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"content": "\u003cp>A former correctional officer at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California’s\u003c/a> largest women’s prison, was found guilty of 59 felony counts of sexual abuse in Madera County Superior Court on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Rodriguez, who worked for the California Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections, was convicted of rape, rape under color of authority, oral copulation, sexual penetration and sodomy, acts perpetrated on nine women. He was also convicted of five misdemeanor counts of sexual battery, raising the total of guilty verdicts to 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case received widespread attention after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">launch of a federal investigation\u003c/a> into abuse allegations inside the state’s prisons. Rodriguez was charged with 97 counts in one of California’s most explosive prison abuse scandals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR has been plagued by misconduct for years. In December, the Bureau of Prisons \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017117/east-bay-federal-prison-plagued-sex-abuse-scandal-close-permanently\">permanently \u003c/a>shut down the troubled East Bay federal women’s prison \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fci-dublin\">FCI Dublin\u003c/a> following years of sexual abuse by prison workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez, 56, was present as the guilty verdicts were read. The four-month trial included testimony from 13 current- and formerly incarcerated women who were targeted and abused by Rodriguez. He pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936442\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936442\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility.jpeg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a prison facility surrounded by green fields.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-800x640.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1020x816.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-160x128.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1536x1229.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial photo from Aug. 25, 2010, of the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, where former correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez is accused of having engaged in sexual misconduct against at least 22 women incarcerated there. \u003ccite>(Wikipedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While relieved that Rodriguez, a 27-year veteran of California’s prison system, would be held accountable, survivors and advocates expressed mixed emotions about the trial. Amika Mota, executive director of Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for incarcerated women and trans people, noted a discrepancy in how some women were treated during their testimonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wondered why some survivors were believed and not others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not letting go of the truths that were told by those survivors, even if there was a not guilty verdict,” Mota said. “We believe them. We listen to them. We support them. And we are committed to exposing other officers that are inside currently harming folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez worked at the CCWF from 2010-2022. Reports of Rodriguez abusing incarcerated women were first reported in 2014, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">a 2023 investigation\u003c/a> by \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em>. Instead of reprimanding Rodriguez, the prison punished his victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em>, Rodriguez went on to commit dozens more assaults until CDCR began an investigation in July 2022. Rodriguez retired a month later after CDCR approached him about the investigation. CDCR turned the case over to the Madera County District Attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12018828 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240408-FCIDublin-009-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2022, survivors began to file civil lawsuits against Rodriguez. In one filed by six female incarcerees, Rodriguez allegedly lured them into a parole board hearing room where there were no cameras before sexually assaulting them, the \u003cem>Guardian\u003c/em> reported. The lawsuit was settled in October 2023 for $3.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been rampant allegations of abuse by prison officials at facilities in California. In January 2023, former CCWF Warden Mike Pallares was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article271879907.html\">moved to another prison\u003c/a> after being implicated in sexual harassment and abuse cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors who testified against Rodriguez said they were put through a grueling process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to tell my story in detail while facing my abuser,” one anonymous witness said in a statement shared by the California Coalition for Women Prisoners. “It was awful and humiliating. His attorney tried to paint us as liars despite all kinds of evidence against him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez’s misconduct appears to extend beyond the allegations outlined by CDCR’s investigators. CDCR identified \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/news/2022/12/28/cdcr-refers-internal-investigation-into-former-correctional-officer-to-district-attorney-for-charges-of-sexual-misconduct-of-incarcerated-women/\">more than 22 women\u003c/a> who said Rodriguez victimized them. Advocates believe there are more, as some victims may not have come forward because they feared retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2024, the Department of Justice opened a civil rights investigation at CCWF — directly referencing the charges against Rodriguez — and at the California Institution for Women in Chino. The ongoing investigation is evaluating whether the state protects incarcerated residents from sexual abuse by correctional employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates interviewed by KQED recognized the importance of the Rodriguez verdict, but they emphasized that there were many more perpetrators flying under the radar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want one individual facing these convictions to draw attention away from the systemic crisis,” said Colby Lenz of the California Coalition for Women Prisoners. “We will continue to push for systemic change and to hold the system accountable for permitting and often enabling this kind of abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a one-officer problem,” said another survivor, who testified against Rodriguez and asked not to be identified by KQED. “From my experience, Rodriguez is one bad apple on a tree that’s rotten to its core.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said that the verdict was validation of the agency’s decision to hand the case to the Madera County District Attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The department resolutely condemns any staff member — especially a peace officer who is entrusted to enforce the law — who violates their oath and shatters public trust,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez faces 75 years in prison at his sentencing, according to the Madera County District Attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mbolanos\">\u003cem>Madi Bolaños\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A former correctional officer at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California’s\u003c/a> largest women’s prison, was found guilty of 59 felony counts of sexual abuse in Madera County Superior Court on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Rodriguez, who worked for the California Department of Rehabilitation and Corrections, was convicted of rape, rape under color of authority, oral copulation, sexual penetration and sodomy, acts perpetrated on nine women. He was also convicted of five misdemeanor counts of sexual battery, raising the total of guilty verdicts to 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case received widespread attention after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">launch of a federal investigation\u003c/a> into abuse allegations inside the state’s prisons. Rodriguez was charged with 97 counts in one of California’s most explosive prison abuse scandals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR has been plagued by misconduct for years. In December, the Bureau of Prisons \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017117/east-bay-federal-prison-plagued-sex-abuse-scandal-close-permanently\">permanently \u003c/a>shut down the troubled East Bay federal women’s prison \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fci-dublin\">FCI Dublin\u003c/a> following years of sexual abuse by prison workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez, 56, was present as the guilty verdicts were read. The four-month trial included testimony from 13 current- and formerly incarcerated women who were targeted and abused by Rodriguez. He pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11936442\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11936442\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility.jpeg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a prison facility surrounded by green fields.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1536\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility.jpeg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-800x640.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1020x816.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-160x128.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/1920px-CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1536x1229.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial photo from Aug. 25, 2010, of the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, where former correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez is accused of having engaged in sexual misconduct against at least 22 women incarcerated there. \u003ccite>(Wikipedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While relieved that Rodriguez, a 27-year veteran of California’s prison system, would be held accountable, survivors and advocates expressed mixed emotions about the trial. Amika Mota, executive director of Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for incarcerated women and trans people, noted a discrepancy in how some women were treated during their testimonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wondered why some survivors were believed and not others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not letting go of the truths that were told by those survivors, even if there was a not guilty verdict,” Mota said. “We believe them. We listen to them. We support them. And we are committed to exposing other officers that are inside currently harming folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez worked at the CCWF from 2010-2022. Reports of Rodriguez abusing incarcerated women were first reported in 2014, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">a 2023 investigation\u003c/a> by \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em>. Instead of reprimanding Rodriguez, the prison punished his victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003cem>The Guardian\u003c/em>, Rodriguez went on to commit dozens more assaults until CDCR began an investigation in July 2022. Rodriguez retired a month later after CDCR approached him about the investigation. CDCR turned the case over to the Madera County District Attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2022, survivors began to file civil lawsuits against Rodriguez. In one filed by six female incarcerees, Rodriguez allegedly lured them into a parole board hearing room where there were no cameras before sexually assaulting them, the \u003cem>Guardian\u003c/em> reported. The lawsuit was settled in October 2023 for $3.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been rampant allegations of abuse by prison officials at facilities in California. In January 2023, former CCWF Warden Mike Pallares was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article271879907.html\">moved to another prison\u003c/a> after being implicated in sexual harassment and abuse cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors who testified against Rodriguez said they were put through a grueling process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to tell my story in detail while facing my abuser,” one anonymous witness said in a statement shared by the California Coalition for Women Prisoners. “It was awful and humiliating. His attorney tried to paint us as liars despite all kinds of evidence against him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez’s misconduct appears to extend beyond the allegations outlined by CDCR’s investigators. CDCR identified \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/news/2022/12/28/cdcr-refers-internal-investigation-into-former-correctional-officer-to-district-attorney-for-charges-of-sexual-misconduct-of-incarcerated-women/\">more than 22 women\u003c/a> who said Rodriguez victimized them. Advocates believe there are more, as some victims may not have come forward because they feared retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2024, the Department of Justice opened a civil rights investigation at CCWF — directly referencing the charges against Rodriguez — and at the California Institution for Women in Chino. The ongoing investigation is evaluating whether the state protects incarcerated residents from sexual abuse by correctional employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates interviewed by KQED recognized the importance of the Rodriguez verdict, but they emphasized that there were many more perpetrators flying under the radar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want one individual facing these convictions to draw attention away from the systemic crisis,” said Colby Lenz of the California Coalition for Women Prisoners. “We will continue to push for systemic change and to hold the system accountable for permitting and often enabling this kind of abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a one-officer problem,” said another survivor, who testified against Rodriguez and asked not to be identified by KQED. “From my experience, Rodriguez is one bad apple on a tree that’s rotten to its core.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said that the verdict was validation of the agency’s decision to hand the case to the Madera County District Attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The department resolutely condemns any staff member — especially a peace officer who is entrusted to enforce the law — who violates their oath and shatters public trust,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez faces 75 years in prison at his sentencing, according to the Madera County District Attorney’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mbolanos\">\u003cem>Madi Bolaños\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Biden used his clemency authority Monday to commute the sentences of 37 of the 40 men on \u003ca href=\"https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/state-and-federal-info/federal-death-penalty/list-of-federal-death-row-prisoners\">\u003cu>federal death row\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to life without parole, in one of the most significant moves taken against capital punishment in recent presidential history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden did not commute the sentences of three men who were involved in cases of terrorism or hate-fueled mass murder, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/08/02/1191671861/jury-recommends-death-sentence-for-gunman-in-2018-pittsburgh-synagogue-shooting\">\u003cu>Robert Bowers\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, convicted for the 2018 mass shooting at a Pittsburgh synagogue; \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/01/10/509166866/jury-sentences-dylann-roof-to-die\">\u003cu>Dylann Roof\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, convicted for the 2015 mass shooting at a Black church in Charleston, S.C.; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/04/1084514764/supreme-court-boston-bomber-death-sentence\">\u003cu>Dzhokhar Tsarnaev\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, convicted of the 2013 bombing at the Boston Marathon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the president said the commutations are in line with the 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/attorney-general-merrick-b-garland-imposes-moratorium-federal-executions-orders-review\">\u003cu>moratorium\u003c/u>\u003c/a> his administration imposed on federal executions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make no mistake: I condemn these murderers, grieve for the victims of their despicable acts, and ache for all the families who have suffered unimaginable and irreparable loss,” Biden said. Citing his experience as a public defender and an elected official, Biden added, “I am more convinced than ever that we must stop the use of the death penalty at the federal level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also hinted that possible action by the incoming Trump administration was part of his motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In good conscience, I cannot stand back and let a new administration resume executions that I halted,” Biden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those whose sentences were commuted are: former New Orleans police officer \u003ca href=\"https://www.nola.com/news/crime_police/len-davis-sentenced-to-death-for-murder-of-kim-groves/article_72b8b9a4-059a-5b2c-8ee5-252c398925d1.html\">\u003cu>Len Davis\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who was convicted for hiring a hitman to kill a woman who filed a complaint against him; \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/competency-argued-in-appeal-for-death-row-inmate-convicted-in-south-carolina-bank-robbery-murders/\">\u003cu>Brandon Council\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who was convicted of killing two women during a bank robbery and told agents that “demons” were controlling peoples’ minds; and Billie Jerome Allen, who was convicted for his involvement in a bank robbery but waged a \u003ca href=\"https://www.freebillieallen.com/\">\u003cu>public campaign\u003c/u>\u003c/a> for his innocence (\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/20/nx-s1-5178998/advocates-want-biden-spare-the-lives-of-the-40-prisoners-on-federal-death-row\">he spoke with NPR\u003c/a> from his prison cell before Biden commuted his sentence).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Biden has said he opposes the death penalty but had taken little action until now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates, religious leaders and former prison officials had been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/12/nx-s1-5226683/biden-commutations-pardons\">\u003cu>urging Biden\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to take this step with his pardon power, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/pope-francis-appeals-us-commute-death-row-sentences-2024-12-08/\">\u003cu>Pope Francis\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who weighed in from St. Peter’s Square on Dec. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Byran Stevenson, founder of the Equal Justice Initiative, which works against mass incarceration, called Biden’s actions “an important turning point in ending America’s tragic and error-prone use of the death penalty.” In his statement Stevenson added, “I commend President Biden for recognizing that we don’t have to kill people to show that killing is wrong, that we can and should reduce violence in our communities by refusing to sanction more violence and killing in our courts and prisons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/24/938093614/u-s-to-continue-executions-through-transition-in-break-with-precedent\">\u003cu>pledged during his 2020 presidential campaign\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to abolish the death penalty and said he would support legislation to eliminate the death penalty at the federal level, but the Biden administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2023/01/22/politics/joe-biden-federal-death-penalty-abolition/index.html\">\u003cu>took little action\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to address the issue in Congress. Legislation \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/11/955693696/democrats-unveil-legislation-to-abolish-the-federal-death-penalty\">\u003cu>introduced by Democrats\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to end the death penalty went nowhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After President-elect Donald Trump won the election last month, advocates started re-emphasizing the issue because of Trump’s record on federal executions. Trump had \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/federal-government-resume-capital-punishment-after-nearly-two-decade-lapse\">\u003cu>reinstated federal executions\u003c/u>\u003c/a> during his first term, in July 2019, after a 17-year pause. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/16/957559566/u-s-executes-dustin-higgs-in-13th-and-final-execution-under-trump-administration\">\u003cu>total of 13 people\u003c/u>\u003c/a> were executed between then and the end of his term — a record number of federal executions for a single president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s commutations for those on death row are also much higher than those of his Democratic predecessors. Former President Barack Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2017/01/18/how-obama-disappointed-on-the-death-penalty\">\u003cu>commuted two death sentences\u003c/u>\u003c/a> at the end of his time in office, while former President Bill Clinton \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2001/01/21/clintons-last-day-clemency-benefits-176/d7e3ed9b-853f-4cdd-a5d4-4f9037f832c3/\">\u003cu>commuted one\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s actions come shortly after he \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/12/nx-s1-5226683/biden-commutations-pardons\">\u003cu>pardoned 39 individuals\u003c/u>\u003c/a> who were convicted of nonviolent crimes, and commuted the sentences of nearly 1,500 others who were placed on home confinement during the COVID pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s announcement also follows controversy over \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/01/g-s1-36324/president-biden-pardons-son-hunter\">Biden’s pardon of his own son, Hunter Biden\u003c/a>, for gun and tax charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR’s Lexie Schapitl contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Biden used his clemency authority Monday to commute the sentences of 37 of the 40 men on \u003ca href=\"https://deathpenaltyinfo.org/state-and-federal-info/federal-death-penalty/list-of-federal-death-row-prisoners\">\u003cu>federal death row\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to life without parole, in one of the most significant moves taken against capital punishment in recent presidential history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden did not commute the sentences of three men who were involved in cases of terrorism or hate-fueled mass murder, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/08/02/1191671861/jury-recommends-death-sentence-for-gunman-in-2018-pittsburgh-synagogue-shooting\">\u003cu>Robert Bowers\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, convicted for the 2018 mass shooting at a Pittsburgh synagogue; \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/01/10/509166866/jury-sentences-dylann-roof-to-die\">\u003cu>Dylann Roof\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, convicted for the 2015 mass shooting at a Black church in Charleston, S.C.; and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/04/1084514764/supreme-court-boston-bomber-death-sentence\">\u003cu>Dzhokhar Tsarnaev\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, convicted of the 2013 bombing at the Boston Marathon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the president said the commutations are in line with the 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/attorney-general-merrick-b-garland-imposes-moratorium-federal-executions-orders-review\">\u003cu>moratorium\u003c/u>\u003c/a> his administration imposed on federal executions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make no mistake: I condemn these murderers, grieve for the victims of their despicable acts, and ache for all the families who have suffered unimaginable and irreparable loss,” Biden said. Citing his experience as a public defender and an elected official, Biden added, “I am more convinced than ever that we must stop the use of the death penalty at the federal level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also hinted that possible action by the incoming Trump administration was part of his motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In good conscience, I cannot stand back and let a new administration resume executions that I halted,” Biden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those whose sentences were commuted are: former New Orleans police officer \u003ca href=\"https://www.nola.com/news/crime_police/len-davis-sentenced-to-death-for-murder-of-kim-groves/article_72b8b9a4-059a-5b2c-8ee5-252c398925d1.html\">\u003cu>Len Davis\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who was convicted for hiring a hitman to kill a woman who filed a complaint against him; \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/competency-argued-in-appeal-for-death-row-inmate-convicted-in-south-carolina-bank-robbery-murders/\">\u003cu>Brandon Council\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who was convicted of killing two women during a bank robbery and told agents that “demons” were controlling peoples’ minds; and Billie Jerome Allen, who was convicted for his involvement in a bank robbery but waged a \u003ca href=\"https://www.freebillieallen.com/\">\u003cu>public campaign\u003c/u>\u003c/a> for his innocence (\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/20/nx-s1-5178998/advocates-want-biden-spare-the-lives-of-the-40-prisoners-on-federal-death-row\">he spoke with NPR\u003c/a> from his prison cell before Biden commuted his sentence).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Biden has said he opposes the death penalty but had taken little action until now\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates, religious leaders and former prison officials had been \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/12/nx-s1-5226683/biden-commutations-pardons\">\u003cu>urging Biden\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to take this step with his pardon power, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/us/pope-francis-appeals-us-commute-death-row-sentences-2024-12-08/\">\u003cu>Pope Francis\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, who weighed in from St. Peter’s Square on Dec. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Byran Stevenson, founder of the Equal Justice Initiative, which works against mass incarceration, called Biden’s actions “an important turning point in ending America’s tragic and error-prone use of the death penalty.” In his statement Stevenson added, “I commend President Biden for recognizing that we don’t have to kill people to show that killing is wrong, that we can and should reduce violence in our communities by refusing to sanction more violence and killing in our courts and prisons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden had \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/11/24/938093614/u-s-to-continue-executions-through-transition-in-break-with-precedent\">\u003cu>pledged during his 2020 presidential campaign\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to abolish the death penalty and said he would support legislation to eliminate the death penalty at the federal level, but the Biden administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2023/01/22/politics/joe-biden-federal-death-penalty-abolition/index.html\">\u003cu>took little action\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to address the issue in Congress. Legislation \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/11/955693696/democrats-unveil-legislation-to-abolish-the-federal-death-penalty\">\u003cu>introduced by Democrats\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to end the death penalty went nowhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After President-elect Donald Trump won the election last month, advocates started re-emphasizing the issue because of Trump’s record on federal executions. Trump had \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/federal-government-resume-capital-punishment-after-nearly-two-decade-lapse\">\u003cu>reinstated federal executions\u003c/u>\u003c/a> during his first term, in July 2019, after a 17-year pause. