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"content": "\u003cp>It's a murder that is still driving debate nationally about so-called sanctuary cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty-two-year-old Kate Steinle was walking along the San Francisco waterfront on July 1, 2015, when shots rang out and she fell to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She died at the hospital hours later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An undocumented man was arrested and charged with her murder. He'd recently been released from San Francisco jail after a court dismissed a 20-year-old marijuana charge against him. The San Francisco Sheriff's Department ignored requests to tell immigration officials about his release, citing San Francisco's sanctuary law.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"If you are prosecuted and convicted by a district attorney, you should do your time in prison -- you shouldn't be swept up and deported.\" \u003ccite>Senate President Kevin de León\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/08/us/san-francisco-murder-case-exposes-lapses-in-immigration-enforcement.html?_r=1\">why the man, Juan Francisco Lopez-Sanchez, was in San Francisco in the first place remains unclear.\u003c/a> He had just finished almost four years in a federal prison for crossing the border illegally -- the fifth time he’d been caught sneaking into the U.S. He also had seven past felony convictions. Yet the federal government transferred him to San Francisco for a decades-old misdemeanor and immigration officials never came to get him -- or got a court warrant, which would have forced the sheriff to hand Sanchez over to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the case \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/Pier-slaying-reveals-immigrant-justice-depends-on-6379649.php?t=66a13a1dd30a4808f6&cmpid=twitter-premium\">stoked anger\u003c/a> and became \u003ca href=\"http://kron4.com/2016/07/21/trump-mentions-kate-steinle-during-speech/\">campaign fodder\u003c/a> for then-candidate Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And nearly two years later, it's still being invoked on both sides of a debate over whether the state of California should embrace policies similar to San Francisco's, which prohibit local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement in most circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in the state Senate recently approved a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">bill\u003c/a>, on a party-line vote, to expand those protections statewide -- even as the Trump administration threatens to withhold federal funding from governments it deems to have sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11406894\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11406894 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Senate President Kevin de Leon wrote SB54 to restrict local law enforcement cooperation with ICE.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Senate President Kevin de León wrote SB 54 to restrict local law enforcement cooperation with ICE. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I think all of us as senators -- Democrats and Republicans ... do not want criminals in our neighborhoods,\" said Senate President Kevin de León, who wrote Senate Bill 54. \"But what's extraordinary about this administration is that the focus (of immigration authorities) is no longer exclusively on violent criminal felons, rather it's on ordinary residents of this great state. It's been broadened ... to include everybody.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León thinks SB 54 will help protect those ordinary immigrants and others, by ensuring that immigrant communities trust police and come forward to report crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials would not comment on either the Steinle case or SB 54.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California law already restricts sheriffs from holding undocumented immigrants in jail simply because of their immigration status, the bill would go even further by prohibiting law enforcement agencies in California from being involved in any immigration enforcement action. Most controversially, it would bar sheriffs, who run jails, from contacting ICE about someone in their jail, or transferring a criminal suspect to the federal agency, unless a judge orders them to do so -- or the person has a violent or serious felony in their past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration says it will punish governments with sanctuary policies by withholding federal funding. Whether the administration can do so is up in the air -- cities, including San Francisco, have \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/01/31/s-f-files-suit-against-trump-saying-punishing-sanctuary-cities-is-illegal/\">sued over the threat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"It makes no distinction between people who come here to work hard, to become U.S. citizens, to those who come here to prey on others.\" \u003ccite>Republican Senator Joel Anderson\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>State Senate Republican Joel Anderson said his concerns about the bill extend beyond the potential\u003cspan class=\"s1\"> financial repercussions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"It makes no distinction between people who come here to work hard, to become U.S. citizens, to those who come here to prey on others,\" he said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson is among the Republicans and sheriffs who say the bill will push immigration enforcement actions out of jails and into communities -- and make law-abiding undocumented immigrants less safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If we’re not allowed to contact our federal partner and these people are released into our community, they’re going to create more victims. And a lot of these victims are undocumented immigrants who live in our communities and work in our counties,\" said Kern County Sheriff Donny Youngblood, who serves as president of the California State Sheriffs' Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/04/2017-04-14c-tcr.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS24934_GettyImages-481485054-qut-800x571.jpg\" Title=\"California Debates Whether to Become a 'Sanctuary' State\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youngblood said sheriffs don’t want to be immigration agents, but have to follow both state and federal laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Democrats say undocumented immigrants accused of a crime should be afforded due process under the law, Youngblood argued that many people who come through his jail are dangerous --even though they’ve never been convicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, he said, will, \"prohibit sheriffs from sharing information about a gang member being held in county jail on a murder charge, because he hasn't even been convicted yet. That’s very troubling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But de León says that argument is troubling. Immigration enforcement shouldn’t be used to punish people for alleged crimes, he said -- the criminal justice system should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If there is alleged crime that has been committed and if you are prosecuted and convicted by a district attorney, you should do your time in prison -- you shouldn't be swept up and deported. That's called criminal dumping,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León contends that’s what happened in the Kate Steinle case -- the federal government failed to do its job even after Steinle’s alleged killer repeatedly sneaked back into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León argues the bill will safeguard California and its economy by maintaining all residents’ trust in police and protecting people now eligible for deportation under an executive order signed by President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The very men and women that we trust to take care of our children, the very same men and women who make our food, the very same men and women who works the fields in Tulare and Kings County and Kern County and Fresno -- who sweat under hot sun every single day -- because they are eligible by the criteria that’s been broadened by the executive order,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now goes to the state Assembly for consideration.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It's a murder that is still driving debate nationally about so-called sanctuary cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty-two-year-old Kate Steinle was walking along the San Francisco waterfront on July 1, 2015, when shots rang out and she fell to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She died at the hospital hours later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An undocumented man was arrested and charged with her murder. He'd recently been released from San Francisco jail after a court dismissed a 20-year-old marijuana charge against him. The San Francisco Sheriff's Department ignored requests to tell immigration officials about his release, citing San Francisco's sanctuary law.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"If you are prosecuted and convicted by a district attorney, you should do your time in prison -- you shouldn't be swept up and deported.\" \u003ccite>Senate President Kevin de León\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/08/us/san-francisco-murder-case-exposes-lapses-in-immigration-enforcement.html?_r=1\">why the man, Juan Francisco Lopez-Sanchez, was in San Francisco in the first place remains unclear.\u003c/a> He had just finished almost four years in a federal prison for crossing the border illegally -- the fifth time he’d been caught sneaking into the U.S. He also had seven past felony convictions. Yet the federal government transferred him to San Francisco for a decades-old misdemeanor and immigration officials never came to get him -- or got a court warrant, which would have forced the sheriff to hand Sanchez over to ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the case \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/Pier-slaying-reveals-immigrant-justice-depends-on-6379649.php?t=66a13a1dd30a4808f6&cmpid=twitter-premium\">stoked anger\u003c/a> and became \u003ca href=\"http://kron4.com/2016/07/21/trump-mentions-kate-steinle-during-speech/\">campaign fodder\u003c/a> for then-candidate Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And nearly two years later, it's still being invoked on both sides of a debate over whether the state of California should embrace policies similar to San Francisco's, which prohibit local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement in most circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in the state Senate recently approved a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">bill\u003c/a>, on a party-line vote, to expand those protections statewide -- even as the Trump administration threatens to withhold federal funding from governments it deems to have sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11406894\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11406894 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Senate President Kevin de Leon wrote SB54 to restrict local law enforcement cooperation with ICE.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/RS15578_BUDGET_34-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Senate President Kevin de León wrote SB 54 to restrict local law enforcement cooperation with ICE. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I think all of us as senators -- Democrats and Republicans ... do not want criminals in our neighborhoods,\" said Senate President Kevin de León, who wrote Senate Bill 54. \"But what's extraordinary about this administration is that the focus (of immigration authorities) is no longer exclusively on violent criminal felons, rather it's on ordinary residents of this great state. It's been broadened ... to include everybody.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León thinks SB 54 will help protect those ordinary immigrants and others, by ensuring that immigrant communities trust police and come forward to report crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials would not comment on either the Steinle case or SB 54.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California law already restricts sheriffs from holding undocumented immigrants in jail simply because of their immigration status, the bill would go even further by prohibiting law enforcement agencies in California from being involved in any immigration enforcement action. Most controversially, it would bar sheriffs, who run jails, from contacting ICE about someone in their jail, or transferring a criminal suspect to the federal agency, unless a judge orders them to do so -- or the person has a violent or serious felony in their past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Trump administration says it will punish governments with sanctuary policies by withholding federal funding. Whether the administration can do so is up in the air -- cities, including San Francisco, have \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/01/31/s-f-files-suit-against-trump-saying-punishing-sanctuary-cities-is-illegal/\">sued over the threat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\"It makes no distinction between people who come here to work hard, to become U.S. citizens, to those who come here to prey on others.\" \u003ccite>Republican Senator Joel Anderson\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>State Senate Republican Joel Anderson said his concerns about the bill extend beyond the potential\u003cspan class=\"s1\"> financial repercussions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"It makes no distinction between people who come here to work hard, to become U.S. citizens, to those who come here to prey on others,\" he said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson is among the Republicans and sheriffs who say the bill will push immigration enforcement actions out of jails and into communities -- and make law-abiding undocumented immigrants less safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If we’re not allowed to contact our federal partner and these people are released into our community, they’re going to create more victims. And a lot of these victims are undocumented immigrants who live in our communities and work in our counties,\" said Kern County Sheriff Donny Youngblood, who serves as president of the California State Sheriffs' Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youngblood said sheriffs don’t want to be immigration agents, but have to follow both state and federal laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Democrats say undocumented immigrants accused of a crime should be afforded due process under the law, Youngblood argued that many people who come through his jail are dangerous --even though they’ve never been convicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, he said, will, \"prohibit sheriffs from sharing information about a gang member being held in county jail on a murder charge, because he hasn't even been convicted yet. That’s very troubling.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But de León says that argument is troubling. Immigration enforcement shouldn’t be used to punish people for alleged crimes, he said -- the criminal justice system should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If there is alleged crime that has been committed and if you are prosecuted and convicted by a district attorney, you should do your time in prison -- you shouldn't be swept up and deported. That's called criminal dumping,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León contends that’s what happened in the Kate Steinle case -- the federal government failed to do its job even after Steinle’s alleged killer repeatedly sneaked back into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De León argues the bill will safeguard California and its economy by maintaining all residents’ trust in police and protecting people now eligible for deportation under an executive order signed by President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The very men and women that we trust to take care of our children, the very same men and women who make our food, the very same men and women who works the fields in Tulare and Kings County and Kern County and Fresno -- who sweat under hot sun every single day -- because they are eligible by the criteria that’s been broadened by the executive order,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now goes to the state Assembly for consideration.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>SAN DIEGO — An advocacy group said Tuesday that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's internal watchdog fielded more than 1,000 complaints of sexual assault or sexual abuse from people in custody in a little more than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community Initiatives for Visiting Immigrants in Confinement is the latest group in recent years to document allegations of abuse at immigration detention centers, based on information obtained from public records requests. It comes as President Donald Trump seeks to expand detention capacity in a drive to deport more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers obtained by the group don't provide details on individual cases or a full accounting of how the complaints were addressed, but they suggest complaints are common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security inspector general's office disclosed that it received 1,016 complaints from detainees reporting sexual abuse or assault from May 2014 to July 2016. More than 90 percent involved Immigration and Customs Enforcement, an agency within Homeland Security that has more than 30,000 beds at detention facilities nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspector general received more than 33,000 allegations of a broader range of abuses from January 2010 to July 2016, including 702 for coerced sexual contact, 714 for physical or sexual abuse and 589 for sexual harassment, according to the group. The group's analysis showed the inspector general investigated 247, or less than 1 percent. But it was unclear how many others were taken up by agencies in the department, such as Immigration and Customs and Enforcement or Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"9I5dRtrl2Yzg2O4IQmwJHPaT0YQNtf6J\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group cited the numbers in a complaint to Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly that urges changes in how allegations are handled. Gillian Christensen, a Homeland Security spokeswoman, said the department would review the complaint \"to determine if further action or recommendations are warranted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christensen noted the allegations represent a small number of the more than 2 million admissions to Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention facilities in the six-year period covered in the report. She said the agency has a \"zero tolerance policy\" and listed steps it has taken to address sexual abuse of detainees, including a directive to employees on prevention and intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While ICE's goal is to prevent all sexual abuse among its custody population, given the volume of individuals who annually pass through its detention system, the agency believes the overall incidence of such activity is very low,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspector general's office generally focuses on allegations of employee misconduct and often refers complaints of detainee abuse to Immigration and Customs Enforcement's Office of Professional Responsibility to follow up, Christensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"c6XKdI8cLRCBO2uUpKpvW4h4ZCVqVw45\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community Initiatives for Visiting Immigrants in Confinement said it independently documented 27 alleged instances of sexual abuse. Most haven't filed grievances because they fear retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Douglas Menjivar was allegedly raped by another detainee in the presence of four witnesses at the Joe Corley Detention Center in Conroe, Texas, in September 2013. The group says an official told him that he was stupid to let it happen and that the facility didn't document Menjivar's claim or provide medical or psychological care. Menjivar reported the incident to a doctor in November 2014, and after being interviewed twice, authorities told him that his allegations were unsubstantiated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also published figures, obtained from a records request by Human Rights Watch, that show private companies contracted by Immigration and Customs Enforcement had the most hotline complaints of sexual and physical assault from Oct. 1, 2012 to March 14, 2016, as opposed to centers managed by the agency. Detention centers managed by The Geo Group Inc. occupied first, third and fourth slots with facilities in Jena, Louisiana; Adelanto, California; and Tacoma, Washington. CCA Inc. facilities in Houston and San Diego occupied the second and fifth slots.