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"content": "\u003cp>Service workers at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-international-airport\">San Francisco’s airport\u003c/a> called for a $30 an hour minimum wage and other improved benefits during a Board of Supervisors hearing on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at San Francisco International Airport who clean airplane cabins, handle baggage, work security, push wheelchairs and more currently make about $22 per hour. This translates to a little over $45,000, before taxes, for a 40-hour work week — well below the poverty line in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nestor Dolde, 73, said he works two separate jobs at the airport — totalling 16 hours a day — to earn enough for his family of four to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sacrifice the health and safety of myself just to give a decent living [to] my family because the transportation now is so expensive … I don’t sleep too much,” Dolde said at the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing comes days after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082129/bay-area-elected-officials-among-several-arrested-at-may-day-protest-at-sfo\">May Day protest at the airport\u003c/a> over the labor fight ended in arrests of Supervisors Rafael Mandelman and Connie Chan, and state Sen. Josh Becker, D-San Mateo, along with around 20 others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officials had gathered with dozens of janitors, security officers and airport workers with Service Employees International Union United Service Workers West, who said at the rally that their stagnant pay could not keep up with the high cost of living in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mandelman scheduled Thursday’s hearing in April to check on the lengthy contract negotiations between nearly 2,000 SFO employees represented by SEIU-USWW and a group of multi-national corporate contractors that employ them, including G2/Menzies, PrimeFlight, Unifi, ABM and Compass/Flix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/MayDaySFGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/MayDaySFGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/MayDaySFGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/MayDaySFGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Rafael Mandelman is arrested as he stands with other demonstrators blocking the road in front of San Francisco International terminal during ICE Out of San Francisco protest at SFO on May Day at San Francisco International Airport on Friday, May 1, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The protest and the hearing follow a year of fruitless negotiations with the airport contractors, union representatives said. They also said that the airport contractors have not yet offered a full response to workers’demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the five contractors involved in the negotiations sent a representative to the hearing, nor did they respond to KQED’s requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the hearing, airport workers shared emotional stories about struggling to make enough to survive in the Bay Area — doing everything from taking on second jobs to subsisting on diets of rice and oatmeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet, the employees displayed immense pride in their work, sporting T-shirts with the slogan “We Make SFO Fly” splashed across the back.[aside postID=news_12081923 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240426_DEPTOFLABORANNOUNCEMENT-16-GC-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Noyra Gonzalez, a wheelchair agent who spends her days helping people get to and from their gates, told KQED: “At the end of the day, it’s a very fulfilling job because we’re helping people that actually need the help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that she cannot afford her own apartment and only recently upgraded from her aunt’s couch to a room in a shared home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to sleep on a couch in order to make ends meet … Many of my co-workers sleep at the parking lot in their cars, and some others sleep in the airport because they have two or three jobs, so they basically live at the airport,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, airport workers in Los Angeles won a $30 an hour wage, to be phased in by 2028. There, a coalition of airlines — along with other industry groups that employ service workers — tried to force a citywide vote on the new laws, claiming they would lead to layoffs and deliver a fresh blow to the tourism industry, after COVID-19 led to major losses, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-05-14/council-hikes-hotel-minimum-wage-despite-warnings-from-tourism-companies\">\u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanjay Garla, first vice president of SEIU-USWW, a 50,000-person union that fought for the gains in Los Angeles, said that the low wages are ultimately the airline’s responsibility. The airlines, which set the overall contracting prices, have pushed to keep them low despite record profits, Garla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report by Airport Workers United, a national airport workers union, shared ahead of the meeting, stated that every individual domestic airline in the “Big Four” — American Airlines, Delta Air Lines, Southwest Airlines and United Airlines — saw record revenues in 2025 and net profits of about $39.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is just such a contrast between the evident wealth of that airport and the working conditions of the lowest wage workers at the airport,” Mandelman told KQED after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He confirmed that the board could step in, saying, “We have legislated around the airport in the past, and we could do it again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Noyra Gonzalez, a wheelchair agent who spends her days helping people get to and from their gates, told KQED: “At the end of the day, it’s a very fulfilling job because we’re helping people that actually need the help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that she cannot afford her own apartment and only recently upgraded from her aunt’s couch to a room in a shared home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to sleep on a couch in order to make ends meet … Many of my co-workers sleep at the parking lot in their cars, and some others sleep in the airport because they have two or three jobs, so they basically live at the airport,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, airport workers in Los Angeles won a $30 an hour wage, to be phased in by 2028. There, a coalition of airlines — along with other industry groups that employ service workers — tried to force a citywide vote on the new laws, claiming they would lead to layoffs and deliver a fresh blow to the tourism industry, after COVID-19 led to major losses, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-05-14/council-hikes-hotel-minimum-wage-despite-warnings-from-tourism-companies\">\u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanjay Garla, first vice president of SEIU-USWW, a 50,000-person union that fought for the gains in Los Angeles, said that the low wages are ultimately the airline’s responsibility. The airlines, which set the overall contracting prices, have pushed to keep them low despite record profits, Garla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report by Airport Workers United, a national airport workers union, shared ahead of the meeting, stated that every individual domestic airline in the “Big Four” — American Airlines, Delta Air Lines, Southwest Airlines and United Airlines — saw record revenues in 2025 and net profits of about $39.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is just such a contrast between the evident wealth of that airport and the working conditions of the lowest wage workers at the airport,” Mandelman told KQED after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He confirmed that the board could step in, saying, “We have legislated around the airport in the past, and we could do it again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">\u003cem>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In an unusual move amid a contentious election cycle, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay\u003c/a> judge has barred Santa Clara County District Attorney Jeff Rosen and his office from retrying a vandalism case against a group of pro-Palestinian Stanford student protesters due to a conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Kelley Paul issued the rare order Thursday afternoon recusing Rosen and his entire office from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her decision, she sided with defense attorneys who cited a series of concerns about Rosen’s actions, including his promotion of the case on a campaign fundraising website highlighting his efforts in “fighting antisemitism.” Rosen is running for reelection this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conflict is so grave as to render it unlikely that the defendants will receive fair treatment during all portions of the criminal proceeding,” Paul said from the bench in a small San José courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the protesters in court and a small group of their supporters let out cheers and sighs of relief after exiting the courtroom, and started cheering and clapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064522\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064522\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Germán González, who is one of five pro-Palestinian protesters going to trial for breaking into the Stanford University president’s office, speaks to a group of supporters outside the Hall of Justice in San José on Monday, Nov. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The group of five protesters was part of an original group of 12 charged with felony vandalism and conspiracy after their June 4, 2024, occupation of the president’s office on Stanford University’s campus, where they barricaded themselves before being arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters said on social media at the time they entered the university offices that they wanted Stanford leaders to “address their role in enabling and profiting from the ongoing genocide in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action came amid a series of larger campus demonstrations aimed at pressuring the school to divest from companies that support Israel’s military bombardment in Gaza.[aside postID=news_12082376 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250401-REGIONALMED-JG-3_qed-1020x680.jpg']Their case has gained notoriety in part because it was one of the most severe prosecutions connected with protest-related activity over the Gaza war across college campuses in 2024. While thousands were arrested, few of the cases saw felony charges filed, and many of the lesser charges were eventually dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the original 12 went to trial, and in February, a deadlocked jury pushed the case to a mistrial. Defense attorneys, including Deputy Public Defender Avi Singh, filed the request to recuse Rosen shortly after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>German Gonzalez, one of the defendants in the trial, said immediately after the decision on Thursday that he was very happy about the outcome. “I think given the ways that we’ve seen the district attorney try to really trade this prosecution for a campaign fund, it’s not a question of monetization, it’s a question, to a certain degree, of corruption,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very grateful for Judge Paul’s ruling,” he said. “I tried to keep a calm and composed expression, but I was definitely very nervous because the experience of the prosecution from this district attorney’s office has been quite difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rosen’s office, in an emailed statement, said Thursday, “While we disagree with the judge’s ruling, we respect it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989124\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989124\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office Deputies stand guard outside Building 10 at Stanford University, where pro-Palestinian protesters broke into the university president’s office and occupied it before being arrested on June 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When recusal motions are considered in local courts, the state’s Attorney General’s office represents the DA. Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office argued in filings that the defense’s “claims are meritless, and recusal is not required.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Singh, in his motion, raised several issues about Rosen’s conduct during the lead up to the charges of the protesters and their prosecution, and the trial. He said Rosen had labeled protesters as antisemitic, because of his inclusion of the case on his campaign page about “fighting antisemitism.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That webpage was sent in an email blast to over 600 people in L.A. County advertising a fundraiser for Rosen. The page also included a video recording of a speech Rosen gave to a nonprofit organization that supports Jewish college students. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paul cited the video in court, saying Rosen said “fighting for Jews and for Israel is fighting for America, that antisemitism is anti-Americanism, that antisemitism is un-American.” She also said Rosen criticized the group Students for Justice in Palestine. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paul also referred to a 2020 San Luis Obispo County case where the District Attorney, Dan Dow, had fundraised around his prosecution of Black Lives Matters protesters marching in the streets after the police murder of George Floyd, which was cited by Singh in his motion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A trial court there disqualified Dow, and an appeals court upheld the decision, because of his “well-publicized association with critics of the Black Lives Matter movement.” The case was known as the Lastra ruling, based on one of the defendants’ names. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The court agrees with the defense that the videos and articles posted on the fighting antisemitism campaign page must be considered together as a whole,” Paul said. “In an age of digital media, this page and the email blast…parallels” the conflict in the Lastra case, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a conspiracy to commit a misdemeanor, trespass and a felony vandalism case, plain and simple. It is not a hate crime case and the characterization of the prosecution of this case as a fight against antisemitism, as part and parcel of a fundraising campaign, runs afoul of Lastra,” Paul said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082849\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deputy Public Defender Avi Singh, German Gonzalez and Maya Burke smile after walking out of a San José court on Thursday, May 7, where Santa Clara County District Attorney Jeff Rosen’s office was disqualified from their vandalism case by a judge due to a conflict of interest. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sharon Loughner, the Deputy Attorney General representing Bonta’s office, argued previously in court filings that the protesters’ arguments “fail to present direct evidence of DA Rosen labeling them ‘antisemitic’,” and that Rosen’s public statements “consist of ideologically neutral comments with no financial solicitations.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Loughner said prosecutors are allowed under the First Amendment to express their political views, and “may continue to fundraise while in office provided those efforts are not tied to biased speech.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paul, on Thursday, said Rosen, as a DA, a citizen and a candidate, has rights to express his opinions and take stances against issues like antisemitism, but she admonished that “caution and care” need to be used. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During court arguments over the request for recusal from Singh last month, Paul ordered Rosen’s campaign to turn over fundraising records connected with an event in December in Los Angeles, and allowed Singh to subpoena other documents from outside parties. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In an interview last month with the Bay Area News Group’s editorial board about his campaign for re-election, Rosen “grew visibly heated” when asked about the monetization allegations, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/04/21/santa-clara-da-jeff-rosen-recusal-stanford-vandalism-fundraising-records/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Mercury News\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rosen said DAs often campaign on their prosecutions, and said he hasn’t faced challenges about other cases, but said because he is Jewish, this case is being treated differently. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“But in this case, because it’s about antisemitism, and it’s because I’m a Jew, it’s the oldest f***ing antisemitic trope. And that’s exactly what the defense attorney is doing in this case,” he said, The Mercury News reported. Paul cited the statements in the article in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082848\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Defense attorneys and German Gonzalez and Maya Burke take a group photo outside the Hall of Justice in San José on Thursday, May 7. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The last time Rosen’s office was recused from a case was a bribery case in 2021, in connection with the prosecution of a key defendant in the quid-pro-quo scandal around concealed carry gun permits issued by the sheriff’s office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An appeals court ruled in 2021 Rosen’s office was conflicted because a close friendship and fundraising relationship with \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/news/fatal-conflict-bars-scc-da-from-prosecuting-ccw-conspiracy/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Christopher Schumb\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> made it unlikely he would receive a fair trial. The case was taken over by the Attorney General’s office and the charges were later dropped.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul’s decision orders the Attorney General to take over the case. The Attorney General’s office could still appeal Thursday’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new trial for the protesters is currently scheduled for May 11, but could be delayed due to potential appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gonzalez said he hopes the Attorney General’s office drops the charges. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think that this case should have never been charged to begin with,” he said. “I’m very grateful that it’s in the hands of the AG now and I hope they make the correct decision.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an unusual move amid a contentious election cycle, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay\u003c/a> judge has barred Santa Clara County District Attorney Jeff Rosen and his office from retrying a vandalism case against a group of pro-Palestinian Stanford student protesters due to a conflict of interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Superior Court Judge Kelley Paul issued the rare order Thursday afternoon recusing Rosen and his entire office from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her decision, she sided with defense attorneys who cited a series of concerns about Rosen’s actions, including his promotion of the case on a campaign fundraising website highlighting his efforts in “fighting antisemitism.” Rosen is running for reelection this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conflict is so grave as to render it unlikely that the defendants will receive fair treatment during all portions of the criminal proceeding,” Paul said from the bench in a small San José courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the protesters in court and a small group of their supporters let out cheers and sighs of relief after exiting the courtroom, and started cheering and clapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064522\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064522\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251117-STANFORDTRIAL-JG-7_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Germán González, who is one of five pro-Palestinian protesters going to trial for breaking into the Stanford University president’s office, speaks to a group of supporters outside the Hall of Justice in San José on Monday, Nov. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The group of five protesters was part of an original group of 12 charged with felony vandalism and conspiracy after their June 4, 2024, occupation of the president’s office on Stanford University’s campus, where they barricaded themselves before being arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters said on social media at the time they entered the university offices that they wanted Stanford leaders to “address their role in enabling and profiting from the ongoing genocide in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action came amid a series of larger campus demonstrations aimed at pressuring the school to divest from companies that support Israel’s military bombardment in Gaza.