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/01/16/957559566/u-s-executes-dustin-higgs-in-13th-and-final-execution-under-trump-administration\">\u003cu>total of 13 people\u003c/u>\u003c/a> were executed between then and the end of his term — a record number of federal executions for a single president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s commutations for those on death row are also much higher than those of his Democratic predecessors. Former President Barack Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2017/01/18/how-obama-disappointed-on-the-death-penalty\">\u003cu>commuted two death sentences\u003c/u>\u003c/a> at the end of his time in office, while former President Bill Clinton \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2001/01/21/clintons-last-day-clemency-benefits-176/d7e3ed9b-853f-4cdd-a5d4-4f9037f832c3/\">\u003cu>commuted one\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s actions come shortly after he \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/12/nx-s1-5226683/biden-commutations-pardons\">\u003cu>pardoned 39 individuals\u003c/u>\u003c/a> who were convicted of nonviolent crimes, and commuted the sentences of nearly 1,500 others who were placed on home confinement during the COVID pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s announcement also follows controversy over \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/12/01/g-s1-36324/president-biden-pardons-son-hunter\">Biden’s pardon of his own son, Hunter Biden\u003c/a>, for gun and tax charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR’s Lexie Schapitl contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey and Julie have some news and updates about Valentino Rodriguez Sr., Mimy Rodriguez and some of the key players at New Folsom prison. We also share a recent conversation with an attorney who has been involved in the legal fight for disability rights in California state prisons for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7898353184\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, everyone. We’re back this week with a special bonus episode of On Our Watch. If you’re a new listener to the podcast, welcome. But this episode won’t make a lot of sense. So I suggest you go back to episode one of the season and start from the beginning of what became a really epic journey to trace the footsteps of two whistleblowers at New Folsom Prison. For those of you who’ve been following along, we have some news to share. And we got our hands on some really interesting new tapes where you can hear from some of the key figures at New Folsom who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. Later in the episode, we’re also going to talk to a lawyer who’s played a big part in state reforms, including helping get body cameras into some California prisons. My co-reporter for this series, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is with me today so we can talk about what all these developments mean. Hey, Julie. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, Sukey. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First of all, we want to share that we’ve been writing an article about Sergeant Kevin Steele and Correctional Officer Valentino Rodriguez, which you can check out on KQED.org, or click the link in the show notes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are some really interesting tidbits in there which will be totally new to even listeners of the podcast. A video of Steele and some of the evidence that we relied on for our reporting. And it’s a summation of the findings that we came to as a result of two years of investigation in a format where you can really review what those findings are and see what the implications are and really understand the journey of Sergeant Kevin Steele and Valentino Rodriguez Jr. How they affected each other and what that led them to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And the other big news that we have to share is about the warden, Jeff Lynch. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. CDCR announced Warden Jeff Lynch is retiring this month. This is the guy who Steele blamed for failure of leadership at New Folsom Prison and who Val Senior blamed for not protecting his son. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, prison officials wouldn’t comment on Lynch’s retirement, but it is interesting timing I think. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We now know who’s replacing Lynch. Well, what do you think about the incoming warden? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So CDCr just named this new acting warden. And this is a man named Jason Shultz. He used to work at New Folsom from 2008 to 2020. He’s also spent time at the California health care facility in Stockton and California State Prison Solano. He’s a pretty well known actor in New Folsom, and he was, in fact, the head of the facility where the Ronnie Price incident happened, the captain of that facility. So for listeners, if you’ll remember from episode four, Ronnie Price is the man who told Steel that he had been tripped by officers and his face was smashed and pretty severely. And then he died the next day of a pulmonary embolism. It was a really big deal there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, that case eventually resulted in criminal conviction of three officers who tried to cover up the excessive force. And you know, that this guy was, you know, involved with that unit. That’s that’s very interesting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it is. It is really interesting. And I don’t know much more, you know, about, you know, why he got this position or if he’ll end up being the permanent warden there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. And we did check in with some of our sources who said that this guy is you know, he follows the rules. He’s worked hard. But, you know, he’s a company man. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So anyway, that’s kind of what we know so far about the acting warden. Now, I know, Julie, you talked to Val Senior recently as well. How does Val Senior feel about the warden’s retirement? And also just how is he doing in general? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, in general, like right after the podcast came out, Val Senior, he felt relief for the first time since his son’s death. You know, he got a lot of he felt like he was finally doing something. He got a lot of sympathetic emails and text messages, but he feels that CDCR is not holding the right people accountable. There were some disciplinary actions taken against some of the lower level people involved, other officers. But the warden, he is getting to retire and go on with his life. Meanwhile, Val Senior, you know, continues to suffer. This is not over for him. It will never be over. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. And what about what about Valentino’s widow, Mimy? You know, how’s she doing? Have you talked to her recently? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have talked to her recently. You know, she reached out to me, actually, and, you know, wanted to see what, if anything, had happened since the podcast came out. She is, you know, picking up her life, putting it back together. She has gone back to school, which before she couldn’t concentrate well enough to stay in in her courses. She’s finishing up an undergraduate degree. She she has made a decision, though, that she was going to go into corrections and now she is not because of everything that she and her husband, Valentino, went through and her loss of Valentino. She may still do something in the law, but she seems to becoming interested in making the criminal justice system work better. But it’s really a struggle for her still. You know, she’s still in shock. You know, she’s said that this was not what her life was supposed to be. You know, she should never have ended up here. This was not the way it was supposed to go. She married the love of her life, and days later, he was dead. And it’s hard. It’s hard. How do you move on from that? And. And she doesn’t really even have people to talk to about it because how do you talk to somebody about such a profound loss and with so many questions surrounding it still? So she holds a lot of it in I think. What about some of the incarcerated people that you interviewed? Have you checked in with any of them? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I’ve been in touch with a number of people. You know, Joel Uribe, who listeners will remember from episode four of the podcast, who was, you know, injured in the use of force incident with officers. And he is looking at a potential release date next year and getting ready for that. He’s really excited about that. And one of the things that he’s doing is getting the tattoos removed from his face. Um if listeners remember, this was something that his mom was like a really hard ass with him about and was like, I won’t, you know, see your face. I won’t look at your face while you have those tattoos on it. So I was in touch with Joel. He’s getting those tattoos, you know, starting the process of that. And he said he’s going to do a video call with me as well when he gets them removed so I can see the his new face that he hopes to present to the outside world. Yeah. You know, he is also a little fearful, I think, about something out of prison, like it just is difficult. He’s been kind of in and out of prison for most of his life, and so you get so conditioned to experience there. So I think he’s really excited for that, hoping to get out even sooner. And also, you know, has some trepidation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well, I mean, that’s totally understandable that he would have trepidation. What have you been hearing about what’s been going on in New Folsom? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, you know, it was another deadly year there. There were four people that were killed by homicide. CDCR only released very thin information about these incidents. But we do know that one of them was the result of a use of force. This man died after being restrained by officers. And, you know, overall, preliminary numbers that have been posted show that the rates of use of force at New Folsom remain the highest in the state. So sounds like much the same. Now, CDCR says, you know, they they declined to speak to us. We asked them again for an interview with the head of CDCR, the secretary with the outgoing warden, with the incoming warden. They declined all of those requests, but they did send us an email in which they, again, really doubled down on their statement that they’re really trying to reform things and that they don’t tolerate a code of silence and that they are really committed to officer accountability. They did not once again respond to any questions about use of force. And I asked them to at least explain why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. And they also wouldn’t talk about why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. So that continues to be a frustration just in terms of getting information about an issue that’s really, you know, I think high public interest and importance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that’s the latest that we’ve heard, you know, from CDCR officially. But thanks to our lawsuit that’s forced them to produce more documents and recordings, we did recently get something really fascinating. They sent us the interrogation tapes from that internal affairs investigation into Valentino’s harassment. Listeners will remember he really struggled in the investigative services unit because his fellow officers could be quite cruel to him. And he finally told the warden about all this misconduct he said he’d witnessed just six days before his death. So after he died, the Office of Internal Affairs talked to those officers and to higher ups at New Folsom, ostensibly to get to the bottom of things. And that’s what these tapes are from. And it was really interesting to hear from some of the players who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. We’re going to start with someone we’ve been interested in talking to for a while. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Gina Jones. I called her up and she told me to never call her at that number again. I reached her, but she was like, I have nothing to say to you. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So can you remind listeners, you know, who is Gina Jones and what was her role? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, Jones was the second in command at New Folsom, just under Warden Lynch. During our reporting, it was hard to pin down her role exactly in everything that transpired. For listeners, you’ll remember Jones is the person who convinced Valentino to go out on stress leave instead of resigning completely from the department. They had this consequential meeting in which, according to Mimy, Valentino, broke down to her and divulged all the harassment he’d been experiencing, as well as misconduct that he’d witnessed from his colleagues. Here she is talking about that meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> J-O-N-E-S, Chief Deputy Warden, CSP Sacramento. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just a note, you’ll hear some redactions that CDCR made in these tapes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you met with Officer Rodriguez, was anybody else in that meeting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No, it was just he and I. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And you said it was in ISU? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And and you described in that meeting you talked about [REDACTED]. And and and that the issues that he was having, as you mentioned, that he had some issues with with crime scenes and autopsies, you know, issues related to the work in ISU, that was that the source of his problem? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. I mean, he never said anything other than just cumulatively it was getting to be too much and he couldn’t handle the stress and he wasn’t sleeping. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So Jones really makes it sound like the only thing bothering Valentino was this kind of persistent violence and brutality at New Folsom, which is really different from what we heard from Mimy, who said that Valentino came home really in despair and told her that he’d broken down in front of the chief deputy warden about everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, And here’s what Jones says about, you know, the harassment and whether or not she knew anything about that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Was there anything said during the meeting about Officer Rodriguez being treated inappropriately by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So just based on questions I’ve asked you to this point, is there anything that I haven’t asked you about this matter that you think is important for me to know? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Um there’s been a lot of scuttle going on. Obviously, the situation is pretty taxing. I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you need to take a break that’s fine. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Can I? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Yes. Let’s do that. Time is 1513. I’m going to pause the recording and we’re going to take a quick break. Okay. We’re back on the record. Time is 1514. Just for the record, Chief Jones, did I ask you any questions about the case while we were on break? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No you did not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. You were getting ready to say something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, there’s there’s a lot a lot going on and it’s very unfortunate on what happened to this young man. At no time was I ever made aware of any allegation of staff misconduct, inappropriate behavior for this kid. I had a great working relationship with this young man. I was very fond of him and his work. He had a very good work ethic. When I talked to him that day, you know, he was very concerned, you know, he because he enjoyed his job. So he felt like he was letting himself down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we’ve just heard Jones kind of make these pretty strong statements, you know, about what she knew and she didn’t know. And also, you know, about her personal care for Valentino. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s strange. She is so emphatic about not knowing anything about the harassment or anything else. And she sounds like she has some emotion about Valentino’s death. But if Valentino told her about the harassment he was getting, as he had said he did as his supervisor, she was required to investigate any allegations of misconduct. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I think there are a few other things that are kind of concerning about this exchange. You know, the Office of Internal Affairs investigator doesn’t even ask her about the allegations regarding planted drugs or weapons. And it’s potentially, you know, potentially they did ask her about it and it’s redacted. But if even so, if they did ask her about it, they really moved away from it very quickly because the entire interview is quite short. And we do know from testimony in front of the state personnel board that Jones was there for that search that happened that happened the day before Valentino died. So it just kind of raises questions about why they don’t ask the questions that I think we would ask or that they should ask if they were really kind of concerned and probing for where the failures were along the way. You know, next up, let’s get into some of the tape about this other guy who had a key role in the story, who didn’t agree to talk to us. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, this guy was the internal affairs sergeant, then he moved up to Lieutenant. I now know that he is working actually for the Office of Internal Affairs at headquarters. So he has since promoted. And he had a had a really kind of key role in how this whole thing played out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. Yeah. He is another person I actually spoke to on the phone, but who refused to talk to me. He said something like, “Why would I talk to you?” Anyway, this was the guy Valentino finally vented to in the text messages, pages of them that are really painful and make these huge allegations, including that everyone from the warden on down could get fired based on what Valentino knew and what he had witnessed. The same series of texts triggered that final conversation with the warden. So here’s what Strohmaier says about that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, uh, back in approximately September of 2020. Did he describe some mistreatment that that he he alleged by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs: \u003c/b>Can you just describe what he told you in that text? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, the text was extremely long. I’m sure you’ve seen it. I read about half of it. He was talking about how he was pretty much being picked on [redacted]. Any little, called names. He was his anxiety was so high that he was throwing up in the restroom for you know being in the bathroom for hours at a time. Vomiting. He didn’t like going to work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie It’s interesting because Strohmaier sounds of two minds in this interview. Remember, he’s the one who took action and passed Valentino’s allegations on to the warden. But in this interview, he doesn’t really want to own that. Like he claims he only read half of Valentino’s texts. And there’s something else like he definitely fudges some things in this interview. For example, he says he forwarded these texts to the warden right away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Asked if I could call and set up a meeting with the warden to um, because he want to let him know what’s going on in the unit. When I got the phone, I immediately called Jeff Lynch. He said, “No problem I’ll send uh \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who’s the chief deputy to come in for me tomorrow and have him come up here at nine o’clock in the morning.” And that’s what happened. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we know that is not accurate. Like there was at least another three weeks before he sent these to the warden. And then the meeting happened the next day. So I don’t know if he was just sitting on it or considering whether he wanted to forward it or not, but he did end up forwarding it to the warden. But in this interview, he kind of misrepresents the timing on those things. And then, you know, that fateful meeting happens. Here’s what Strohmaier says about the meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mr. Lynch said, “Well, depending on what you tell me, there’s no guarantee no one’s going to get in trouble.” We sat down for about an hour. He went over every little thing that he pretty much said in the text. Reiterated to Mr. Lynch while he took notes, every allegation Rodriguez made, Lynch would write it down and say, “was there a supervisor present?” And he would pretty much say yes [redacted]. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You said you observed Warden Lynch taking notes. Do you know what happened to those notes? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I do not know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This was another point where my jaw kind of dropped when I was first listening to these tapes because Lynch explicitly told OIA that he can’t remember if he wrote notes. Internal Affairs asks him to go take a look for them. He claims he can’t find them. So just the fact that Strohmaier kind of has this very clear memory that he tells Internal Affairs about, of Lynch taking down these meticulous notes and the fact that those were never located just seems like a really big red flag. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And at the end of the interview, despite everything that transpired, he sings the praises of the Investigative Services Unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Anything else that’s come to mind about the things I should know about what’s what, you know, related to the topics that we discussed? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not really, I really I mean, I looked at it as, I mean, I think that was the best ISU unit in the state, you know? And we’ve been told, I mean, there’s all your agents here that uh I get it. There might have been a conflict and maybe locker room gossip talk, you know, who knows? And it’s true. They never did it in front of me they’re not stupid enough to do it in front of their supervisor. But, I don’t know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it’s kind of incredible, right? Okay. Last but not least at all, we also did get the Office of Internal Affairs interview with the warden with Lynch, in which he answers questions about that final meeting that he had with Valentino shortly before he died. And I’m not going to play that much of it because it’s honestly like he doesn’t say very much that’s new and it just didn’t have that much value. But I’m going to play you a little bit here just so you can kind of hear the tone of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So you mentioned earlier that he had he had talked about making statements have been made that would violate the EEO policy. And you’ve given me a couple examples that would clearly violate that. Were there any others that he brought up that you recall? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The awkward silence is me thinking so I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No that’s okay. That’s okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m sure there were. It’s just not coming right to me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. He gave a pretty sanitized version of Valentino’s harassment allegations. And then he describes how he asked Valentino to write a memo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked for a written statement. He said he wasn’t willing to provide it, that he didn’t want anybody to get in trouble. I explained to him kind of how we operate, how we work. And I encouraged him to give me a written document, particularly from the perspective of the EEO side of things. He was resistant to do it, but said he would at least consider it. But of course, I never saw it. We waited for it for the, you know, through the weekend and then hopefully to see it maybe the first part of the week. And then obviously the whole thing fell apart after that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, most striking is what the investigators don’t push him on. You know, they don’t appear to really question Lynch at all about the choices that he made. You know, his choice not to turn to OIA with those serious allegations of drugs and weapons. You know, the decision to do this search, which exposed Valentino as a whistleblower. They don’t really push him on anything, you know, even about the notes that he clearly, at least should have taken about that meeting. You know, the investigator has this tone that just sounds really deferential. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I think they’re very, very careful with wardens. You know, he’s worked his way up through the ranks. He is the face of CDCR. To do anything that would discredit him. It sort of undermines the whole public image of CDCR. And wardens are very powerful. They really control what goes on inside there. And they also control what information gets out about what happened. He or she decides what gets investigated. And also, even though they’ve changed this process a little bit at CDCR to bring in some more outside influence in looking at allegations, it still comes back to the warden at the end of the day. Even if an outside even outside office, a statewide office says, “yeah, we think there’s a problem here, here, warden, do something about this misconduct.” The warden can say, “I agree and I’m going to discipline them,” or, “I don’t agree,” or, “I do agree, but I’m not going to discipline them.” Still has so much power. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, and it seems like they’re given a lot of power. They’re given so much trust, you know, by the agency. They’re these kind of official representatives of it. So if they are found to be doing wrong or if they are found to, you know, be betraying the public’s trust in any way, it really kind of undermines the entire agency it feels like in a different way than just, you know, if if a line officer does and then is fired or something like that. You were mentioning, you know, some of the changes that CDCR has made. And we’re going to get into that in the next section. We’re going to talk with somebody who’s been involved in prison reform in California for decades, been part of a really important effort. And we’re going to bring you that conversation after the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This whole series and our focus on New Folsom in particular began because we noticed this anomaly in the investigative records that we were getting from CDCR. There were so many more of these really serious use of force incidents at this one prison. And one of our first calls to try and understand what these numbers meant was to this law firm, Rosen Bien Galvin & Grunfeld, which has been involved in a class action lawsuit against CDCR since 1994 — 30 years. A result of that have been a number of really widespread reforms ordered by the court that have affected all people in prison, even though the lawsuit is specifically focused on people with disabilities. When we called them up, they said, “We don’t have as many clients at New Folsom, but we have heard about some problems at that prison. And have you guys heard about the two whistleblowers that died there?” That conversation was more than two years and a podcast ago. And so and I wanted to sit down with an attorney with that law firm again to hear what they have been up to and to get their reaction to the series. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hello. Thanks so much for coming in, can you please introduce yourself? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">My name is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Penny Godbold\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and I’m an attorney at Rosen Bien Galvin and Grunfeld were a civil rights law firm. And I represent people in prison with disabilities under the Armstrong class action case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And can you describe in your own words the Armstrong class action case? Like, what is the nature of that litigation that your firm brought against CDCR? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a long standing class action that’s about making prisons physically accessible to people with disabilities and making sure that the people who are incarcerated in the state of California, for example, if they need a wheelchair, that they have a wheelchair, if they need hearing aids, that they have hearing aids. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you give me an example of why that would be important and how people’s needs have not been met? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Years ago, the example that came to mind was a case of a person with a disability who was being made to crawl up a flight of stairs in order to have access to the what is now the Board of Parole hearings, in order to be able to argue his case that he should be released on parole. So the state of California has come a long way towards providing basic disability accommodations to people in prison. But there’s still more work to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is there anything that you heard in the podcast that jumped out at you in terms of recognizing similar themes to what you’ve heard from your clients? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. One of the aspects of the podcast that has really resonated with me is the difficulty people face in coming forward to report problems in prison. There’s a reluctance to believe incarcerated people. And there was a person who was deaf and use sign language to communicate, failed to follow a verbal order that he didn’t hear that was ordered by staff. And that also resulted in a use of force incident. And he complained and there was no accountability action. So we took these reports, declarations to the court and said this is what’s happening in California prisons and something needs to be done to protect the disability rights. And there’s a lot of people out there who have experienced staff misconduct who were willing to eventually talk to us, who were not willing to come forward and report it to CDCR or report it to a federal court, because there’s a very real risk of retaliation. When somebody files a staff complaint in CDCR, one of the first things that happens is that the staff member is notified that a complaint has been filed against them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you talk a little bit about the kind of spiral of retaliation that can happen for somebody who makes a complaint against a correctional officer? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What we hear from our clients is if you file a staff complaint about the use of force incident that you were involved in, then you get sucked into a cycle of retaliation that starts with receiving a disciplinary write up for something that happened during the use of force incident itself. Typically, assault on a police officer during the course of the officer using force against you. And that starts a chain reaction of negative consequences for an incarcerated person. You’re moved to segregation. You lose your property, including letters and and photos from family members that mean so much to people. Your hearing aids might get lost in the transfer. And that’s just the common example that we hear people talk about. But there’s a lot of other less obvious forms of retaliation that people share with us. Something like an officer failing to release them from their cell to to receive medication — that can be retaliatory. And the officer might be able to say that’s not retaliation. I just wasn’t able to release them from their cell at that moment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What it took to get people to come forward, to tell those stories was tremendous. I would say it it took years to bring the kind of litigation that prompted the most recent orders by the court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You mentioned the most recent orders. Let’s get into that. This started from events happening in a particular prison, but it’s gotten bigger than that. Can you walk us through what the impetus of that was? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We initially started hearing about reports of staff misconduct at one particular prison. And what we learned over time through talking to other incarcerated people is that that phenomenon of disability related staff misconduct and staff misconduct generally, it’s of course, not limited to one prison. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I know from my reporting that that particular prison you’re referencing is Richard J. Donovan in San Diego. Can you just tell me a little bit more about the types of incidents that were happening there? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There was an extreme amount of force being used and force that was resulting in broken bones and serious bodily injury. And in fact, the Department of Corrections convened a strike team and the strike team went down there and found that there were very serious problems and filed a report and called for changes at the institution. Those changes were not implemented and that was part of the impetus for the court ordering changes. But CDCR’s own findings were that there was a level of violence being reported at that prison. And in particular, people with disabilities and other vulnerabilities were being impacted, and something needed to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But wait a minute, CDCR came to that decision itself, right, that there were these serious problems? So why weren’t those changes implemented? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s a good question. I think at the end of the day, CDCR headquarters would be responsible for receiving a report like that and implementing changes. And I can’t answer the question about why it wasn’t done. That is the question. But, in terms of the the court orders themselves right now, they extend to six different CDCR institutions that house a large number of people with disabilities. The most significant remedy has been the implementation of body worn cameras and fixed cameras at these six prisons. And almost immediately, we started hearing reports from our class members at the institutions where the cameras were implemented that unreported, serious use of force incidents went way down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what’s the latest of what’s going on with the lawsuit? And is there a particular area you’re focusing on now? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the challenges that we’re seeing after implementation of the court orders right now is that there are body worn cameras. There is video evidence at the six prisons. And yet there are a lot of reasons why the video evidence is not preserved or produced for investigations. Video evidence right now under policy is preserved for 90 days. Somebody who’s involved in a staff misconduct incident might want to wait until they’re moved off of a prison yard, particular yard with an officer who they had this problem with. And that might occur after 90 days. So if they wait until they are located somewhere else and then they filed their complaint, the video is lost. So one of the the primary areas where there is a need for significant improvement is extending the preservation time for footage for all footage. Also just attempting to extend the body worn camera requirements statewide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is that something that CDCR has indicated any willingness to do to spread to all the institutions? I mean they have been sort of, “No, we’re not going to do this. Yes, we will do it. Okay. We’ll do it at a few prisons.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I want to give CDCR credit for extending camera coverage at four additional prisons that they were not court ordered to have cameras at. That’s significant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Including New Folsom. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes, there were a lot of staff complaints coming out of New Folsom. They so far have been unwilling to extend body worn cameras beyond those four additional prisons. So that’s something that we continue to push on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the things we found in the podcast was, of course, that the incarcerated person will have this write up on them. And even if what the incident is investigated and even if the officers are found to have engaged in misconduct, the write up of the incarcerated person doesn’t disappear. They continue to pay for the thing that didn’t happen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, that’s one area that we have been working really hard to bring to the court’s attention and to the fact that in the same way that the staff misconduct investigations are not complete reports of what happened, neither are these disciplinary charges that people are found guilty of, and yet it remains in their file and they continue to suffer the consequences of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. You know when I step back from this… been reporting on California prisons for almost 20 years and have seen a lot of court orders issued and a lot of evidentiary hearings, and, to prove that court orders are not being followed and subsequent court orders, etc., etc. It can be like the court comes up with a prescription and there’s a new rule, but the spirit of the rule is not followed. I hear this a lot that that CDCR will implement a change, but it’s more like they’re checking off a box. “Yeah, we did this.” But not actually addressing the fundamental underlying problem, which is often a lack of respect and a complete imbalance of power because we are talking about prison and just always assuming the worst of the incarcerated population. Do you have any hope that that will change? The way that prisons are run will actually shift? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I am hopeful, but it’s more than can be accomplished through a court ordering additional training. Staff can go sit in a one hour training once a year and learn that they are required to accommodate people with disabilities. But that has to be put into practice throughout the prisons and supervisors need to model how that’s done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, the governor introduced the California model last year. Can you define it? Do you think it’s going to make a difference? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have to say that I do have hope for change. I have learned the art of having hope from my incarcerated clients, because if they can get out of bed in the morning while they’re, you know, locked in a prison cell and facing 20 years in that situation, if they can have hope, then I can have hope. I do see some shortcomings in the way that California has conceived of the California model, which is largely based on taking some principles from these Scandinavian prison systems and implementing them in California. There are significant differences between the systems. The Scandinavian systems hire differently than California does. Just the the role of the officer is perceived of as something totally different in those systems. So I think there’s a lot more work to be done to make that a reality. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much for sharing your time with us and your expertise. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Thanks so much for your work, Penny. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’ve been listening to a bonus episode of On Our Watch from KQED. I’m \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is my co-reporter. Chris Egusa produced this episode. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is our Head of Podcasts. Original Music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our Podcast Operations Manager, our Managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis R. Taylor Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsey, our Vice President of News and KQED Chief Content Officer, Holly Kernan. And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey and Julie have some news and updates about Valentino Rodriguez Sr., Mimy Rodriguez and some of the key players at New Folsom prison. We also share a recent conversation with an attorney who has been involved in the legal fight for disability rights in California state prisons for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC7898353184\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mental health resources\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you are currently in crisis, you can dial 988 [U.S.] to reach the National Suicide and Crisis Lifeline.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.samhsa.gov/find-help/national-helpline\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">SAMHSA National Help Line\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/help\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">NAMI (National Alliance on Mental Illness) Helpline\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/programs/prevention-and-wellness/mental-health-substance-abuse/index.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">US Health and Human Services\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://warmline.org/warmdir.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Warmline Directory\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> at UC Berkeley’s Graduate School of Journalism was a key partner in making Season 2 of On Our Watch.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The records obtained for this project are part of the\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> California Reporting Project\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a coalition of news organizations in California. If you have tips or feedback about this series please reach out to us at \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"mailto:onourwatch@kqed.org\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">onourwatch@kqed.org\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, everyone. We’re back this week with a special bonus episode of On Our Watch. If you’re a new listener to the podcast, welcome. But this episode won’t make a lot of sense. So I suggest you go back to episode one of the season and start from the beginning of what became a really epic journey to trace the footsteps of two whistleblowers at New Folsom Prison. For those of you who’ve been following along, we have some news to share. And we got our hands on some really interesting new tapes where you can hear from some of the key figures at New Folsom who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. Later in the episode, we’re also going to talk to a lawyer who’s played a big part in state reforms, including helping get body cameras into some California prisons. My co-reporter for this series, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is with me today so we can talk about what all these developments mean. Hey, Julie. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hi, Sukey. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">First of all, we want to share that we’ve been writing an article about Sergeant Kevin Steele and Correctional Officer Valentino Rodriguez, which you can check out on KQED.org, or click the link in the show notes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There are some really interesting tidbits in there which will be totally new to even listeners of the podcast. A video of Steele and some of the evidence that we relied on for our reporting. And it’s a summation of the findings that we came to as a result of two years of investigation in a format where you can really review what those findings are and see what the implications are and really understand the journey of Sergeant Kevin Steele and Valentino Rodriguez Jr. How they affected each other and what that led them to do. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And the other big news that we have to share is about the warden, Jeff Lynch. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. CDCR announced Warden Jeff Lynch is retiring this month. This is the guy who Steele blamed for failure of leadership at New Folsom Prison and who Val Senior blamed for not protecting his son. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, prison officials wouldn’t comment on Lynch’s retirement, but it is interesting timing I think. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We now know who’s replacing Lynch. Well, what do you think about the incoming warden? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. So CDCr just named this new acting warden. And this is a man named Jason Shultz. He used to work at New Folsom from 2008 to 2020. He’s also spent time at the California health care facility in Stockton and California State Prison Solano. He’s a pretty well known actor in New Folsom, and he was, in fact, the head of the facility where the Ronnie Price incident happened, the captain of that facility. So for listeners, if you’ll remember from episode four, Ronnie Price is the man who told Steel that he had been tripped by officers and his face was smashed and pretty severely. And then he died the next day of a pulmonary embolism. It was a really big deal there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, that case eventually resulted in criminal conviction of three officers who tried to cover up the excessive force. And you know, that this guy was, you know, involved with that unit. That’s that’s very interesting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it is. It is really interesting. And I don’t know much more, you know, about, you know, why he got this position or if he’ll end up being the permanent warden there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. And we did check in with some of our sources who said that this guy is you know, he follows the rules. He’s worked hard. But, you know, he’s a company man. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So anyway, that’s kind of what we know so far about the acting warden. Now, I know, Julie, you talked to Val Senior recently as well. How does Val Senior feel about the warden’s retirement? And also just how is he doing in general? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, in general, like right after the podcast came out, Val Senior, he felt relief for the first time since his son’s death. You know, he got a lot of he felt like he was finally doing something. He got a lot of sympathetic emails and text messages, but he feels that CDCR is not holding the right people accountable. There were some disciplinary actions taken against some of the lower level people involved, other officers. But the warden, he is getting to retire and go on with his life. Meanwhile, Val Senior, you know, continues to suffer. This is not over for him. It will never be over. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. And what about what about Valentino’s widow, Mimy? You know, how’s she doing? Have you talked to her recently? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have talked to her recently. You know, she reached out to me, actually, and, you know, wanted to see what, if anything, had happened since the podcast came out. She is, you know, picking up her life, putting it back together. She has gone back to school, which before she couldn’t concentrate well enough to stay in in her courses. She’s finishing up an undergraduate degree. She she has made a decision, though, that she was going to go into corrections and now she is not because of everything that she and her husband, Valentino, went through and her loss of Valentino. She may still do something in the law, but she seems to becoming interested in making the criminal justice system work better. But it’s really a struggle for her still. You know, she’s still in shock. You know, she’s said that this was not what her life was supposed to be. You know, she should never have ended up here. This was not the way it was supposed to go. She married the love of her life, and days later, he was dead. And it’s hard. It’s hard. How do you move on from that? And. And she doesn’t really even have people to talk to about it because how do you talk to somebody about such a profound loss and with so many questions surrounding it still? So she holds a lot of it in I think. What about some of the incarcerated people that you interviewed? Have you checked in with any of them? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I’ve been in touch with a number of people. You know, Joel Uribe, who listeners will remember from episode four of the podcast, who was, you know, injured in the use of force incident with officers. And he is looking at a potential release date next year and getting ready for that. He’s really excited about that. And one of the things that he’s doing is getting the tattoos removed from his face. Um if listeners remember, this was something that his mom was like a really hard ass with him about and was like, I won’t, you know, see your face. I won’t look at your face while you have those tattoos on it. So I was in touch with Joel. He’s getting those tattoos, you know, starting the process of that. And he said he’s going to do a video call with me as well when he gets them removed so I can see the his new face that he hopes to present to the outside world. Yeah. You know, he is also a little fearful, I think, about something out of prison, like it just is difficult. He’s been kind of in and out of prison for most of his life, and so you get so conditioned to experience there. So I think he’s really excited for that, hoping to get out even sooner. And also, you know, has some trepidation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Well, I mean, that’s totally understandable that he would have trepidation. What have you been hearing about what’s been going on in New Folsom? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, you know, it was another deadly year there. There were four people that were killed by homicide. CDCR only released very thin information about these incidents. But we do know that one of them was the result of a use of force. This man died after being restrained by officers. And, you know, overall, preliminary numbers that have been posted show that the rates of use of force at New Folsom remain the highest in the state. So sounds like much the same. Now, CDCR says, you know, they they declined to speak to us. We asked them again for an interview with the head of CDCR, the secretary with the outgoing warden, with the incoming warden. They declined all of those requests, but they did send us an email in which they, again, really doubled down on their statement that they’re really trying to reform things and that they don’t tolerate a code of silence and that they are really committed to officer accountability. They did not once again respond to any questions about use of force. And I asked them to at least explain why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. And they also wouldn’t talk about why they wouldn’t talk about use of force. So that continues to be a frustration just in terms of getting information about an issue that’s really, you know, I think high public interest and importance. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that’s the latest that we’ve heard, you know, from CDCR officially. But thanks to our lawsuit that’s forced them to produce more documents and recordings, we did recently get something really fascinating. They sent us the interrogation tapes from that internal affairs investigation into Valentino’s harassment. Listeners will remember he really struggled in the investigative services unit because his fellow officers could be quite cruel to him. And he finally told the warden about all this misconduct he said he’d witnessed just six days before his death. So after he died, the Office of Internal Affairs talked to those officers and to higher ups at New Folsom, ostensibly to get to the bottom of things. And that’s what these tapes are from. And it was really interesting to hear from some of the players who never agreed to speak to us for the podcast. We’re going to start with someone we’ve been interested in talking to for a while. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Gina Jones. I called her up and she told me to never call her at that number again. I reached her, but she was like, I have nothing to say to you. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So can you remind listeners, you know, who is Gina Jones and what was her role? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, Jones was the second in command at New Folsom, just under Warden Lynch. During our reporting, it was hard to pin down her role exactly in everything that transpired. For listeners, you’ll remember Jones is the person who convinced Valentino to go out on stress leave instead of resigning completely from the department. They had this consequential meeting in which, according to Mimy, Valentino, broke down to her and divulged all the harassment he’d been experiencing, as well as misconduct that he’d witnessed from his colleagues. Here she is talking about that meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> J-O-N-E-S, Chief Deputy Warden, CSP Sacramento. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just a note, you’ll hear some redactions that CDCR made in these tapes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">When you met with Officer Rodriguez, was anybody else in that meeting? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No, it was just he and I. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And you said it was in ISU? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And and you described in that meeting you talked about [REDACTED]. And and and that the issues that he was having, as you mentioned, that he had some issues with with crime scenes and autopsies, you know, issues related to the work in ISU, that was that the source of his problem? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. I mean, he never said anything other than just cumulatively it was getting to be too much and he couldn’t handle the stress and he wasn’t sleeping. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So Jones really makes it sound like the only thing bothering Valentino was this kind of persistent violence and brutality at New Folsom, which is really different from what we heard from Mimy, who said that Valentino came home really in despair and told her that he’d broken down in front of the chief deputy warden about everything. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, And here’s what Jones says about, you know, the harassment and whether or not she knew anything about that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Was there anything said during the meeting about Officer Rodriguez being treated inappropriately by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Absolutely not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So just based on questions I’ve asked you to this point, is there anything that I haven’t asked you about this matter that you think is important for me to know? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Um there’s been a lot of scuttle going on. Obviously, the situation is pretty taxing. I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you need to take a break that’s fine. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Can I? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. Yes. Let’s do that. Time is 1513. I’m going to pause the recording and we’re going to take a quick break. Okay. We’re back on the record. Time is 1514. Just for the record, Chief Jones, did I ask you any questions about the case while we were on break? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No you did not. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. You were getting ready to say something. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Gena Jones:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You know, there’s there’s a lot a lot going on and it’s very unfortunate on what happened to this young man. At no time was I ever made aware of any allegation of staff misconduct, inappropriate behavior for this kid. I had a great working relationship with this young man. I was very fond of him and his work. He had a very good work ethic. When I talked to him that day, you know, he was very concerned, you know, he because he enjoyed his job. So he felt like he was letting himself down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So we’ve just heard Jones kind of make these pretty strong statements, you know, about what she knew and she didn’t know. And also, you know, about her personal care for Valentino. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, it’s strange. She is so emphatic about not knowing anything about the harassment or anything else. And she sounds like she has some emotion about Valentino’s death. But if Valentino told her about the harassment he was getting, as he had said he did as his supervisor, she was required to investigate any allegations of misconduct. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And I think there are a few other things that are kind of concerning about this exchange. You know, the Office of Internal Affairs investigator doesn’t even ask her about the allegations regarding planted drugs or weapons. And it’s potentially, you know, potentially they did ask her about it and it’s redacted. But if even so, if they did ask her about it, they really moved away from it very quickly because the entire interview is quite short. And we do know from testimony in front of the state personnel board that Jones was there for that search that happened that happened the day before Valentino died. So it just kind of raises questions about why they don’t ask the questions that I think we would ask or that they should ask if they were really kind of concerned and probing for where the failures were along the way. You know, next up, let’s get into some of the tape about this other guy who had a key role in the story, who didn’t agree to talk to us. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, this guy was the internal affairs sergeant, then he moved up to Lieutenant. I now know that he is working actually for the Office of Internal Affairs at headquarters. So he has since promoted. And he had a had a really kind of key role in how this whole thing played out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. Yeah. He is another person I actually spoke to on the phone, but who refused to talk to me. He said something like, “Why would I talk to you?” Anyway, this was the guy Valentino finally vented to in the text messages, pages of them that are really painful and make these huge allegations, including that everyone from the warden on down could get fired based on what Valentino knew and what he had witnessed. The same series of texts triggered that final conversation with the warden. So here’s what Strohmaier says about that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, uh, back in approximately September of 2020. Did he describe some mistreatment that that he he alleged by other ISU staff? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He did.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs: \u003c/b>Can you just describe what he told you in that text? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I mean, the text was extremely long. I’m sure you’ve seen it. I read about half of it. He was talking about how he was pretty much being picked on [redacted]. Any little, called names. He was his anxiety was so high that he was throwing up in the restroom for you know being in the bathroom for hours at a time. Vomiting. He didn’t like going to work. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie It’s interesting because Strohmaier sounds of two minds in this interview. Remember, he’s the one who took action and passed Valentino’s allegations on to the warden. But in this interview, he doesn’t really want to own that. Like he claims he only read half of Valentino’s texts. And there’s something else like he definitely fudges some things in this interview. For example, he says he forwarded these texts to the warden right away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Asked if I could call and set up a meeting with the warden to um, because he want to let him know what’s going on in the unit. When I got the phone, I immediately called Jeff Lynch. He said, “No problem I’ll send uh \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gena Jones:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who’s the chief deputy to come in for me tomorrow and have him come up here at nine o’clock in the morning.” And that’s what happened. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And we know that is not accurate. Like there was at least another three weeks before he sent these to the warden. And then the meeting happened the next day. So I don’t know if he was just sitting on it or considering whether he wanted to forward it or not, but he did end up forwarding it to the warden. But in this interview, he kind of misrepresents the timing on those things. And then, you know, that fateful meeting happens. Here’s what Strohmaier says about the meeting. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mr. Lynch said, “Well, depending on what you tell me, there’s no guarantee no one’s going to get in trouble.” We sat down for about an hour. He went over every little thing that he pretty much said in the text. Reiterated to Mr. Lynch while he took notes, every allegation Rodriguez made, Lynch would write it down and say, “was there a supervisor present?” And he would pretty much say yes [redacted]. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You said you observed Warden Lynch taking notes. Do you know what happened to those notes? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I do not know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This was another point where my jaw kind of dropped when I was first listening to these tapes because Lynch explicitly told OIA that he can’t remember if he wrote notes. Internal Affairs asks him to go take a look for them. He claims he can’t find them. So just the fact that Strohmaier kind of has this very clear memory that he tells Internal Affairs about, of Lynch taking down these meticulous notes and the fact that those were never located just seems like a really big red flag. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. And at the end of the interview, despite everything that transpired, he sings the praises of the Investigative Services Unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Anything else that’s come to mind about the things I should know about what’s what, you know, related to the topics that we discussed? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Brandon Strohmaier:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Not really, I really I mean, I looked at it as, I mean, I think that was the best ISU unit in the state, you know? And we’ve been told, I mean, there’s all your agents here that uh I get it. There might have been a conflict and maybe locker room gossip talk, you know, who knows? And it’s true. They never did it in front of me they’re not stupid enough to do it in front of their supervisor. But, I don’t know. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, it’s kind of incredible, right? Okay. Last but not least at all, we also did get the Office of Internal Affairs interview with the warden with Lynch, in which he answers questions about that final meeting that he had with Valentino shortly before he died. And I’m not going to play that much of it because it’s honestly like he doesn’t say very much that’s new and it just didn’t have that much value. But I’m going to play you a little bit here just so you can kind of hear the tone of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So you mentioned earlier that he had he had talked about making statements have been made that would violate the EEO policy. And you’ve given me a couple examples that would clearly violate that. Were there any others that he brought up that you recall? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The awkward silence is me thinking so I apologize. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">No that’s okay. That’s okay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’m sure there were. It’s just not coming right to me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Special Agent Biggs:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Okay. All right. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. He gave a pretty sanitized version of Valentino’s harassment allegations. And then he describes how he asked Valentino to write a memo. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jeff Lynch: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked for a written statement. He said he wasn’t willing to provide it, that he didn’t want anybody to get in trouble. I explained to him kind of how we operate, how we work. And I encouraged him to give me a written document, particularly from the perspective of the EEO side of things. He was resistant to do it, but said he would at least consider it. But of course, I never saw it. We waited for it for the, you know, through the weekend and then hopefully to see it maybe the first part of the week. And then obviously the whole thing fell apart after that. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Again, most striking is what the investigators don’t push him on. You know, they don’t appear to really question Lynch at all about the choices that he made. You know, his choice not to turn to OIA with those serious allegations of drugs and weapons. You know, the decision to do this search, which exposed Valentino as a whistleblower. They don’t really push him on anything, you know, even about the notes that he clearly, at least should have taken about that meeting. You know, the investigator has this tone that just sounds really deferential. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, I think they’re very, very careful with wardens. You know, he’s worked his way up through the ranks. He is the face of CDCR. To do anything that would discredit him. It sort of undermines the whole public image of CDCR. And wardens are very powerful. They really control what goes on inside there. And they also control what information gets out about what happened. He or she decides what gets investigated. And also, even though they’ve changed this process a little bit at CDCR to bring in some more outside influence in looking at allegations, it still comes back to the warden at the end of the day. Even if an outside even outside office, a statewide office says, “yeah, we think there’s a problem here, here, warden, do something about this misconduct.” The warden can say, “I agree and I’m going to discipline them,” or, “I don’t agree,” or, “I do agree, but I’m not going to discipline them.” Still has so much power. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, and it seems like they’re given a lot of power. They’re given so much trust, you know, by the agency. They’re these kind of official representatives of it. So if they are found to be doing wrong or if they are found to, you know, be betraying the public’s trust in any way, it really kind of undermines the entire agency it feels like in a different way than just, you know, if if a line officer does and then is fired or something like that. You were mentioning, you know, some of the changes that CDCR has made. And we’re going to get into that in the next section. We’re going to talk with somebody who’s been involved in prison reform in California for decades, been part of a really important effort. And we’re going to bring you that conversation after the break. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[Music]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This whole series and our focus on New Folsom in particular began because we noticed this anomaly in the investigative records that we were getting from CDCR. There were so many more of these really serious use of force incidents at this one prison. And one of our first calls to try and understand what these numbers meant was to this law firm, Rosen Bien Galvin & Grunfeld, which has been involved in a class action lawsuit against CDCR since 1994 — 30 years. A result of that have been a number of really widespread reforms ordered by the court that have affected all people in prison, even though the lawsuit is specifically focused on people with disabilities. When we called them up, they said, “We don’t have as many clients at New Folsom, but we have heard about some problems at that prison. And have you guys heard about the two whistleblowers that died there?” That conversation was more than two years and a podcast ago. And so and I wanted to sit down with an attorney with that law firm again to hear what they have been up to and to get their reaction to the series. Here’s that conversation. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hello. Thanks so much for coming in, can you please introduce yourself? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">My name is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Penny Godbold\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and I’m an attorney at Rosen Bien Galvin and Grunfeld were a civil rights law firm. And I represent people in prison with disabilities under the Armstrong class action case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And can you describe in your own words the Armstrong class action case? Like, what is the nature of that litigation that your firm brought against CDCR? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This is a long standing class action that’s about making prisons physically accessible to people with disabilities and making sure that the people who are incarcerated in the state of California, for example, if they need a wheelchair, that they have a wheelchair, if they need hearing aids, that they have hearing aids. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you give me an example of why that would be important and how people’s needs have not been met? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Years ago, the example that came to mind was a case of a person with a disability who was being made to crawl up a flight of stairs in order to have access to the what is now the Board of Parole hearings, in order to be able to argue his case that he should be released on parole. So the state of California has come a long way towards providing basic disability accommodations to people in prison. But there’s still more work to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is there anything that you heard in the podcast that jumped out at you in terms of recognizing similar themes to what you’ve heard from your clients? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. One of the aspects of the podcast that has really resonated with me is the difficulty people face in coming forward to report problems in prison. There’s a reluctance to believe incarcerated people. And there was a person who was deaf and use sign language to communicate, failed to follow a verbal order that he didn’t hear that was ordered by staff. And that also resulted in a use of force incident. And he complained and there was no accountability action. So we took these reports, declarations to the court and said this is what’s happening in California prisons and something needs to be done to protect the disability rights. And there’s a lot of people out there who have experienced staff misconduct who were willing to eventually talk to us, who were not willing to come forward and report it to CDCR or report it to a federal court, because there’s a very real risk of retaliation. When somebody files a staff complaint in CDCR, one of the first things that happens is that the staff member is notified that a complaint has been filed against them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Can you talk a little bit about the kind of spiral of retaliation that can happen for somebody who makes a complaint against a correctional officer? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What we hear from our clients is if you file a staff complaint about the use of force incident that you were involved in, then you get sucked into a cycle of retaliation that starts with receiving a disciplinary write up for something that happened during the use of force incident itself. Typically, assault on a police officer during the course of the officer using force against you. And that starts a chain reaction of negative consequences for an incarcerated person. You’re moved to segregation. You lose your property, including letters and and photos from family members that mean so much to people. Your hearing aids might get lost in the transfer. And that’s just the common example that we hear people talk about. But there’s a lot of other less obvious forms of retaliation that people share with us. Something like an officer failing to release them from their cell to to receive medication — that can be retaliatory. And the officer might be able to say that’s not retaliation. I just wasn’t able to release them from their cell at that moment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What it took to get people to come forward, to tell those stories was tremendous. I would say it it took years to bring the kind of litigation that prompted the most recent orders by the court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You mentioned the most recent orders. Let’s get into that. This started from events happening in a particular prison, but it’s gotten bigger than that. Can you walk us through what the impetus of that was? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We initially started hearing about reports of staff misconduct at one particular prison. And what we learned over time through talking to other incarcerated people is that that phenomenon of disability related staff misconduct and staff misconduct generally, it’s of course, not limited to one prison. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I know from my reporting that that particular prison you’re referencing is Richard J. Donovan in San Diego. Can you just tell me a little bit more about the types of incidents that were happening there? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There was an extreme amount of force being used and force that was resulting in broken bones and serious bodily injury. And in fact, the Department of Corrections convened a strike team and the strike team went down there and found that there were very serious problems and filed a report and called for changes at the institution. Those changes were not implemented and that was part of the impetus for the court ordering changes. But CDCR’s own findings were that there was a level of violence being reported at that prison. And in particular, people with disabilities and other vulnerabilities were being impacted, and something needed to be done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But wait a minute, CDCR came to that decision itself, right, that there were these serious problems? So why weren’t those changes implemented? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That’s a good question. I think at the end of the day, CDCR headquarters would be responsible for receiving a report like that and implementing changes. And I can’t answer the question about why it wasn’t done. That is the question. But, in terms of the the court orders themselves right now, they extend to six different CDCR institutions that house a large number of people with disabilities. The most significant remedy has been the implementation of body worn cameras and fixed cameras at these six prisons. And almost immediately, we started hearing reports from our class members at the institutions where the cameras were implemented that unreported, serious use of force incidents went way down. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what’s the latest of what’s going on with the lawsuit? And is there a particular area you’re focusing on now? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the challenges that we’re seeing after implementation of the court orders right now is that there are body worn cameras. There is video evidence at the six prisons. And yet there are a lot of reasons why the video evidence is not preserved or produced for investigations. Video evidence right now under policy is preserved for 90 days. Somebody who’s involved in a staff misconduct incident might want to wait until they’re moved off of a prison yard, particular yard with an officer who they had this problem with. And that might occur after 90 days. So if they wait until they are located somewhere else and then they filed their complaint, the video is lost. So one of the the primary areas where there is a need for significant improvement is extending the preservation time for footage for all footage. Also just attempting to extend the body worn camera requirements statewide. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is that something that CDCR has indicated any willingness to do to spread to all the institutions? I mean they have been sort of, “No, we’re not going to do this. Yes, we will do it. Okay. We’ll do it at a few prisons.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I want to give CDCR credit for extending camera coverage at four additional prisons that they were not court ordered to have cameras at. That’s significant. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Including New Folsom. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes, there were a lot of staff complaints coming out of New Folsom. They so far have been unwilling to extend body worn cameras beyond those four additional prisons. So that’s something that we continue to push on. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">One of the things we found in the podcast was, of course, that the incarcerated person will have this write up on them. And even if what the incident is investigated and even if the officers are found to have engaged in misconduct, the write up of the incarcerated person doesn’t disappear. They continue to pay for the thing that didn’t happen. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, that’s one area that we have been working really hard to bring to the court’s attention and to the fact that in the same way that the staff misconduct investigations are not complete reports of what happened, neither are these disciplinary charges that people are found guilty of, and yet it remains in their file and they continue to suffer the consequences of it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Right. You know when I step back from this… been reporting on California prisons for almost 20 years and have seen a lot of court orders issued and a lot of evidentiary hearings, and, to prove that court orders are not being followed and subsequent court orders, etc., etc. It can be like the court comes up with a prescription and there’s a new rule, but the spirit of the rule is not followed. I hear this a lot that that CDCR will implement a change, but it’s more like they’re checking off a box. “Yeah, we did this.” But not actually addressing the fundamental underlying problem, which is often a lack of respect and a complete imbalance of power because we are talking about prison and just always assuming the worst of the incarcerated population. Do you have any hope that that will change? The way that prisons are run will actually shift? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I am hopeful, but it’s more than can be accomplished through a court ordering additional training. Staff can go sit in a one hour training once a year and learn that they are required to accommodate people with disabilities. But that has to be put into practice throughout the prisons and supervisors need to model how that’s done. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, the governor introduced the California model last year. Can you define it? Do you think it’s going to make a difference? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have to say that I do have hope for change. I have learned the art of having hope from my incarcerated clients, because if they can get out of bed in the morning while they’re, you know, locked in a prison cell and facing 20 years in that situation, if they can have hope, then I can have hope. I do see some shortcomings in the way that California has conceived of the California model, which is largely based on taking some principles from these Scandinavian prison systems and implementing them in California. There are significant differences between the systems. The Scandinavian systems hire differently than California does. Just the the role of the officer is perceived of as something totally different in those systems. So I think there’s a lot more work to be done to make that a reality. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Julie Small:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much for sharing your time with us and your expertise. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah, Thanks so much for your work, Penny. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Penny Godbold:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you for having me. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Sukey Lewis:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">You’ve been listening to a bonus episode of On Our Watch from KQED. I’m \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Julie Small\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is my co-reporter. Chris Egusa produced this episode. It was edited by Jen Chien, who is our Head of Podcasts. Original Music by Ramtin Arablouei, including our theme song. Additional music from APM Music and Audio Network. Funding for On Our Watch is provided in part by Arnold Ventures and the California Endowment. Thank you to Katie Sprenger, our Podcast Operations Manager, our Managing Editor of News and Enterprise, Otis R. Taylor Jr., Ethan Toven-Lindsey, our Vice President of News and KQED Chief Content Officer, Holly Kernan. And thanks to all of you for listening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>The troubled East Bay federal women’s prison \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fci-dublin\">FCI Dublin\u003c/a> will shut down permanently following years of sexual abuse by prison workers, the federal government announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Bureau of Prisons said it faces significant challenges that prevent reopening the Dublin site, which was abruptly closed in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those include a staffing shortage, crumbling infrastructure, and limited budgetary resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight former prison officers, including the former warden and chaplain, have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002790/fci-dublin-officer-pleads-not-guilty-after-facing-new-sex-abuse-charges\">charged with sexual abuse\u003c/a>, and the prison faces dozens of lawsuits from women who were formerly incarcerated there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those problems also led to scrutiny from Congress.[aside postID=news_12002790 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240408-FCIDublin-009-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']East Bay Rep. Mark DeSaulnier said in a statement that while he’s pleased the prison is being closed permanently, it still does not bring justice to women who suffered there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amaris Montes is director of West Coast litigation and advocacy at Rights Behind Bars, a group that’s representing women who were incarcerated at FCI Dublin in a class action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This permanent closure is a great step towards recognizing that BOP is just unable to meet the constitutional rights of individuals who are incarcerated there,” Montes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of incarcerated women were transferred from FCI Dublin to other facilities throughout the country after the April closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">trial in the class action lawsuit\u003c/a> is set for June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tgoldberg\">Ted Goldberg\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight former prison officers, including the former warden and chaplain, have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002790/fci-dublin-officer-pleads-not-guilty-after-facing-new-sex-abuse-charges\">charged with sexual abuse\u003c/a>, and the prison faces dozens of lawsuits from women who were formerly incarcerated there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those problems also led to scrutiny from Congress.