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SAN DIEGO — An advocacy group said Tuesday that the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's internal watchdog fielded more than 1,000 complaints of sexual assault or sexual abuse from people in custody in a little more than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community Initiatives for Visiting Immigrants in Confinement is the latest group in recent years to document allegations of abuse at immigration detention centers, based on information obtained from public records requests. It comes as President Donald Trump seeks to expand detention capacity in a drive to deport more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The numbers obtained by the group don't provide details on individual cases or a full accounting of how the complaints were addressed, but they suggest complaints are common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security inspector general's office disclosed that it received 1,016 complaints from detainees reporting sexual abuse or assault from May 2014 to July 2016. More than 90 percent involved Immigration and Customs Enforcement, an agency within Homeland Security that has more than 30,000 beds at detention facilities nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspector general received more than 33,000 allegations of a broader range of abuses from January 2010 to July 2016, including 702 for coerced sexual contact, 714 for physical or sexual abuse and 589 for sexual harassment, according to the group. The group's analysis showed the inspector general investigated 247, or less than 1 percent. But it was unclear how many others were taken up by agencies in the department, such as Immigration and Customs and Enforcement or Customs and Border Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group cited the numbers in a complaint to Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly that urges changes in how allegations are handled. Gillian Christensen, a Homeland Security spokeswoman, said the department would review the complaint \"to determine if further action or recommendations are warranted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christensen noted the allegations represent a small number of the more than 2 million admissions to Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention facilities in the six-year period covered in the report. She said the agency has a \"zero tolerance policy\" and listed steps it has taken to address sexual abuse of detainees, including a directive to employees on prevention and intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While ICE's goal is to prevent all sexual abuse among its custody population, given the volume of individuals who annually pass through its detention system, the agency believes the overall incidence of such activity is very low,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inspector general's office generally focuses on allegations of employee misconduct and often refers complaints of detainee abuse to Immigration and Customs Enforcement's Office of Professional Responsibility to follow up, Christensen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community Initiatives for Visiting Immigrants in Confinement said it independently documented 27 alleged instances of sexual abuse. Most haven't filed grievances because they fear retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Douglas Menjivar was allegedly raped by another detainee in the presence of four witnesses at the Joe Corley Detention Center in Conroe, Texas, in September 2013. The group says an official told him that he was stupid to let it happen and that the facility didn't document Menjivar's claim or provide medical or psychological care. Menjivar reported the incident to a doctor in November 2014, and after being interviewed twice, authorities told him that his allegations were unsubstantiated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also published figures, obtained from a records request by Human Rights Watch, that show private companies contracted by Immigration and Customs Enforcement had the most hotline complaints of sexual and physical assault from Oct. 1, 2012 to March 14, 2016, as opposed to centers managed by the agency. Detention centers managed by The Geo Group Inc. occupied first, third and fourth slots with facilities in Jena, Louisiana; Adelanto, California; and Tacoma, Washington. CCA Inc. facilities in Houston and San Diego occupied the second and fifth slots.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Immigration Enforcement Under Trump: Is There Reason for the Fear?",
"title": "Immigration Enforcement Under Trump: Is There Reason for the Fear?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Protesters rallied in downtown Los Angeles last month in support of 48-year-old Romulo Avelica Gonzalez, a father of four who \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/07/69635/attorney-uphill-battle-to-keep-highland-park-dad-i/\">immigration officials arrested\u003c/a> in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal agents pulled him over in Highland Park, about six blocks from where he had taken one of his daughters to school, and while on the way to drop off another daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His case made national headlines. A video of the arrest filmed by his sobbing 13-year-old daughter was widely shared on social media. Politicians got involved. Supporters held a fundraiser to help cover his legal expenses. A broad network of activists and supporters, many strangers, came to the family's defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The keen interest in Avelica's arrest may not have risen\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>to the level it did two years ago, under President Obama's administration, when his family says immigration agents first came to their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"h7QZdsx09aV3F9LeMcv27qQGwCGWonIy\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2015 in September, ICE showed up to my mom’s house,\" said Brenda Avelica, 24, one of her father's older daughters. \"He felt that it was ICE, so he didn’t come out. My dad didn’t come out. And they didn’t have an order to come in. So they didn’t take him that day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials would not comment on any prior attempts to arrest Romulo Avelica Gonzalez. But they did confirm he would have been a priority for arrest even under the Obama administration's guidelines: According to the immigration agency, Avelica had a 2014 deportation order and a minor criminal record, including a DUI dating back to 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenda Avelica said after the 2015 visit, the family took precautions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lived paranoid, like scared,\" she said. \"We didn’t have a gate in the back, so we put in a big gate with a lock. We had one dog, but we got another dog, for guarding purposes … my dad didn’t go to the store by himself after that anymore. Somebody went with him, just to be a witness, or in case something like that was going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it took months before the family relaxed and let down its guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We started living normally again,\" Brenda Avelica said. \"But it was always in the back of our heads. I don't think there was a day that we weren't ... thinking that maybe it could happen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What's Different Now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant families with members in the U.S illegally are living with similar fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Trump administration signed an executive order in January establishing a policy of strict enforcement against unauthorized immigrants, arrests have made frequent headlines. Some immigrants have \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/20/69948/fearing-immigration-crackdown-some-go-into-hiding/\">gone into hiding\u003c/a> or are preparing \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/21/69950/immigrants-prepare-for-a-day-when-another-might-ha/\">for the day ICE agents show up\u003c/a>. Others contemplate or have taken steps to return to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet for all the felt fear and life-changing decisions families are making, this is not the first time that immigration agents have cracked down on those lacking permission to reside in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the George W. Bush administration sent ICE agents to arrest immigrants with outstanding deportation orders. ICE \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-1n18immig211029-immigration-agents-casting-their-n-2009jan18-htmlstory.html\">\"fugitive operations\" teams \u003c/a>were sent to people's homes in the early morning hours. On many occasions, bystanders who were not being sought but were in the country illegally were also arrested. ICE called these \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/ice-fugitive-operations-program\">collateral\u003c/a> arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"vURfpyMT3dzLNYPfCVBV7WtmpnUI4H8N\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, the Obama administration deported record numbers of immigrants. In fiscal years 2012 through 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2015/table39\">more than 400,000 deportations\u003c/a> took place each year, according to U.S. Department of Homeland Security statistics. A record 434,015 immigrants were removed from the U.S. in fiscal year 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why does the fear seem heightened in the wake of Trump's election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris Meissner, former commissioner of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service under President Clinton, says enforcement policies have gotten stricter. INS preceded the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [Trump] guidelines say that everybody who is in the country without a legal status is subject to deportation from the country,\" said Meissner, now a senior policy fellow at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/\">Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the Trump executive order rolls back protections initiated in the later Obama years, directing immigration agents to focus on immigrants convicted of serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said while those with criminal records remain priority targets under Trump, agents have more discretion to arrest others deemed deportable, even if their sole charge is living in the country without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's still not clear to what extent deportation numbers could change under Trump's executive order. \"We don't really know how much of a difference it will actually make,\" Meissner said. \"It is too soon to tell.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does seem likely, she said, is there will be more collateral arrests than occurred in prior administrations, and more arrests of immigrants living in the U.S. illegally who don’t have criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rumors, Rhetoric and Reality\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Such arrests essentially return enforcement to where it stood in the late 2000s. But a decade ago, arrests rarely made the national news. Now, cases of an \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/09/514299631/after-years-of-uneventful-check-ins-arizona-woman-is-arrested-faces-deportation\">immigrant suddenly deported\u003c/a> or an arrest of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/02/15/69100/worries-heightened-in-socal-after-arrest-of-daca-r/\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) participant\u003c/a> granted temporary residency can turn into a cause célèbre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Nogales, director of the media watchdog group National Hispanic Media Coalition, has a theory about why this is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"DZQXOb5HmGTj7ObYu9NNYqZfSG7jeuc8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so different now than it was 10 years ago, five years ago? ... [It's] that the talk is out there, day in, day out,\" Nogales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While past administrations carried out tough enforcement, too, they did not engage in the same harsh rhetoric that Trump has employed since \u003ca href=\"http://www.usatoday.com/videos/news/2015/06/25/29292957/\">his campaign\u003c/a>. His vow to deport millions of undocumented immigrants appealed to his supporters, and that promise is now making its way into his enforcement policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, when you have that kind of a toxic environment, of course people are going to talk about it. Of course people are going to report on it,\" Nogales said. \"Of course there is going to be a lot more action and activity and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contributing to the heightened reaction are immigrant advocates who have stepped up their activity in response to Trump's enforcement policies, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some reports of ICE activity that are circulated — not just by advocates but by concerned residents via social media — have turned out to be inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You kind of get this flurry of calls from friends, like, 'I saw on Facebook that there's this checkpoint over here,' \" said Erick Huerta, a Boyle Heights community activist who grew up undocumented in the U.S. and has temporary protection from deportation under DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles said witnesses told them there were \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/01/08/56716/weekend-immigration-raids-prompting-fear-and-rumor/\">workplace arrests in Chino\u003c/a>. But ICE officials said they made no arrests there on the day cited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE agents did announce the \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/02/10/68963/ice-announce-160-arrests-in-socal-as-part-of-surge/\">arrests in Southern California\u003c/a> of about 160 immigrants in February, describing the \"enforcement surge\" as part of the agency's periodic operations. However, reports at the time of ICE checkpoints and random sweeps were dismissed by David Marin, field office director for enforcement and removal operations in the Los Angeles area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"T40DrnHovNTjzMKUj95IZQY1ETlL6MWs\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin called the information \"definitely dangerous and irresponsible because reports like that create a panic, and they put communities and law enforcement at risk,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decisions in a Fraught Climate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In this atmosphere, people are basing decisions about their lives on information that may not be true or to their best advantage, said Alejandra Cano, a representative of Mexico's national immigration service, the Instituto Nacional de Migración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cano, who works at the Mexican Consulate in Los Angeles, has seen the effects of this superheated climate. She coordinates a program through Mexico's immigration service called \"Somos Mexicanos,\" or Spanish for \"We are Mexican.\" The program assists Mexicans who are returning home, both voluntarily and because of deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cano said that since January, 77 Southern California families have sought help to move back to Mexico. Most have U.S.-born children, and seven have already left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lately, she has seen a marked difference in the reasons people give in explaining why they want to leave the U.S..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before ... the reason was because they wanted to retire in Mexico,\" Cano said. \"And now, the people feel afraid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"A6Nge2OXnIIjOpo6VuNABImWek37RAq8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cano said she tries to reason with them. She asks them if they have a criminal record or a deportation order. If they don’t, she tells them there is no cause to rush out of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She points out that in the first three months of this year, Mexico has received fewer deportees than in the same period a year ago, when Obama was in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The difference now is the message that this administration is sending to everybody, and the fear in everybody,\" Cano said. \"That fear is making people take decisions they shouldn’t take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One result of the heightened awareness of deportation cases is that those arrested — like Romulo Avelica Gonzalez — are attracting more support than they might have before Trump took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Avelica was arrested, administrators at his daughter's school quickly spread the word and immigration activists mobilized an effort to stop his deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has worked so far — Avelica is still in detention, but not yet deported. Lawyers are working to keep him in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like now, with the presidency, I feel like immigration is maybe a little bigger now, and maybe it’s talked about more,\" said Avelica's daughter, Brenda. \"So maybe it is getting more attention now than before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She's hoping, with the widespread attention he's been receiving, her father will eventually be released.