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Their case has gained notoriety in part because it was one of the most severe prosecutions connected with protest-related activity over the Gaza war across college campuses in 2024. While thousands were arrested, few of the cases saw felony charges filed, and many of the lesser charges were eventually dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the original 12 went to trial, and in February, a deadlocked jury pushed the case to a mistrial. Defense attorneys, including Deputy Public Defender Avi Singh, filed the request to recuse Rosen shortly after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>German Gonzalez, one of the defendants in the trial, said immediately after the decision on Thursday that he was very happy about the outcome. “I think given the ways that we’ve seen the district attorney try to really trade this prosecution for a campaign fund, it’s not a question of monetization, it’s a question, to a certain degree, of corruption,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very grateful for Judge Paul’s ruling,” he said. “I tried to keep a calm and composed expression, but I was definitely very nervous because the experience of the prosecution from this district attorney’s office has been quite difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rosen’s office, in an emailed statement, said Thursday, “While we disagree with the judge’s ruling, we respect it.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989124\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989124\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Office Deputies stand guard outside Building 10 at Stanford University, where pro-Palestinian protesters broke into the university president’s office and occupied it before being arrested on June 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When recusal motions are considered in local courts, the state’s Attorney General’s office represents the DA. Attorney General Rob Bonta’s office argued in filings that the defense’s “claims are meritless, and recusal is not required.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Singh, in his motion, raised several issues about Rosen’s conduct during the lead up to the charges of the protesters and their prosecution, and the trial. He said Rosen had labeled protesters as antisemitic, because of his inclusion of the case on his campaign page about “fighting antisemitism.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That webpage was sent in an email blast to over 600 people in L.A. County advertising a fundraiser for Rosen. The page also included a video recording of a speech Rosen gave to a nonprofit organization that supports Jewish college students. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paul cited the video in court, saying Rosen said “fighting for Jews and for Israel is fighting for America, that antisemitism is anti-Americanism, that antisemitism is un-American.” She also said Rosen criticized the group Students for Justice in Palestine. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paul also referred to a 2020 San Luis Obispo County case where the District Attorney, Dan Dow, had fundraised around his prosecution of Black Lives Matters protesters marching in the streets after the police murder of George Floyd, which was cited by Singh in his motion. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A trial court there disqualified Dow, and an appeals court upheld the decision, because of his “well-publicized association with critics of the Black Lives Matter movement.” The case was known as the Lastra ruling, based on one of the defendants’ names. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“The court agrees with the defense that the videos and articles posted on the fighting antisemitism campaign page must be considered together as a whole,” Paul said. “In an age of digital media, this page and the email blast…parallels” the conflict in the Lastra case, she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is a conspiracy to commit a misdemeanor, trespass and a felony vandalism case, plain and simple. It is not a hate crime case and the characterization of the prosecution of this case as a fight against antisemitism, as part and parcel of a fundraising campaign, runs afoul of Lastra,” Paul said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082849\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082849\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deputy Public Defender Avi Singh, German Gonzalez and Maya Burke smile after walking out of a San José court on Thursday, May 7, where Santa Clara County District Attorney Jeff Rosen’s office was disqualified from their vandalism case by a judge due to a conflict of interest. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sharon Loughner, the Deputy Attorney General representing Bonta’s office, argued previously in court filings that the protesters’ arguments “fail to present direct evidence of DA Rosen labeling them ‘antisemitic’,” and that Rosen’s public statements “consist of ideologically neutral comments with no financial solicitations.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Loughner said prosecutors are allowed under the First Amendment to express their political views, and “may continue to fundraise while in office provided those efforts are not tied to biased speech.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Paul, on Thursday, said Rosen, as a DA, a citizen and a candidate, has rights to express his opinions and take stances against issues like antisemitism, but she admonished that “caution and care” need to be used. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">During court arguments over the request for recusal from Singh last month, Paul ordered Rosen’s campaign to turn over fundraising records connected with an event in December in Los Angeles, and allowed Singh to subpoena other documents from outside parties. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In an interview last month with the Bay Area News Group’s editorial board about his campaign for re-election, Rosen “grew visibly heated” when asked about the monetization allegations, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/04/21/santa-clara-da-jeff-rosen-recusal-stanford-vandalism-fundraising-records/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Mercury News\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rosen said DAs often campaign on their prosecutions, and said he hasn’t faced challenges about other cases, but said because he is Jewish, this case is being treated differently. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“But in this case, because it’s about antisemitism, and it’s because I’m a Jew, it’s the oldest f***ing antisemitic trope. And that’s exactly what the defense attorney is doing in this case,” he said, The Mercury News reported. Paul cited the statements in the article in court.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082848\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/260507-DARECUSAL-KQED-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Defense attorneys and German Gonzalez and Maya Burke take a group photo outside the Hall of Justice in San José on Thursday, May 7. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The last time Rosen’s office was recused from a case was a bribery case in 2021, in connection with the prosecution of a key defendant in the quid-pro-quo scandal around concealed carry gun permits issued by the sheriff’s office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An appeals court ruled in 2021 Rosen’s office was conflicted because a close friendship and fundraising relationship with \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/news/fatal-conflict-bars-scc-da-from-prosecuting-ccw-conspiracy/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Christopher Schumb\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> made it unlikely he would receive a fair trial. The case was taken over by the Attorney General’s office and the charges were later dropped.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul’s decision orders the Attorney General to take over the case. The Attorney General’s office could still appeal Thursday’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new trial for the protesters is currently scheduled for May 11, but could be delayed due to potential appeals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Gonzalez said he hopes the Attorney General’s office drops the charges. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think that this case should have never been charged to begin with,” he said. “I’m very grateful that it’s in the hands of the AG now and I hope they make the correct decision.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California will once again play a big role in determining which party controls the U.S. Congress next year. That’s in part because of the mid-decade redistricting battle that President Trump set off last summer, but it’s also tied to a recent Supreme Court ruling that has prompted several Southern states to redraw their maps even after some voters have cast their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa and Scott sit down with Guy to discuss how the Democratic Party’s internal debates over generational change are shaping key congressional races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then they’re joined by Erin Covey, editor of the Cook Political Report’s coverage of the U.S. House of Representatives, to survey the national landscape and take a closer look at the high stakes districts back here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DYzLhsb1_7Q\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information on the races and ballot measures in California’s June 2 primary election, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California will once again play a big role in determining which party controls the U.S. Congress next year. That’s in part because of the mid-decade redistricting battle that President Trump set off last summer, but it’s also tied to a recent Supreme Court ruling that has prompted several Southern states to redraw their maps even after some voters have cast their ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa and Scott sit down with Guy to discuss how the Democratic Party’s internal debates over generational change are shaping key congressional races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then they’re joined by Erin Covey, editor of the Cook Political Report’s coverage of the U.S. House of Representatives, to survey the national landscape and take a closer look at the high stakes districts back here in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/DYzLhsb1_7Q'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/DYzLhsb1_7Q'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>For more information on the races and ballot measures in California’s June 2 primary election, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "oakland-approves-police-contract-with-cellebrite-to-search-phones",
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"content": "\u003cp>Activists opposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s contract this week with an Israeli cellphone data extraction company, which they say has been used in Israeli military operations in Gaza and to surveil journalists and activists across the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Oakland Police Department has contracted with digital intelligence company Cellebrite since 2014, the City Council voted Wednesday to extend the contract through June 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By approving this contract, Oakland has chosen to bring in technology tied directly to Israeli occupation forces, the surveillance of Palestinians, and immigration enforcement here in the U.S.,” said Zahra Billoo, the executive director of the Bay Area’s office of the Council of American-Islamic Relations. “That decision should never have been made without meaningful engagement with the communities most likely to be impacted by expanded surveillance and discriminatory policing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OPD has used some version of Cellebrite’s technology to download cellphone data, but the most updated version, which the department has used since about 2024, allows it to access data from cellphones without a passcode, according to Sgt. Yun Zhou. According to city records, the technology is used in both internal audits of OPD members’ work phones and to aid in criminal investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Zhou said, the department used Cellebrite to search more than 200 devices obtained through search warrants and thought to be involved in robberies, homicides and other crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11524304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11524304\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland police headquarters on Nov. 12, 2016.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1305\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-800x544.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-1180x802.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-960x653.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-240x163.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-375x255.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-520x353.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland police headquarters on Nov. 12, 2016. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The City Council’s vote to extend the contract, for a price of $140,000, was 6 to 2, with Councilmembers Janani Ramachandran and Carroll Fife opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Fife, Cellebrite’s technology has been used against journalists in Myanmar and Botswana, and activists in Serbia, whose phones were “secretly” unlocked. CAIR also said the technology has been used to collect data from Palestinians who have been detained in Gaza.[aside postID=news_12081173 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2216992312-2000x1334.jpg']And last year, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement signed a contract to obtain Cellebrite’s tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t want Oakland to be part of that list of bad actors who continuously violate human rights,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhou said that Oakland’s data is stored locally through \u003ca href=\"http://evidence.com\">evidence.com\u003c/a> and that Cellebrite does not touch it. According to the Police Department’s 2024 annual report, “OPD has not shared any Cellebrite extraction data with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the Department of Homeland Security or U.S. Customs and Border Protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Wednesday’s meeting, more than 20 people spoke in opposition to the contract, many echoing Fife’s and CAIR’s concerns about human rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tools provide access to phones, messages, location data, photos, deleted files and obviously that’s immensely intrusive,” said Musa Tariq, CAIR Bay Area’s policy coordinator. “This company is kind of part of a broader ecosystem of surveillance where these tools that are developed in militarized or occupation contexts are being exported globally. That’s raising concerns about the normalization of these practices, both abroad and then over here at home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052245\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Councilmember Carroll Fife speaks during a press conference at Oakland City Hall in Oakland on Aug. 14, 2025, condemning President Trump’s recent remarks about Oakland. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zhou said the department “does understand the optics of this company,” but hasn’t been able to identify a comparable alternative for extracting data from Android devices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are tied to it because of necessity,” he told the councilmembers. “If there is a viable replacement, just because of cost alone, I think most of us would switch over.” He said the department has tested alternative technologies, including one in the midst of a 30-day trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Zhou told the council, the alternative tool has been used to try to unlock eight phones and failed each test. By contrast, he said, Cellebrite has worked to access seven of the eight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Charlene Wang, who chairs the Public Safety Committee, said it was “undeniable” that Cellebrite had been used by authoritarian governments to surveil people without consent, but added that it’s also used in democratic nations to investigate violent organized crime and human trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said not approving the contract would hurt OPD’s ability to solve violent crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have trade-offs to make,” she said. “We have an obligation to protect our citizens, and to use this technology wisely here in the city of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082805 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charlene Wang speaks after being sworn in as a city council member for District 2 at City Hall in Oakland, California, on May 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Brontë Wittpenn/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wang said next year, she would like to see a competitive bidding process for the phone-extraction contract — a usual process for city contracts that was waived in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife asked the department to conduct a review of other vendors that might be available to offer similar technology, as well as an independent legal analysis assessing Cellebrite’s access to the city’s data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also asked that the department publicly report concrete statistics of how the data extraction technology is leading to a decrease in crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We keep having to approve contracts that have been shown around the world to have proven violations of people’s human rights,” Fife said. “I don’t support the use of this vendor. Israel is a genocide state. They are utilizing their power and their control and their monopolies in the public safety sector to monopolize law enforcement agencies around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Bay Area civil rights groups criticized the move, citing privacy concerns and use of the technology in military operations in Gaza and in immigration enforcement in the U.S.\r\n",
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"title": "Oakland Approves Police Contract With Israeli Intelligence Firm for Phone Searches | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Activists opposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s contract this week with an Israeli cellphone data extraction company, which they say has been used in Israeli military operations in Gaza and to surveil journalists and activists across the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Oakland Police Department has contracted with digital intelligence company Cellebrite since 2014, the City Council voted Wednesday to extend the contract through June 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By approving this contract, Oakland has chosen to bring in technology tied directly to Israeli occupation forces, the surveillance of Palestinians, and immigration enforcement here in the U.S.,” said Zahra Billoo, the executive director of the Bay Area’s office of the Council of American-Islamic Relations. “That decision should never have been made without meaningful engagement with the communities most likely to be impacted by expanded surveillance and discriminatory policing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OPD has used some version of Cellebrite’s technology to download cellphone data, but the most updated version, which the department has used since about 2024, allows it to access data from cellphones without a passcode, according to Sgt. Yun Zhou. According to city records, the technology is used in both internal audits of OPD members’ work phones and to aid in criminal investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Zhou said, the department used Cellebrite to search more than 200 devices obtained through search warrants and thought to be involved in robberies, homicides and other crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11524304\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11524304\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland police headquarters on Nov. 12, 2016.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1305\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-800x544.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-1180x802.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-960x653.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-240x163.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-375x255.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/OPDbldg-520x353.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland police headquarters on Nov. 12, 2016. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The City Council’s vote to extend the contract, for a price of $140,000, was 6 to 2, with Councilmembers Janani Ramachandran and Carroll Fife opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Fife, Cellebrite’s technology has been used against journalists in Myanmar and Botswana, and activists in Serbia, whose phones were “secretly” unlocked. CAIR also said the technology has been used to collect data from Palestinians who have been detained in Gaza.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And last year, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement signed a contract to obtain Cellebrite’s tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t want Oakland to be part of that list of bad actors who continuously violate human rights,” Fife said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zhou said that Oakland’s data is stored locally through \u003ca href=\"http://evidence.com\">evidence.com\u003c/a> and that Cellebrite does not touch it. According to the Police Department’s 2024 annual report, “OPD has not shared any Cellebrite extraction data with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the Department of Homeland Security or U.S. Customs and Border Protection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Wednesday’s meeting, more than 20 people spoke in opposition to the contract, many echoing Fife’s and CAIR’s concerns about human rights violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tools provide access to phones, messages, location data, photos, deleted files and obviously that’s immensely intrusive,” said Musa Tariq, CAIR Bay Area’s policy coordinator. “This company is kind of part of a broader ecosystem of surveillance where these tools that are developed in militarized or occupation contexts are being exported globally. That’s raising concerns about the normalization of these practices, both abroad and then over here at home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052245\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052245\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250814-OAKLANDPUSHBACK-17-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Councilmember Carroll Fife speaks during a press conference at Oakland City Hall in Oakland on Aug. 14, 2025, condemning President Trump’s recent remarks about Oakland. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zhou said the department “does understand the optics of this company,” but hasn’t been able to identify a comparable alternative for extracting data from Android devices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are tied to it because of necessity,” he told the councilmembers. “If there is a viable replacement, just because of cost alone, I think most of us would switch over.” He said the department has tested alternative technologies, including one in the midst of a 30-day trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Zhou told the council, the alternative tool has been used to try to unlock eight phones and failed each test. By contrast, he said, Cellebrite has worked to access seven of the eight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Charlene Wang, who chairs the Public Safety Committee, said it was “undeniable” that Cellebrite had been used by authoritarian governments to surveil people without consent, but added that it’s also used in democratic nations to investigate violent organized crime and human trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said not approving the contract would hurt OPD’s ability to solve violent crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have trade-offs to make,” she said. “We have an obligation to protect our citizens, and to use this technology wisely here in the city of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082805 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2215577954-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Charlene Wang speaks after being sworn in as a city council member for District 2 at City Hall in Oakland, California, on May 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Brontë Wittpenn/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wang said next year, she would like to see a competitive bidding process for the phone-extraction contract — a usual process for city contracts that was waived in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fife asked the department to conduct a review of other vendors that might be available to offer similar technology, as well as an independent legal analysis assessing Cellebrite’s access to the city’s data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also asked that the department publicly report concrete statistics of how the data extraction technology is leading to a decrease in crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We keep having to approve contracts that have been shown around the world to have proven violations of people’s human rights,” Fife said. “I don’t support the use of this vendor. Israel is a genocide state. They are utilizing their power and their control and their monopolies in the public safety sector to monopolize law enforcement agencies around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "did-newsoms-3-8-billion-hotels-to-housing-program-pay-off",
"title": "Did Newsom’s $3.8 Billion Hotels-to-Housing Program Pay Off?",
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"headTitle": "Did Newsom’s $3.8 Billion Hotels-to-Housing Program Pay Off? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/covid-19\">COVID-19\u003c/a> tore through California, Jennifer Hark Dietz had a decision to make. The state was making perhaps its biggest push ever to get people off the street, offering up billions of dollars for cities and organizations like hers to turn old motels into new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was risky. The Homekey program came with up-front cash and a promise to move fast and cut red tape. But it also meant taking on old buildings with little vetting, which had the potential to put a developer in a deep financial hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, the gamble paid off. In just a few months, Hark Dietz’s nonprofit, People Assisting The Homeless, was housing people in the old 40-room Hollywood Orchid Suites in Los Angeles. She called it a “shining light” for what seemed possible with the radical new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then came a pale pink Travelodge in the suburb of Gardena. The city of LA had already bought the motel for $9 million, and Hark Dietz said her team didn’t have a chance to vet or tour the site. They’d only seen online photos and basic inspection reports before they took it over in December 2020. A city consultant estimated that it would take about $50,000 to start moving people into the roadside motel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course,” she said, “we know now that’s not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than five years and nearly $3 million later, the motel — which turned out to need all new windows, plumbing and electrical, among other issues — was still vacant earlier this year. There was plywood over some of the windows, and someone had graffitied a ghost on one side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The boom-or-bust results in Los Angeles underscore how little is known publicly about a generational project with a high price tag and even higher stakes. Some projects were huge successes. Others were total failures. Dozens remain stuck in limbo. CalMatters found there’s been little public accountability for any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched by Gov. Gavin Newsom in the summer of 2020, Homekey awarded more than $3.8 billion to local governments to convert motels and other buildings into homeless housing, thrusting many local governments into a new role running multimillion-dollar real estate projects. Cities and counties could hire outside contractors to help or do the work themselves, skipping some of the usual building process for the sake of speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unlike anything the state had ever done, largely because it sprang from desperation. Homekey launched during peak COVID, five months before vaccines were available, and after cities had already moved thousands of unhoused people into motels through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, another Newsom program. But those rooms were temporary, and officials were scrambling to prevent a mass exodus back to the streets.[aside postID=news_12082132 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250218-SFDowntown-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']With Homekey, local officials across the state bought and gutted Motel 6s, Best Westerns and roadside inns. They got more creative as the program evolved: Tiny homes sprouted in Silicon Valley, and Santa Cruz retrofitted an old dentist’s office. In Southern California, housing took shape in a former Tri-Delt sorority house, an earthquake-stricken church and a hostel that once served as a refuge for Japanese Americans returning from World War II internment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re doing here today is multiples of what any state in American history has committed to address this crisis of homelessness,” Newsom said at a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2021/05/newsom-end-homelessness-pandemic-lessons/\">2021 press conference\u003c/a> announcing a major Homekey expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program came with little built-in oversight. Earlier this year, state lawmakers killed a bill to audit Homekey. No state agency has publicly analyzed the program in detail to find out what’s working and what’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge now: A new and more complex phase is already underway with up to $2 billion from the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">voter-approved Prop. 1\u003c/a> mental health bond. But no one has publicly accounted for how many of the program’s original projects stalled out and how many succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To find out what happened, CalMatters filed more than 100 public records requests with cities and counties that were awarded Homekey funds. We asked for key details on 250 projects announced through the end of 2024, covering all but a handful of projects for which less public data was available. Those state and local records — along with dozens of visits to Homekey sites, plus interviews with people who built and lived in them — create a first-of-its-kind window into how it all played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among our findings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homekey made producing housing simpler. But it came at a cost\u003c/strong>. Homekey provided billions of dollars in housing funding up front, allowing some developers to sidestep the usual webs of investors and lenders and finish much faster than normal. But fewer funders also means less oversight. With rushed vetting, some projects got bogged down in delays, blown budgets or worse. At least one Homekey developer was forced out of business by an unwieldy project. Another is facing fraud charges.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When Homekey worked, those involved stress that it \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>really\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> worked.\u003c/strong> Nearly 13,500 people now live at Homekey sites, according to the state Housing Department. For small and rural communities, such as Glenn County, the program provided crucial cash for their first-ever homeless housing. Officials from Mendocino County to Ventura say they were able to stabilize people longer term by adding stronger ties to public services and extra investment in resources such as counseling.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Those successes magnify the opportunities squandered. \u003c/strong>Projects involving about 3,000 homes — roughly 1 in 5 promised by the program — weren’t finished as of the end of last year. Another 2,000 units have people living in them on a temporary basis but haven’t been converted into permanent housing, the program’s main goal. In 10 instances involving 500 more units, the state publicized grants that later were canceled or that never materialized because local officials or developers backed out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>A lack of transparency raises familiar questions about the program’s future\u003c/strong>. State officials stress that they have extended deadlines and improved vetting for the program’s latest bond-funded iteration, Homekey+. But they refused to publicly provide details about that vetting process. And as homeless services providers have long warned, there remains no guaranteed state funding to keep existing or planned Homekey projects going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Yes, many Homekey projects opened late or over budget. But, officials emphasize, they still opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he considers the program a “phenomenal success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about hundreds and hundreds of projects all across the state of California that they’re trying to manage and organize and operate,” he said when CalMatters asked about it at a recent press conference. “And I imagine each one of them brings its own opportunities and own challenges as we move forward and implement at a scale we’ve never implemented in the state’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taryn Sandulyak knows that better than most. The Bay Area developer thought Homekey might be her big break, but it ultimately put her out of business. She sees a fundamental mismatch at the heart of the program. It wanted high quality, high speed and low budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can only have two of those,” Sandulyak said. “You really can’t ever have three. That’s the issue with Homekey, is they give you not quite enough money to do it, and they want you to do it really, really fast and really, really well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chasm between Homekey successes and failures isn’t a simple, one-size-fits-all story. But it does provide an outline of what it will take to make good on California’s big effort to finally make a dent in its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Failing was not an option’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the west side of Ventura, just as the surf town creeps up into the hills toward Ojai, sits what used to be one of the city’s worst nuisance properties: a nearly 100-year-old apartment building once known, in a nod to local drug slang, as the “Booyah Mansion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s housing authority, Ventura Housing, cobbled together enough money in 2019 to buy the building. But it didn’t have enough cash to fix all 300-something code violations at the crime-ridden property — until Homekey came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some scary stuff go on here,” said Karen Flock, Ventura Housing’s real estate development director. “This property failing was not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082685\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082685\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now known as El Portal, the 29-unit apartment complex today serves as a lifeline for a mother with 9-year-old twins, one severely autistic. It’s a refuge for a woman who lived for six years in a city-funded Tuff Shed. Another neighbor still keeps his shopping cart from the street in his apartment as a reminder of what he’s been through, and why he can never go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura and other cities and counties that were able to pull off Homekey projects relatively on time and on budget credit a variety of factors for their success. Some grantees provided services themselves rather than contracting them out, better integrating public resources. Others raised extra money for on-site social services or worked closely with first responders to head off concerns about crime and stabilize residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lambert, CEO of Ventura Housing, said the crucial thing was realizing early that Homekey money alone isn’t nearly enough. Instead, the city combined it with other public and private funding, staffing and resources. Projects that failed or got stuck in limbo often fell apart after they ran out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homekey works,” Lambert said, “because of all the stuff added on top of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Look up Homekey projects in your city or county\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-kiDgD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/kiDgD/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For housing researchers such as Ryan Finnigan, deputy director of research at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation, the real strength of Homekey was not the building minutiae. It was an attempt to challenge the state’s status quo of painstakingly slow housing development while people kept pouring onto the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not willing to try a new approach,” he said, “then we’re not going to learn as much about how we can be more creative, how we can work with more urgency than the current systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As fraught and full of delays as the construction process can be, getting a project completed is often just the first hurdle for Homekey. Once a project opens its doors, it typically needs significant resources in addition to the state funding. Mendocino County credits much of its project’s success to extra services for residents, which aren’t paid for by the state grant, said Megan Van Sant, a senior program manager for the county who oversees the Homekey site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the former Best Western hotel now known as Live Oak Apartments, there’s a therapist on retainer for tenants, plus a dog trainer paid to work with problem pets. Both try to help residents resolve any issues that come up before they escalate into grounds for an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To provide those extras, the county runs the project itself, rather than contracting with an outside service provider as many Homekey projects do. Two county staffers work full-time inside the building, using their connections to do everything from enrolling residents in Medi-Cal to pairing them with mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that is expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Resident Sherry Collins inside her room at Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the state should continue to support these projects,” Van Sant said. “The state asked communities to do these projects, and they cost more to do well than what you can earn in rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Collins, 66, moved into the project three years ago, at a time when she was terrified of what would come next. Her husband had died, her health was failing, she couldn’t work, and she couldn’t afford to keep living in her cabin in the tiny coastal city of Fort Bragg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she feels like she’s home. Collins decorated the window of her room with little red and pink hearts and adopted a kitten with extra toes, whom she named Mr. Handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continues to deal with health challenges after losing a leg to diabetes about a year ago. The building has only four units accessible for people with disabilities, making it a challenge to accommodate everyone, but one recently opened up for Collins, where she can more comfortably shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have been awesome to me,” Collins said. “They’re more like family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Never-ending projects\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Sandulyak, Homekey was too good to refuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years earlier she had co-founded Firm Foundation Community Housing, which helped Bay Area churches turn their parking lots and backyards into tiny homes for homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to dramatically scale up that vision by using millions in state funds to house dozens of people in Vallejo. It would be the small nonprofit’s most ambitious project by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082687\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The official ribbon cutting at the grand opening of Broadway Village in Vallejo on March 5. \u003ccite>(Nathan Weyland for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sandulyak never suspected that by applying for Homekey, she had doomed her organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm Foundation was awarded $12 million in 2022 to build a 47-unit modular apartment building called the Broadway Project. Over the next four years, nearly everything that could go wrong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some problems had nothing to do with Homekey. The general contractor went bankrupt, and the nonprofit tapped to operate the facility squabbled with the city, leaving the project in limbo for a year. The state wouldn’t let Firm Foundation pick a new partner to run the housing, which Sandulyak says further delayed the opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other problems were directly related to Homekey. By design, the program forced cities to take a much more hands-on role with housing development than they were used to. Vallejo wasn’t prepared for that responsibility. It fumbled its attempt to get a key federal grant and failed to set up important safeguards that protect affordable housing projects from financial risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, Sandulyak had $2 million in bills and no way to pay them. With construction three-quarters done, the project ran out of money. Firm Foundation was forced to stop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became such a nightmare that the Vallejo City Council asked for an independent audit to find out what went wrong and why. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094481-vallejo-broadway-affordable-housing-report/\">audit blamed\u003c/a> both the city and Firm Foundation for allowing the project to run out of money before it was finished. Firm Foundation vastly underestimated the project’s cost, and the city bungled efforts to secure additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the audit found, the very nature of Homekey helped set the project up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kayaker floats down the Napa River past the Navy Yard of Mare Island in the city of Vallejo, Tuesday, Jan. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big problem was the timeline. Homekey required projects to finish construction within one year of their award, and to move people in 90 days after that. To meet those deadlines, Firm Foundation created budgets before the architectural drawings were even done, contributing to serious cost underestimates, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit also found a lack of oversight at the Broadway Project, which it said is typical of Homekey projects. Normally, a single affordable housing project uses funding from multiple sources, including the city, the county, the state, federal funds, tax credits, private banks and more. The more funders and investors, the more eyes watching and holding the developer accountable. With Homekey, the city applying for the grant typically takes on all those risks by itself, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Thursday morning, Sandulyak gathered with city officials and her construction partners in front of a crowd to celebrate what they, at times, had thought would be impossible: the Broadway Project was finally open. Behind them rose the terracotta-colored wall of the sleek, new, modular apartment building. A red ribbon waited in front of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the count of three, Sandulyak helped Vallejo’s assistant city manager snip the ribbon. The crowd cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project ended up coming in two and a half years late and 70% over budget. Despite those setbacks, the audit found it \u003cem>still \u003c/em>cost less per unit and was built more quickly than the region’s average affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it cost Sandulyak everything. She laid off three of her four employees, and she plans to lay off the last one and dissolve her organization. The nonprofit is still on the hook for more than $1 million in unpaid bills related to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Governor Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference of housing & homelessness with new legislation and funding and bills signing, along with other local, state and federal leaders are gathered in San Francisco, California, United States on Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite her pride in the finished building, Sandulyak wonders how much more housing her nonprofit could have built — if only she’d never applied for Homekey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 52 people now have somewhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m unshaken in my belief that that is worth it,” Sandulyak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is 62-year-old Terrence White, a former refinery worker who was forced into early retirement by an injury and can’t afford market-rate rent. Now, he pays $294 a month and finally has his own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels wonderful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Homekey gold rush\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the frantic first two years of Homekey, when many experienced affordable housing developers were sitting out the untested new program, an LA company called Shangri-La Industries stepped in to help fill the void. It scored nearly $115 million in contracts to build 500 homes for homeless Californians in cities from Salinas to San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097013-holmes-indictment/\">federal indictment\u003c/a> and a separate civil lawsuit allege that millions in state funds instead went to fund a lavish lifestyle for the company’s chief financial officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the charges attributed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097094-shangri-la-v-holmes/\">court records\u003c/a> to Shangri-La’s former CFO, Cody Holmes: $46,000 in monthly rent for a Beverly Hills house with a pool. Designer gifts for a girlfriend, including a $127,000 diamond necklace and a $111,000 crocodile Birkin bag. A $5,000-a-month lease on a Ferrari Portofino. Another $53,000 for Coachella passes, and $44,000 for flights on private jets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All this while many of the desperately needed motel rooms sat empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey set a low bar for contractors to qualify: They had to have worked on at least two affordable housing projects that included at least one homeless tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La easily cleared that hurdle. But had any state or local officials done more digging, they might have seen warning signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La’s construction business was sued twice for breach of contract in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094732-shangri-la-2018-breach-contract-complaint/\">2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094731-shangri-la-2019-contract-fraud-complaint/\">2019\u003c/a>, court records show, after two firms alleged that it failed to pay them. The company was also a contractor on a troubled LA veteran housing project, where records first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/shows/greater-la/stories/30-million-motel-homeless-shelter-prop-hhh-taxpayer-oversight-la\">reported by KCRW\u003c/a> show Shangri-La partners sold the property to themselves, increasing the project’s budget by $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Homekey, federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/beverly-hills-man-arrested-brentwood-man-charged-separate-criminal-cases-linked-fraud\">prosecutors allege\u003c/a> that Holmes “knowingly submitted fake bank records” to the state Housing Department to boost Shangri-La’s credentials — financial claims that state officials apparently failed to verify with the banks. Holmes has pleaded not guilty, and an attorney representing him declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the company took on the Homekey projects, property records show that entities connected to Shangri-La or its partners paid around $13 million for actress Milla Jovovich’s Beverly Hills mansion, adding to a portfolio that included a $7 million oceanfront home in Long Beach purchased two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082690\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28093061-hcd-vs-shangri-la-complaint/\">civil fraud case\u003c/a>, state prosecutors allege in court records that Shangri-La went behind the state’s back and took out undisclosed loans on the Homekey buildings, giving up control of the sites and violating their contract with the state. That became a major problem when the company defaulted on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several of the properties, no one had filed crucial paperwork to ensure that they remained affordable housing. After the buildings ended up in foreclosure, some were scooped up by companies with no commitment to homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey contracts tasked local officials with vetting projects and reviewing contractors’ organizational documents, budgets and other key details. But records show state officials also reviewed Shangri-La’s financials, and once they paid out the Homekey money, they failed to verify that paperwork was completed to restrict the buildings to affordable housing.[aside postID=news_12068047 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/20251211_YOUTHHOMELESSNESS_DECEMBER_GH-5-KQED.jpg']The state Housing Department and several local governments that hired Shangri-La for Homekey projects declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Meyers, the former CEO of Shangri-La, acknowledged in an interview that he had “a lack of control” over his company. He has sued Holmes for fraud. He also blamed the local and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My CFO had a lot of wrongdoing,” he said. “But it was a confluence of events that caused each project to go bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meyers said officials’ failure to file the proper affordable housing restrictions, which were also required by his lender, triggered a financial disaster that led his company to default on some of the properties. On two projects that Shangri-La did open in San Bernardino and Salinas, he estimated that the company incurred around $11 million in unexpected costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have spent so much money following their guidelines and following their timetables,” he said, “and they never followed their guidelines or timetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County Supervisor Chris Lopez rallied support for a Homekey project in his hometown of King City. He thought Shangri-La made sense for four projects in the county, since it had already opened one Homekey site in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t take long for constituents to start asking why rooms were sitting empty behind chain-link fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The longer it went on without seeing any movement, the flag started to get raised,” Lopez said. “I was starting to hear less and less communication and more sort of finger pointing\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials like Lopez had to start from scratch, raising millions more dollars to revive the projects as encampments swelled. It took 10 different deals totaling $16 million to open the King City project in March, three years behind schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full trail of Shangri-La’s deceit stretches from the state’s agricultural heartland to the edge of the Southern California desert. A $27 million Thousand Oaks hotel project sits abandoned today, robbing a region of 77 homes while it had a decade-long housing waitlist. Another $16 million project scrapped in Salinas would have provided 58 homes. Officials still plan to salvage 200 homes in other parts of Monterey County. The only two Shangri-La projects that stayed open during the legal battle, two motels in Southern California, were full of people who were plunged into messy foreclosure disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Harmon, San Bernardino County’s director of community development and housing, said in an email that “the county entered into this effort in good faith, relying on representations that later proved to be inaccurate.”[aside postID=news_12082518 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/OAKRIDGE_11_qed-1.jpg']Even some of those whose Homekey projects went well say they’re not surprised that things went sideways. In Mendocino County, Van Sant said the state’s oversight was limited to quarterly progress reports. Once the money was spent, the state stopped asking for any information at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They gave us a bunch of money, made us do some paperwork, and then they’re out of here,” Van Sant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Colleen Robinson, public officials’ failure to see the red flags with Shangri-La was life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, now 62, survived years on the street after losing her job and fleeing a bad relationship. The All Star Lodge in downtown San Bernardino was her chance to start over. Shangri-La did manage to renovate and open that project in late 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the bank foreclosed. Because no one had put the affordable housing restriction on the property, the new owner told Robinson and other tenants that it was going to quadruple the rent. She said the new owner neglected the building; weeds and stray cats reclaimed the parking lot, police sirens blared, and neighbors died with little explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would give hell a run for its money,” Robinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmon said the county was still trying to buy the building and figure something out, but Robinson didn’t wait around to see how the saga ended. On a Thursday in February, she packed up and boarded a Greyhound bus for Iowa, where one of her children lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless veterans still waiting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some Homekey projects still haven’t opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County has three badly delayed Homekey projects, one of which will be more than four years late when it is slated to finally be finished at the end of next year. For that project, the county obtained more than $6 million to convert rustic vacation cabins under a grove of redwood trees into housing for homeless veterans. The state initially set a completion deadline of 2023, but the project ran out of money before it crossed the finish line, forcing construction to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were many reasons why, but one stands out: underestimating the cost, said Robert Ratner, director of Santa Cruz County’s Housing for Health division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unfinished motel conversion in the Encino neighborhood of Los Angeles on January 27. The project is expected to finish more than a year after the original deadline, city records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The developers had never undertaken a project this large, and that inexperience contributed to the budgeting error, Ratner said. But so did the design of Homekey, which capped what the state was willing to pay per unit at about half what it takes to build affordable housing in some parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was that projects would be cheaper because they were converting existing buildings, while also cutting out extra layers of bureaucracy that add time and expense. That led developers to low-ball budgets, which came back to bite them when the savings weren’t as great as anticipated, Ratner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the budgeting error was made, neither the state nor the county caught it, Ratner said. The county assumed that the state would scrutinize all Homekey applications and throw out any that didn’t seem viable, Ratner said. But it appears that in reality, the state was relying on the counties to do that vetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County had little experience analyzing whether a construction project was adequately budgeted. Typically, the county relies on other funders, such as construction lenders and tax credit investors, to do that job. But those investors weren’t present here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he and his colleagues had done their due diligence to make sure the projects were realistic, Ratner was straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11682474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11682474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg\" alt=\"Visitors enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive in Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1226\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1200x766.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1180x753.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-375x239.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-520x332.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors in Santa Cruz enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Stephen Dunn/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would say no,” Ratner said. “I can’t say yes with a straight face at this juncture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other projects just never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $14 million Homekey award was supposed to help breathe new life into the Hotel Travelers, a rundown, century-old building in Oakland’s Chinatown, as housing for people returning from incarceration. But once the developer got a look at the building, that plan fell apart. An inspection revealed such severe issues with the building’s construction that the developer determined it would be “morally untenable” to proceed. Oakland returned the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, CalMatters found at least 10 cases where a Homekey award was announced, only for the grantee to later withdraw their application, return or redirect the money, or have the state claw it back. Some instances had more public explanation than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Fresno voted down their own project. Long Beach was unable to come up with a suitable location for $2 million worth of brand-new tiny homes left sitting in storage. Projects in Marin and Mariposa counties evaporated when real estate deals fell through, and the state rescinded its grant for a project in Salinas after a nonprofit partner pulled out.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s legacy and a financial cliff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the vastly different outcomes at Homekey projects around the state, there’s no plan for a comprehensive audit to see what worked and what didn’t — a decision that raises the question of whether the state has done enough to grapple with Homekey as it forges ahead with the new version of the program, Homekey+.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers nixed a public accounting proposed by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/leticia-castillo-187479\">Assemblymember Leticia Castillo\u003c/a>, a Republican from Corona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the program has expanded housing options, critical questions remain about its long-term impact and cost-effectiveness,” a \u003ca href=\"https://ad58.asmrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Homekey-Program-Audit-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">summary\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab505\">Assembly Bill 505\u003c/a> said. “It is unclear how many Homekey-funded units remain occupied after one year, how many individuals successfully transition to stable, long-term housing, and whether Homekey’s cost per unit is competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Framers work to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was never publicly debated. It died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state did do one \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">audit of multiple homeless services programs\u003c/a> in 2024. It didn’t get into Homekey delays or what actually happened to people living in the buildings, but it analyzed the costs of eight projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on that small sample, the auditor concluded that Homekey was “likely” cost-effective, with an average cost of $144,000 per unit, compared to the hundreds of thousands of dollars more it can cost for new construction in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge is that when Homekey plans fell short of ambitions at job sites around the state, the consequences were often murky. In extreme cases, where cities acknowledged that projects failed to materialize, the state has clawed back grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But usually, the main penalty for blown deadlines or other missteps is that the state may hold it against a local government or developer the next time it applies for funding — a dynamic that provides no public transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens next will be left up to a new state housing agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/about/reorganization.html\">set to be launched\u003c/a> this summer, the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. That effort is expected to include a new development committee to “provide centralized, coordinated guidance to state housing policy and funding decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877271\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877271\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Final construction is completed on a row of housing units at LifeMoves Mountain View, a modular housing community, on June 8, 2021. The site, part of California’s Homekey program, provides temporary housing and resources to people in the city who are currently homeless. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s Housing Department maintains that it “monitors each project closely” if issues arise or deadline extensions are granted. Even with widespread delays, the agency maintains that “Homekey has helped build more and faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state said it is learning as it gives out the new Homekey+ funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After seeing so many projects miss the one-year deadline, the state doubled the timeline for new construction to two years. Homekey+ projects that \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/homekey/hk-plus-nofa-amendment.pdf\">serve veterans\u003c/a> now can propose bigger budgets for new builds, potentially addressing the issue of under-budgeted projects running out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also said they’re scrutinizing applications more closely now, including looking carefully at whether applicants are budgeting enough funds for their proposed projects, said California Health and Human Services Secretary Kim Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are improving our own vetting process, if you will,” she said during a recent news conference, “to ensure these projects are successful in delivering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s housing department maintains that Homekey accomplished a major feat: building thousands of units despite a global pandemic, labor shortages, supply chain issues and other challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Wish stands outside El Portal apartments in Ventura on Feb. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It is tremendously rewarding to see so many vulnerable Californians housed so quickly, and to have voters expand the successful Homekey model to house and support veterans and others facing behavioral health challenges,” Assistant Deputy Director Cari Scott said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state’s housing policies shift, there’s one big question left for people like Van Sant in Mendocino: Will there be enough money to keep Homekey projects running?