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>East Bay Rep. Mark DeSaulnier said in a statement that while he’s pleased the prison is being closed permanently, it still does not bring justice to women who suffered there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amaris Montes is director of West Coast litigation and advocacy at Rights Behind Bars, a group that’s representing women who were incarcerated at FCI Dublin in a class action lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This permanent closure is a great step towards recognizing that BOP is just unable to meet the constitutional rights of individuals who are incarcerated there,” Montes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of incarcerated women were transferred from FCI Dublin to other facilities throughout the country after the April closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">trial in the class action lawsuit\u003c/a> is set for June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tgoldberg\">Ted Goldberg\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Thursday, December 5, 2024…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Immigrant communities worry Donald Trump will make good on promises of mass deportations now that he has been elected to a second term in the White House. That could have big consequences \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/government-politics/2024-12-01/we-are-here-to-serve-and-protect-immigrants-top-of-mind-as-trumps-new-term-approaches\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for California’s agricultural communities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. The state says about half of all farmworkers are undocumented. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two young students remain hospitalized following \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mynspr.org/live-updates/law-enforcement-investigate-school-shooting-in-palermo\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a shooting at a school in Butte County.\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It happened Wednesday afternoon at Feather River School of Seventh-Day Adventists, which is along Highway 70 between Oroville and Palermo. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>California prisons \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/california-prisons-gate-money/\">will no longer withhold money\u003c/a> they’re supposed to give people at the time of their release. The directive comes after a class-action lawsuit and order from the state legislature.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArtP-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mynspr.org/live-updates/law-enforcement-investigate-school-shooting-in-palermo\">\u003cstrong>Immigrants Top Of Mind As Trump’s New Term Approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At a recent rally in front of the federal courthouse in downtown Fresno, dozens were gathered \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/local-news/2024-11-08/we-have-done-it-before-pro-immigrant-groups-gear-up-for-new-trump-administration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>in support of immigrants\u003c/u>\u003c/a> in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the re-election of Donald Trump, pro-immigrant advocates are worried the president-elect will go through on promises \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/government-politics/2024-11-01/in-californias-breadbasket-trumps-promise-of-mass-deportations-could-be-destructive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>to enact mass deportations\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. Advocacy groups are preparing for lengthy legal battles, solutions, and other ways to educate communities to ensure their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Kerman Mayor Maria Pacheco made a vow to the undocumented population in her city. “I stand before you with a clear and unwavering message. I am fully committed to working with and protecting our undocumented families,” Pacheco said. For nearly a year, Pacheco says she and members of the advocacy organization FUERZA have been in talks with developers just across the U.S.-Mexico border in Tijuana. Pacheco hopes to build housing there for people from Kerman who could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"page-title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2024/12/05/a-tiny-pair-of-tennis-shoes-oroville-community-left-reeling-after-feather-river-adventist-school-shooting/\">\u003cstrong>Oroville Community Left Reeling After Feather River Adventist School Shooting\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two students were shot on Wednesday afternoon at a religious private school in Butte County. While law enforcement secured the scene, uninjured students at the Feather River School of Seventh-Day Adventists were taken to the Oroville Church of the Nazarene.\u003c/p>\n\u003carticle class=\"related-inline item right\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"item-text\">Outside the church, children waited with staff and sheriff’s deputies, and families discussed what had happened at the school. Pizzas, snacks, and Gatorades lined the church wall, and staff with the Sheriff’s office pulled people aside for interviews.\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\u003cp>Josh Orozco and his daughter Natalie sat together in front of the church. They said they knew one of the victims, the child of a good friend, and wanted to be there to support the community. “[I’m] just in shock, just praying for the family,” said Josh, who said a few of his children had attended the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sylvia and Jerry Rosaasen’s grandson, 5, was one of the victims. “I don’t know anything about the situation other than little bits. We’re praying for the whole vicinity,” said Sylvia. “We don’t know motives, we have no idea. We feel sorry for him. We feel very sorry for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"entry-title \">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/california-prisons-gate-money/\">\u003cstrong>California Shorted Prisoners On Money For Their Release. It’s Ending The Practice\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/prisons/\">California prisons\u003c/a> are no longer withholding money they are supposed to give people at the time of their release, according to a California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation memo obtained by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy change is meant to ensure that thousands of people leaving California prisons will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/09/prison-release-gate-money/\">receive their full $200 “gate money”\u003c/a> allowance that they are entitled to under a 51-year-old state law. The stipend is intended to help people cover basic necessities in their initial days of freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new directive follows the filing of a class-action lawsuit and a recent legislative order mandating the department to stop withholding cash from formerly incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Thursday, December 5, 2024…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Immigrant communities worry Donald Trump will make good on promises of mass deportations now that he has been elected to a second term in the White House. That could have big consequences \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/government-politics/2024-12-01/we-are-here-to-serve-and-protect-immigrants-top-of-mind-as-trumps-new-term-approaches\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for California’s agricultural communities\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. The state says about half of all farmworkers are undocumented. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Two young students remain hospitalized following \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mynspr.org/live-updates/law-enforcement-investigate-school-shooting-in-palermo\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a shooting at a school in Butte County.\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> It happened Wednesday afternoon at Feather River School of Seventh-Day Adventists, which is along Highway 70 between Oroville and Palermo. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>California prisons \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/california-prisons-gate-money/\">will no longer withhold money\u003c/a> they’re supposed to give people at the time of their release. The directive comes after a class-action lawsuit and order from the state legislature.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArtP-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.mynspr.org/live-updates/law-enforcement-investigate-school-shooting-in-palermo\">\u003cstrong>Immigrants Top Of Mind As Trump’s New Term Approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At a recent rally in front of the federal courthouse in downtown Fresno, dozens were gathered \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/local-news/2024-11-08/we-have-done-it-before-pro-immigrant-groups-gear-up-for-new-trump-administration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>in support of immigrants\u003c/u>\u003c/a> in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the re-election of Donald Trump, pro-immigrant advocates are worried the president-elect will go through on promises \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/government-politics/2024-11-01/in-californias-breadbasket-trumps-promise-of-mass-deportations-could-be-destructive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">\u003cu>to enact mass deportations\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. Advocacy groups are preparing for lengthy legal battles, solutions, and other ways to educate communities to ensure their safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Kerman Mayor Maria Pacheco made a vow to the undocumented population in her city. “I stand before you with a clear and unwavering message. I am fully committed to working with and protecting our undocumented families,” Pacheco said. For nearly a year, Pacheco says she and members of the advocacy organization FUERZA have been in talks with developers just across the U.S.-Mexico border in Tijuana. Pacheco hopes to build housing there for people from Kerman who could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"page-title\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2024/12/05/a-tiny-pair-of-tennis-shoes-oroville-community-left-reeling-after-feather-river-adventist-school-shooting/\">\u003cstrong>Oroville Community Left Reeling After Feather River Adventist School Shooting\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two students were shot on Wednesday afternoon at a religious private school in Butte County. While law enforcement secured the scene, uninjured students at the Feather River School of Seventh-Day Adventists were taken to the Oroville Church of the Nazarene.\u003c/p>\n\u003carticle class=\"related-inline item right\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"item-text\">Outside the church, children waited with staff and sheriff’s deputies, and families discussed what had happened at the school. Pizzas, snacks, and Gatorades lined the church wall, and staff with the Sheriff’s office pulled people aside for interviews.\u003c/div>\n\u003c/article>\n\u003cp>Josh Orozco and his daughter Natalie sat together in front of the church. They said they knew one of the victims, the child of a good friend, and wanted to be there to support the community. “[I’m] just in shock, just praying for the family,” said Josh, who said a few of his children had attended the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sylvia and Jerry Rosaasen’s grandson, 5, was one of the victims. “I don’t know anything about the situation other than little bits. We’re praying for the whole vicinity,” said Sylvia. “We don’t know motives, we have no idea. We feel sorry for him. We feel very sorry for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"entry-title \">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/12/california-prisons-gate-money/\">\u003cstrong>California Shorted Prisoners On Money For Their Release. It’s Ending The Practice\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/prisons/\">California prisons\u003c/a> are no longer withholding money they are supposed to give people at the time of their release, according to a California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation memo obtained by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy change is meant to ensure that thousands of people leaving California prisons will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/09/prison-release-gate-money/\">receive their full $200 “gate money”\u003c/a> allowance that they are entitled to under a 51-year-old state law. The stipend is intended to help people cover basic necessities in their initial days of freedom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new directive follows the filing of a class-action lawsuit and a recent legislative order mandating the department to stop withholding cash from formerly incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "it-used-to-be-a-notoriously-violent-prison-now-its-home-to-a-first-of-its-kind-education-program",
"title": "It Used to Be a Notoriously Violent Prison. Now It’s Home to a First-of-Its Kind Education Program",
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"content": "\u003cp>CRESCENT CITY, Calif. — In less than 15 minutes, Michael Mariscal validated why a team of officials at Cal Poly Humboldt has spent more than three years trying to set up the first bachelor’s degree program at a maximum-security prison in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of a class in persuasive speaking, Mariscal was tasked with giving a presentation to highlight his personal growth. His 22 classmates inside B Facility at Pelican Bay State Prison were skeptical: Just two weeks earlier, Mariscal had used his presentation time to give step-by-step directions on how to make a peanut butter and jelly sandwich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today was different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never told this to anyone before,” the 32-year-old Mariscal said, holding back tears as he explained his feelings when he learned at his trial that the state was requesting he be put to death. “I said, ‘That’s OK, that’s cool,’” showing no outward emotion at the time, he told the class. But inside, his mind was reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not innocent; I did everything I was convicted for,” he quickly added, referring to a gang shooting that left two people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college students applaud Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, after he gave a presentation about his own journey to turn his life around during a CalPoly Humboldt class on persuasive speaking at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal went on to say that his brother had received a life sentence and been murdered while in prison. Mariscal himself was given five life sentences. He declared that he did not expect ever to be released but finished by saying, “I can still live a meaningful life in here. Freedom is different for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shocked silence filled the room before classmate Darryl Baca spoke up. “That’s some raw stuff right here. I recognize the potential in you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not the first time I’ve cried after class,” the professor, Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth, said later, although she was teaching only her fourth session at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014139\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college student Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, center, leaves the education hallway with fellow classmates after school at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, Calif, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal’s speech exemplified everything officials at Cal Poly Humboldt hoped to accomplish when they set out to create a satellite campus at one of the most notorious prisons in the country. They knew that earning a degree could help some men shorten their sentences and possibly land well-paying jobs once released. But they also hoped that the classes, and the camaraderie fostered there, would pay immediate dividends, lessening violence at the prison and improving students’ daily behaviors. Seeing Mariscal address his past while both sharing his feelings and mapping out a hopeful path forward just four weeks into the semester was validating, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been a leader in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2021/10/prison-bachelors-degree-california-inside-out/\">prison education\u003c/a> programs, starting with a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4913#:~:text=In%202014%2C%20the%20state%20approved,closed%20to%20the%20general%20public).\">2014 rule\u003c/a> authorizing state funding for community colleges to set up programs for students who are incarcerated. Since then, some 25 community colleges and eight universities have established degree-granting programs that now cover every facility in the state. Humboldt’s Pelican Bay program is not only the state’s first bachelor’s initiative at a max-security prison; earlier this year, it became the first program in the country approved under new federal Department of Education rules to let incarcerated individuals access \u003ca href=\"https://now.humboldt.edu/news/prison-education-program-first-nation-receive-pell-grant-eligibility-under-new-federal-policy\">Pell Grant funds\u003c/a> to pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about 29 years, Pell money had been largely prohibited for individuals who are incarcerated, with the exception of a small federal pilot program \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">that debuted in 2015\u003c/a>. The new Pell rules made 767,000 people at state prisons nationwide eligible to pay for college with federal funds — starting with a handful of those at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re setting an example,” said Tony Wallin-Sato, a former Humboldt official who helped create the program. “If we can be successful at Pelican Bay, it can work anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay is one of the most infamous prisons in the country. Built in 1989 in the extreme northwest corner of California, the facility was created to isolate its occupants in two ways. Many of the men who are incarcerated there hail from the Los Angeles area, nearly 700 miles south. And nearly half of the facility’s units were \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/04/health/solitary-confinement-mental-illness.html\">built for solitary confinement\u003c/a>, with some occupants stuck inside these 7-by-11-foot cells for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “60 Minutes” report in 1993 highlighted excessive force by guards, and a 1995 lawsuit exposed inadequate medical care. In 2013, people incarcerated there staged a two-month hunger strike that spread throughout the state’s prisons to protest the excessive use of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">solitary confinement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But program staffers and people incarcerated at the facility say day-to-day life there now bears little resemblance to those days. About 400 of the prison’s 2,200 incarcerated men currently take classes that include GED preparation, courses from four community colleges and, now, Humboldt’s new bachelor’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay “used to be one of the most violent prisons in the country. Now it’s not,” said Mark Taylor, a Humboldt official who spent more than 21 years incarcerated before helping to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, incarcerated students openly drop hints around Kari Telaro Rexford, the prison’s supervisor of academic instruction, telling her they hope she’ll soon bring in a master’s degree program. “I’m trying,” she tells them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Humboldt prison program ‘makes people safer’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Silbert, the deputy superintendent of higher education for the state’s Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, has watched every program that has started in the eight years since bachelor’s degree programs began in state prisons. “Because of the involvement of senior leadership,” she said, “Cal Poly Humboldt’s was the easiest by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Silbert admitted she first tried to talk officials out of creating this program. “Are you sure?” she said she asked them. “It’s easy to be starry-eyed in the beginning, but it’s an endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt’s provost, Jenn Capps, said she agreed with that assessment but pushed on because the program “makes people safer.” Offering bachelor’s degree classes helps “disrupt the narrative” of violence in these men’s lives, making life safer for them, their families, guards at Pelican Bay, and ultimately the public, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are lots of myths out there about people who are incarcerated,” Capps said. “But everybody wants community safety. Offering prison education programs is key to community safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Cal Poly Humboldt officials worked for more than two years before beginning the program in January. The university’s communications department chair, Maxwell Schnurer, taught a class at the prison through the College of the Redwoods to understand why that community college’s program had been so successful. Redwoods began with one course at the prison in 2015, and its program has since mushroomed to 43 courses serving 390 students, said Tory Eagles, the college’s Pelican Bay Scholars program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalPoly Humboldt communications lecturer Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth discusses a presentation assignment with inmates during her persuasive speaking class at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of this semester, the university has ramped up to four classes, each of which are taken by all of the school’s 23 students. Each student had already earned associate degrees and all are now communications majors. Humboldt’s five-year plan is to add other majors and expand to two more of the prison’s four yards, said Steve Ladwig, the director of the university’s Transformative and Restorative Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being the first program the federal government authorized to use Pell Grants for incarcerated men put a spotlight on Humboldt’s work. However, actually getting those funds has proven to be hard, largely because of the federal Department of Education’s botched rollout of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although all of Humboldt’s students are eligible for Pell, only about half of the 23 have had their applications reviewed by the Department of Education so far, said Ladwig. While the university waits for approval of its students’ Pell Grants, it is covering tuition for each student, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Humboldt staged a ceremony to hand incarcerated individuals their college acceptance letters, Ladwig had to venture to the prison’s solitary confinement wing to deliver Mariscal’s letter because he was being punished for getting into a fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decades in solitary confinement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Darryl Baca — the student who praised Mariscal after his classroom speech — epitomizes the entire history of Pelican Bay. He came to the prison in 1990, only months after it opened. He spent his first 25 years in solitary confinement, where many incarcerated individuals with gang backgrounds were placed. He was part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905589/how-a-massive-california-prison-hunger-strike-overhauled-solitary-confinement\">2013 hunger strike \u003c/a>that led to changes in how the prison uses solitary. Now, he’s not only a straight-A student but someone both staff and fellow students look to for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mariscal unspooled his revelation, Baca noticed the seven-minute timer the instructor had set was about to go off and interrupt his speech. From his seat at the front of the class, Baca reached over and deftly paused the timer while handing Mariscal a tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca said it took him three tries to earn his GED. Later, he used correspondence courses to secure an associate degree. He continued his education with College of the Redwood’s courses and said he recently passed up a chance to transfer to a lower-security prison because of his Humboldt classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the opportunity of a lifetime,” he said. The college classes have erased the barriers that typically exist among prisoners of different backgrounds, he explained. While classmates support each other, many people at the prison “are making better choices now. The culture has evolved. We’re like a campus now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca isn’t the only person incarcerated at Pelican Bay who has rejected possible transfers to other prisons. Others said they made the difficult decision to pass up the chance to be moved closer to home and earn a lower-security designation because they wanted to continue in Humboldt’s classes. “I told my family, ‘I want to see you and get closer, but I can’t transfer,’” said Davion Holman, 35, who is originally from the Los Angeles area. Holman, sentenced to 31 years in 2013, told his classmates that before being arrested, he liked school. “I knew I was smart, but I was content being stupid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take it serious because it is serious,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt Professor Roberto Mónico, who teaches a course called multiethnic resistance in the U.S., says at times, it feels more like a graduate-level seminar than an undergraduate class. Students are well prepared, he said, with “all the readings marked up,” and they drop in references to the theories of Plato and Aristotle. Yet they can be sensitive about not knowing how to create a PowerPoint presentation or other computer skills because of their lack of formal education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I tell them to read two out of five essays, they read all five,” said Hitchcock-Tinseth. Added Ladwig: “They are phenomenally well prepared to take on a bachelor’s degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in a college classroom and able to debate ideas freely is “not mirrored in a lot of other prison experiences,” said Ruth Delaney, who directs the Vera Institute of Justice’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which helps colleges develop prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014136\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisco Vallejo, an incarcerated college student with a passion for multicultural resistance courses, poses in front of a mural painted by inmates at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisco Vallejo admitted he struggled when he first began taking community college classes, dropping some before trying again the next semester. But now he hopes his academic progress will bolster his case for parole in 2026. “I had to train to be a student,” he said. “Redwoods gives you the tools, but you use them at Humboldt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Dom Congiardo said the prison environment teaches people to guard their feelings. But taking college classes shows them “you don’t have to be afraid to open up,” he said. “You won’t be judged for it. It’s all new territory for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson Bryant is another student who declined a transfer to stay in Humboldt’s program. At 41 years old, he’s been at Pelican Bay since 2003, more than half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryant said he was scared of the prison’s reputation when he came to Pelican Bay at age 19. “In the beginning, I would have left so fast,” he said. “But there’s too much positive stuff here. It changes you all the way around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Contact editor Lawrie Mifflin at 212-678-4078 or mifflin@hechingerreport.