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Protesters rallied in downtown Los Angeles last month in support of 48-year-old Romulo Avelica Gonzalez, a father of four who \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/07/69635/attorney-uphill-battle-to-keep-highland-park-dad-i/\">immigration officials arrested\u003c/a> in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal agents pulled him over in Highland Park, about six blocks from where he had taken one of his daughters to school, and while on the way to drop off another daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His case made national headlines. A video of the arrest filmed by his sobbing 13-year-old daughter was widely shared on social media. Politicians got involved. Supporters held a fundraiser to help cover his legal expenses. A broad network of activists and supporters, many strangers, came to the family's defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The keen interest in Avelica's arrest may not have risen\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>to the level it did two years ago, under President Obama's administration, when his family says immigration agents first came to their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2015 in September, ICE showed up to my mom’s house,\" said Brenda Avelica, 24, one of her father's older daughters. \"He felt that it was ICE, so he didn’t come out. My dad didn’t come out. And they didn’t have an order to come in. So they didn’t take him that day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials would not comment on any prior attempts to arrest Romulo Avelica Gonzalez. But they did confirm he would have been a priority for arrest even under the Obama administration's guidelines: According to the immigration agency, Avelica had a 2014 deportation order and a minor criminal record, including a DUI dating back to 2009.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenda Avelica said after the 2015 visit, the family took precautions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We lived paranoid, like scared,\" she said. \"We didn’t have a gate in the back, so we put in a big gate with a lock. We had one dog, but we got another dog, for guarding purposes … my dad didn’t go to the store by himself after that anymore. Somebody went with him, just to be a witness, or in case something like that was going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said it took months before the family relaxed and let down its guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We started living normally again,\" Brenda Avelica said. \"But it was always in the back of our heads. I don't think there was a day that we weren't ... thinking that maybe it could happen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What's Different Now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant families with members in the U.S illegally are living with similar fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Trump administration signed an executive order in January establishing a policy of strict enforcement against unauthorized immigrants, arrests have made frequent headlines. Some immigrants have \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/20/69948/fearing-immigration-crackdown-some-go-into-hiding/\">gone into hiding\u003c/a> or are preparing \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/21/69950/immigrants-prepare-for-a-day-when-another-might-ha/\">for the day ICE agents show up\u003c/a>. Others contemplate or have taken steps to return to their homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet for all the felt fear and life-changing decisions families are making, this is not the first time that immigration agents have cracked down on those lacking permission to reside in this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the George W. Bush administration sent ICE agents to arrest immigrants with outstanding deportation orders. ICE \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-1n18immig211029-immigration-agents-casting-their-n-2009jan18-htmlstory.html\">\"fugitive operations\" teams \u003c/a>were sent to people's homes in the early morning hours. On many occasions, bystanders who were not being sought but were in the country illegally were also arrested. ICE called these \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/ice-fugitive-operations-program\">collateral\u003c/a> arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, the Obama administration deported record numbers of immigrants. In fiscal years 2012 through 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/immigration-statistics/yearbook/2015/table39\">more than 400,000 deportations\u003c/a> took place each year, according to U.S. Department of Homeland Security statistics. A record 434,015 immigrants were removed from the U.S. in fiscal year 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why does the fear seem heightened in the wake of Trump's election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doris Meissner, former commissioner of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service under President Clinton, says enforcement policies have gotten stricter. INS preceded the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [Trump] guidelines say that everybody who is in the country without a legal status is subject to deportation from the country,\" said Meissner, now a senior policy fellow at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.migrationpolicy.org/\">Migration Policy Institute\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the Trump executive order rolls back protections initiated in the later Obama years, directing immigration agents to focus on immigrants convicted of serious crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said while those with criminal records remain priority targets under Trump, agents have more discretion to arrest others deemed deportable, even if their sole charge is living in the country without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's still not clear to what extent deportation numbers could change under Trump's executive order. \"We don't really know how much of a difference it will actually make,\" Meissner said. \"It is too soon to tell.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does seem likely, she said, is there will be more collateral arrests than occurred in prior administrations, and more arrests of immigrants living in the U.S. illegally who don’t have criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rumors, Rhetoric and Reality\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Such arrests essentially return enforcement to where it stood in the late 2000s. But a decade ago, arrests rarely made the national news. Now, cases of an \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/09/514299631/after-years-of-uneventful-check-ins-arizona-woman-is-arrested-faces-deportation\">immigrant suddenly deported\u003c/a> or an arrest of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/02/15/69100/worries-heightened-in-socal-after-arrest-of-daca-r/\">Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) participant\u003c/a> granted temporary residency can turn into a cause célèbre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Nogales, director of the media watchdog group National Hispanic Media Coalition, has a theory about why this is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so different now than it was 10 years ago, five years ago? ... [It's] that the talk is out there, day in, day out,\" Nogales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While past administrations carried out tough enforcement, too, they did not engage in the same harsh rhetoric that Trump has employed since \u003ca href=\"http://www.usatoday.com/videos/news/2015/06/25/29292957/\">his campaign\u003c/a>. His vow to deport millions of undocumented immigrants appealed to his supporters, and that promise is now making its way into his enforcement policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, when you have that kind of a toxic environment, of course people are going to talk about it. Of course people are going to report on it,\" Nogales said. \"Of course there is going to be a lot more action and activity and fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contributing to the heightened reaction are immigrant advocates who have stepped up their activity in response to Trump's enforcement policies, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some reports of ICE activity that are circulated — not just by advocates but by concerned residents via social media — have turned out to be inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You kind of get this flurry of calls from friends, like, 'I saw on Facebook that there's this checkpoint over here,' \" said Erick Huerta, a Boyle Heights community activist who grew up undocumented in the U.S. and has temporary protection from deportation under DACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles said witnesses told them there were \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/01/08/56716/weekend-immigration-raids-prompting-fear-and-rumor/\">workplace arrests in Chino\u003c/a>. But ICE officials said they made no arrests there on the day cited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE agents did announce the \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/02/10/68963/ice-announce-160-arrests-in-socal-as-part-of-surge/\">arrests in Southern California\u003c/a> of about 160 immigrants in February, describing the \"enforcement surge\" as part of the agency's periodic operations. However, reports at the time of ICE checkpoints and random sweeps were dismissed by David Marin, field office director for enforcement and removal operations in the Los Angeles area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin called the information \"definitely dangerous and irresponsible because reports like that create a panic, and they put communities and law enforcement at risk,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decisions in a Fraught Climate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In this atmosphere, people are basing decisions about their lives on information that may not be true or to their best advantage, said Alejandra Cano, a representative of Mexico's national immigration service, the Instituto Nacional de Migración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cano, who works at the Mexican Consulate in Los Angeles, has seen the effects of this superheated climate. She coordinates a program through Mexico's immigration service called \"Somos Mexicanos,\" or Spanish for \"We are Mexican.\" The program assists Mexicans who are returning home, both voluntarily and because of deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cano said that since January, 77 Southern California families have sought help to move back to Mexico. Most have U.S.-born children, and seven have already left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lately, she has seen a marked difference in the reasons people give in explaining why they want to leave the U.S..\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before ... the reason was because they wanted to retire in Mexico,\" Cano said. \"And now, the people feel afraid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cano said she tries to reason with them. She asks them if they have a criminal record or a deportation order. If they don’t, she tells them there is no cause to rush out of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She points out that in the first three months of this year, Mexico has received fewer deportees than in the same period a year ago, when Obama was in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The difference now is the message that this administration is sending to everybody, and the fear in everybody,\" Cano said. \"That fear is making people take decisions they shouldn’t take.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One result of the heightened awareness of deportation cases is that those arrested — like Romulo Avelica Gonzalez — are attracting more support than they might have before Trump took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Avelica was arrested, administrators at his daughter's school quickly spread the word and immigration activists mobilized an effort to stop his deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has worked so far — Avelica is still in detention, but not yet deported. Lawyers are working to keep him in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like now, with the presidency, I feel like immigration is maybe a little bigger now, and maybe it’s talked about more,\" said Avelica's daughter, Brenda. \"So maybe it is getting more attention now than before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She's hoping, with the widespread attention he's been receiving, her father will eventually be released.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Elizabeth Villanueva is a Spanish teacher at\u003ca href=\"http://lutherburbank.scusd.edu/\"> Luther Burbank High School \u003c/a>in Sacramento. She grew up in Mexico and is now a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her mother crossed the border illegally, which is why this teacher identifies with so many of her students who come from undocumented families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are me, and I am them,” says Villanueva. “I see myself in them. That’s why I want to provide more as a teacher.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11389805\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11389805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Elizabeth Villanueva speaks to her Spanish class at Luther Burbank High School in Sacramento.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-160x148.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-240x223.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-375x348.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-520x482.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher.jpg 952w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elizabeth Villanueva speaks to her Spanish class at Luther Burbank High School in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Ana Tintocalis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the past several years, Villanueva has been helping undocumented families find resources and connect with immigration attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After President Trump took office and threatened to ramp up deportations, she says her network of immigration attorneys didn’t offer much hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I realized I had to create a safe place for students in my own classroom so they can be themselves, open up, and be who they are,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Villanueva and many other teachers were thankful when \u003ca href=\"http://www.scusd.edu/\" target=\"_blank\">Sacramento Unified\u003c/a> declared itself a\u003ca href=\"http://www.scusd.edu/safe-haven-district\" target=\"_blank\"> “safe haven”\u003c/a> in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The distinction means Sacramento public schools will not cooperate with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>, also known as ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60 other California school districts have made a similar pledge — an action that has been supported and encouraged by \u003ca href=\"http://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr16/yr16rel87.asp\" target=\"_blank\">State Schools Superintendent Tom Torlakson.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11385510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11385510\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Sacramento Unified School Districts has declared itself a 'safe haven' for its immigrant families. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sacramento Unified School Districts has declared itself a ‘safe haven’ for its immigrant families. \u003ccite>(Ana Tintocalis/KQED News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Teachers and principals, however, know they can only do so much. Many parents worry about what might happen before or after the school bell rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a perfect world, we would be able to surround all of our students and families in a bubble,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.scusd.edu/board-member/jessie-ryan\" target=\"_blank\">Jessie Ryan\u003c/a>, Sacramento Unified’s school board vice president, who spearheaded the district’s safe haven campaign. “But we only have control over our space and the confines of our school day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because there are limitations, Sacramento Unified — and districts across the state — are now having some very uncomfortable conversations about the worst-case scenario: How schools can support children whose families are deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-immigration-school-20170303-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">recent high-profile case\u003c/a> in Los Angeles underscores that reality, when ICE arrested an undocumented father taking his daughter to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a contentious town hall forum in Sacramento,\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/leadership\" target=\"_blank\"> ICE Acting Director Tom Homan\u003c/a> maintained the agency’s top priority is still deporting undocumented immigrants with criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has a policy of avoiding\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/ero/enforcement/sensitive-loc\"> “sensitive locations”\u003c/a> like schools, churches and hospitals. However, ICE agents can still legally go on a campus if they have orders to arrest someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I don’t want children not going to school.’\u003ccite>ICE acting director Tom Homan\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Homan realizes some families are keeping kids at home out of fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want children not going to school,” Homan told the angry crowd. “I understand immigration enforcement is a very emotional topic … but we’re law enforcement officers that take a solemn oath to enforce the laws of this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizations like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluca.org/\" target=\"_blank\">American Civil Liberties Union of California\u003c/a> say schools have more power than they think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if federal immigration agents do step on campus, they must have a warrant to pull a student or parent from school. They also must have a subpoena if they want student information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11385511\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11385511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"More than 300 people recently attended a rowdy town hall forum in Sacramento where the acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement was criticized for his agency's operations. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 300 people recently attended a rowdy town hall forum in Sacramento, where the acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement was criticized for his agency’s operations. \u003ccite>(Ana Tintocalis/KQED News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even then, school leaders can challenge those legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schools have an obligation to their students,” says Sylvia Torres-Guillen, director of education policy with the ACLU of Southern California. “Parents should not feel there is any danger in sending their children to school, because there are rules federal enforcement officials must follow before doing anything potentially harmful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU is now pushing school districts to adopt policies that spell out what schools can and cannot do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last week, civil rights lawyers\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/28/70262/here-s-how-some-california-school-districts-collec/\" target=\"_blank\"> identified 75 California school districts\u003c/a> that were collecting information about the legal status of their students — something that is prohibited under law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, Sacramento Unified is doing what it can to ease fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawn signs and banners with the slogan “Safe Haven: ALL are welcome here” now greet visitors at every Sacramento campus. School buses also have window stickers. And \u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/thank-deportation-defense-card-handy-phone/\">pocket-size pamphlets\u003c/a> have been sent home spelling out the rights of immigrant families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School officials are holding confidential meetings with parents to encourage them to send their children to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Felix, a 15-year-old student, says he now feels safer on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was born here but other family members are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if something bad were to happen, I know I can come here and my teachers would support me and help me through it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Elizabeth Villanueva is a Spanish teacher at\u003ca href=\"http://lutherburbank.scusd.edu/\"> Luther Burbank High School \u003c/a>in Sacramento. She grew up in Mexico and is now a U.S. citizen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But her mother crossed the border illegally, which is why this teacher identifies with so many of her students who come from undocumented families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are me, and I am them,” says Villanueva. “I see myself in them. That’s why I want to provide more as a teacher.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11389805\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11389805\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Elizabeth Villanueva speaks to her Spanish class at Luther Burbank High School in Sacramento.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-160x148.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-240x223.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-375x348.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher-520x482.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/04/teacher.jpg 952w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elizabeth Villanueva speaks to her Spanish class at Luther Burbank High School in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Ana Tintocalis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the past several years, Villanueva has been helping undocumented families find resources and connect with immigration attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After President Trump took office and threatened to ramp up deportations, she says her network of immigration attorneys didn’t offer much hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I realized I had to create a safe place for students in my own classroom so they can be themselves, open up, and be who they are,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Villanueva and many other teachers were thankful when \u003ca href=\"http://www.scusd.edu/\" target=\"_blank\">Sacramento Unified\u003c/a> declared itself a\u003ca href=\"http://www.scusd.edu/safe-haven-district\" target=\"_blank\"> “safe haven”\u003c/a> in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The distinction means Sacramento public schools will not cooperate with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a>, also known as ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 60 other California school districts have made a similar pledge — an action that has been supported and encouraged by \u003ca href=\"http://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr16/yr16rel87.asp\" target=\"_blank\">State Schools Superintendent Tom Torlakson.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11385510\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11385510\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Sacramento Unified School Districts has declared itself a 'safe haven' for its immigrant families. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Sign-1-1-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sacramento Unified School Districts has declared itself a ‘safe haven’ for its immigrant families. \u003ccite>(Ana Tintocalis/KQED News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Teachers and principals, however, know they can only do so much. Many parents worry about what might happen before or after the school bell rings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a perfect world, we would be able to surround all of our students and families in a bubble,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.scusd.edu/board-member/jessie-ryan\" target=\"_blank\">Jessie Ryan\u003c/a>, Sacramento Unified’s school board vice president, who spearheaded the district’s safe haven campaign. “But we only have control over our space and the confines of our school day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because there are limitations, Sacramento Unified — and districts across the state — are now having some very uncomfortable conversations about the worst-case scenario: How schools can support children whose families are deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-immigration-school-20170303-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">recent high-profile case\u003c/a> in Los Angeles underscores that reality, when ICE arrested an undocumented father taking his daughter to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a contentious town hall forum in Sacramento,\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/leadership\" target=\"_blank\"> ICE Acting Director Tom Homan\u003c/a> maintained the agency’s top priority is still deporting undocumented immigrants with criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has a policy of avoiding\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/ero/enforcement/sensitive-loc\"> “sensitive locations”\u003c/a> like schools, churches and hospitals. However, ICE agents can still legally go on a campus if they have orders to arrest someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I don’t want children not going to school.’\u003ccite>ICE acting director Tom Homan\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Homan realizes some families are keeping kids at home out of fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want children not going to school,” Homan told the angry crowd. “I understand immigration enforcement is a very emotional topic … but we’re law enforcement officers that take a solemn oath to enforce the laws of this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizations like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.acluca.org/\" target=\"_blank\">American Civil Liberties Union of California\u003c/a> say schools have more power than they think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if federal immigration agents do step on campus, they must have a warrant to pull a student or parent from school. They also must have a subpoena if they want student information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11385511\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11385511\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"More than 300 people recently attended a rowdy town hall forum in Sacramento where the acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement was criticized for his agency's operations. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/Safe-Haven-9-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 300 people recently attended a rowdy town hall forum in Sacramento, where the acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement was criticized for his agency’s operations. \u003ccite>(Ana Tintocalis/KQED News)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even then, school leaders can challenge those legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Schools have an obligation to their students,” says Sylvia Torres-Guillen, director of education policy with the ACLU of Southern California. “Parents should not feel there is any danger in sending their children to school, because there are rules federal enforcement officials must follow before doing anything potentially harmful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU is now pushing school districts to adopt policies that spell out what schools can and cannot do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last week, civil rights lawyers\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2017/03/28/70262/here-s-how-some-california-school-districts-collec/\" target=\"_blank\"> identified 75 California school districts\u003c/a> that were collecting information about the legal status of their students — something that is prohibited under law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, Sacramento Unified is doing what it can to ease fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawn signs and banners with the slogan “Safe Haven: ALL are welcome here” now greet visitors at every Sacramento campus. School buses also have window stickers. And \u003ca href=\"https://unitedwedream.org/thank-deportation-defense-card-handy-phone/\">pocket-size pamphlets\u003c/a> have been sent home spelling out the rights of immigrant families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School officials are holding confidential meetings with parents to encourage them to send their children to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Felix, a 15-year-old student, says he now feels safer on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was born here but other family members are undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if something bad were to happen, I know I can come here and my teachers would support me and help me through it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "State’s Chief Justice Doubles Down on Criticism of Immigration Enforcement in Courthouses",
"title": "State’s Chief Justice Doubles Down on Criticism of Immigration Enforcement in Courthouses",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye is standing by her criticism of federal immigration enforcement in state courthouses after a strong rebuke from the U.S. attorney general and secretary of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two Trump cabinet members took issue with Cantil-Sakauye's characterization in her \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/16/california-chief-justice-slams-stalking-of-undocumented-immigrants-at-courts/\" target=\"_blank\">March 16 letter\u003c/a> that \"immigration agents appear to be stalking undocumented immigrants in our courthouses to make arrests\" and implied that courthouse arrests may not be necessary if not for state and local laws in some areas that inhibit police and sheriff cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those laws are generally known by the name \"sanctuary policies,\" although there is no formal definition and so-called \"sanctuary cities\" vary widely in their policies and levels of cooperation with immigration authorities. Stripping federal funding from such cities, including San Francisco, Oakland and Los Angeles, has been a priority of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"AK7PusNH5lfmF60mg5pmfoiQTYtdLWvG\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Attorney General Jeff Sessions and Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly's \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3534116-DOJ-DHS-Joint-Letter-to-CA-Chief-Justice-Cantil.html\" target=\"_blank\">response\u003c/a> made public Friday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>As the chief judicial officer of the State of California, your characterization of federal law enforcement officers is particularly troubling. As you are aware, stalking has a specific legal meaning in American law, which describes criminal activity involving repetitive following or harassment of the victim with the intent to produce fear of harm.\u003cbr>\n...\u003cbr>\nSome jurisdictions, including the State of California and many of its largest counties and cities, have enacted statues and ordinances designed to specifically prohibit or hinder ICE from enforcing immigration law by prohibiting communication with ICE, and denying requests by ICE officers and agents to enter prisons and jails to make arrests. Such policies threaten public safety, rather than enhance it. As a result, ICE officers and agents are required to locate and arrest these aliens in public places, rather than in secure jail facilities where the risk of injury to the public, the alien, and the officer is significantly increased because the alien can more readily access a weapon, resist arrest, or flee. Because courthouse visitors are typically screened upon entry to search for weapons and other contraband, the safety risks for arresting officers and persons being arrests are substantially decreased.\u003cbr>\n...\u003cbr>\nTherefore, we would encourage you to express your concerns to the Governor of California and local officials who have enacted policies that occasionally necessitate ICE officers and agents to make arrests at courthouses and other public places.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Cantil-Sakauye doubled down on her previous comments in a written statement, arguing that immigration arrests inside courthouses will discourage victims and witnesses from coming to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Making arrests at courthouses, in my view, undermines public safety because victims and witnesses will fear coming to courthouses to help enforce the law,\" she said. \"I am disappointed that despite local and state public safety issues at stake, courthouses are not on ICE's 'sensitive areas' list that includes schools, churches, and hospitals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Designating courthouses as \"sensitive locations\" wouldn't prohibit immigration arrests there, but they \"should generally be avoided, and require either prior approval from an appropriate supervisory official or exigent circumstances necessitating immediate action,\" according to U.S. Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/ero/enforcement/sensitive-loc\" target=\"_blank\">guidelines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ByI9qBC6uSZb7uIEsDY71UYxdQQ69vh3\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration agents already avoid making arrests at courthouses, according to a written statement from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While ICE does arrest targets at courthouses, generally it's only after investigating officers have exhausted other options,\" the statement says. \"It’s important to note that many of the arrest targets ICE has sought out at or near courthouses are foreign nationals who have prior criminal convictions in the U.S. ... In such instances where deportation officers seek to conduct an arrest at a courthouse, every effort is made to take the person into custody in a secure area, out of public view, but this is not always possible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency \"doesn't specifically track arrests by location,\" according to ICE spokeswoman Virginia Kice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of courthouse immigration arrests are also unsure how often they occur, but Stanford Professor Jayashri Srikantiah says she's heard from immigration attorneys around the state about ICE agents \"essentially following and tracking an individual inside the courthouse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When others see that happening and even for that person themselves, it can absolutely feel like what we all would commonly call stalking,\" she said. \"If you’re undocumented and you’re the victim of domestic violence, it may make you very reluctant to go to the courthouse at all, even if you have a very valid need for the legal system.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye is standing by her charge that immigration enforcement at state courthouses will scare victims and witnesses away.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye is standing by her criticism of federal immigration enforcement in state courthouses after a strong rebuke from the U.S. attorney general and secretary of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two Trump cabinet members took issue with Cantil-Sakauye's characterization in her \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/16/california-chief-justice-slams-stalking-of-undocumented-immigrants-at-courts/\" target=\"_blank\">March 16 letter\u003c/a> that \"immigration agents appear to be stalking undocumented immigrants in our courthouses to make arrests\" and implied that courthouse arrests may not be necessary if not for state and local laws in some areas that inhibit police and sheriff cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those laws are generally known by the name \"sanctuary policies,\" although there is no formal definition and so-called \"sanctuary cities\" vary widely in their policies and levels of cooperation with immigration authorities. Stripping federal funding from such cities, including San Francisco, Oakland and Los Angeles, has been a priority of the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Attorney General Jeff Sessions and Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly's \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3534116-DOJ-DHS-Joint-Letter-to-CA-Chief-Justice-Cantil.html\" target=\"_blank\">response\u003c/a> made public Friday:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>As the chief judicial officer of the State of California, your characterization of federal law enforcement officers is particularly troubling. As you are aware, stalking has a specific legal meaning in American law, which describes criminal activity involving repetitive following or harassment of the victim with the intent to produce fear of harm.\u003cbr>\n...\u003cbr>\nSome jurisdictions, including the State of California and many of its largest counties and cities, have enacted statues and ordinances designed to specifically prohibit or hinder ICE from enforcing immigration law by prohibiting communication with ICE, and denying requests by ICE officers and agents to enter prisons and jails to make arrests. Such policies threaten public safety, rather than enhance it. As a result, ICE officers and agents are required to locate and arrest these aliens in public places, rather than in secure jail facilities where the risk of injury to the public, the alien, and the officer is significantly increased because the alien can more readily access a weapon, resist arrest, or flee. Because courthouse visitors are typically screened upon entry to search for weapons and other contraband, the safety risks for arresting officers and persons being arrests are substantially decreased.