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the projects have a pay-as-you-go model, versus standard 10- or 15-year affordable housing financing — a calculation that leaves a financial cliff looming for thousands of Homekey homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Homekey] is going to be a long-term, permanent, successful program,” Van Sant said, “I think the state’s going to have to find a way to find some ongoing funding for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data reporters\u003c/em> \u003cem>Erica Yee and Kate Li contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/05/newsom-homekey-records/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/covid-19\">COVID-19\u003c/a> tore through California, Jennifer Hark Dietz had a decision to make. The state was making perhaps its biggest push ever to get people off the street, offering up billions of dollars for cities and organizations like hers to turn old motels into new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was risky. The Homekey program came with up-front cash and a promise to move fast and cut red tape. But it also meant taking on old buildings with little vetting, which had the potential to put a developer in a deep financial hole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, the gamble paid off. In just a few months, Hark Dietz’s nonprofit, People Assisting The Homeless, was housing people in the old 40-room Hollywood Orchid Suites in Los Angeles. She called it a “shining light” for what seemed possible with the radical new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then came a pale pink Travelodge in the suburb of Gardena. The city of LA had already bought the motel for $9 million, and Hark Dietz said her team didn’t have a chance to vet or tour the site. They’d only seen online photos and basic inspection reports before they took it over in December 2020. A city consultant estimated that it would take about $50,000 to start moving people into the roadside motel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course,” she said, “we know now that’s not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than five years and nearly $3 million later, the motel — which turned out to need all new windows, plumbing and electrical, among other issues — was still vacant earlier this year. There was plywood over some of the windows, and someone had graffitied a ghost on one side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082684\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082684\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey2-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The boom-or-bust results in Los Angeles underscore how little is known publicly about a generational project with a high price tag and even higher stakes. Some projects were huge successes. Others were total failures. Dozens remain stuck in limbo. CalMatters found there’s been little public accountability for any of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Launched by Gov. Gavin Newsom in the summer of 2020, Homekey awarded more than $3.8 billion to local governments to convert motels and other buildings into homeless housing, thrusting many local governments into a new role running multimillion-dollar real estate projects. Cities and counties could hire outside contractors to help or do the work themselves, skipping some of the usual building process for the sake of speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was unlike anything the state had ever done, largely because it sprang from desperation. Homekey launched during peak COVID, five months before vaccines were available, and after cities had already moved thousands of unhoused people into motels through \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/05/california-homeless-project-roomkey/\">Project Roomkey\u003c/a>, another Newsom program. But those rooms were temporary, and officials were scrambling to prevent a mass exodus back to the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With Homekey, local officials across the state bought and gutted Motel 6s, Best Westerns and roadside inns. They got more creative as the program evolved: Tiny homes sprouted in Silicon Valley, and Santa Cruz retrofitted an old dentist’s office. In Southern California, housing took shape in a former Tri-Delt sorority house, an earthquake-stricken church and a hostel that once served as a refuge for Japanese Americans returning from World War II internment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re doing here today is multiples of what any state in American history has committed to address this crisis of homelessness,” Newsom said at a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2021/05/newsom-end-homelessness-pandemic-lessons/\">2021 press conference\u003c/a> announcing a major Homekey expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program came with little built-in oversight. Earlier this year, state lawmakers killed a bill to audit Homekey. No state agency has publicly analyzed the program in detail to find out what’s working and what’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge now: A new and more complex phase is already underway with up to $2 billion from the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2025/06/prop-1-mental-health-awards/\">voter-approved Prop. 1\u003c/a> mental health bond. But no one has publicly accounted for how many of the program’s original projects stalled out and how many succeeded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To find out what happened, CalMatters filed more than 100 public records requests with cities and counties that were awarded Homekey funds. We asked for key details on 250 projects announced through the end of 2024, covering all but a handful of projects for which less public data was available. Those state and local records — along with dozens of visits to Homekey sites, plus interviews with people who built and lived in them — create a first-of-its-kind window into how it all played out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among our findings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Homekey made producing housing simpler. But it came at a cost\u003c/strong>. Homekey provided billions of dollars in housing funding up front, allowing some developers to sidestep the usual webs of investors and lenders and finish much faster than normal. But fewer funders also means less oversight. With rushed vetting, some projects got bogged down in delays, blown budgets or worse. At least one Homekey developer was forced out of business by an unwieldy project. Another is facing fraud charges.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>When Homekey worked, those involved stress that it \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>really\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong> worked.\u003c/strong> Nearly 13,500 people now live at Homekey sites, according to the state Housing Department. For small and rural communities, such as Glenn County, the program provided crucial cash for their first-ever homeless housing. Officials from Mendocino County to Ventura say they were able to stabilize people longer term by adding stronger ties to public services and extra investment in resources such as counseling.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Those successes magnify the opportunities squandered. \u003c/strong>Projects involving about 3,000 homes — roughly 1 in 5 promised by the program — weren’t finished as of the end of last year. Another 2,000 units have people living in them on a temporary basis but haven’t been converted into permanent housing, the program’s main goal. In 10 instances involving 500 more units, the state publicized grants that later were canceled or that never materialized because local officials or developers backed out.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>A lack of transparency raises familiar questions about the program’s future\u003c/strong>. State officials stress that they have extended deadlines and improved vetting for the program’s latest bond-funded iteration, Homekey+. But they refused to publicly provide details about that vetting process. And as homeless services providers have long warned, there remains no guaranteed state funding to keep existing or planned Homekey projects going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Yes, many Homekey projects opened late or over budget. But, officials emphasize, they still opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he considers the program a “phenomenal success.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about hundreds and hundreds of projects all across the state of California that they’re trying to manage and organize and operate,” he said when CalMatters asked about it at a recent press conference. “And I imagine each one of them brings its own opportunities and own challenges as we move forward and implement at a scale we’ve never implemented in the state’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taryn Sandulyak knows that better than most. The Bay Area developer thought Homekey might be her big break, but it ultimately put her out of business. She sees a fundamental mismatch at the heart of the program. It wanted high quality, high speed and low budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can only have two of those,” Sandulyak said. “You really can’t ever have three. That’s the issue with Homekey, is they give you not quite enough money to do it, and they want you to do it really, really fast and really, really well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chasm between Homekey successes and failures isn’t a simple, one-size-fits-all story. But it does provide an outline of what it will take to make good on California’s big effort to finally make a dent in its homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Failing was not an option’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the west side of Ventura, just as the surf town creeps up into the hills toward Ojai, sits what used to be one of the city’s worst nuisance properties: a nearly 100-year-old apartment building once known, in a nod to local drug slang, as the “Booyah Mansion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s housing authority, Ventura Housing, cobbled together enough money in 2019 to buy the building. But it didn’t have enough cash to fix all 300-something code violations at the crime-ridden property — until Homekey came along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had some scary stuff go on here,” said Karen Flock, Ventura Housing’s real estate development director. “This property failing was not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082685\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082685\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey3-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. Live Oak offers its residents access to common spaces, such as a community garden and meeting rooms for visitors. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now known as El Portal, the 29-unit apartment complex today serves as a lifeline for a mother with 9-year-old twins, one severely autistic. It’s a refuge for a woman who lived for six years in a city-funded Tuff Shed. Another neighbor still keeps his shopping cart from the street in his apartment as a reminder of what he’s been through, and why he can never go back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ventura and other cities and counties that were able to pull off Homekey projects relatively on time and on budget credit a variety of factors for their success. Some grantees provided services themselves rather than contracting them out, better integrating public resources. Others raised extra money for on-site social services or worked closely with first responders to head off concerns about crime and stabilize residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lambert, CEO of Ventura Housing, said the crucial thing was realizing early that Homekey money alone isn’t nearly enough. Instead, the city combined it with other public and private funding, staffing and resources. Projects that failed or got stuck in limbo often fell apart after they ran out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homekey works,” Lambert said, “because of all the stuff added on top of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Look up Homekey projects in your city or county\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-kiDgD\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/kiDgD/8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"550\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For housing researchers such as Ryan Finnigan, deputy director of research at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation, the real strength of Homekey was not the building minutiae. It was an attempt to challenge the state’s status quo of painstakingly slow housing development while people kept pouring onto the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not willing to try a new approach,” he said, “then we’re not going to learn as much about how we can be more creative, how we can work with more urgency than the current systems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As fraught and full of delays as the construction process can be, getting a project completed is often just the first hurdle for Homekey. Once a project opens its doors, it typically needs significant resources in addition to the state funding. Mendocino County credits much of its project’s success to extra services for residents, which aren’t paid for by the state grant, said Megan Van Sant, a senior program manager for the county who oversees the Homekey site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the former Best Western hotel now known as Live Oak Apartments, there’s a therapist on retainer for tenants, plus a dog trainer paid to work with problem pets. Both try to help residents resolve any issues that come up before they escalate into grounds for an eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To provide those extras, the county runs the project itself, rather than contracting with an outside service provider as many Homekey projects do. Two county staffers work full-time inside the building, using their connections to do everything from enrolling residents in Medi-Cal to pairing them with mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that is expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey4-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Resident Sherry Collins inside her room at Live Oak Apartments in Ukiah on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the state should continue to support these projects,” Van Sant said. “The state asked communities to do these projects, and they cost more to do well than what you can earn in rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sherry Collins, 66, moved into the project three years ago, at a time when she was terrified of what would come next. Her husband had died, her health was failing, she couldn’t work, and she couldn’t afford to keep living in her cabin in the tiny coastal city of Fort Bragg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she feels like she’s home. Collins decorated the window of her room with little red and pink hearts and adopted a kitten with extra toes, whom she named Mr. Handsome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continues to deal with health challenges after losing a leg to diabetes about a year ago. The building has only four units accessible for people with disabilities, making it a challenge to accommodate everyone, but one recently opened up for Collins, where she can more comfortably shower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have been awesome to me,” Collins said. “They’re more like family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Never-ending projects\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Sandulyak, Homekey was too good to refuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years earlier she had co-founded Firm Foundation Community Housing, which helped Bay Area churches turn their parking lots and backyards into tiny homes for homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey was a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to dramatically scale up that vision by using millions in state funds to house dozens of people in Vallejo. It would be the small nonprofit’s most ambitious project by far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082687\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey5-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The official ribbon cutting at the grand opening of Broadway Village in Vallejo on March 5. \u003ccite>(Nathan Weyland for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sandulyak never suspected that by applying for Homekey, she had doomed her organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firm Foundation was awarded $12 million in 2022 to build a 47-unit modular apartment building called the Broadway Project. Over the next four years, nearly everything that could go wrong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some problems had nothing to do with Homekey. The general contractor went bankrupt, and the nonprofit tapped to operate the facility squabbled with the city, leaving the project in limbo for a year. The state wouldn’t let Firm Foundation pick a new partner to run the housing, which Sandulyak says further delayed the opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other problems were directly related to Homekey. By design, the program forced cities to take a much more hands-on role with housing development than they were used to. Vallejo wasn’t prepared for that responsibility. It fumbled its attempt to get a key federal grant and failed to set up important safeguards that protect affordable housing projects from financial risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon, Sandulyak had $2 million in bills and no way to pay them. With construction three-quarters done, the project ran out of money. Firm Foundation was forced to stop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It became such a nightmare that the Vallejo City Council asked for an independent audit to find out what went wrong and why. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094481-vallejo-broadway-affordable-housing-report/\">audit blamed\u003c/a> both the city and Firm Foundation for allowing the project to run out of money before it was finished. Firm Foundation vastly underestimated the project’s cost, and the city bungled efforts to secure additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the audit found, the very nature of Homekey helped set the project up for failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023514\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250114_Mare-Island_DMB_00333-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kayaker floats down the Napa River past the Navy Yard of Mare Island in the city of Vallejo, Tuesday, Jan. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big problem was the timeline. Homekey required projects to finish construction within one year of their award, and to move people in 90 days after that. To meet those deadlines, Firm Foundation created budgets before the architectural drawings were even done, contributing to serious cost underestimates, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit also found a lack of oversight at the Broadway Project, which it said is typical of Homekey projects. Normally, a single affordable housing project uses funding from multiple sources, including the city, the county, the state, federal funds, tax credits, private banks and more. The more funders and investors, the more eyes watching and holding the developer accountable. With Homekey, the city applying for the grant typically takes on all those risks by itself, the audit found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Thursday morning, Sandulyak gathered with city officials and her construction partners in front of a crowd to celebrate what they, at times, had thought would be impossible: the Broadway Project was finally open. Behind them rose the terracotta-colored wall of the sleek, new, modular apartment building. A red ribbon waited in front of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the count of three, Sandulyak helped Vallejo’s assistant city manager snip the ribbon. The crowd cheered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project ended up coming in two and a half years late and 70% over budget. Despite those setbacks, the audit found it \u003cem>still \u003c/em>cost less per unit and was built more quickly than the region’s average affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it cost Sandulyak everything. She laid off three of her four employees, and she plans to lay off the last one and dissolve her organization. The nonprofit is still on the hook for more than $1 million in unpaid bills related to the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082708\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1367\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2172244931-1536x1060.