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story about prison education was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/highereducation/\">Hechinger higher education newsletter\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "It Used to Be a Notoriously Violent Prison. Now It’s Home to a First-of-Its Kind Education Program | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>CRESCENT CITY, Calif. — In less than 15 minutes, Michael Mariscal validated why a team of officials at Cal Poly Humboldt has spent more than three years trying to set up the first bachelor’s degree program at a maximum-security prison in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of a class in persuasive speaking, Mariscal was tasked with giving a presentation to highlight his personal growth. His 22 classmates inside B Facility at Pelican Bay State Prison were skeptical: Just two weeks earlier, Mariscal had used his presentation time to give step-by-step directions on how to make a peanut butter and jelly sandwich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today was different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never told this to anyone before,” the 32-year-old Mariscal said, holding back tears as he explained his feelings when he learned at his trial that the state was requesting he be put to death. “I said, ‘That’s OK, that’s cool,’” showing no outward emotion at the time, he told the class. But inside, his mind was reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not innocent; I did everything I was convicted for,” he quickly added, referring to a gang shooting that left two people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college students applaud Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, after he gave a presentation about his own journey to turn his life around during a CalPoly Humboldt class on persuasive speaking at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal went on to say that his brother had received a life sentence and been murdered while in prison. Mariscal himself was given five life sentences. He declared that he did not expect ever to be released but finished by saying, “I can still live a meaningful life in here. Freedom is different for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shocked silence filled the room before classmate Darryl Baca spoke up. “That’s some raw stuff right here. I recognize the potential in you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not the first time I’ve cried after class,” the professor, Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth, said later, although she was teaching only her fourth session at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014139\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college student Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, center, leaves the education hallway with fellow classmates after school at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, Calif, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal’s speech exemplified everything officials at Cal Poly Humboldt hoped to accomplish when they set out to create a satellite campus at one of the most notorious prisons in the country. They knew that earning a degree could help some men shorten their sentences and possibly land well-paying jobs once released. But they also hoped that the classes, and the camaraderie fostered there, would pay immediate dividends, lessening violence at the prison and improving students’ daily behaviors. Seeing Mariscal address his past while both sharing his feelings and mapping out a hopeful path forward just four weeks into the semester was validating, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been a leader in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2021/10/prison-bachelors-degree-california-inside-out/\">prison education\u003c/a> programs, starting with a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4913#:~:text=In%202014%2C%20the%20state%20approved,closed%20to%20the%20general%20public).\">2014 rule\u003c/a> authorizing state funding for community colleges to set up programs for students who are incarcerated. Since then, some 25 community colleges and eight universities have established degree-granting programs that now cover every facility in the state. Humboldt’s Pelican Bay program is not only the state’s first bachelor’s initiative at a max-security prison; earlier this year, it became the first program in the country approved under new federal Department of Education rules to let incarcerated individuals access \u003ca href=\"https://now.humboldt.edu/news/prison-education-program-first-nation-receive-pell-grant-eligibility-under-new-federal-policy\">Pell Grant funds\u003c/a> to pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about 29 years, Pell money had been largely prohibited for individuals who are incarcerated, with the exception of a small federal pilot program \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">that debuted in 2015\u003c/a>. The new Pell rules made 767,000 people at state prisons nationwide eligible to pay for college with federal funds — starting with a handful of those at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re setting an example,” said Tony Wallin-Sato, a former Humboldt official who helped create the program. “If we can be successful at Pelican Bay, it can work anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay is one of the most infamous prisons in the country. Built in 1989 in the extreme northwest corner of California, the facility was created to isolate its occupants in two ways. Many of the men who are incarcerated there hail from the Los Angeles area, nearly 700 miles south. And nearly half of the facility’s units were \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/04/health/solitary-confinement-mental-illness.html\">built for solitary confinement\u003c/a>, with some occupants stuck inside these 7-by-11-foot cells for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “60 Minutes” report in 1993 highlighted excessive force by guards, and a 1995 lawsuit exposed inadequate medical care. In 2013, people incarcerated there staged a two-month hunger strike that spread throughout the state’s prisons to protest the excessive use of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">solitary confinement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But program staffers and people incarcerated at the facility say day-to-day life there now bears little resemblance to those days. About 400 of the prison’s 2,200 incarcerated men currently take classes that include GED preparation, courses from four community colleges and, now, Humboldt’s new bachelor’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay “used to be one of the most violent prisons in the country. Now it’s not,” said Mark Taylor, a Humboldt official who spent more than 21 years incarcerated before helping to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, incarcerated students openly drop hints around Kari Telaro Rexford, the prison’s supervisor of academic instruction, telling her they hope she’ll soon bring in a master’s degree program. “I’m trying,” she tells them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Humboldt prison program ‘makes people safer’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Silbert, the deputy superintendent of higher education for the state’s Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, has watched every program that has started in the eight years since bachelor’s degree programs began in state prisons. “Because of the involvement of senior leadership,” she said, “Cal Poly Humboldt’s was the easiest by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Silbert admitted she first tried to talk officials out of creating this program. “Are you sure?” she said she asked them. “It’s easy to be starry-eyed in the beginning, but it’s an endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt’s provost, Jenn Capps, said she agreed with that assessment but pushed on because the program “makes people safer.” Offering bachelor’s degree classes helps “disrupt the narrative” of violence in these men’s lives, making life safer for them, their families, guards at Pelican Bay, and ultimately the public, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are lots of myths out there about people who are incarcerated,” Capps said. “But everybody wants community safety. Offering prison education programs is key to community safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Cal Poly Humboldt officials worked for more than two years before beginning the program in January. The university’s communications department chair, Maxwell Schnurer, taught a class at the prison through the College of the Redwoods to understand why that community college’s program had been so successful. Redwoods began with one course at the prison in 2015, and its program has since mushroomed to 43 courses serving 390 students, said Tory Eagles, the college’s Pelican Bay Scholars program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalPoly Humboldt communications lecturer Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth discusses a presentation assignment with inmates during her persuasive speaking class at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of this semester, the university has ramped up to four classes, each of which are taken by all of the school’s 23 students. Each student had already earned associate degrees and all are now communications majors. Humboldt’s five-year plan is to add other majors and expand to two more of the prison’s four yards, said Steve Ladwig, the director of the university’s Transformative and Restorative Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being the first program the federal government authorized to use Pell Grants for incarcerated men put a spotlight on Humboldt’s work. However, actually getting those funds has proven to be hard, largely because of the federal Department of Education’s botched rollout of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although all of Humboldt’s students are eligible for Pell, only about half of the 23 have had their applications reviewed by the Department of Education so far, said Ladwig. While the university waits for approval of its students’ Pell Grants, it is covering tuition for each student, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Humboldt staged a ceremony to hand incarcerated individuals their college acceptance letters, Ladwig had to venture to the prison’s solitary confinement wing to deliver Mariscal’s letter because he was being punished for getting into a fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decades in solitary confinement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Darryl Baca — the student who praised Mariscal after his classroom speech — epitomizes the entire history of Pelican Bay. He came to the prison in 1990, only months after it opened. He spent his first 25 years in solitary confinement, where many incarcerated individuals with gang backgrounds were placed. He was part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905589/how-a-massive-california-prison-hunger-strike-overhauled-solitary-confinement\">2013 hunger strike \u003c/a>that led to changes in how the prison uses solitary. Now, he’s not only a straight-A student but someone both staff and fellow students look to for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mariscal unspooled his revelation, Baca noticed the seven-minute timer the instructor had set was about to go off and interrupt his speech. From his seat at the front of the class, Baca reached over and deftly paused the timer while handing Mariscal a tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca said it took him three tries to earn his GED. Later, he used correspondence courses to secure an associate degree. He continued his education with College of the Redwood’s courses and said he recently passed up a chance to transfer to a lower-security prison because of his Humboldt classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the opportunity of a lifetime,” he said. The college classes have erased the barriers that typically exist among prisoners of different backgrounds, he explained. While classmates support each other, many people at the prison “are making better choices now. The culture has evolved. We’re like a campus now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca isn’t the only person incarcerated at Pelican Bay who has rejected possible transfers to other prisons. Others said they made the difficult decision to pass up the chance to be moved closer to home and earn a lower-security designation because they wanted to continue in Humboldt’s classes. “I told my family, ‘I want to see you and get closer, but I can’t transfer,’” said Davion Holman, 35, who is originally from the Los Angeles area. Holman, sentenced to 31 years in 2013, told his classmates that before being arrested, he liked school. “I knew I was smart, but I was content being stupid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take it serious because it is serious,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt Professor Roberto Mónico, who teaches a course called multiethnic resistance in the U.S., says at times, it feels more like a graduate-level seminar than an undergraduate class. Students are well prepared, he said, with “all the readings marked up,” and they drop in references to the theories of Plato and Aristotle. Yet they can be sensitive about not knowing how to create a PowerPoint presentation or other computer skills because of their lack of formal education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I tell them to read two out of five essays, they read all five,” said Hitchcock-Tinseth. Added Ladwig: “They are phenomenally well prepared to take on a bachelor’s degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in a college classroom and able to debate ideas freely is “not mirrored in a lot of other prison experiences,” said Ruth Delaney, who directs the Vera Institute of Justice’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which helps colleges develop prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014136\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisco Vallejo, an incarcerated college student with a passion for multicultural resistance courses, poses in front of a mural painted by inmates at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisco Vallejo admitted he struggled when he first began taking community college classes, dropping some before trying again the next semester. But now he hopes his academic progress will bolster his case for parole in 2026. “I had to train to be a student,” he said. “Redwoods gives you the tools, but you use them at Humboldt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Dom Congiardo said the prison environment teaches people to guard their feelings. But taking college classes shows them “you don’t have to be afraid to open up,” he said. “You won’t be judged for it. It’s all new territory for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson Bryant is another student who declined a transfer to stay in Humboldt’s program. At 41 years old, he’s been at Pelican Bay since 2003, more than half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryant said he was scared of the prison’s reputation when he came to Pelican Bay at age 19. “In the beginning, I would have left so fast,” he said. “But there’s too much positive stuff here. It changes you all the way around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Contact editor Lawrie Mifflin at 212-678-4078 or mifflin@hechingerreport.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story about prison education was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/highereducation/\">Hechinger higher education newsletter\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "tough-on-crime-initiative-divides-south-bay-democratic-candidates",
"title": "Tough on Crime Initiative Divides South Bay Democratic Candidates",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">tough-on-crime ballot measure\u003c/a> has emerged as a potentially potent wedge issue in the three South Bay races that each pit two Democrats against each other in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a closely-watched race for Congress and two campaigns for state Assembly in Santa Clara County, candidates have come under attack for opposing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> — even in one election where neither candidate plans to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to charge a felony for some drug possession and theft crimes in California by rolling back some of the reforms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">passed by voters in a 2014 ballot measure, Proposition 47\u003c/a>. Poll after poll has shown Proposition 36 receiving wide backing from voters, even in the liberal Bay Area — putting Democrats who oppose the measure or have concerns about its language in an awkward position while creating an opening for campaigns and outside groups to draw a clear contrast between candidates from the same political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay divide is hardly unique this election cycle: Well-known Democrats are on both sides of the Proposition 36 campaign, with state leaders largely opposing the measure, many local officials throwing their support behind it — and other Democrats refusing to take a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, including the Democratic mayor of the region’s largest city, San José’s Matt Mahan, contend that tougher sentences are needed to discourage rising shoplifting and serve as a stick to compel drug users to accept treatment. Opponents, chiefly the state’s Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, argue there is no connection between previous reforms and theft and that longer sentences will invariably lead to expensive incarceration, not treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of when politics is local and not really about partisanship, but it’s about people’s feelings and perceptions,” said Mark Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “It might not actually have to do with the numbers of crimes, but it’s their fears of vulnerability and their interest in trying to do something about those fears.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll released by the PPIC last week found that 73% of likely voters plan to vote yes on Proposition 36 — with an equal share of Bay Area voters in support. A late September survey from the Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies was less bullish but still found a comfortable 60% of likely voters in support. Faced with that signal from the electorate, many high-profile California Democrats, from Sen. Laphonza Butler to Vice President Kamala Harris, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">have refused to make their position on the measure public\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the reasons that candidates at all levels are not necessarily eager to go out and take a stand on this because it could be a wedge issue,” Baldassare said. “And the candidates and campaigns are not quite sure how voters are going to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the South Bay’s marquee race for Congress, in the 16th District, Democrats Sam Liccardo and Evan Low had said little about Proposition 36 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRbxdAxjZ_M&t=2507s\">until they found themselves on opposite sides of the measure in a debate\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district,Learn about the U.S. House of Representatives, District 16 Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, called the measure “an imperfect proposition” but said it would restore participation in drug courts, programs that offer a chance at reduced punishment if participants complete treatment. With new felony sentences, Liccardo said, judges can present a clear choice for defendants between treatment and time behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now that choice is never presented, as a result our drug courts are completely empty,” Liccardo said. “This is the one mechanism we have to actually break the connection between substance abuse and crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low countered by declaring his opposition: “I refuse to go back to the era of mass incarceration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touting his work as a state assemblymember, Low said his votes for bills this year aim to combat retail theft in a different way: by making it easier for police to arrest suspects and aggregate charges rather than by increasing sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fundamental role of government is keeping our communities safe, but we must do so in a surgical way,” said Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within days, an independent group supporting Liccardo, largely funded by former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, jumped at the divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group Neighbors for Results sent a mailer across the district contrasting the candidates’ positions on Proposition 36 and accusing Low of opposing “the common-sense plan to address retail thefts and save consumers billions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Proposition 36 mailer paid for by Neighbors for Results. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar mailer has landed in mailboxes from Cupertino to Sunnyvale, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-26th-district\">two Democrats are running for the 26th Assembly District seat\u003c/a> currently held by Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Ahrens, a Foothill-DeAnza Community College District trustee and Low’s district director, is running against fellow Democrat Tara Sreekrishnan, a Santa Clara County Board of Education member and legislative advisor to state Sen. Dave Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who Can You Trust to Keep Us Safe?” asked the mailer from a pro-Ahrens super-PAC funded by real estate and landlord lobbies, which added: “Tara opposes Prop 36 to hold criminals accountable and toughen penalties for retail theft and drug crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the mailer failed to mention: Ahrens does not support Proposition 36 either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he remains neutral on the initiative and won’t vote either yes or no. At a recent forum sponsored by the League of Women Voters, Ahrens and Sreekrishnan sounded similar concerns about legislating crime and punishment at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to focus on enforcing [existing] laws rather than another ballot measure,” Sreekrishnan said, while Ahrens added (without revealing he would leave the question blank on his ballot): “We cannot be continuing to govern by tying the hands of the legislature continually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the mailers attacking Low and Sreekrishnan were funded by outside groups, operating independently from the Liccardo and Ahrens campaigns. Political strategist Marva Diaz said these groups are searching for any compelling contrast, even if their interests aren’t directly tied to public safety, because it’s harder for voters to differentiate among two candidates from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some of the Dem vs. Dem races, what’s really happening is it becomes the issue to define who is the progressive member and who is the more moderate member,” said Diaz, who serves as the publisher of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan election analysis service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011384\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents of Proposition 36 hold signs at a rally in a San Francisco bookstore on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a third South Bay race, the fight over Proposition 36 is playing out in the open. Democrat Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto city councilmember, has made no secret of her support for the measure as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-23rd-district\">campaigns to unseat Democratic Assemblymember Marc Berman in the 23rd District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou writes on her website that Proposition 36 is a “good example” of when “State officials too often drift apart from their communities and focus on big donors, special interests and ideological pressure groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop 36 also divides our Assembly District 23: I myself support Prop 36 and recommend a “Yes” vote, and if elected I’ll support related measures where sensible; My opponent, Marc Berman, has been a leading opponent of Prop 36,” Kou wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike many Democrats, Berman has not been shy with his opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing to emphasize about [Proposition] 36 is the millions of dollars that it will cost the state, that it will cost our counties if it passes, and how it will take money away from diversion programs,” Berman told KQED. “Instead, it will lock people up for stealing remarkably low-cost items. That third theft, even if it’s a burrito, even if it’s diapers for your kids, could all of a sudden be a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said there is still some risk for campaigns looking to capitalize on the strong polling in favor of Proposition 36. Support for propositions typically narrows closer to the election, and if the measure’s margins slip in the Bay Area, the pro-36 messaging could rub some voters the wrong way, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t know who you are losing, especially with a mailer — it could be going to a household that is split on that issue, and you don’t know how to segment that out,” Diaz said. “It raises a lot of flags, and it becomes risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing seems certain: Proposition 36 is catching the attention of voters. 28% of likely voters told the PPIC they were more interested in Proposition 36 than any other state measure on the ballot, comfortably ahead of the 17% who said they were most interested in Proposition 33, which would allow the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 36, which would increase criminal penalties, is dividing Democrats and resulting in pointed attacks in several South Bay races that pit members of the same party against one another.",