\u003cbr>\n...\u003cbr>\nTherefore, we would encourage you to express your concerns to the Governor of California and local officials who have enacted policies that occasionally necessitate ICE officers and agents to make arrests at courthouses and other public places.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Cantil-Sakauye doubled down on her previous comments in a written statement, arguing that immigration arrests inside courthouses will discourage victims and witnesses from coming to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Making arrests at courthouses, in my view, undermines public safety because victims and witnesses will fear coming to courthouses to help enforce the law,\" she said. \"I am disappointed that despite local and state public safety issues at stake, courthouses are not on ICE's 'sensitive areas' list that includes schools, churches, and hospitals.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Designating courthouses as \"sensitive locations\" wouldn't prohibit immigration arrests there, but they \"should generally be avoided, and require either prior approval from an appropriate supervisory official or exigent circumstances necessitating immediate action,\" according to U.S. Department of Homeland Security \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/ero/enforcement/sensitive-loc\" target=\"_blank\">guidelines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration agents already avoid making arrests at courthouses, according to a written statement from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While ICE does arrest targets at courthouses, generally it's only after investigating officers have exhausted other options,\" the statement says. \"It’s important to note that many of the arrest targets ICE has sought out at or near courthouses are foreign nationals who have prior criminal convictions in the U.S. ... In such instances where deportation officers seek to conduct an arrest at a courthouse, every effort is made to take the person into custody in a secure area, out of public view, but this is not always possible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency \"doesn't specifically track arrests by location,\" according to ICE spokeswoman Virginia Kice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of courthouse immigration arrests are also unsure how often they occur, but Stanford Professor Jayashri Srikantiah says she's heard from immigration attorneys around the state about ICE agents \"essentially following and tracking an individual inside the courthouse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When others see that happening and even for that person themselves, it can absolutely feel like what we all would commonly call stalking,\" she said. \"If you’re undocumented and you’re the victim of domestic violence, it may make you very reluctant to go to the courthouse at all, even if you have a very valid need for the legal system.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lourdes Martinez, an organizer who works with Latina women in the Bay Area, says that since the election of President Trump her clients have been on edge. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were times when it was like daily — we were getting people calling us with fears that ICE was in their communities,” said Martinez, political director of Mujeres Unidas y Activas. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that rumors of immigration officials patrolling Alameda County have been increasingly more common, and she believes that actual sightings of federal agents have spiked, too, based on the details callers have provided. “They would see the ‘ICE Police’ jackets and vans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”FLueTo53DjveJXYESJDIKVAWY30QkzBp”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the heightened anxiety among undocumented East Bay residents, Alameda County and Oakland are funding a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/forms/immigration/acilep-english-printable.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">24/7 hotline\u003c/a> where immigrants can report suspected enforcement activity by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents. The hotline was launched this month and is operated by a coalition, known as the \u003ca href=\"http://centrolegal.org/legal-service-organizations-community-groups-joined-forces-create-alameda-county-immigration-legal-education-partnership-acilep/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alameda County Immigration Legal & Education Partnership (ACILEP)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The partnership is a collaboration between the Public Defender’s Office, Mujeres Unidas y Activas and eight other community organizations, and its purpose is to provide verification of suspected ICE activity, legal representation for detained immigrants and “know your rights” trainings at locations throughout the county, including schools and places of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the election, Alameda County Supervisor Wilma Chan said she began hearing about immigrants skipping county health care appointments and pulling their children out of school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people are going underground,” she said. Chan felt it was important to provide support and legal aid to the county’s undocumented population, which the Public Policy Institute of California estimates to number more than 100,000. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Chan started searching for funding from local philanthropic organizations. She found a willing partner in the San Francisco Foundation, which pledged to match up to $750,000 from Alameda County. The foundation also matched Oakland’s contribution of $300,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\n‘Raid verification … is extremely important because of all the rumors and false information that is sweeping through the community and creating so much panic and fear.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Marisela Esparza, SFILEN program manager\u003c/cite>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>This type of coalition is new to Alameda County, but will be modeled after the San Francisco Immigrant Legal & Education Network (SFILEN), which started a hotline to report ICE activity back in 2007. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raid verification … is extremely important because of all the rumors and false information that is sweeping through the community and creating so much panic and fear,” explained Marisela Esparza, the network’s program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the San Francisco hotline receives a call, the operator dispatches volunteer observers who go to the scene to confirm whether or not enforcement is taking place. If it is, on-call attorneys are sent to enter their appearance as legal representatives for the detainees and try to prevent immediate deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County’s partnership will work in much the same way, but it will receive more funding than the San Francisco network. This allows the partnership to hire seven paid community responders who will deploy to the site of a reported raid to check out whether ICE is actually arresting people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleni Wolfe-Roubatis, the immigration project director for Centro Legal de la Raza, told KQED that, “It’s important that community members know their due process rights.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that a common tactic employed by ICE is to have detainees sign a document waiving their right to go before an immigration judge, so it’s important that immigrants get legal advice during a raid so they don’t inadvertently deprive themselves of their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officers have also been accused of letting people believe they are local police during enforcement operations. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED investigation\u003c/a> revealed that federal agents who detained an undocumented Oakland resident told him they were investigating a hit-and-run as a way to get him to come out of his house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And according to a \u003ca href=\"http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=9502&context=penn_law_review\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study by the University of Pennsylvania Law Review\u003c/a>, most detainees go without representation: only about a third of immigrants manage to find a lawyer and that proportion drops to around 14 percent for immigrants who have been detained by ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other counties in the Bay Area are looking at ways to support their own undocumented populations, but so far San Francisco and Alameda County are the only two with rapid response networks in place. Centro Legal de la Raza also represents many clients in Contra Costa County, so the staff has been exploring ways to collaborate with community groups there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ilyce Shugall of Community Legal Services of East Palo Alto, the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors is considering a measure that would fund support and legal defense of undocumented immigrants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving forward, Shugall explained that legal service providers are hoping to provide verification and representation on a larger scale: “We’re still working out, on a regional level, how to best address the locations that aren’t going to have a hotline for their specific jurisdictions.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lourdes Martinez, an organizer who works with Latina women in the Bay Area, says that since the election of President Trump her clients have been on edge. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were times when it was like daily — we were getting people calling us with fears that ICE was in their communities,” said Martinez, political director of Mujeres Unidas y Activas. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that rumors of immigration officials patrolling Alameda County have been increasingly more common, and she believes that actual sightings of federal agents have spiked, too, based on the details callers have provided. “They would see the ‘ICE Police’ jackets and vans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the heightened anxiety among undocumented East Bay residents, Alameda County and Oakland are funding a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfbar.org/forms/immigration/acilep-english-printable.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">24/7 hotline\u003c/a> where immigrants can report suspected enforcement activity by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents. The hotline was launched this month and is operated by a coalition, known as the \u003ca href=\"http://centrolegal.org/legal-service-organizations-community-groups-joined-forces-create-alameda-county-immigration-legal-education-partnership-acilep/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alameda County Immigration Legal & Education Partnership (ACILEP)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The partnership is a collaboration between the Public Defender’s Office, Mujeres Unidas y Activas and eight other community organizations, and its purpose is to provide verification of suspected ICE activity, legal representation for detained immigrants and “know your rights” trainings at locations throughout the county, including schools and places of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the election, Alameda County Supervisor Wilma Chan said she began hearing about immigrants skipping county health care appointments and pulling their children out of school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people are going underground,” she said. Chan felt it was important to provide support and legal aid to the county’s undocumented population, which the Public Policy Institute of California estimates to number more than 100,000. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Chan started searching for funding from local philanthropic organizations. She found a willing partner in the San Francisco Foundation, which pledged to match up to $750,000 from Alameda County. The foundation also matched Oakland’s contribution of $300,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\n‘Raid verification … is extremely important because of all the rumors and false information that is sweeping through the community and creating so much panic and fear.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Marisela Esparza, SFILEN program manager\u003c/cite>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>This type of coalition is new to Alameda County, but will be modeled after the San Francisco Immigrant Legal & Education Network (SFILEN), which started a hotline to report ICE activity back in 2007. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Raid verification … is extremely important because of all the rumors and false information that is sweeping through the community and creating so much panic and fear,” explained Marisela Esparza, the network’s program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the San Francisco hotline receives a call, the operator dispatches volunteer observers who go to the scene to confirm whether or not enforcement is taking place. If it is, on-call attorneys are sent to enter their appearance as legal representatives for the detainees and try to prevent immediate deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County’s partnership will work in much the same way, but it will receive more funding than the San Francisco network. This allows the partnership to hire seven paid community responders who will deploy to the site of a reported raid to check out whether ICE is actually arresting people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleni Wolfe-Roubatis, the immigration project director for Centro Legal de la Raza, told KQED that, “It’s important that community members know their due process rights.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that a common tactic employed by ICE is to have detainees sign a document waiving their right to go before an immigration judge, so it’s important that immigrants get legal advice during a raid so they don’t inadvertently deprive themselves of their day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE officers have also been accused of letting people believe they are local police during enforcement operations. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED investigation\u003c/a> revealed that federal agents who detained an undocumented Oakland resident told him they were investigating a hit-and-run as a way to get him to come out of his house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And according to a \u003ca href=\"http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=9502&context=penn_law_review\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study by the University of Pennsylvania Law Review\u003c/a>, most detainees go without representation: only about a third of immigrants manage to find a lawyer and that proportion drops to around 14 percent for immigrants who have been detained by ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other counties in the Bay Area are looking at ways to support their own undocumented populations, but so far San Francisco and Alameda County are the only two with rapid response networks in place. Centro Legal de la Raza also represents many clients in Contra Costa County, so the staff has been exploring ways to collaborate with community groups there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Ilyce Shugall of Community Legal Services of East Palo Alto, the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors is considering a measure that would fund support and legal defense of undocumented immigrants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving forward, Shugall explained that legal service providers are hoping to provide verification and representation on a larger scale: “We’re still working out, on a regional level, how to best address the locations that aren’t going to have a hotline for their specific jurisdictions.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "As Feds Seek More Beds to Lock Up Deportable Immigrants, California May Try to Thwart Them",