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Governor Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference of housing & homelessness with new legislation and funding and bills signing, along with other local, state and federal leaders are gathered in San Francisco, California, United States on Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite her pride in the finished building, Sandulyak wonders how much more housing her nonprofit could have built — if only she’d never applied for Homekey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 52 people now have somewhere to call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m unshaken in my belief that that is worth it,” Sandulyak said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is 62-year-old Terrence White, a former refinery worker who was forced into early retirement by an injury and can’t afford market-rate rent. Now, he pays $294 a month and finally has his own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels wonderful,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Homekey gold rush\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>During the frantic first two years of Homekey, when many experienced affordable housing developers were sitting out the untested new program, an LA company called Shangri-La Industries stepped in to help fill the void. It scored nearly $115 million in contracts to build 500 homes for homeless Californians in cities from Salinas to San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097013-holmes-indictment/\">federal indictment\u003c/a> and a separate civil lawsuit allege that millions in state funds instead went to fund a lavish lifestyle for the company’s chief financial officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the charges attributed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28097094-shangri-la-v-holmes/\">court records\u003c/a> to Shangri-La’s former CFO, Cody Holmes: $46,000 in monthly rent for a Beverly Hills house with a pool. Designer gifts for a girlfriend, including a $127,000 diamond necklace and a $111,000 crocodile Birkin bag. A $5,000-a-month lease on a Ferrari Portofino. Another $53,000 for Coachella passes, and $44,000 for flights on private jets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey7-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All this while many of the desperately needed motel rooms sat empty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey set a low bar for contractors to qualify: They had to have worked on at least two affordable housing projects that included at least one homeless tenant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La easily cleared that hurdle. But had any state or local officials done more digging, they might have seen warning signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shangri-La’s construction business was sued twice for breach of contract in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094732-shangri-la-2018-breach-contract-complaint/\">2018\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28094731-shangri-la-2019-contract-fraud-complaint/\">2019\u003c/a>, court records show, after two firms alleged that it failed to pay them. The company was also a contractor on a troubled LA veteran housing project, where records first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/shows/greater-la/stories/30-million-motel-homeless-shelter-prop-hhh-taxpayer-oversight-la\">reported by KCRW\u003c/a> show Shangri-La partners sold the property to themselves, increasing the project’s budget by $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Homekey, federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/beverly-hills-man-arrested-brentwood-man-charged-separate-criminal-cases-linked-fraud\">prosecutors allege\u003c/a> that Holmes “knowingly submitted fake bank records” to the state Housing Department to boost Shangri-La’s credentials — financial claims that state officials apparently failed to verify with the banks. Holmes has pleaded not guilty, and an attorney representing him declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the company took on the Homekey projects, property records show that entities connected to Shangri-La or its partners paid around $13 million for actress Milla Jovovich’s Beverly Hills mansion, adding to a portfolio that included a $7 million oceanfront home in Long Beach purchased two years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082690\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey8-1536x1025.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Quality Inn & Suites building, a former Shangri-La project, stands vacant in Thousand Oaks on Feb. 26. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a separate \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/28093061-hcd-vs-shangri-la-complaint/\">civil fraud case\u003c/a>, state prosecutors allege in court records that Shangri-La went behind the state’s back and took out undisclosed loans on the Homekey buildings, giving up control of the sites and violating their contract with the state. That became a major problem when the company defaulted on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For several of the properties, no one had filed crucial paperwork to ensure that they remained affordable housing. After the buildings ended up in foreclosure, some were scooped up by companies with no commitment to homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homekey contracts tasked local officials with vetting projects and reviewing contractors’ organizational documents, budgets and other key details. But records show state officials also reviewed Shangri-La’s financials, and once they paid out the Homekey money, they failed to verify that paperwork was completed to restrict the buildings to affordable housing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state Housing Department and several local governments that hired Shangri-La for Homekey projects declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Meyers, the former CEO of Shangri-La, acknowledged in an interview that he had “a lack of control” over his company. He has sued Holmes for fraud. He also blamed the local and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My CFO had a lot of wrongdoing,” he said. “But it was a confluence of events that caused each project to go bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meyers said officials’ failure to file the proper affordable housing restrictions, which were also required by his lender, triggered a financial disaster that led his company to default on some of the properties. On two projects that Shangri-La did open in San Bernardino and Salinas, he estimated that the company incurred around $11 million in unexpected costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have spent so much money following their guidelines and following their timetables,” he said, “and they never followed their guidelines or timetables.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County Supervisor Chris Lopez rallied support for a Homekey project in his hometown of King City. He thought Shangri-La made sense for four projects in the county, since it had already opened one Homekey site in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t take long for constituents to start asking why rooms were sitting empty behind chain-link fences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The longer it went on without seeing any movement, the flag started to get raised,” Lopez said. “I was starting to hear less and less communication and more sort of finger pointing\u003cem>.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local officials like Lopez had to start from scratch, raising millions more dollars to revive the projects as encampments swelled. It took 10 different deals totaling $16 million to open the King City project in March, three years behind schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full trail of Shangri-La’s deceit stretches from the state’s agricultural heartland to the edge of the Southern California desert. A $27 million Thousand Oaks hotel project sits abandoned today, robbing a region of 77 homes while it had a decade-long housing waitlist. Another $16 million project scrapped in Salinas would have provided 58 homes. Officials still plan to salvage 200 homes in other parts of Monterey County. The only two Shangri-La projects that stayed open during the legal battle, two motels in Southern California, were full of people who were plunged into messy foreclosure disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carrie Harmon, San Bernardino County’s director of community development and housing, said in an email that “the county entered into this effort in good faith, relying on representations that later proved to be inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even some of those whose Homekey projects went well say they’re not surprised that things went sideways. In Mendocino County, Van Sant said the state’s oversight was limited to quarterly progress reports. Once the money was spent, the state stopped asking for any information at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They gave us a bunch of money, made us do some paperwork, and then they’re out of here,” Van Sant said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Colleen Robinson, public officials’ failure to see the red flags with Shangri-La was life-changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, now 62, survived years on the street after losing her job and fleeing a bad relationship. The All Star Lodge in downtown San Bernardino was her chance to start over. Shangri-La did manage to renovate and open that project in late 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, the bank foreclosed. Because no one had put the affordable housing restriction on the property, the new owner told Robinson and other tenants that it was going to quadruple the rent. She said the new owner neglected the building; weeds and stray cats reclaimed the parking lot, police sirens blared, and neighbors died with little explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would give hell a run for its money,” Robinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmon said the county was still trying to buy the building and figure something out, but Robinson didn’t wait around to see how the saga ended. On a Thursday in February, she packed up and boarded a Greyhound bus for Iowa, where one of her children lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless veterans still waiting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some Homekey projects still haven’t opened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County has three badly delayed Homekey projects, one of which will be more than four years late when it is slated to finally be finished at the end of next year. For that project, the county obtained more than $6 million to convert rustic vacation cabins under a grove of redwood trees into housing for homeless veterans. The state initially set a completion deadline of 2023, but the project ran out of money before it crossed the finish line, forcing construction to stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were many reasons why, but one stands out: underestimating the cost, said Robert Ratner, director of Santa Cruz County’s Housing for Health division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9.jpeg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1536x1024.jpeg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An unfinished motel conversion in the Encino neighborhood of Los Angeles on January 27. The project is expected to finish more than a year after the original deadline, city records show. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The developers had never undertaken a project this large, and that inexperience contributed to the budgeting error, Ratner said. But so did the design of Homekey, which capped what the state was willing to pay per unit at about half what it takes to build affordable housing in some parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was that projects would be cheaper because they were converting existing buildings, while also cutting out extra layers of bureaucracy that add time and expense. That led developers to low-ball budgets, which came back to bite them when the savings weren’t as great as anticipated, Ratner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the budgeting error was made, neither the state nor the county caught it, Ratner said. The county assumed that the state would scrutinize all Homekey applications and throw out any that didn’t seem viable, Ratner said. But it appears that in reality, the state was relying on the counties to do that vetting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Cruz County had little experience analyzing whether a construction project was adequately budgeted. Typically, the county relies on other funders, such as construction lenders and tax credit investors, to do that job. But those investors weren’t present here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether he and his colleagues had done their due diligence to make sure the projects were realistic, Ratner was straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11682474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11682474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg\" alt=\"Visitors enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive in Santa Cruz. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1226\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-160x102.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-800x511.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1020x651.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1200x766.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-1180x753.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-960x613.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-240x153.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-375x239.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/SantaCruzBeach-520x332.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors in Santa Cruz enjoy the beach below West Cliff Drive. Santa Cruz County has the second-highest poverty rate in the state, after Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Stephen Dunn/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I would say no,” Ratner said. “I can’t say yes with a straight face at this juncture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other projects just never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $14 million Homekey award was supposed to help breathe new life into the Hotel Travelers, a rundown, century-old building in Oakland’s Chinatown, as housing for people returning from incarceration. But once the developer got a look at the building, that plan fell apart. An inspection revealed such severe issues with the building’s construction that the developer determined it would be “morally untenable” to proceed. Oakland returned the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, CalMatters found at least 10 cases where a Homekey award was announced, only for the grantee to later withdraw their application, return or redirect the money, or have the state claw it back. Some instances had more public explanation than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials in Fresno voted down their own project. Long Beach was unable to come up with a suitable location for $2 million worth of brand-new tiny homes left sitting in storage. Projects in Marin and Mariposa counties evaporated when real estate deals fell through, and the state rescinded its grant for a project in Salinas after a nonprofit partner pulled out.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Newsom’s legacy and a financial cliff\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the vastly different outcomes at Homekey projects around the state, there’s no plan for a comprehensive audit to see what worked and what didn’t — a decision that raises the question of whether the state has done enough to grapple with Homekey as it forges ahead with the new version of the program, Homekey+.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers nixed a public accounting proposed by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/leticia-castillo-187479\">Assemblymember Leticia Castillo\u003c/a>, a Republican from Corona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the program has expanded housing options, critical questions remain about its long-term impact and cost-effectiveness,” a \u003ca href=\"https://ad58.asmrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Homekey-Program-Audit-Fact-Sheet.pdf\">summary\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab505\">Assembly Bill 505\u003c/a> said. “It is unclear how many Homekey-funded units remain occupied after one year, how many individuals successfully transition to stable, long-term housing, and whether Homekey’s cost per unit is competitive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_12-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Framers work to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill was never publicly debated. It died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state did do one \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/california-homelessness-spending/\">audit of multiple homeless services programs\u003c/a> in 2024. It didn’t get into Homekey delays or what actually happened to people living in the buildings, but it analyzed the costs of eight projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on that small sample, the auditor concluded that Homekey was “likely” cost-effective, with an average cost of $144,000 per unit, compared to the hundreds of thousands of dollars more it can cost for new construction in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge is that when Homekey plans fell short of ambitions at job sites around the state, the consequences were often murky. In extreme cases, where cities acknowledged that projects failed to materialize, the state has clawed back grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But usually, the main penalty for blown deadlines or other missteps is that the state may hold it against a local government or developer the next time it applies for funding — a dynamic that provides no public transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens next will be left up to a new state housing agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bcsh.ca.gov/about/reorganization.html\">set to be launched\u003c/a> this summer, the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. That effort is expected to include a new development committee to “provide centralized, coordinated guidance to state housing policy and funding decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11877271\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11877271\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/06/RS49740_009_MountainView_ProjectHomekey_06082021-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Final construction is completed on a row of housing units at LifeMoves Mountain View, a modular housing community, on June 8, 2021. The site, part of California’s Homekey program, provides temporary housing and resources to people in the city who are currently homeless. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For now, the state’s Housing Department maintains that it “monitors each project closely” if issues arise or deadline extensions are granted. Even with widespread delays, the agency maintains that “Homekey has helped build more and faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state said it is learning as it gives out the new Homekey+ funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After seeing so many projects miss the one-year deadline, the state doubled the timeline for new construction to two years. Homekey+ projects that \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/homekey/hk-plus-nofa-amendment.pdf\">serve veterans\u003c/a> now can propose bigger budgets for new builds, potentially addressing the issue of under-budgeted projects running out of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also said they’re scrutinizing applications more closely now, including looking carefully at whether applicants are budgeting enough funds for their proposed projects, said California Health and Human Services Secretary Kim Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are improving our own vetting process, if you will,” she said during a recent news conference, “to ensure these projects are successful in delivering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s housing department maintains that Homekey accomplished a major feat: building thousands of units despite a global pandemic, labor shortages, supply chain issues and other challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/homekey9-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gary Wish stands outside El Portal apartments in Ventura on Feb. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It is tremendously rewarding to see so many vulnerable Californians housed so quickly, and to have voters expand the successful Homekey model to house and support veterans and others facing behavioral health challenges,” Assistant Deputy Director Cari Scott said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the state’s housing policies shift, there’s one big question left for people like Van Sant in Mendocino: Will there be enough money to keep Homekey projects running?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the projects have a pay-as-you-go model, versus standard 10- or 15-year affordable housing financing — a calculation that leaves a financial cliff looming for thousands of Homekey homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Homekey] is going to be a long-term, permanent, successful program,” Van Sant said, “I think the state’s going to have to find a way to find some ongoing funding for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Data reporters\u003c/em> \u003cem>Erica Yee and Kate Li contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2026/05/newsom-homekey-records/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/5.4.2026-GGN-Letter-to-ROVs-SIGNED.pdf\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to election officials in California’s 58 counties this week with a simple request: count votes faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and state lawmakers have spent years building a vote-by-mail system that maximizes convenience and accessibility for California voters. The tradeoff: a longer vote count that President Donald Trump and Republicans have seized on to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077846/threats-to-californias-vote-by-mail-mount-before-june-primary\">spread false claims of voter fraud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must acknowledge that the longer the voting count takes, the more mis- and disinformation spreads,” Newsom wrote. “That means we must do all that we can to tabulate votes quickly and accurately. Time is of the essence in preventing election lies from taking hold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80% of California voters cast ballots by mail in the November 2024 election. Unlike in-person voting, where verification happens upfront, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101913446/planning-to-vote-by-mail-this-november-what-californians-need-to-know\">mail-in ballots\u003c/a> often arrive in bulk just before or after Election Day. This surge creates a backlog of ballots that must be inspected and have their signatures verified before they can be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before, you went and you signed it right there at the desk and you voted and that was it, that was all the verification,” said California Secretary of State Shirley Weber at a press conference Tuesday. “Now you have, obviously, vote-by-mail…they take your ballots in, they have to verify every signature on that ballot.”