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"description": "Proposition 36, which would increase criminal penalties, is dividing Democrats and resulting in pointed attacks in several South Bay races that pit members of the same party against one another.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">tough-on-crime ballot measure\u003c/a> has emerged as a potentially potent wedge issue in the three South Bay races that each pit two Democrats against each other in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a closely-watched race for Congress and two campaigns for state Assembly in Santa Clara County, candidates have come under attack for opposing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> — even in one election where neither candidate plans to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to charge a felony for some drug possession and theft crimes in California by rolling back some of the reforms \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">passed by voters in a 2014 ballot measure, Proposition 47\u003c/a>. Poll after poll has shown Proposition 36 receiving wide backing from voters, even in the liberal Bay Area — putting Democrats who oppose the measure or have concerns about its language in an awkward position while creating an opening for campaigns and outside groups to draw a clear contrast between candidates from the same political party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay divide is hardly unique this election cycle: Well-known Democrats are on both sides of the Proposition 36 campaign, with state leaders largely opposing the measure, many local officials throwing their support behind it — and other Democrats refusing to take a position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, including the Democratic mayor of the region’s largest city, San José’s Matt Mahan, contend that tougher sentences are needed to discourage rising shoplifting and serve as a stick to compel drug users to accept treatment. Opponents, chiefly the state’s Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, argue there is no connection between previous reforms and theft and that longer sentences will invariably lead to expensive incarceration, not treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of when politics is local and not really about partisanship, but it’s about people’s feelings and perceptions,” said Mark Baldassare, survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “It might not actually have to do with the numbers of crimes, but it’s their fears of vulnerability and their interest in trying to do something about those fears.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll released by the PPIC last week found that 73% of likely voters plan to vote yes on Proposition 36 — with an equal share of Bay Area voters in support. A late September survey from the Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies was less bullish but still found a comfortable 60% of likely voters in support. Faced with that signal from the electorate, many high-profile California Democrats, from Sen. Laphonza Butler to Vice President Kamala Harris, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011083/can-californias-prop-36-crime-measure-fulfill-its-promises\">have refused to make their position on the measure public\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one of the reasons that candidates at all levels are not necessarily eager to go out and take a stand on this because it could be a wedge issue,” Baldassare said. “And the candidates and campaigns are not quite sure how voters are going to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the South Bay’s marquee race for Congress, in the 16th District, Democrats Sam Liccardo and Evan Low had said little about Proposition 36 — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRbxdAxjZ_M&t=2507s\">until they found themselves on opposite sides of the measure in a debate\u003c/a> earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, called the measure “an imperfect proposition” but said it would restore participation in drug courts, programs that offer a chance at reduced punishment if participants complete treatment. With new felony sentences, Liccardo said, judges can present a clear choice for defendants between treatment and time behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now that choice is never presented, as a result our drug courts are completely empty,” Liccardo said. “This is the one mechanism we have to actually break the connection between substance abuse and crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low countered by declaring his opposition: “I refuse to go back to the era of mass incarceration,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touting his work as a state assemblymember, Low said his votes for bills this year aim to combat retail theft in a different way: by making it easier for police to arrest suspects and aggregate charges rather than by increasing sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fundamental role of government is keeping our communities safe, but we must do so in a surgical way,” said Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within days, an independent group supporting Liccardo, largely funded by former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, jumped at the divide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group Neighbors for Results sent a mailer across the district contrasting the candidates’ positions on Proposition 36 and accusing Low of opposing “the common-sense plan to address retail thefts and save consumers billions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241028-Prop36Mailer-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Proposition 36 mailer paid for by Neighbors for Results. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar mailer has landed in mailboxes from Cupertino to Sunnyvale, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-26th-district\">two Democrats are running for the 26th Assembly District seat\u003c/a> currently held by Low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Ahrens, a Foothill-DeAnza Community College District trustee and Low’s district director, is running against fellow Democrat Tara Sreekrishnan, a Santa Clara County Board of Education member and legislative advisor to state Sen. Dave Cortese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who Can You Trust to Keep Us Safe?” asked the mailer from a pro-Ahrens super-PAC funded by real estate and landlord lobbies, which added: “Tara opposes Prop 36 to hold criminals accountable and toughen penalties for retail theft and drug crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the mailer failed to mention: Ahrens does not support Proposition 36 either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he remains neutral on the initiative and won’t vote either yes or no. At a recent forum sponsored by the League of Women Voters, Ahrens and Sreekrishnan sounded similar concerns about legislating crime and punishment at the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to focus on enforcing [existing] laws rather than another ballot measure,” Sreekrishnan said, while Ahrens added (without revealing he would leave the question blank on his ballot): “We cannot be continuing to govern by tying the hands of the legislature continually.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the mailers attacking Low and Sreekrishnan were funded by outside groups, operating independently from the Liccardo and Ahrens campaigns. Political strategist Marva Diaz said these groups are searching for any compelling contrast, even if their interests aren’t directly tied to public safety, because it’s harder for voters to differentiate among two candidates from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some of the Dem vs. Dem races, what’s really happening is it becomes the issue to define who is the progressive member and who is the more moderate member,” said Diaz, who serves as the publisher of the California Target Book, a nonpartisan election analysis service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011384\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011384\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents of Proposition 36 hold signs at a rally in a San Francisco bookstore on Oct. 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a third South Bay race, the fight over Proposition 36 is playing out in the open. Democrat Lydia Kou, a Palo Alto city councilmember, has made no secret of her support for the measure as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/state-assembly-23rd-district\">campaigns to unseat Democratic Assemblymember Marc Berman in the 23rd District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kou writes on her website that Proposition 36 is a “good example” of when “State officials too often drift apart from their communities and focus on big donors, special interests and ideological pressure groups.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop 36 also divides our Assembly District 23: I myself support Prop 36 and recommend a “Yes” vote, and if elected I’ll support related measures where sensible; My opponent, Marc Berman, has been a leading opponent of Prop 36,” Kou wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike many Democrats, Berman has not been shy with his opposition to the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing to emphasize about [Proposition] 36 is the millions of dollars that it will cost the state, that it will cost our counties if it passes, and how it will take money away from diversion programs,” Berman told KQED. “Instead, it will lock people up for stealing remarkably low-cost items. That third theft, even if it’s a burrito, even if it’s diapers for your kids, could all of a sudden be a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz said there is still some risk for campaigns looking to capitalize on the strong polling in favor of Proposition 36. Support for propositions typically narrows closer to the election, and if the measure’s margins slip in the Bay Area, the pro-36 messaging could rub some voters the wrong way, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t know who you are losing, especially with a mailer — it could be going to a household that is split on that issue, and you don’t know how to segment that out,” Diaz said. “It raises a lot of flags, and it becomes risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing seems certain: Proposition 36 is catching the attention of voters. 28% of likely voters told the PPIC they were more interested in Proposition 36 than any other state measure on the ballot, comfortably ahead of the 17% who said they were most interested in Proposition 33, which would allow the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Philip G. Zimbardo, the psychologist behind the controversial “Stanford Prison Experiment” that was intended to examine the psychological experiences of imprisonment, has died. He was 91.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford University announced Friday that Zimbardo died Oct. 14 at his home in San Francisco. A cause of death was not provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1971 prison study, Zimbardo and a team of graduate students recruited college-aged males to spend two weeks in a mock prison in the basement of a building on the Stanford campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study was ended after six days as the students playing guards became psychologically abusive and those playing prisoners became anxious, emotionally depressed and enraged, according to the Stanford statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zimbardo was criticized for taking the role of superintendent — becoming an active participant in the study and no longer a neutral observer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The outcome of our study was shocking and unexpected,” Zimbardo would \u003ca href=\"https://www.gvsu.edu/cms4/asset/F51281F0-00AF-E25A-5BF632E8D4A243C7/stanford_prison_experiment.pdf\">later co-write (PDF)\u003c/a> with one of the graduate students who was part of the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experiment is now used in psychology classes to study the psychology of evil and the ethics of psychological research with human subjects, Stanford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zimbardo’s research also included persuasion, hypnosis, cults, shyness, time perspective, altruism and compassion, Stanford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zimbardo is survived by his wife, Christina Maslach Zimbardo, three children and four grandchildren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Monday, October 14, 2024…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://afrolanews.org/2024/09/thousands-of-californians-are-forced-to-work-while-incarcerated-that-could-change-this-november/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 6\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> on the November ballot aims to get rid of “involuntary servitude” for people in prison. You might know that some of these folks fight wildfires, but people who are in prison also do jobs as varied as cooking and making furniture, and usually they’re paid pennies an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The nonprofit California Fire Foundation \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cafirefoundation.org/news/press-releases/groundbreaking-event-held-for-california-firefighters-memorial-expansion-project\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">has expanded its memorial wall\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which honors fallen firefighters, at the State Capitol.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cows in the Central Valley \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/health/2024-10-11/photos-of-dead-cattle-show-bird-flu-is-overwhelming-tulare-county-how-did-the-virus-get-in\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are dying so quickly\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> from bird flu that they’re overwhelming standard protocols for getting rid of carcasses. KVPR obtained photos \u003c/span>of dead cattle piled up out in the open near a dairy farm in Tulare County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Proposition 6 Would End Forced Labor In Prisons\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The End Slavery in California Act, on November’s ballot as \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 6\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, would amend the state constitution that allows forced labor as a punishment for a crime. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop 6 was originally introduced in 2020, but the bill died in the California State Senate a few years later partially due to a discussion around the proposition shifted to paying incarcerated people a minimum wage. It’s possible that if Prop 6 eliminates forced labor, renewed discussions will emerge around incarcerated people making more money. Most people incarcerated in California make less than 74 cents per hour \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-26/california-prisons-double-wages-inmates-work-labor-involuntary-servitude\">working jobs from clerks to painters\u003c/a>. Many provide free labor used to produce goods for \u003ca href=\"https://corpaccountabilitylab.org/calblog/2020/8/5/private-companies-producing-with-us-prison-labor-in-2020-prison-labor-in-the-us-part-ii\">more than 4,100 companies\u003c/a>. One of the highest paying prison jobs, firefighter, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/conservation-camps/faq-conservation-fire-camp-program/#:~:text=Are%20camp%20participants%20paid%20for,FIRE%2C%20regardless%20of%20skill%20level.\">makes between $6 and $10 a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop 6 is backed by more than 30 organizations including the ACLU of California and the California Teachers Association. California is one of the 16 states that allow involuntary servitude in prisons. The one group opposing the measure is the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, which advocates for lower taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Firefighter Memorial Expands In Sacramento\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Fire Foundation, the non-profit that assists families of fallen firefighters, firefighters, and the communities they protect, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cafirefoundation.org/news/press-releases/groundbreaking-event-held-for-california-firefighters-memorial-expansion-project\">has expanded\u003c/a> its memorial wall in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memorial wall bore the names of 855 fallen firefighters when it was first unveiled in 2002. That number has nearly doubled since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Fire Foundation says the expansion will provide the capacity to honor an additional 4600 firefighters over the next 150 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArtP-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/health/2024-10-11/photos-of-dead-cattle-show-bird-flu-is-overwhelming-tulare-county-how-did-the-virus-get-in\">Photos Of Dead Cattle Show Bird Flu Is Overwhelming Tulare County\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cows in the Central Valley are dying so quickly from bird flu that they are overwhelming standard protocols meant to dispose of carcasses, according to a dairy industry representative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, KVPR obtained photos taken of dead cattle and calves that were discarded in the open air near a road at the edge of a dairy farm near the Tulare County community of Tipton. Crystal Heath, a veterinarian and animal welfare advocate, provided the images. She acknowledged she didn’t know for certain that the cattle had died of bird flu, but questioned why animals would be piled in this way with “no signage warning of the biosecurity hazard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Anja Raudabaugh, CEO of Western United Dairies, an industry group, acknowledged to KVPR that \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/u/0/folders/1a3Q0AY3-r4qBnSXmpgZdPU8p4fN77rsB\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">these photos were authentic\u003c/a>. She also acknowledged that laying carcasses out in the open and at the periphery of a farm is not standard practice, but that the situation demonstrates the severity of the outbreak. As of Monday morning, there have been six confirmed human cases of bird flu, and its affected 100 dairy farms in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Passage Of Proposition 6 Could Change The Landscape Of California Prisons | KQED",
"description": "Here are the morning’s top stories on Monday, October 14, 2024… Proposition 6 on the November ballot aims to get rid of “involuntary servitude” for people in prison. You might know that some of these folks fight wildfires, but people who are in prison also do jobs as varied as cooking and making furniture, and usually they’re paid pennies an hour. The nonprofit California Fire Foundation has expanded its memorial wall, which honors fallen firefighters, at the State Capitol. Cows in the Central Valley are dying so quickly from bird flu that they’re overwhelming standard protocols for getting rid of",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Monday, October 14, 2024…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://afrolanews.org/2024/09/thousands-of-californians-are-forced-to-work-while-incarcerated-that-could-change-this-november/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 6\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> on the November ballot aims to get rid of “involuntary servitude” for people in prison. You might know that some of these folks fight wildfires, but people who are in prison also do jobs as varied as cooking and making furniture, and usually they’re paid pennies an hour.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The nonprofit California Fire Foundation \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cafirefoundation.org/news/press-releases/groundbreaking-event-held-for-california-firefighters-memorial-expansion-project\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">has expanded its memorial wall\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which honors fallen firefighters, at the State Capitol.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cows in the Central Valley \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/health/2024-10-11/photos-of-dead-cattle-show-bird-flu-is-overwhelming-tulare-county-how-did-the-virus-get-in\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">are dying so quickly\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> from bird flu that they’re overwhelming standard protocols for getting rid of carcasses. KVPR obtained photos \u003c/span>of dead cattle piled up out in the open near a dairy farm in Tulare County.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Proposition 6 Would End Forced Labor In Prisons\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The End Slavery in California Act, on November’s ballot as \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 6\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, would amend the state constitution that allows forced labor as a punishment for a crime. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop 6 was originally introduced in 2020, but the bill died in the California State Senate a few years later partially due to a discussion around the proposition shifted to paying incarcerated people a minimum wage. It’s possible that if Prop 6 eliminates forced labor, renewed discussions will emerge around incarcerated people making more money. Most people incarcerated in California make less than 74 cents per hour \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-26/california-prisons-double-wages-inmates-work-labor-involuntary-servitude\">working jobs from clerks to painters\u003c/a>. Many provide free labor used to produce goods for \u003ca href=\"https://corpaccountabilitylab.org/calblog/2020/8/5/private-companies-producing-with-us-prison-labor-in-2020-prison-labor-in-the-us-part-ii\">more than 4,100 companies\u003c/a>. One of the highest paying prison jobs, firefighter, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/facility-locator/conservation-camps/faq-conservation-fire-camp-program/#:~:text=Are%20camp%20participants%20paid%20for,FIRE%2C%20regardless%20of%20skill%20level.\">makes between $6 and $10 a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop 6 is backed by more than 30 organizations including the ACLU of California and the California Teachers Association. California is one of the 16 states that allow involuntary servitude in prisons. The one group opposing the measure is the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, which advocates for lower taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Firefighter Memorial Expands In Sacramento\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California Fire Foundation, the non-profit that assists families of fallen firefighters, firefighters, and the communities they protect, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cafirefoundation.org/news/press-releases/groundbreaking-event-held-for-california-firefighters-memorial-expansion-project\">has expanded\u003c/a> its memorial wall in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memorial wall bore the names of 855 fallen firefighters when it was first unveiled in 2002. That number has nearly doubled since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Fire Foundation says the expansion will provide the capacity to honor an additional 4600 firefighters over the next 150 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"ArtP-headline\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/health/2024-10-11/photos-of-dead-cattle-show-bird-flu-is-overwhelming-tulare-county-how-did-the-virus-get-in\">Photos Of Dead Cattle Show Bird Flu Is Overwhelming Tulare County\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cows in the Central Valley are dying so quickly from bird flu that they are overwhelming standard protocols meant to dispose of carcasses, according to a dairy industry representative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, KVPR obtained photos taken of dead cattle and calves that were discarded in the open air near a road at the edge of a dairy farm near the Tulare County community of Tipton. Crystal Heath, a veterinarian and animal welfare advocate, provided the images. She acknowledged she didn’t know for certain that the cattle had died of bird flu, but questioned why animals would be piled in this way with “no signage warning of the biosecurity hazard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Anja Raudabaugh, CEO of Western United Dairies, an industry group, acknowledged to KVPR that \u003ca class=\"Link\" href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/u/0/folders/1a3Q0AY3-r4qBnSXmpgZdPU8p4fN77rsB\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-cms-ai=\"0\">these photos were authentic\u003c/a>. She also acknowledged that laying carcasses out in the open and at the periphery of a farm is not standard practice, but that the situation demonstrates the severity of the outbreak. As of Monday morning, there have been six confirmed human cases of bird flu, and its affected 100 dairy farms in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-illegally-withholds-money-from-people-being-released-from-prison-lawsuit-says",
"title": "California Illegally Withholds Money From People Being Released From Prison, Lawsuit Says",
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"headTitle": "California Illegally Withholds Money From People Being Released From Prison, Lawsuit Says | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The day John Vaesau was finally released from prison, he was so happy to be free that he almost forgot about his “gate money,” the $200 entitled by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-law\">California law\u003c/a> to help formerly incarcerated people reenter society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It didn’t even dawn on me at first because I was just so happy to be out,” Vaesau said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as he transitioned back to life in San Francisco after 33 years behind bars, the money never arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I was thinking, ‘It’s going to come. I’ll probably get it in a couple of weeks,’” Vaesau said. “And then weeks turned into months, and months turned into a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaesau is one of two men leading a proposed class-action lawsuit filed against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, alleging that over 1 million Californians who have served time may have been denied money owed them by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court, alleges that CDCR has routinely neglected to fulfill its obligation to provide many of those reentering society with gate money within 60 days of release from prison. The allowance is meant to help cover the cost of basic items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the funds are diverted to cover “the Department’s cost of clothing and transportation,” according to the complaint filed by attorneys from the UC Berkeley Criminal Law & Justice Center, including former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, and Edelson PC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, costs for bus or train tickets, or clothing purchased for the newly freed person, are improperly shifted onto the people being released, attorneys said. In Vaesau’s case, he said CDCR never gave him an explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003230 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money would have helped me out with a lot of things,” said Vaesau, who at age 16 was convicted as an adult of attempted murder but was eventually released after being resentenced under new laws. “I’m suing because I know there’s a lot of people who have been incarcerated for a long time, and right after they were done with us, they threw us out like garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the law states some exceptions — such as in case an individual absconds from parole or is incarcerated for less than six months — CDCR must otherwise provide the full sum to each newly freed person. But in 1994, California prison officials created a policy that allowed for special deductions like those for clothing or transportation, which the attorneys believe is unlawful, according to Yaman Salahi, one of the lead plaintiffs’ attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming CDCR was following its own policy, over 1 million people released from California prisons may have been shortchanged, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope to find out in the lawsuit exactly how many people are affected and exactly how much money has been withheld from individuals that the Legislature intended to be used for their reentry support,” Salahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to follow the money,” Vaesau added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount of gate money given to each individual has not changed since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13962624/involuntary-servitude-california-prop-6-san-quentin\">then-Gov. Ronald Reagan signed the law in the 1970s\u003c/a>. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SB-1304-VETO.pdf?emrc=c0a88e\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill\u003c/a> that would have increased it to an inflation-adjusted $1,300.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While $200 may seem like a relatively small sum, experts say it’s not insignificant. The first 72 hours after release can set the stage for successful reentry, according to research cited in the complaint. Gate money can provide a warm bed and a hot meal for someone’s first days outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the challenges people might face are as simple as how do I make a phone call? How do I figure out where I’m going to stay tonight?” Salahi said. “There’s virtually no support provided to people who are finishing a term of imprisonment to get on their feet properly. And this is one of the critical lifelines that’s supposed to be made available to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR has faced scrutiny over the reentry funds before. In 2008, a state Court of Appeal reprimanded the department for not following the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The lawsuit led by two formerly incarcerated men alleges that over 1 million Californians who have served time may have been denied money owed them by law.