"title": "As Feds Seek More Beds to Lock Up Deportable Immigrants, California May Try to Thwart Them",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Trash-strewn cells, moldy showers, broken telephones, excessive use of solitary confinement, and \"slimy, foul-smelling lunch meat.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are the conditions that detainees face inside one of Southern California’s largest immigration detention facilities, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/assets/Mga/OIG-mga-030617.pdf\">report\u003c/a> this month by federal inspectors who visited the Theo Lacy Facility, an 11-acre jail complex run by the Orange County Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past seven years, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has been renting bed space there. The county sheriff’s office collects roughly $30 million annually for leasing out the high-security real estate, and in exchange, ICE gets bunk space for roughly 480 of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2016/11/10/statement-secretary-johnson-southwest-border-security\">more than\u003c/a> 40,000 undocumented immigrants nationwide that the agency has been keeping behind bars on any given day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contract is an arrangement of convenience for a county in need of revenue and a federal government in need of jail beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county disputes the critical inspection report from the Homeland Security Department’s Office of Inspector General. Sheriff Sandra Hutchens says that while “some legitimate issues were identified ... and were quickly addressed,” many of the inspection’s findings were inaccurate, as was the subsequent “sensational” media coverage which provided “a misleading ‘Shawshank-like’ picture of Orange County jail facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, the news comes at a bad time for the Orange County Sheriff’s Department -- and for all defenders of business-as-usual across the patchwork of county jails, city lockups and privately-owned facilities across California that make up the state’s immigration detention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ImmigrantLockup]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For state Sen. Ricardo Lara -- whose immigration detention reform bill won the Legislature’s approval last year only to be vetoed by Gov. Jerry Brown -- the inspection report provides a well-timed “I told you so.” And so Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens, is back again this session with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\">Senate Bill 29\u003c/a>, which would set new rules for immigration detention facilities and would ban local governments from contracting with private prison companies to detain immigrants. On Tuesday, it cleared the Senate Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state already regulates all detention facilities in California, Lara and other supporters of the bill argue that the national detention standards articulated in every ICE detention contract are not being followed. This bill would not require the Board of State and Community Corrections, the agency that regulates California prisons and jails, to conduct additional inspections or adopt new rules. Instead, the bill aims to keep immigration facilities in line by allowing both current and former detainees and the state attorney general to sue any facilities that violate these standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"WAXNLGIgrCPnb7EzVRZli4SSfrAvR3jB\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill also has sharp detractors among law enforcement agencies and many Republicans, who believe that claims of mismanaged detention facilities are overblown. They also argue that the state shouldn’t interfere with local law enforcement decisions, and that Lara’s bill could have unintended, harmful consequences for local budgets -- and even for the detainees themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento thinks it’s so smart and has to mandate things to everybody,” says GOP state Sen. John Moorlach, who represents Orange County and used to chair its board of supervisors. “I don’t think that’s good policy in this case, and I think being uncooperative with a federal agency is arrogance at its highest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ultimate fate of Lara’s bill may rest again on the governor. With his first veto, Brown wrote that although he was troubled by reports of conditions at privately run facilities, he wanted to wait for a “more permanent solution” from the federal government. (The Obama administration had announced plans to phase out contracts between the U.S. Bureau of Prisons and private prison corporations, and to reconsider its use of private immigration detention facilities. The Trump administration is moving in the opposite direction.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11382109\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11382109\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"An immigrant detainee looks out from his 'segregation cell' at the Adelanto Detention Facility. The facility is owned by the for-profit GEO Group, which also pays contract fees to the city of Adelanto for every immigrant detained there.\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-800x544.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-1180x802.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-960x653.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-240x163.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-520x353.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An immigrant detainee looks out from his 'segregation cell' at the Adelanto Detention Facility. The facility is owned by the for-profit GEO Group, which also pays contract fees to the city of Adelanto for every immigrant detained there. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the U.S. immigration detention program is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/odpp/pdf/ice-detention-rpt.pdf\">largest\u003c/a> single incarceration system in the country, its facilities are often leased. Of the 10 long-term immigration detention facilities in California, none are federally owned: five are county jails, one is a city facility, and the remaining four are owned and operated by for-profit companies. Using data from public records requests and publicly available documents, interviews and site visits, the immigration rights group Community Initiatives for Visiting Immigrants in Confinement \u003ca href=\"http://www.endisolation.org/DignityNotDetentionAct\">estimates\u003c/a> that privately run jails make up 75 percent of all the bed space across California’s long-term immigration detention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those incarcerated in this system have past criminal records, but immigration violations themselves are civil rather than criminal matters -- and so detainees in immigration court are entitled to court-appointed legal counsel. Awaiting their hearings or deportation, detainees may spend weeks, months, or in rare cases years, in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With President Trump making aggressive immigration enforcement a cornerstone of his presidency, ICE will probably need all the beds it can get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his election, the stock prices of GEO Group and CoreCivic, the country’s two largest private prison and immigration detention operators, have increased by 87 percent and 125 percent, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there’s going to be a spike in detention in a relatively short period of time, recent history shows that the only way the government can actually detain those people is if private prisons provide the beds,” says Anita Sinha, an assistant professor of immigration and civil rights law at American University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not in California, if SB 29 prevails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"q0cRCSbsTTiFtOjFXTeAga3UDcrj5VPg\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For-profit facilities are inherently problematic because they are incentivized to hold as many people as possible with the lowest standards in the cheapest manner allowed by law in order to maximize profits,” Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would not interfere with existing contracts -- nor with arrangements like the one between ICE and CoreCivic, which owns and operates the Otay Mesa facility in San Diego. But for the handful of California towns that act as middleman between ICE and private detention companies, SB 29 would mean the end of a potentially important source of revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than any other locality in the state, this describes Adelanto. Straddling a two-lane freight route 45 miles north of San Bernardino, the town used to be known for orchards and an Air Force base. Now the local industry is incarceration. Adelanto hosts three jails and prisons, with two more in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the existing lockups is the privately operated Adelanto Detention Facility, which exclusively houses ICE detainees and is the largest immigration detention center in the state. Though it’s owned by GEO Group, which purchased the facility from the city for $28 million in 2011, the City of Adelanto still holds the ICE contract and \u003ca href=\"http://adelanto.ca.us/downloads/Agendas/CityCouncil/2016/CC29June2016.pdf\">receives\u003c/a> $1 per day per bed in “mitigation fees.” That puts a little under $1 million per year toward a $40 million \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.adelanto.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BB5D4A1FE-8A01-4BEF-B964-5A44B9339C72%7D/uploads/Budget_Package_FY_16-17_Ratified_7-13-16.pdf\">budget\u003c/a>. Between that facility and a nearby private jail, GEO Group hires roughly 100 locals in a city with a population of roughly 30,000 and a poverty rate of 40 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the facility has been a focal point of \u003ca href=\"http://www.endisolation.org/Adelanto\">protest\u003c/a> for immigrant rights activists. Since the Adelanto facility re-opened under GEO ownership in 2011, four ICE detainees in its custody have died, including a Nicaraguan immigrant who \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-ice-custody-death-20170328-story.html\">died\u003c/a> this week in what authorities said was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-detainee-passes-away-victorville-medical-center\">suicide\u003c/a>. After the death of Raul Ernesto Morales-Ramos in 2015, who died after surgery for colon cancer that went undiagnosed for much of his time behind bars, a federal investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/sites/default/files/documents/FOIA/2016/ddr-morales.pdf\">censured\u003c/a> the facility for shoddy record keeping, months-long delays in medical care, and medical personnel with minimal expertise and unsuitable training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ben Christopher is a contributing writer to CALmatters.org, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A new state bill would ban local governments from contracting with private prison companies to detain immigrants.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Trash-strewn cells, moldy showers, broken telephones, excessive use of solitary confinement, and \"slimy, foul-smelling lunch meat.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are the conditions that detainees face inside one of Southern California’s largest immigration detention facilities, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.dhs.gov/assets/Mga/OIG-mga-030617.pdf\">report\u003c/a> this month by federal inspectors who visited the Theo Lacy Facility, an 11-acre jail complex run by the Orange County Sheriff’s Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past seven years, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has been renting bed space there. The county sheriff’s office collects roughly $30 million annually for leasing out the high-security real estate, and in exchange, ICE gets bunk space for roughly 480 of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2016/11/10/statement-secretary-johnson-southwest-border-security\">more than\u003c/a> 40,000 undocumented immigrants nationwide that the agency has been keeping behind bars on any given day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contract is an arrangement of convenience for a county in need of revenue and a federal government in need of jail beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county disputes the critical inspection report from the Homeland Security Department’s Office of Inspector General. Sheriff Sandra Hutchens says that while “some legitimate issues were identified ... and were quickly addressed,” many of the inspection’s findings were inaccurate, as was the subsequent “sensational” media coverage which provided “a misleading ‘Shawshank-like’ picture of Orange County jail facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless, the news comes at a bad time for the Orange County Sheriff’s Department -- and for all defenders of business-as-usual across the patchwork of county jails, city lockups and privately-owned facilities across California that make up the state’s immigration detention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ImmigrantLockup]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For state Sen. Ricardo Lara -- whose immigration detention reform bill won the Legislature’s approval last year only to be vetoed by Gov. Jerry Brown -- the inspection report provides a well-timed “I told you so.” And so Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens, is back again this session with \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB29\">Senate Bill 29\u003c/a>, which would set new rules for immigration detention facilities and would ban local governments from contracting with private prison companies to detain immigrants. On Tuesday, it cleared the Senate Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state already regulates all detention facilities in California, Lara and other supporters of the bill argue that the national detention standards articulated in every ICE detention contract are not being followed. This bill would not require the Board of State and Community Corrections, the agency that regulates California prisons and jails, to conduct additional inspections or adopt new rules. Instead, the bill aims to keep immigration facilities in line by allowing both current and former detainees and the state attorney general to sue any facilities that violate these standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill also has sharp detractors among law enforcement agencies and many Republicans, who believe that claims of mismanaged detention facilities are overblown. They also argue that the state shouldn’t interfere with local law enforcement decisions, and that Lara’s bill could have unintended, harmful consequences for local budgets -- and even for the detainees themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento thinks it’s so smart and has to mandate things to everybody,” says GOP state Sen. John Moorlach, who represents Orange County and used to chair its board of supervisors. “I don’t think that’s good policy in this case, and I think being uncooperative with a federal agency is arrogance at its highest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ultimate fate of Lara’s bill may rest again on the governor. With his first veto, Brown wrote that although he was troubled by reports of conditions at privately run facilities, he wanted to wait for a “more permanent solution” from the federal government. (The Obama administration had announced plans to phase out contracts between the U.S. Bureau of Prisons and private prison corporations, and to reconsider its use of private immigration detention facilities. The Trump administration is moving in the opposite direction.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11382109\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11382109\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"An immigrant detainee looks out from his 'segregation cell' at the Adelanto Detention Facility. The facility is owned by the for-profit GEO Group, which also pays contract fees to the city of Adelanto for every immigrant detained there.\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-800x544.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-1180x802.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-960x653.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-240x163.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/AdelantoDetainee-520x353.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An immigrant detainee looks out from his 'segregation cell' at the Adelanto Detention Facility. The facility is owned by the for-profit GEO Group, which also pays contract fees to the city of Adelanto for every immigrant detained there. \u003ccite>(John Moore/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although the U.S. immigration detention program is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/odpp/pdf/ice-detention-rpt.pdf\">largest\u003c/a> single incarceration system in the country, its facilities are often leased. Of the 10 long-term immigration detention facilities in California, none are federally owned: five are county jails, one is a city facility, and the remaining four are owned and operated by for-profit companies. Using data from public records requests and publicly available documents, interviews and site visits, the immigration rights group Community Initiatives for Visiting Immigrants in Confinement \u003ca href=\"http://www.endisolation.org/DignityNotDetentionAct\">estimates\u003c/a> that privately run jails make up 75 percent of all the bed space across California’s long-term immigration detention system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those incarcerated in this system have past criminal records, but immigration violations themselves are civil rather than criminal matters -- and so detainees in immigration court are entitled to court-appointed legal counsel. Awaiting their hearings or deportation, detainees may spend weeks, months, or in rare cases years, in custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With President Trump making aggressive immigration enforcement a cornerstone of his presidency, ICE will probably need all the beds it can get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his election, the stock prices of GEO Group and CoreCivic, the country’s two largest private prison and immigration detention operators, have increased by 87 percent and 125 percent, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there’s going to be a spike in detention in a relatively short period of time, recent history shows that the only way the government can actually detain those people is if private prisons provide the beds,” says Anita Sinha, an assistant professor of immigration and civil rights law at American University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not in California, if SB 29 prevails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For-profit facilities are inherently problematic because they are incentivized to hold as many people as possible with the lowest standards in the cheapest manner allowed by law in order to maximize profits,” Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would not interfere with existing contracts -- nor with arrangements like the one between ICE and CoreCivic, which owns and operates the Otay Mesa facility in San Diego. But for the handful of California towns that act as middleman between ICE and private detention companies, SB 29 would mean the end of a potentially important source of revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than any other locality in the state, this describes Adelanto. Straddling a two-lane freight route 45 miles north of San Bernardino, the town used to be known for orchards and an Air Force base. Now the local industry is incarceration. Adelanto hosts three jails and prisons, with two more in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the existing lockups is the privately operated Adelanto Detention Facility, which exclusively houses ICE detainees and is the largest immigration detention center in the state. Though it’s owned by GEO Group, which purchased the facility from the city for $28 million in 2011, the City of Adelanto still holds the ICE contract and \u003ca href=\"http://adelanto.ca.us/downloads/Agendas/CityCouncil/2016/CC29June2016.pdf\">receives\u003c/a> $1 per day per bed in “mitigation fees.” That puts a little under $1 million per year toward a $40 million \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.adelanto.ca.us/vertical/sites/%7BB5D4A1FE-8A01-4BEF-B964-5A44B9339C72%7D/uploads/Budget_Package_FY_16-17_Ratified_7-13-16.pdf\">budget\u003c/a>. Between that facility and a nearby private jail, GEO Group hires roughly 100 locals in a city with a population of roughly 30,000 and a poverty rate of 40 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the facility has been a focal point of \u003ca href=\"http://www.endisolation.org/Adelanto\">protest\u003c/a> for immigrant rights activists. Since the Adelanto facility re-opened under GEO ownership in 2011, four ICE detainees in its custody have died, including a Nicaraguan immigrant who \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-ice-custody-death-20170328-story.html\">died\u003c/a> this week in what authorities said was a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/news/releases/ice-detainee-passes-away-victorville-medical-center\">suicide\u003c/a>. After the death of Raul Ernesto Morales-Ramos in 2015, who died after surgery for colon cancer that went undiagnosed for much of his time behind bars, a federal investigation \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/sites/default/files/documents/FOIA/2016/ddr-morales.pdf\">censured\u003c/a> the facility for shoddy record keeping, months-long delays in medical care, and medical personnel with minimal expertise and unsuitable training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ben Christopher is a contributing writer to CALmatters.org, a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "What Funds Could California's 'Sanctuary Cities' Lose Under Trump?",