[aside label=\"2026 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2026 primary election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]That process has led to notable delays. In 2024, one county reported results for less than a third of its ballots 10 days after the election — and three other counties had less than three-quarters of their ballots counted, according to an analysis by state legislative staff. In the 2025 special election for Oakland mayor, Alameda County did not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036247/the-race-for-oakland-mayor-is-still-far-from-the-finish-line\">report an updated count\u003c/a> for three days after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson claimed California’s vote-counting process is to blame for Republican leads that “magically whittled away” after Election Day. Trump echoed those conspiracy theories when he pushed for a federal takeover of vote-by-mail — an action met with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078711/california-sues-to-block-trumps-order-on-vote-by-mail\">a legal challenge\u003c/a> from California Attorney General Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The balance between speed and accuracy has been a delicate one for California leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous years, Weber and many election advocates were hesitant to call for a faster count — fearing they would be playing into conservative claims about Democrats being advantaged in a prolonged count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a now-deleted post on X last year, Weber’s office wrote “Faster counting doesn’t increase accuracy — it only makes it more costly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that stance appears to be shifting, ever so slightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Weber called Newsom’s letter a “good thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to count fast, we want to be effective and efficient,” she said. “But at the same time we want to make sure that we’re accurate.”[aside label=\"2026 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]The state Legislature is also taking some steps to speed up ballot processing. A new law signed by Newsom last year requires counties to report results for all ballots by the 13th day after the election — with notable exceptions for ballots that arrive late or have a mismatched signature. Another new law allows counties that send out ballots more than a month before the election to begin processing returned ballots immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is critical that we take full advantage of these tools to accurately count every lawfully cast ballot as quickly as possible to mitigate what are likely to be unprecedented and misleading attempts to undermine faith in the integrity of our election,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those changes may only make a difference around the edges. Election officials argue they need a major investment in workers, machines and larger spaces to handle a voting system their offices were never designed to accommodate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of my top priorities in budget talks is to try to get more funding for our counties to be able to buy the equipment they need or get the space that they need or hire the temporary staff that they need to try to count ballots as quickly as possible,” Assemblymember Marc Berman, D-Palo Alto, told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the U.S. Supreme Court is weighing a case that could also result in a faster vote count — at the price of ballot access. Justices are considering a challenge to a Mississippi election law that, like California’s, allows ballots postmarked by Election Day to be counted if they arrive days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision is expected in the coming weeks — as California’s primary election is already underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/5.4.2026-GGN-Letter-to-ROVs-SIGNED.pdf\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to election officials in California’s 58 counties this week with a simple request: count votes faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and state lawmakers have spent years building a vote-by-mail system that maximizes convenience and accessibility for California voters. The tradeoff: a longer vote count that President Donald Trump and Republicans have seized on to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077846/threats-to-californias-vote-by-mail-mount-before-june-primary\">spread false claims of voter fraud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must acknowledge that the longer the voting count takes, the more mis- and disinformation spreads,” Newsom wrote. “That means we must do all that we can to tabulate votes quickly and accurately. Time is of the essence in preventing election lies from taking hold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80% of California voters cast ballots by mail in the November 2024 election. Unlike in-person voting, where verification happens upfront, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101913446/planning-to-vote-by-mail-this-november-what-californians-need-to-know\">mail-in ballots\u003c/a> often arrive in bulk just before or after Election Day. This surge creates a backlog of ballots that must be inspected and have their signatures verified before they can be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before, you went and you signed it right there at the desk and you voted and that was it, that was all the verification,” said California Secretary of State Shirley Weber at a press conference Tuesday. “Now you have, obviously, vote-by-mail…they take your ballots in, they have to verify every signature on that ballot.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That process has led to notable delays. In 2024, one county reported results for less than a third of its ballots 10 days after the election — and three other counties had less than three-quarters of their ballots counted, according to an analysis by state legislative staff. In the 2025 special election for Oakland mayor, Alameda County did not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036247/the-race-for-oakland-mayor-is-still-far-from-the-finish-line\">report an updated count\u003c/a> for three days after Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson claimed California’s vote-counting process is to blame for Republican leads that “magically whittled away” after Election Day. Trump echoed those conspiracy theories when he pushed for a federal takeover of vote-by-mail — an action met with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078711/california-sues-to-block-trumps-order-on-vote-by-mail\">a legal challenge\u003c/a> from California Attorney General Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The balance between speed and accuracy has been a delicate one for California leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous years, Weber and many election advocates were hesitant to call for a faster count — fearing they would be playing into conservative claims about Democrats being advantaged in a prolonged count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a now-deleted post on X last year, Weber’s office wrote “Faster counting doesn’t increase accuracy — it only makes it more costly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that stance appears to be shifting, ever so slightly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Weber called Newsom’s letter a “good thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to count fast, we want to be effective and efficient,” she said. “But at the same time we want to make sure that we’re accurate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state Legislature is also taking some steps to speed up ballot processing. A new law signed by Newsom last year requires counties to report results for all ballots by the 13th day after the election — with notable exceptions for ballots that arrive late or have a mismatched signature. Another new law allows counties that send out ballots more than a month before the election to begin processing returned ballots immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is critical that we take full advantage of these tools to accurately count every lawfully cast ballot as quickly as possible to mitigate what are likely to be unprecedented and misleading attempts to undermine faith in the integrity of our election,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those changes may only make a difference around the edges. Election officials argue they need a major investment in workers, machines and larger spaces to handle a voting system their offices were never designed to accommodate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of my top priorities in budget talks is to try to get more funding for our counties to be able to buy the equipment they need or get the space that they need or hire the temporary staff that they need to try to count ballots as quickly as possible,” Assemblymember Marc Berman, D-Palo Alto, told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the U.S. Supreme Court is weighing a case that could also result in a faster vote count — at the price of ballot access. Justices are considering a challenge to a Mississippi election law that, like California’s, allows ballots postmarked by Election Day to be counted if they arrive days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision is expected in the coming weeks — as California’s primary election is already underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California School Districts Plead With Newsom to Restore Budget",
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"content": "\u003cp>Education officials across \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> are calling on the governor and state Legislature to scrap a plan to withhold billions in education funding that they say means more cuts for students and continues a harmful trend of underfunding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s revised budget proposal, expected next week, school district leaders across the state are pushing for him to allocate the full amount of Proposition 98 funding required by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed withholding would trigger real reductions to student services, academic interventions, mental health services, staffing, and programs that our students rely on every single day,” said Edgar Zazueta, the executive director of the Association of California School Administrators, at a press conference this week. “California has a responsibility right now. It’s to honor the commitment that they’ve made to public education, to protect students and to fully fund Prop. 98.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 98 requires an annual minimum guarantee of funding for K-12 schools and community colleges, which equates to about 40% of the state’s general fund. In his draft budget released in January, Newsom proposed holding back $5.6 billion earmarked for schools, based on general fund revenue for the 2025-2026 year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom said the deferral would mitigate the risk of appropriating more resources than end up being available, due to “persistent uncertainty in revenue projections,” school boards, district officials and unions across the state said delaying the funding violates the state constitution, and will mean real losses for districts already strapped for cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though the governor has touted “historic” education allocations over recent years — including an unexpected $22 billion in additional funding for next year — school districts across the Bay Area and beyond are facing massive, multi-year budget shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many have lost per-pupil funding due to enrollment declines, and California School Board Association spokesperson Troy Flint said rising costs — for teacher compensation, pension and health care contributions and special education — are outpacing funding gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you add all that up, the idea that schools have more money is, while it’s intuitive, not reflective of reality,” Flint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Barrett Snider, an education lobbyist with Capitol Advisors, the state sees withholding this pool of money, which is an excess of the projected funding for last year, as “No harm, no foul” for school districts, and a possible solution to pay for higher-than-anticipated costs elsewhere in the state budget. The education community disagrees.[aside postID=news_12077803 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260326-SJSchoolClosures-02-BL.jpg']“This is a chronically underfunded system,” Snider said. “We’ve got declining enrollment all over the state. We’ve got pressure from labor because the cost of living has gone up everywhere. We need to solve that problem, so you want to borrow money from us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSBA estimates that the delay means losing about $900 per student across the state. Every $1 billion withheld equates to about 9,500 educators who could lose their jobs, according to Doug Knepp, president of the West Sacramento Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take the position that a dollar deferred is a dollar denied, and IOU is not a guarantee,” Flint said. “The Prop. 98 monies are intended for the current budget year, which is being developed, not for an indeterminate date in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, San Francisco Unified School District board leadership sent a letter to Newsom, urging him to restore the Proposition 98 funding. That letter was signed by other district leaders across the Bay Area and state, who said the withholding “represents tens of millions of dollars from each of our districts and will directly harm our schools and the students they serve as soon as next school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, district officials from Oakland are also expected to join a statewide lobbying day hosted by the California Teachers Association in favor of restoring Proposition 98 funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As education officials push for Newsom to release the funding in his final budget proposal ahead of the July 1 deadline, Snider and Flint both said, to some extent, the “damage” has already been done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072507 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wooden blocks and tiny jackets rest on the rug during playtime at a transitional kindergarten class at Cesar Chavez Elementary School in East San José on Feb. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re already seeing school districts have had to develop their budget on the assumption that the withholding will go through,” Flint said. “No matter how this resolves, it’s already had a negative impact as school districts have to reduce staffing support and services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the advocates said it’s not too late to stop the withholding from becoming a precedent. Last year, the state withheld $1.9 billion from schools, which will be repaid in this year’s budget, under similar circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precedent is an issue,” Snider said. “Because the effect is that it effectively neuters Prop. 98 from its intent, which is to protect the school portions of the budget from the non-education side pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s being proposed by the governor is sort of a clever workaround to that. And if the education community doesn’t speak up and push back, they’ll just keep doing it,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, CSBA is suing the state over funds withheld last year, and Flint said if this year’s delay is approved in the final state budget, the organization is very likely to litigate again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom has proposed a delay in $5.6 billion in education funding, as school districts across the Bay Area and throughout the state face massive, multi-year budget shortfalls. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Education officials across \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> are calling on the governor and state Legislature to scrap a plan to withhold billions in education funding that they say means more cuts for students and continues a harmful trend of underfunding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Gov. Gavin Newsom’s revised budget proposal, expected next week, school district leaders across the state are pushing for him to allocate the full amount of Proposition 98 funding required by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed withholding would trigger real reductions to student services, academic interventions, mental health services, staffing, and programs that our students rely on every single day,” said Edgar Zazueta, the executive director of the Association of California School Administrators, at a press conference this week. “California has a responsibility right now. It’s to honor the commitment that they’ve made to public education, to protect students and to fully fund Prop. 98.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 98 requires an annual minimum guarantee of funding for K-12 schools and community colleges, which equates to about 40% of the state’s general fund. In his draft budget released in January, Newsom proposed holding back $5.6 billion earmarked for schools, based on general fund revenue for the 2025-2026 year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom said the deferral would mitigate the risk of appropriating more resources than end up being available, due to “persistent uncertainty in revenue projections,” school boards, district officials and unions across the state said delaying the funding violates the state constitution, and will mean real losses for districts already strapped for cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070630\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070630\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-32-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Though the governor has touted “historic” education allocations over recent years — including an unexpected $22 billion in additional funding for next year — school districts across the Bay Area and beyond are facing massive, multi-year budget shortfalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many have lost per-pupil funding due to enrollment declines, and California School Board Association spokesperson Troy Flint said rising costs — for teacher compensation, pension and health care contributions and special education — are outpacing funding gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you add all that up, the idea that schools have more money is, while it’s intuitive, not reflective of reality,” Flint said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Barrett Snider, an education lobbyist with Capitol Advisors, the state sees withholding this pool of money, which is an excess of the projected funding for last year, as “No harm, no foul” for school districts, and a possible solution to pay for higher-than-anticipated costs elsewhere in the state budget. The education community disagrees.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is a chronically underfunded system,” Snider said. “We’ve got declining enrollment all over the state. We’ve got pressure from labor because the cost of living has gone up everywhere. We need to solve that problem, so you want to borrow money from us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CSBA estimates that the delay means losing about $900 per student across the state. Every $1 billion withheld equates to about 9,500 educators who could lose their jobs, according to Doug Knepp, president of the West Sacramento Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take the position that a dollar deferred is a dollar denied, and IOU is not a guarantee,” Flint said. “The Prop. 98 monies are intended for the current budget year, which is being developed, not for an indeterminate date in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, San Francisco Unified School District board leadership sent a letter to Newsom, urging him to restore the Proposition 98 funding. That letter was signed by other district leaders across the Bay Area and state, who said the withholding “represents tens of millions of dollars from each of our districts and will directly harm our schools and the students they serve as soon as next school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, district officials from Oakland are also expected to join a statewide lobbying day hosted by the California Teachers Association in favor of restoring Proposition 98 funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As education officials push for Newsom to release the funding in his final budget proposal ahead of the July 1 deadline, Snider and Flint both said, to some extent, the “damage” has already been done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12072507 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-157_qed-1-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wooden blocks and tiny jackets rest on the rug during playtime at a transitional kindergarten class at Cesar Chavez Elementary School in East San José on Feb. 17, 2023. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re already seeing school districts have had to develop their budget on the assumption that the withholding will go through,” Flint said. “No matter how this resolves, it’s already had a negative impact as school districts have to reduce staffing support and services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the advocates said it’s not too late to stop the withholding from becoming a precedent. Last year, the state withheld $1.9 billion from schools, which will be repaid in this year’s budget, under similar circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Precedent is an issue,” Snider said. “Because the effect is that it effectively neuters Prop. 98 from its intent, which is to protect the school portions of the budget from the non-education side pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s being proposed by the governor is sort of a clever workaround to that. And if the education community doesn’t speak up and push back, they’ll just keep doing it,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, CSBA is suing the state over funds withheld last year, and Flint said if this year’s delay is approved in the final state budget, the organization is very likely to litigate again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "officials-say-shoring-up-californias-oil-supply-will-come-at-a-price",
