\"_blank\">dilation and evacuation\u003c/a>” abortions, which are the most common procedure performed after the first trimester of pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the Texas decision is necessarily going to impact those types of legislation, and I know it’s not going to affect us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is one thing they all seem to agree on: The future makeup of the Supreme Court, and with it the future of abortion rights, hangs in the balance with the upcoming election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the vacancy left by the death of Justice Antonin Scalia last winter, “it is so obvious, so simple to make the case” about the importance of who controls the White House and Senate when it comes to Supreme Court appointments, said Dannenfelser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We say the court’s always important,” said Tobias. “But this time we have solid proof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The groups also agree on something else — that despite the victory at the Supreme Court, abortion-rights forces are not winning the fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pro-life cause has never been stronger,” said Dannenfelser. “And our opponents’ position has never been weaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately after the court’s ruling, said Tobias, “Planned Parenthood came out and said they were going to pass pro-abortion legislation and repeal pro-life legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is true. “Today’s victory means we can fight state by state, legislature by legislature, law by law, and restore women’s access to reproductive health care,” said Planned Parenthood Action Fund Executive Vice President Dawn Laguens in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in fact, said Tobias, “they haven’t been able to do that in 40 years. The only way they make advances is through the courts. They don’t have the people” on their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview, Laguens agreed that her side has more work to do. “We’ve got to change hearts and minds,” she said. But Laguens insists it is abortion opponents who are “out of sync with America and out of sync with the new generation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a more “social justice minded” generation of millennials now coming of age, she said, it is abortion foes on the defensive. “They’re in a last gasp moment,” she said. “They feel it slipping away.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Delegates at the Republican convention in Cleveland have approved the strongest anti-abortion platform in the party’s history. But groups that oppose abortion — and that lobbied for the strong language — are far from unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, in the wake of last month’s Supreme Court decision reaffirming a woman’s right to abortion, leaders of a movement known for speaking largely with one voice are showing some surprising disagreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past several years, anti-abortion groups have pushed an agenda aimed at imposing much stricter regulation on abortion facilities. The groups said it was to promote the health and safety of women; abortion-rights supporters said it was an effort to \u003ca href=\"http://www.reproductiverights.org/project/targeted-regulation-of-abortion-providers-trap\" target=\"_blank\">regulate the clinics out of existence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least for now, the Supreme Court is siding with abortion-rights backers. Neither of the portions of Texas’ omnibus abortion law that were up for review “offers medical benefits sufficient to justify the burdens upon access that each imposes,” wrote Justice Stephen Breyer in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/15pdf/15-274_p8k0.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">majority opinion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The provisions that were struck down required abortion clinics in the state to meet the much higher safety standards for facilities that do much more advanced surgical procedures and required doctors who perform abortions to have admitting privileges at a hospital within 30 miles of the clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In hindsight, “maybe it was a mistake for us to champion safeguards for women,” said Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sba-list.org/about-susan-b-anthony-list\" target=\"_blank\">Susan B. Anthony List\u003c/a>, whose goal is to elect more anti-abortion candidates to public office. “Maybe we shouldn’t have done that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a media briefing, Dannenfelser said her group will instead rally around legislation that has passed in more than a dozen states to \u003ca href=\"https://www.guttmacher.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/spibs/spib_PLTA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">ban abortion at roughly 20 weeks\u003c/a> of pregnancy. Similar legislation \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/house-bill/36\" target=\"_blank\">passed the U.S. House\u003c/a> but not the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20-week ban is “our top priority,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Clarke Forsythe, acting president and senior counsel for Americans United for Life, said his group plans no fundamental change in strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is more important than ever to focus on the risks to women and negative consequences,” he said in an interview. “The justices can’t sweep away the public health vacuum that they created with a few pen strokes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forsythe said that while the court’s ruling has “put some roadblocks in the way, and we will have to take those into consideration,” there are still plenty of opportunities to regulate abortion providers that could pass constitutional muster, particularly if they are more narrowly targeted than the Texas law was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nation’s oldest anti-abortion group, the National Right to Life Committee, has never embraced the push for health and safety regulations aimed at women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus has always been on the humanity of the unborn,” said its president, Carol Tobias, rather than potential risks to women seeking abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her group has instead been pushing state and federal bills to ban abortions after 20 weeks and ban “\u003ca href=\"http://www.webmd.com/women/dilation-and-evacuation-de-for-abortion\" target=\"_blank\">dilation and evacuation\u003c/a>” abortions, which are the most common procedure performed after the first trimester of pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the Texas decision is necessarily going to impact those types of legislation, and I know it’s not going to affect us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is one thing they all seem to agree on: The future makeup of the Supreme Court, and with it the future of abortion rights, hangs in the balance with the upcoming election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the vacancy left by the death of Justice Antonin Scalia last winter, “it is so obvious, so simple to make the case” about the importance of who controls the White House and Senate when it comes to Supreme Court appointments, said Dannenfelser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We say the court’s always important,” said Tobias. “But this time we have solid proof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The groups also agree on something else — that despite the victory at the Supreme Court, abortion-rights forces are not winning the fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pro-life cause has never been stronger,” said Dannenfelser. “And our opponents’ position has never been weaker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately after the court’s ruling, said Tobias, “Planned Parenthood came out and said they were going to pass pro-abortion legislation and repeal pro-life legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is true. “Today’s victory means we can fight state by state, legislature by legislature, law by law, and restore women’s access to reproductive health care,” said Planned Parenthood Action Fund Executive Vice President Dawn Laguens in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in fact, said Tobias, “they haven’t been able to do that in 40 years. The only way they make advances is through the courts. They don’t have the people” on their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview, Laguens agreed that her side has more work to do. “We’ve got to change hearts and minds,” she said. But Laguens insists it is abortion opponents who are “out of sync with America and out of sync with the new generation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a more “social justice minded” generation of millennials now coming of age, she said, it is abortion foes on the defensive. “They’re in a last gasp moment,” she said. “They feel it slipping away.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"radiolab": {
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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},
"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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