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"headTitle": "What Funds Could California’s ‘Sanctuary Cities’ Lose Under Trump? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump said during his campaign that he would deny federal funds to municipalities that limit their cooperation with federal immigration officials, such as so-called sanctuary cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose and other Bay Area jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, his Attorney General, Jeff Sessions, threatened to make good on that promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help understand what federal funds are at stake, we’ve checked in with legal experts and combed through public records to find out the details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice gave $392 million to the state of California and local municipalities last year that fall under funding streams it could pull this year over the sanctuary cities’ issue. What’s really at stake? Funding for a wide range of programs, like local police jobs, DNA testing and gang task forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the federal government decides to execute on its promise, then it could cost state and local law enforcement agencies a significant amount of money,” says Kevin Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here are just some of the hundreds of programs and grants that could be cut, and the funding each got in 2016:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>COPS Hiring Program Awards\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>City of Los Angeles: 25 police jobs, $3.1 million\u003cbr>\nCity of Oakland: 15 positions, $1.8 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>DNA testing\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>14 jurisdictions, including San Francisco, Alameda, Contra Costa, Los Angeles and San Diego received $5.6 million in FY2016 for DNA testing and help going through the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Body-worn cameras\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>California state and local municipalities received more than $1 million for body worn cameras in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>COPS Anti-Methamphetamine Program\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>California got $1.4 million in 2016 for this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UC Regents: Investigating short- and long-term impacts of mass violence\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>The UC Regents received a $1.75 million grant in 2016 to investigate the impacts of mass violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Internet Crimes Against Children task force\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>San Jose received $150,000 in 2016 for this task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Back up — are these cuts \u003cem>actually\u003c/em> going to happen?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>According to Johnson, dean of the UC Davis Law School, that remains to be seen. There’s no real definition of what a sanctuary city is, he says, meaning there’s no real congressional authorization for cutting funding to those cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, the city of San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/01/31/s-f-files-suit-against-trump-saying-punishing-sanctuary-cities-is-illegal/\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late January against President Trump and his administration, charging that Trump’s order to strip funding from sanctuary cities amounts to an invasion of the city’s sovereignty — a violation of the 10th amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts also say that the federal government needs to define at what point they would cut off funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Stageman, director of research operations at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, says that all jurisdictions communicate with ICE to some degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, not all jurisdictions refuse to hold people for ICE because they’re a sanctuary city, but often because they’re \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2016/11/19/502684089/trump-vows-to-end-sanctuary-cities-but-no-one-can-agree-what-that-label-means\">afraid of being sued\u003c/a> for detaining someone illegally, Stageman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So would jurisdictions that hold people for two hours for ICE lose funding? Or jurisdictions that hold people for 24 hours? Or not at all?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why this case is likely to make it to the Supreme Court, Johnson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s an example of how these potential cuts could have an actual impact?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“This is broad, this is a lot.” says Stageman, who studies the federal grants, “this could affect boots on the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stageman says some of the funds pay for the first year of new police officers: The City of Oakland got nearly $2 million to hire 15 new police officers in 2016; the City of Los Angeles received $3 million for 25 new officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not sound like a lot, but every body counts, says Craig Lally, president of the Los Angeles Police Protective League.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have enough police officers now, and we struggle every day to put enough officers in the field, just to handle simple 911 calls,” he says. “It’s becoming very tough for your average officer out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is there any way that a sanctuary city, like San Francisco, could keep its declared status as a sanctuary city but still get the federal funding?\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Yes, Johnson says. One possibility is a voluntary agreement, also known as 287(g). It’s something that Trump is encouraging. It allows state and local governments to outline designated roles with the federal government when it comes to immigration. Some cities have entered into these kinds of agreements. These agreements are one way of trying to work out some of these tense areas with the federal government. Orange County is the only jurisdiction with a 278(g) agreement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Miranda Leitsinger, Penny Nelson, Lisa Pickoff-White, Scott Shafer and Julie Small contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump said during his campaign that he would deny federal funds to municipalities that limit their cooperation with federal immigration officials, such as so-called sanctuary cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose and other Bay Area jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, his Attorney General, Jeff Sessions, threatened to make good on that promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help understand what federal funds are at stake, we’ve checked in with legal experts and combed through public records to find out the details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice gave $392 million to the state of California and local municipalities last year that fall under funding streams it could pull this year over the sanctuary cities’ issue. What’s really at stake? Funding for a wide range of programs, like local police jobs, DNA testing and gang task forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the federal government decides to execute on its promise, then it could cost state and local law enforcement agencies a significant amount of money,” says Kevin Johnson, dean of the UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here are just some of the hundreds of programs and grants that could be cut, and the funding each got in 2016:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>COPS Hiring Program Awards\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>City of Los Angeles: 25 police jobs, $3.1 million\u003cbr>\nCity of Oakland: 15 positions, $1.8 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>DNA testing\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>14 jurisdictions, including San Francisco, Alameda, Contra Costa, Los Angeles and San Diego received $5.6 million in FY2016 for DNA testing and help going through the backlog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Body-worn cameras\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>California state and local municipalities received more than $1 million for body worn cameras in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>COPS Anti-Methamphetamine Program\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>California got $1.4 million in 2016 for this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>UC Regents: Investigating short- and long-term impacts of mass violence\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>The UC Regents received a $1.75 million grant in 2016 to investigate the impacts of mass violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Internet Crimes Against Children task force\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>San Jose received $150,000 in 2016 for this task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Back up — are these cuts \u003cem>actually\u003c/em> going to happen?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>According to Johnson, dean of the UC Davis Law School, that remains to be seen. There’s no real definition of what a sanctuary city is, he says, meaning there’s no real congressional authorization for cutting funding to those cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, the city of San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/01/31/s-f-files-suit-against-trump-saying-punishing-sanctuary-cities-is-illegal/\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> in late January against President Trump and his administration, charging that Trump’s order to strip funding from sanctuary cities amounts to an invasion of the city’s sovereignty — a violation of the 10th amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts also say that the federal government needs to define at what point they would cut off funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Stageman, director of research operations at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, says that all jurisdictions communicate with ICE to some degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, not all jurisdictions refuse to hold people for ICE because they’re a sanctuary city, but often because they’re \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2016/11/19/502684089/trump-vows-to-end-sanctuary-cities-but-no-one-can-agree-what-that-label-means\">afraid of being sued\u003c/a> for detaining someone illegally, Stageman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So would jurisdictions that hold people for two hours for ICE lose funding? Or jurisdictions that hold people for 24 hours? Or not at all?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why this case is likely to make it to the Supreme Court, Johnson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s an example of how these potential cuts could have an actual impact?\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“This is broad, this is a lot.” says Stageman, who studies the federal grants, “this could affect boots on the ground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stageman says some of the funds pay for the first year of new police officers: The City of Oakland got nearly $2 million to hire 15 new police officers in 2016; the City of Los Angeles received $3 million for 25 new officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not sound like a lot, but every body counts, says Craig Lally, president of the Los Angeles Police Protective League.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have enough police officers now, and we struggle every day to put enough officers in the field, just to handle simple 911 calls,” he says. “It’s becoming very tough for your average officer out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Is there any way that a sanctuary city, like San Francisco, could keep its declared status as a sanctuary city but still get the federal funding?\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Yes, Johnson says. One possibility is a voluntary agreement, also known as 287(g). It’s something that Trump is encouraging. It allows state and local governments to outline designated roles with the federal government when it comes to immigration. Some cities have entered into these kinds of agreements. These agreements are one way of trying to work out some of these tense areas with the federal government. Orange County is the only jurisdiction with a 278(g) agreement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Miranda Leitsinger, Penny Nelson, Lisa Pickoff-White, Scott Shafer and Julie Small contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>SAN DIEGO -- The Justice Department said Friday that it will temporarily transfer immigration judges to six detention centers mostly near the border with Mexico in an effort to put President Donald Trump's immigration directives into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department's Executive Office for Immigration Review said the transfers to four locations in Texas and one each in Louisiana and New Mexico will occur Monday. Judges were previously moved to two immigration detention centers in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's executive order on border and immigration enforcement in January says judges should immediately be assigned to immigration detention centers. Many work in courts where immigrants are freed before their cases are heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's executive order also calls for construction of a wall on the 2,000-mile border with Mexico and the addition of 5,000 Border Patrol agents and 10,000 Immigration and Customs and Enforcement officers and agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president's budget proposal for the 2018 fiscal year released Thursday calls for a 19 percent increase in immigration judges to 449 positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently 300 judges, even though the office is funded for 374 slots. Kathryn Mattingly, a spokeswoman for the Executive Office of Immigration Review, said 50 applicants are in various stages of the hiring process, which can take up to 12 weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting Monday, a detention center in Jena, Louisiana, will have three more judges, Mattingly said. Detention centers in Dilley, Karnes City, Laredo and Livingston -- all in Texas -- and in Chaparral, New Mexico, will each have one more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judges were previously transferred to detention centers in San Diego and Adelanto in California.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump has promised to deport 2 million to 3 million people this year alone. To do so, the government typically must detain them first. But with the system already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go? A \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED investigation found\u003c/a> the government can likely ramp up detention capacity quickly — and California’s jails could play a key part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11353298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg\" alt=\"DetentionFiorePage1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-160x292.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-1020x1860.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1.jpg 1920w, 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"excerpt": "President Trump has promised to deport up to 3 million people this year. To do so, ICE typically must detain them first. But with the system already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go?",
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"title": "What Happens to Immigrants Detained by ICE? A Cartoon Explainer | KQED",
"description": "President Trump has promised to deport up to 3 million people this year. To do so, ICE typically must detain them first. But with the system already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go?",
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"headline": "What Happens to Immigrants Detained by ICE? A Cartoon Explainer",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump has promised to deport 2 million to 3 million people this year alone. To do so, the government typically must detain them first. But with the system already at capacity, where will all these new detainees go? A \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/03/08/how-trump-could-detain-more-immigrants-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED investigation found\u003c/a> the government can likely ramp up detention capacity quickly — and California’s jails could play a key part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11353298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg\" alt=\"DetentionFiorePage1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1459\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-800x1459.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-160x292.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1-1020x1860.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/DetentionFiorePage1.jpg 1920w, 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"slug": "fresno-sheriffs-ice-partnership-may-give-a-glimpse-of-trump-era-deportations",
"title": "Fresno Sheriff's ICE Partnership May Give a Glimpse of Trump-Era Deportations",