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The day John Vaesau was finally released from prison, he was so happy to be free that he almost forgot about his “gate money,” the $200 entitled by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-law\">California law\u003c/a> to help formerly incarcerated people reenter society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It didn’t even dawn on me at first because I was just so happy to be out,” Vaesau said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as he transitioned back to life in San Francisco after 33 years behind bars, the money never arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I was thinking, ‘It’s going to come. I’ll probably get it in a couple of weeks,’” Vaesau said. “And then weeks turned into months, and months turned into a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaesau is one of two men leading a proposed class-action lawsuit filed against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, alleging that over 1 million Californians who have served time may have been denied money owed them by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court, alleges that CDCR has routinely neglected to fulfill its obligation to provide many of those reentering society with gate money within 60 days of release from prison. The allowance is meant to help cover the cost of basic items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the funds are diverted to cover “the Department’s cost of clothing and transportation,” according to the complaint filed by attorneys from the UC Berkeley Criminal Law & Justice Center, including former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, and Edelson PC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, costs for bus or train tickets, or clothing purchased for the newly freed person, are improperly shifted onto the people being released, attorneys said. In Vaesau’s case, he said CDCR never gave him an explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money would have helped me out with a lot of things,” said Vaesau, who at age 16 was convicted as an adult of attempted murder but was eventually released after being resentenced under new laws. “I’m suing because I know there’s a lot of people who have been incarcerated for a long time, and right after they were done with us, they threw us out like garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the law states some exceptions — such as in case an individual absconds from parole or is incarcerated for less than six months — CDCR must otherwise provide the full sum to each newly freed person. But in 1994, California prison officials created a policy that allowed for special deductions like those for clothing or transportation, which the attorneys believe is unlawful, according to Yaman Salahi, one of the lead plaintiffs’ attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming CDCR was following its own policy, over 1 million people released from California prisons may have been shortchanged, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope to find out in the lawsuit exactly how many people are affected and exactly how much money has been withheld from individuals that the Legislature intended to be used for their reentry support,” Salahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to follow the money,” Vaesau added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount of gate money given to each individual has not changed since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13962624/involuntary-servitude-california-prop-6-san-quentin\">then-Gov. Ronald Reagan signed the law in the 1970s\u003c/a>. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SB-1304-VETO.pdf?emrc=c0a88e\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill\u003c/a> that would have increased it to an inflation-adjusted $1,300.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While $200 may seem like a relatively small sum, experts say it’s not insignificant. The first 72 hours after release can set the stage for successful reentry, according to research cited in the complaint. Gate money can provide a warm bed and a hot meal for someone’s first days outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the challenges people might face are as simple as how do I make a phone call? How do I figure out where I’m going to stay tonight?” Salahi said. “There’s virtually no support provided to people who are finishing a term of imprisonment to get on their feet properly. And this is one of the critical lifelines that’s supposed to be made available to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR has faced scrutiny over the reentry funds before. In 2008, a state Court of Appeal reprimanded the department for not following the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Here are the morning’s top stories on Thursday, September 12, 2024…\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Department of Corrections \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">is investigating\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> after more than 100 women incarcerated in a Central Valley prison were allegedly pepper sprayed and tear gassed by staff for more than an hour. This happened at the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla in early August.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Governor Gavin Newsom has \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/11/governor-newsom-proclaims-state-of-emergency-in-response-to-bridge-and-airport-fires-visits-line-fire-incident-command-post/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">declared a state of emergency\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to support the ongoing response to the massive fires burning in Southern California. The largest of those fires is the Bridge Fire burning in the Angeles National Forest. That fire has burned more than 51,000 acres.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Crews fighting \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2024/9/9/airport-fire\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the Airport Fire\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Orange and Riverside counties are asking people living nearby the blaze to stay vigilant and be prepared to leave at a moment’s notice. The fire has burned more than 23,000 acres. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In San Bernardino County, crews continue to get better containment on \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2024/9/5/line-fire\">the Line Fire,\u003c/a> which is now 18% contained.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">\u003cb>‘Like a War Zone’: Prison Officers Used Unprecedented Force in August Attack, Incarcerated Women Say\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ncarcerated women at the Central California Women’s facility in Chowchilla say correctional officers used pepper spray, tear gas and rubber bullets on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Four women told KQED they were left injured, had difficulty breathing and were traumatized by the incident that occurred last month on Aug. 2.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Three incarcerated people had difficulty breathing and were transported to an offsite medical facility, according to an emailed statement from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In its statement, CDCR said officials have “identified concerning information about the handling of the Aug. 2 incident at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) and are taking swift action.” The statement adds that a fight between two inmates prompted the incident and that approximately 100 others became “disruptive,” requiring staff to “quell the incident.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Governor Declares State Of Emergency As Southern CA Wildfires Burn More Than 100,000 Acres\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California Governor Gavin Newsom has \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/09/11/governor-newsom-proclaims-state-of-emergency-in-response-to-bridge-and-airport-fires-visits-line-fire-incident-command-post/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">issued a state of emergency \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">for much of Southern California, where \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/climate-environment/wildfires-southern-california-bridge-fire-airport-fire-line-fire-los-angeles-orange-county\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">three large wildfires\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> have torn through the region this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2024/9/8/bridge-fire\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Bridge Fire\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, now the largest wildfire in Southern California, ignited on Sunday afternoon in the Angeles National Forest and has burned 51,000 acres as of Thursday morning. Fire officials say that 20 homes were destroyed in Mount Baldy, 13 homes in Wrightwood and 5 cabins in wilderness areas.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2024/9/9/airport-fire\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Airport Fire\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> burning in Orange and Riverside counties has burned more than 23,000 acres. It’s 5% contained. Officials have confirmed that homes have been destroyed along Ortega Highway, but won’t know the full scope of the damage until assessment teams are deployed.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In San Bernardino County, crews continue to get a better handle on \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2024/9/5/line-fire\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the Line Fire\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which is now 18% contained. That fire has burned more than 37,000 acres.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]ncarcerated women at the Central California Women’s facility in Chowchilla say correctional officers used pepper spray, tear gas and rubber bullets on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four women told KQED they were left injured, had difficulty breathing and were traumatized by the incident that occurred last month on Aug. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three incarcerated people had difficulty breathing and were transported to an offsite medical facility, according to an emailed statement from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement, CDCR said officials have “identified concerning information about the handling of the Aug. 2 incident at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) and are taking swift action.” The statement adds that a fight between two inmates prompted the incident and that approximately 100 others became “disruptive,” requiring staff to “quell the incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sources told KQED that a fight had broken out earlier, well before the alleged use of force by officers, whose later behavior was unprovoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central California Women’s Facility is the largest female institution in the state. It houses over 2,000 incarcerated people at all security levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Warden-Mary-Lattimore-One-Year-Audit-Central-California-Womens-Facility.pdf\">according to a report\u003c/a> by the California Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘People were screaming for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 2, correctional officers informed the women in one of the units that they were going to conduct a contraband search of the entire building, according to half a dozen formerly and currently incarcerated women who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey said she is a member of the Inmate Advisory Council, which communicates with prison staff about prisoners’ needs. She said everyone who was there that day complied with the order from officers to file into the cafeteria, also known as the chow hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yancey said that after nearly four hours inside the cafeteria, the women had missed their state-issued lunch and others had not been given their medication. She said she asked to speak to Sergeant Fernando Arroyo, the officer she believed to be in charge that day. Meanwhile, another woman was seen having a seizure, according to Yancey and other witnesses. Yancey told KQED that a guard called a “medical code.” Moments later, she said, 30 to 40 officers entered the cafeteria, including Sgt. Arroyo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I saw Sergeant Arroyo, I assumed that he was coming in to talk to us about lunches, food, water and things like that,” she said. Yancey said Arroyo did not address the women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers then formed a skirmish line around them, according to three of the women. Yancey said she saw Sergeant Arroyo tap officers on the shoulder before officers started screaming “Get back!” at the women, who, she said, posed no threat. Officers began to spray pepper spray and tear gas at the women, according to four accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the inmates ran away from the [chemical] bomb. Officers chased them, body slamming people who had walkers and couldn’t get down,” Yancey said, “Snatching shirts off people’s faces and [pepper] spraying them directly in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chaos unfolded, Elaine De Leon Guerrero, an Iraq war veteran, said she immediately threw herself to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up getting trampled on. People were screaming for help, crying, asking to please stop,” she said. “There were multiple orders being sent by different staff. Some were screaming at us, saying, get down. Others were saying, ‘Get up and file.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Leon Guerrero said she saw two women have seizures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the statement, CDCR officials acknowledged that correctional officers used chemical weapons but would not provide any more details; the agency said no rubber bullets were used and maintained that the incident did not amount to excessive force. CDCR declined to specify whether other projectiles were used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also declined to confirm whether a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo works at the Chowchilla facility or was in charge that day. \u003ca href=\"https://openpayrolls.com/employee/fernando-arroyo-9571\">Public records show\u003c/a> that a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo worked at the Chowchilla facility until at least 2023. A Chowchilla prison employee named Fernando Arroyo is listed as one of several defendants in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/roe-vs-cdcr-complaint-sacramento.pdf\">ongoing civil suit filed by 144 plaintiffs\u003c/a> in Sacramento County alleging sexual assault and sexual battery at the Chowchilla facility. Arroyo could not be reached by phone; CDCR did not respond to KQED’s request to make Arroyo available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Witnesses interviewed by KQED said that eventually, officers zip-tied all the women’s hands and escorted them outside to the yard, where they were made to sit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re thinking, okay, we’re sitting, we’re defenseless, now we’re going to get answers,” inmate Johnnyne Ramirez said. Instead, Ramirez said the officers continued another round of pepper spraying and tear gas bombing. Yancey and De Leon Guerrero gave KQED a matching account of the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day because they were shooting. They were throwing [tear gas] grenades. They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone,” Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003230 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses told KQED that the unrest in the yard went on for another hour before prison staff escorted the women back to their cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they didn’t decontaminate us after using the chemical agents, which they’re supposed to do,” De Leon Guerrero said. “They just sent us, little at a time, back to the cells.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson declined to comment on specific allegations following the system’s written statement, citing an active investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at the facility began an immediate week-long intensive training on appropriate incident response, according to the statement from CDRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unprecedented use of force\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When told about the incident, Deputy Director for the ACLU National Prison Project Corene Kendrick said she had never seen this level of force at a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never heard of anything this severe of an overreaction, especially when it’s in the context of something like a property search. And the women were just asking ‘what’s going on? And how much longer is this going to take?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a CDCR policy that states chemical agents should not be used once a person is restrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sara Norman, an attorney who monitors jails and prisons, said the alleged violence by CDCR staff is disturbing but not surprising. In 2020, staff at the men’s correctional facility in Soledad rounded up incarcerated Black men and locked them in a cafeteria for hours at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were zip-tied and they were interrogated about involvement with Black Lives Matter,” Norman said. “So these sorts of things tend to burst out in the current culture at CDCR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>History of alleged abuse at the Chowchilla Facility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">announced last week\u003c/a> that it is investigating the CDCR’s handling of sexual abuse allegations at the state women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">In a statement\u003c/a>, the DOJ said it found significant justification to open the investigation, including “hundreds of private lawsuits” and reports alleging sexual abuse by correctional officers. Last year a correctional officer at the Chowchilla facility was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">96 criminal counts\u003c/a>, including rape, sodomy and sexual battery over a 13-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ’s investigation is appropriate given the charges brought against the correctional officer, said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, the chair of the Women’s Legislative Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to imagine that that individual was able to get away with that without other officials knowing. And it really puts a spotlight on what is happening there,” the East Bay lawmaker told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women who were in the chow hall at the Central California Women’s Facility on Aug. 2 said they hope the CDCR’s investigation leads to transparency and accountability. All of the women said they were traumatized by the alleged attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being around a lot of people now, so I kind of stay secluded,” De Leon Guerrero said. “I cannot go into the chow hall. I’ve tried it. I start[ed] getting anxiety and a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "'Like a War Zone': Prison Officers Used Unprecedented Force in August Attack, Incarcerated Women Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ncarcerated women at the Central California Women’s facility in Chowchilla say correctional officers used pepper spray, tear gas and rubber bullets on them after forcing them into a cafeteria with no food, water or medication for more than four hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four women told KQED they were left injured, had difficulty breathing and were traumatized by the incident that occurred last month on Aug. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three incarcerated people had difficulty breathing and were transported to an offsite medical facility, according to an emailed statement from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its statement, CDCR said officials have “identified concerning information about the handling of the Aug. 2 incident at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF) and are taking swift action.” The statement adds that a fight between two inmates prompted the incident and that approximately 100 others became “disruptive,” requiring staff to “quell the incident.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sources told KQED that a fight had broken out earlier, well before the alleged use of force by officers, whose later behavior was unprovoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Central California Women’s Facility is the largest female institution in the state. It houses over 2,000 incarcerated people at all security levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Warden-Mary-Lattimore-One-Year-Audit-Central-California-Womens-Facility.pdf\">according to a report\u003c/a> by the California Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘People were screaming for help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 2, correctional officers informed the women in one of the units that they were going to conduct a contraband search of the entire building, according to half a dozen formerly and currently incarcerated women who spoke to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antoinette Yancey said she is a member of the Inmate Advisory Council, which communicates with prison staff about prisoners’ needs. She said everyone who was there that day complied with the order from officers to file into the cafeteria, also known as the chow hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yancey said that after nearly four hours inside the cafeteria, the women had missed their state-issued lunch and others had not been given their medication. She said she asked to speak to Sergeant Fernando Arroyo, the officer she believed to be in charge that day. Meanwhile, another woman was seen having a seizure, according to Yancey and other witnesses. Yancey told KQED that a guard called a “medical code.” Moments later, she said, 30 to 40 officers entered the cafeteria, including Sgt. Arroyo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I saw Sergeant Arroyo, I assumed that he was coming in to talk to us about lunches, food, water and things like that,” she said. Yancey said Arroyo did not address the women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers then formed a skirmish line around them, according to three of the women. Yancey said she saw Sergeant Arroyo tap officers on the shoulder before officers started screaming “Get back!” at the women, who, she said, posed no threat. Officers began to spray pepper spray and tear gas at the women, according to four accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the inmates ran away from the [chemical] bomb. Officers chased them, body slamming people who had walkers and couldn’t get down,” Yancey said, “Snatching shirts off people’s faces and [pepper] spraying them directly in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the chaos unfolded, Elaine De Leon Guerrero, an Iraq war veteran, said she immediately threw herself to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I ended up getting trampled on. People were screaming for help, crying, asking to please stop,” she said. “There were multiple orders being sent by different staff. Some were screaming at us, saying, get down. Others were saying, ‘Get up and file.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Leon Guerrero said she saw two women have seizures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the statement, CDCR officials acknowledged that correctional officers used chemical weapons but would not provide any more details; the agency said no rubber bullets were used and maintained that the incident did not amount to excessive force. CDCR declined to specify whether other projectiles were used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also declined to confirm whether a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo works at the Chowchilla facility or was in charge that day. \u003ca href=\"https://openpayrolls.com/employee/fernando-arroyo-9571\">Public records show\u003c/a> that a Sgt. Fernando Arroyo worked at the Chowchilla facility until at least 2023. A Chowchilla prison employee named Fernando Arroyo is listed as one of several defendants in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/roe-vs-cdcr-complaint-sacramento.pdf\">ongoing civil suit filed by 144 plaintiffs\u003c/a> in Sacramento County alleging sexual assault and sexual battery at the Chowchilla facility. Arroyo could not be reached by phone; CDCR did not respond to KQED’s request to make Arroyo available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Witnesses interviewed by KQED said that eventually, officers zip-tied all the women’s hands and escorted them outside to the yard, where they were made to sit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re thinking, okay, we’re sitting, we’re defenseless, now we’re going to get answers,” inmate Johnnyne Ramirez said. Instead, Ramirez said the officers continued another round of pepper spraying and tear gas bombing. Yancey and De Leon Guerrero gave KQED a matching account of the events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really thought I was going to die that day because they were shooting. They were throwing [tear gas] grenades. They just wouldn’t stop. It was like a war zone,” Ramirez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witnesses told KQED that the unrest in the yard went on for another hour before prison staff escorted the women back to their cells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But they didn’t decontaminate us after using the chemical agents, which they’re supposed to do,” De Leon Guerrero said. “They just sent us, little at a time, back to the cells.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CDCR spokesperson declined to comment on specific allegations following the system’s written statement, citing an active investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff at the facility began an immediate week-long intensive training on appropriate incident response, according to the statement from CDRC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unprecedented use of force\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When told about the incident, Deputy Director for the ACLU National Prison Project Corene Kendrick said she had never seen this level of force at a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never heard of anything this severe of an overreaction, especially when it’s in the context of something like a property search. And the women were just asking ‘what’s going on? And how much longer is this going to take?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to a CDCR policy that states chemical agents should not be used once a person is restrained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sara Norman, an attorney who monitors jails and prisons, said the alleged violence by CDCR staff is disturbing but not surprising. In 2020, staff at the men’s correctional facility in Soledad rounded up incarcerated Black men and locked them in a cafeteria for hours at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were zip-tied and they were interrogated about involvement with Black Lives Matter,” Norman said. “So these sorts of things tend to burst out in the current culture at CDCR.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>History of alleged abuse at the Chowchilla Facility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003230/feds-investigate-california-prisons-where-women-say-culture-of-impunity-surrounded-abuse\">announced last week\u003c/a> that it is investigating the CDCR’s handling of sexual abuse allegations at the state women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-civil-rights-investigation-correctional-staff-sexual-abuse-two\">In a statement\u003c/a>, the DOJ said it found significant justification to open the investigation, including “hundreds of private lawsuits” and reports alleging sexual abuse by correctional officers. Last year a correctional officer at the Chowchilla facility was charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/25/gregory-rodriguez-california-correctional-officer-accused-sexual-assault-womens-prison\">96 criminal counts\u003c/a>, including rape, sodomy and sexual battery over a 13-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ’s investigation is appropriate given the charges brought against the correctional officer, said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, the chair of the Women’s Legislative Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard to imagine that that individual was able to get away with that without other officials knowing. And it really puts a spotlight on what is happening there,” the East Bay lawmaker told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women who were in the chow hall at the Central California Women’s Facility on Aug. 2 said they hope the CDCR’s investigation leads to transparency and accountability. All of the women said they were traumatized by the alleged attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like being around a lot of people now, so I kind of stay secluded,” De Leon Guerrero said. “I cannot go into the chow hall. I’ve tried it. I start[ed] getting anxiety and a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
}
},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"order": 18
},
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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