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"headTitle": "Fresno Sheriff’s ICE Partnership May Give a Glimpse of Trump-Era Deportations | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the Fresno County Jail, Sgt. Elisa Magallanes walks a newly arrested man from a holding cell to a small locked booth where she’ll book him. She talks to him through a glass barrier with a small window in it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Where were you born at?” Magallanes asks.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He says Mexico. “Are you a U.S. citizen?” He says he is. “I gotta give you this consent form,” she says, passing him a slip of paper. “It’s pertaining to ICE,” as in \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magallanes explains that ICE agents may come into the jail to interview the man, but he has the right not to speak with them. On the other side of the glass, the man nods. He doesn’t have any questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342775\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11342775 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Sergeant Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She’s still getting used to explaining this — the jail only started using the consent forms Jan. 1, when a state law requiring them went into effect. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes they ask me questions as far as: ‘Am I getting deported?’ ” Magallanes says. “I explain to them, ‘At this time, no. But I do have to advise you that it is a possibility.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s more of a possibility here than in many California jails. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.fresnosheriff.org/645\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department has a special partnership with ICE\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Immigration agents have unfettered access to the jail’s database. So the info that Magallanes collected at booking? They can see that — plus any details about charges or criminal history in the database.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on what agents find there, they decide who to question and who they’ll eventually put in deportation proceedings. The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department isn’t privy to how these decisions are made. And ICE didn’t provide any details about how the program works for this story. Correctional officers at the Fresno jail say ICE agents come into the jail at least twice per week with lists of inmates to interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Edgar Torres was one of those inmates. He was lying in his bunk when he heard his inmate number blaring from a loudspeaker. He had a visitor, but he wasn’t expecting anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guard escorted him from his cell to an interview room — an uncomfortably tight space; it just fits two chairs and a small metal table attached to the wall.\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Inside the room, a man wearing a badge was waiting for him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He said ‘Do you know who I am?’ ” Torres explains, “I said ‘No.’ He said, ‘I’m ICE.’ ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/03/2017-03-03b-tcr.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/151341-full-800x534.jpeg\" Title=\"Fresno Sheriff's ICE Partnership May Give a Glimpse of Trump-Era Deportations\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres was floored. This was before the jail started handing out those consent forms, so he didn’t know ICE might approach him in the jail, and he didn’t know he had a right to refuse the interview. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres says the agent handed him a paper to sign and told him, “I want you to sign this so you leave the country. You don’t belong in this county. We know you came in illegally.” \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE was right. Torres had been caught crossing the border almost a decade ago. He crossed again soon after and didn’t get caught. The agent was trying to get him to sign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/glossary/voluntary-departure\">voluntary departure\u003c/a> order. Despite the pressure, Torres says he wanted to fight to stay with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has only one misdemeanor conviction on his record — but it’s a serious one: domestic violence. He and his wife have had a rocky relationship. They got in some bad fights and she got a restraining order. A judge ordered him to attend classes, but when he and his wife got back together he stopped going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his wife were working things out. They’d just had a baby last summer when Torres got pulled over for a broken tail light. He had a warrant because of the missed classes and ended up in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorney Angelica Salceda says this is a common scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“One of the biggest flaws of this program is that you can have someone who committed a mistake and they paid the price for it and turned their lives around. Then they get arrested for something minor,” she says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re undocumented, or even a legal permanent resident, the consequence isn’t just jail time — it can mean deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Salceda also worries people who get arrested — but are never actually charged or convicted — can end up getting deported. “Those are the types of practices that we think are incredibly problematic and that lead to separation of families and fear in our communities,” she says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ICE defended its practices in jails: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When criminal custody transfers occur outside the secure confines of a jail or prison, regardless of the security precautions we take, there are greater safety risks for all concerned — our arrest target, ICE officers, and the general public. It needlessly puts our personnel and innocent bystanders in harm’s way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Torres was in jail, he says ICE agents met with him three times. Every time the pressure to sign himself out of the country got worse. “They would grab me hard by the arm and sit me down,” he says. “They’d slam the papers down in front of me, making loud sounds to intimidate me. They’d say ‘You’re gonna sign, because if not you’re gonna be in prison. Do it for your own good. We’re coming for you anyway — we know your release date.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They weren’t bluffing. When Torres got out of jail, ICE representatives were waiting for him. He spent six months at a detention center. Eventually it was clear he wasn’t going to win his case. On the advice of his lawyer, Torres finally signed a voluntary removal order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”HRivJpoXYTzl64X6SvDbtdNu7AAqJ6nC”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my perspective it truly is a win-win,” says Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims. “It keeps people from being released back into our communities that have committed crimes — many times multiple crimes — and it keeps ICE in our jail and they don’t have to go out into the community, which raises fear among people that ICE may not be looking for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Mims launched her program in 2015, other California sheriffs followed her lead, including in Kern and Stanislaus Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the only way police in our state work with ICE. Today, every jail in California — and around the country — shares fingerprints with immigration authorities. But local law enforcement agencies cooperate with federal immigration authorities to different degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a very complex framework around California because there’s a lack of uniformity,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> attorney Saira Hussain. “People don’t always know, ‘If I end up in jail here, how will ICE try to access me?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one extreme, there are \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\">counties like San Francisco with its strong sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. ICE is allowed into the jails to conduct interviews only in rare instances there. Orange County sits at the other end of the spectrum. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/factsheets/287g\" target=\"_blank\">the only county in California that empowers sheriff’s deputies in jails to act as immigration agents\u003c/a> under a federal partnership called the 287(g) program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”2cBLJH43J267Vv1z2ggHNdDoy70UsBC6″]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between, there are counties like Fresno. Hussain says they may be a sign of what’s to come in the Trump age. “When the message from the administration to local law enforcement is, ‘We want you to help us deport people,’ I’d say that Fresno is already sort of setting that path to really just unfettered cooperation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edgar Torres is back in Mexico now. His mother, wife and 10-year-old daughter are still in Fresno, and they’re undocumented. His 5-month-old daughter, who’s also with her mom, is a U.S. citizen. “I wouldn’t wish this on anyone,” Torres says. “I’m thinking about them all the time. I can’t move on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His mother, Maria, is now the sole breadwinner for six people. She’s paying off more than $7,000 in legal fees for her son. Torres’ wife is severely depressed and his younger daughter is seeing a therapist, because she had started gnawing her fingertips raw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now I’m just asking God for things to get better,” says Maria. “I know so many people are going through the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already limits how police can work with immigration authorities. But the state Legislature is weighing a bill that would tighten things further. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\">The California Values Act\u003c/a> would bar Fresno — or any sheriff’s department — from dedicating any resources to immigration enforcement. And it would stop them from letting ICE into jails to do interviews.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the Fresno County Jail, Sgt. Elisa Magallanes walks a newly arrested man from a holding cell to a small locked booth where she’ll book him. She talks to him through a glass barrier with a small window in it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Where were you born at?” Magallanes asks.\u003c/span>\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He says Mexico. “Are you a U.S. citizen?” He says he is. “I gotta give you this consent form,” she says, passing him a slip of paper. “It’s pertaining to ICE,” as in \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Magallanes explains that ICE agents may come into the jail to interview the man, but he has the right not to speak with them. On the other side of the glass, the man nods. He doesn’t have any questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342775\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11342775 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Sergeant Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3281-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Elisa Magallanes holds a consent form provided to inmates at the Fresno County Jail\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She’s still getting used to explaining this — the jail only started using the consent forms Jan. 1, when a state law requiring them went into effect. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes they ask me questions as far as: ‘Am I getting deported?’ ” Magallanes says. “I explain to them, ‘At this time, no. But I do have to advise you that it is a possibility.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s more of a possibility here than in many California jails. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.fresnosheriff.org/645\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department has a special partnership with ICE\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Immigration agents have unfettered access to the jail’s database. So the info that Magallanes collected at booking? They can see that — plus any details about charges or criminal history in the database.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on what agents find there, they decide who to question and who they’ll eventually put in deportation proceedings. The Fresno County Sheriff’s Department isn’t privy to how these decisions are made. And ICE didn’t provide any details about how the program works for this story. Correctional officers at the Fresno jail say ICE agents come into the jail at least twice per week with lists of inmates to interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Edgar Torres was one of those inmates. He was lying in his bunk when he heard his inmate number blaring from a loudspeaker. He had a visitor, but he wasn’t expecting anyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A guard escorted him from his cell to an interview room — an uncomfortably tight space; it just fits two chairs and a small metal table attached to the wall.\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Inside the room, a man wearing a badge was waiting for him. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“He said ‘Do you know who I am?’ ” Torres explains, “I said ‘No.’ He said, ‘I’m ICE.’ ”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres was floored. This was before the jail started handing out those consent forms, so he didn’t know ICE might approach him in the jail, and he didn’t know he had a right to refuse the interview. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Torres says the agent handed him a paper to sign and told him, “I want you to sign this so you leave the country. You don’t belong in this county. We know you came in illegally.” \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE was right. Torres had been caught crossing the border almost a decade ago. He crossed again soon after and didn’t get caught. The agent was trying to get him to sign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/tools/glossary/voluntary-departure\">voluntary departure\u003c/a> order. Despite the pressure, Torres says he wanted to fight to stay with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has only one misdemeanor conviction on his record — but it’s a serious one: domestic violence. He and his wife have had a rocky relationship. They got in some bad fights and she got a restraining order. A judge ordered him to attend classes, but when he and his wife got back together he stopped going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his wife were working things out. They’d just had a baby last summer when Torres got pulled over for a broken tail light. He had a warrant because of the missed classes and ended up in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU attorney Angelica Salceda says this is a common scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“One of the biggest flaws of this program is that you can have someone who committed a mistake and they paid the price for it and turned their lives around. Then they get arrested for something minor,” she says.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re undocumented, or even a legal permanent resident, the consequence isn’t just jail time — it can mean deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11342773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11342773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/03/IMG_3268-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Interview rooms where ICE agents question inmates at the Fresno County Jail \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancano/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Salceda also worries people who get arrested — but are never actually charged or convicted — can end up getting deported. “Those are the types of practices that we think are incredibly problematic and that lead to separation of families and fear in our communities,” she says. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, ICE defended its practices in jails: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“When criminal custody transfers occur outside the secure confines of a jail or prison, regardless of the security precautions we take, there are greater safety risks for all concerned — our arrest target, ICE officers, and the general public. It needlessly puts our personnel and innocent bystanders in harm’s way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Torres was in jail, he says ICE agents met with him three times. Every time the pressure to sign himself out of the country got worse. “They would grab me hard by the arm and sit me down,” he says. “They’d slam the papers down in front of me, making loud sounds to intimidate me. They’d say ‘You’re gonna sign, because if not you’re gonna be in prison. Do it for your own good. We’re coming for you anyway — we know your release date.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They weren’t bluffing. When Torres got out of jail, ICE representatives were waiting for him. He spent six months at a detention center. Eventually it was clear he wasn’t going to win his case. On the advice of his lawyer, Torres finally signed a voluntary removal order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In my perspective it truly is a win-win,” says Fresno County Sheriff Margaret Mims. “It keeps people from being released back into our communities that have committed crimes — many times multiple crimes — and it keeps ICE in our jail and they don’t have to go out into the community, which raises fear among people that ICE may not be looking for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Mims launched her program in 2015, other California sheriffs followed her lead, including in Kern and Stanislaus Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the only way police in our state work with ICE. Today, every jail in California — and around the country — shares fingerprints with immigration authorities. But local law enforcement agencies cooperate with federal immigration authorities to different degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a very complex framework around California because there’s a lack of uniformity,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.advancingjustice-alc.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Asian Law Caucus\u003c/a> attorney Saira Hussain. “People don’t always know, ‘If I end up in jail here, how will ICE try to access me?’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one extreme, there are \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/oceia/sanctuary-city-ordinance-0\" target=\"_blank\">counties like San Francisco with its strong sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. ICE is allowed into the jails to conduct interviews only in rare instances there. Orange County sits at the other end of the spectrum. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/factsheets/287g\" target=\"_blank\">the only county in California that empowers sheriff’s deputies in jails to act as immigration agents\u003c/a> under a federal partnership called the 287(g) program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between, there are counties like Fresno. Hussain says they may be a sign of what’s to come in the Trump age. “When the message from the administration to local law enforcement is, ‘We want you to help us deport people,’ I’d say that Fresno is already sort of setting that path to really just unfettered cooperation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edgar Torres is back in Mexico now. His mother, wife and 10-year-old daughter are still in Fresno, and they’re undocumented. His 5-month-old daughter, who’s also with her mom, is a U.S. citizen. “I wouldn’t wish this on anyone,” Torres says. “I’m thinking about them all the time. I can’t move on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His mother, Maria, is now the sole breadwinner for six people. She’s paying off more than $7,000 in legal fees for her son. Torres’ wife is severely depressed and his younger daughter is seeing a therapist, because she had started gnawing her fingertips raw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now I’m just asking God for things to get better,” says Maria. “I know so many people are going through the same thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already limits how police can work with immigration authorities. But the state Legislature is weighing a bill that would tighten things further. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\" target=\"_blank\">The California Values Act\u003c/a> would bar Fresno — or any sheriff’s department — from dedicating any resources to immigration enforcement. And it would stop them from letting ICE into jails to do interviews.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
},
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
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