"title": "Officials Say Shoring Up California’s Oil Supply Will Come ‘At a Price’",
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"content": "\u003cp>While officials are not concerned about an immediate oil shortfall, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California consumers \u003c/a>are likely to see another price hike in the coming weeks as the war in Iran strains the global market, lawmakers said on Tuesday at a hearing about the uncertain future of the state’s fuel supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing came after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080093/as-some-oil-deliveries-to-us-stop-flowing-california-braces-for-an-energy-crisis\">the final oil tanker\u003c/a> to pass through the Strait of Hormuz arrived at the Port of Long Beach this week — the last shipment from the Middle East expected to reach California for the foreseeable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When this tanker is empty, it’s unclear where the next replacement ship will be coming from,” said Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, D-Irvine, and Utilities and Energy Committee chair at Tuesday’s hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have been feeling the pain at the pump since the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran spiked crude oil prices around the world. Today, drivers pay about $6.13 per gallon compared to the national average of $4.48, according to \u003ca href=\"https://gasprices.aaa.com/?state=CA\">AAA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While officials do not foresee California running out of oil, consumers should brace for additional price increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12076853 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2265237194-scaled-e1778026995886.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1211\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">High gas prices are listed at a Chevron gas station in Los Angeles on March 9, 2026, as gasoline prices surge amid the ongoing war with Iran. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Based on what we’re hearing from the industry and what we have heard, the pricing will move molecules towards California, but it will come at a price,” Siva Gunda, vice chair of the California Energy Commission, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gunda said the costs will come from a bidding war to divert oil from Asian markets to the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Tuesday’s hearing, a California Energy Commission spokesperson said in a statement that the price spike is due to “the rapid escalation of crude oil prices because of the Iran War. These elevated prices are not unique to California, and prices are continuing to rise globally.” [aside postID=news_12081471 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260416-COSTOFDRIVING00282_TV-KQED.jpg']However, Jamie Court, the head of Consumer Watchdog, a consumer protection group, said that California legislators, along with the state’s oil refiners, should take more responsibility for high prices. In a \u003ca href=\"https://consumerwatchdog.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/Re-supply-Rules.pdf\">statement\u003c/a>, Consumer Watchdog said oil refiners have been taking advantage of the current war to make record oil-refining profits, and Court said California Gov. Gavin Newsom “chickened out” of price gouging regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump can be responsible for about 70 cents of this because of the crude oil increase, but the rest of the two extra dollars we’re paying at the pump … are on Newsom,” Court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severin Borenstein, professor and faculty director of The Energy Institute, UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business, said in the public hearing that the recent spike is just one part of a larger trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While higher gasoline taxes and stronger environmental regulations in California play a role in the comparatively high prices — adding \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=65184\">about \u003c/a>$0.72 per gallon in taxes and $0.50 per gallon in environmental programs, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration — a refinery fire in Southern California in 2015 led to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-10/CEC-900-2025-001.pdf\">“mystery gasoline surcharge”\u003c/a> driving up prices. Bornstein said this adds about $0.50 per gallon, on top of oil and refining costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Commission’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight said in the hearing that it’s also taken steps to deal with “branded” retailers like Chevron that have been overcharging California consumers at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone should be getting their gas at the generic brands,” Petrie-Norris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>While officials are not concerned about an immediate oil shortfall, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California consumers \u003c/a>are likely to see another price hike in the coming weeks as the war in Iran strains the global market, lawmakers said on Tuesday at a hearing about the uncertain future of the state’s fuel supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing came after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080093/as-some-oil-deliveries-to-us-stop-flowing-california-braces-for-an-energy-crisis\">the final oil tanker\u003c/a> to pass through the Strait of Hormuz arrived at the Port of Long Beach this week — the last shipment from the Middle East expected to reach California for the foreseeable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When this tanker is empty, it’s unclear where the next replacement ship will be coming from,” said Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, D-Irvine, and Utilities and Energy Committee chair at Tuesday’s hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have been feeling the pain at the pump since the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran spiked crude oil prices around the world. Today, drivers pay about $6.13 per gallon compared to the national average of $4.48, according to \u003ca href=\"https://gasprices.aaa.com/?state=CA\">AAA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While officials do not foresee California running out of oil, consumers should brace for additional price increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076853\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12076853 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2265237194-scaled-e1778026995886.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1211\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">High gas prices are listed at a Chevron gas station in Los Angeles on March 9, 2026, as gasoline prices surge amid the ongoing war with Iran. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. BROWN/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Based on what we’re hearing from the industry and what we have heard, the pricing will move molecules towards California, but it will come at a price,” Siva Gunda, vice chair of the California Energy Commission, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gunda said the costs will come from a bidding war to divert oil from Asian markets to the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Tuesday’s hearing, a California Energy Commission spokesperson said in a statement that the price spike is due to “the rapid escalation of crude oil prices because of the Iran War. These elevated prices are not unique to California, and prices are continuing to rise globally.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>However, Jamie Court, the head of Consumer Watchdog, a consumer protection group, said that California legislators, along with the state’s oil refiners, should take more responsibility for high prices. In a \u003ca href=\"https://consumerwatchdog.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/Re-supply-Rules.pdf\">statement\u003c/a>, Consumer Watchdog said oil refiners have been taking advantage of the current war to make record oil-refining profits, and Court said California Gov. Gavin Newsom “chickened out” of price gouging regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump can be responsible for about 70 cents of this because of the crude oil increase, but the rest of the two extra dollars we’re paying at the pump … are on Newsom,” Court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Severin Borenstein, professor and faculty director of The Energy Institute, UC Berkeley’s Haas School of Business, said in the public hearing that the recent spike is just one part of a larger trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While higher gasoline taxes and stronger environmental regulations in California play a role in the comparatively high prices — adding \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=65184\">about \u003c/a>$0.72 per gallon in taxes and $0.50 per gallon in environmental programs, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration — a refinery fire in Southern California in 2015 led to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-10/CEC-900-2025-001.pdf\">“mystery gasoline surcharge”\u003c/a> driving up prices. Bornstein said this adds about $0.50 per gallon, on top of oil and refining costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Commission’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight said in the hearing that it’s also taken steps to deal with “branded” retailers like Chevron that have been overcharging California consumers at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone should be getting their gas at the generic brands,” Petrie-Norris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">\u003cem>Sara Hossaini\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078450/katie-porters-run-for-governor-centers-tax-cuts-corporate-accountability\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> laid out plans to lower housing costs and regulate Silicon Valley in a KQED town hall on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make change in California and we have to do it in a smart way, we can’t do it in a reckless way, we can’t do it in a way that’s just about catering to donors,” Porter said. “But we really have to make change because it’s coming, it’s not a choice — AI is coming and the changes are going to be tremendous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter answered questions from Bay Area residents about education, technology, gas prices and rent in a wide-ranging event moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three takeaways from the conversation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Temperament\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030710/former-southern-california-rep-katie-porter-enters-governors-race\">entered the race\u003c/a> last year as a Democratic frontrunner, after three terms in the House and a third-place finish in the 2024 primary for U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059961/katie-porter-apologizes-for-behavior-in-viral-videos-at-first-public-forum20member%20asks%20U.S.,understand%20that%20I%20value%20them.%E2%80%9D\">campaign drew scrutiny in October\u003c/a> when a video uncovered by POLITICO showed Porter telling a staffer to “get out of my f—ing shot” as they walked behind her during a video conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she apologized to the staffer that day and remains on good terms with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=igIMT5ZSfKc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all better than our worst moments — I give that grace to everybody I’ve ever worked with, every staffer who has made a mistake who has kept working the next day,” Porter said. “I’m asking for some of that grace from others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also contrasted questions about her demeanor with the early support that many state interest groups showered on former Rep. Eric Swalwell, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\">ended his campaign and later resigned\u003c/a> from Congress amid sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California establishment, including Sacramento, was very, very quick to hop on board [with] that, and unwilling to believe that Eric Swalwell could have been the kind of person with a bad ‘temperament’ that led him to sexually assault people,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It all comes back to housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the conversation, Porter repeatedly returned to housing, calling it “the biggest priority” for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margarita Mendez, a public school teacher, asked Porter how she planned to help educators “afford to live in the communities they teach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter recounted a conversation with a rideshare driver earlier in the day, who commuted to the Bay Area from Modesto every day to drop his daughter off at the school she teaches at in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter speaks during a KQED town hall on May 4, 2026, where she pressed housing affordability plans. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That is really, really wrong,” Porter said. “And that is the status quo in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a question on housing affordability from Susan Mallon, a San Francisco renter, Porter threw her support behind a down payment assistance bond that would lower the upfront costs for first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just no research behind a 20% down payment,” she said. “That is creating a huge class of people who can never get to homeownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Porter Leans Into AI Regulation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter was blunt when San Francisco resident Tom Tripp asked about regulating artificial intelligence and its potential impact on wealth inequality and jobs.[aside postID=news_12078450 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260326-KATIE-PORTER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED.jpg']“We only have a year to two before we are going to suffer a lot of job disruption and job loss because of AI,” Porter said. “We have already — on the job piece — waited too long in my opinion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter floated the idea of restrictions on autonomous semitrucks and school buses. And she dismissed the idea that regulations on the burgeoning technology should be left exclusively to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California governors and California gubernatorial candidates cannot have it both ways. They try, because they are men, but they can’t have it both ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They cannot pat themselves on the back and say ‘we’re the fourth largest economy in the world,’ and then turn around and say ‘What could we do? We’re only the fourth-largest economy in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078450/katie-porters-run-for-governor-centers-tax-cuts-corporate-accountability\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> laid out plans to lower housing costs and regulate Silicon Valley in a KQED town hall on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make change in California and we have to do it in a smart way, we can’t do it in a reckless way, we can’t do it in a way that’s just about catering to donors,” Porter said. “But we really have to make change because it’s coming, it’s not a choice — AI is coming and the changes are going to be tremendous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter answered questions from Bay Area residents about education, technology, gas prices and rent in a wide-ranging event moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three takeaways from the conversation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Temperament\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030710/former-southern-california-rep-katie-porter-enters-governors-race\">entered the race\u003c/a> last year as a Democratic frontrunner, after three terms in the House and a third-place finish in the 2024 primary for U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059961/katie-porter-apologizes-for-behavior-in-viral-videos-at-first-public-forum20member%20asks%20U.S.,understand%20that%20I%20value%20them.%E2%80%9D\">campaign drew scrutiny in October\u003c/a> when a video uncovered by POLITICO showed Porter telling a staffer to “get out of my f—ing shot” as they walked behind her during a video conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she apologized to the staffer that day and remains on good terms with her.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/igIMT5ZSfKc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/igIMT5ZSfKc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“We are all better than our worst moments — I give that grace to everybody I’ve ever worked with, every staffer who has made a mistake who has kept working the next day,” Porter said. “I’m asking for some of that grace from others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also contrasted questions about her demeanor with the early support that many state interest groups showered on former Rep. Eric Swalwell, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\">ended his campaign and later resigned\u003c/a> from Congress amid sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California establishment, including Sacramento, was very, very quick to hop on board [with] that, and unwilling to believe that Eric Swalwell could have been the kind of person with a bad ‘temperament’ that led him to sexually assault people,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It all comes back to housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the conversation, Porter repeatedly returned to housing, calling it “the biggest priority” for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margarita Mendez, a public school teacher, asked Porter how she planned to help educators “afford to live in the communities they teach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter recounted a conversation with a rideshare driver earlier in the day, who commuted to the Bay Area from Modesto every day to drop his daughter off at the school she teaches at in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter speaks during a KQED town hall on May 4, 2026, where she pressed housing affordability plans. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That is really, really wrong,” Porter said. “And that is the status quo in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a question on housing affordability from Susan Mallon, a San Francisco renter, Porter threw her support behind a down payment assistance bond that would lower the upfront costs for first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just no research behind a 20% down payment,” she said. “That is creating a huge class of people who can never get to homeownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Porter Leans Into AI Regulation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter was blunt when San Francisco resident Tom Tripp asked about regulating artificial intelligence and its potential impact on wealth inequality and jobs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We only have a year to two before we are going to suffer a lot of job disruption and job loss because of AI,” Porter said. “We have already — on the job piece — waited too long in my opinion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter floated the idea of restrictions on autonomous semitrucks and school buses. And she dismissed the idea that regulations on the burgeoning technology should be left exclusively to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California governors and California gubernatorial candidates cannot have it both ways. They try, because they are men, but they can’t have it both ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They cannot pat themselves on the back and say ‘we’re the fourth largest economy in the world,’ and then turn around and say ‘What could we do? We’re only the fourth-largest economy in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-primary-2026-dropbox-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-find-my-polling-place-election-day-voter-guide",
"title": "Primary 2026: Where Can I Drop Off My Ballot — or Vote Early?",
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"headTitle": "Primary 2026: Where Can I Drop Off My Ballot — or Vote Early? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters: the state primary elections are here. And if you’re registered to vote, your ballot will be on its way in the next few days — ahead of Election Day itself on June 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wondering where to drop off your completed mail-in ballot in the Bay Area? Or where can you vote in person, and find a polling place near you? What about if you prefer to vote on Election Day itself?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for everything you need to know about submitting your vote in the California primary elections. And if you’re looking for detailed information about what you’ll be voting on, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">take a look at KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Howtofindyourclosestvotinglocationorballotdropoff\">How to find your closest voting location or ballot drop-off\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#HowtofindyourpollingplaceonElectionDay\">How to find your polling place on Election Day\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Howtocontactyourcountydirectlyaboutvoting\">How to contact your county directly about voting\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re concerned you might have made a mistake when filling out your ballot, you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082075/california-primary-elections-2026-faq-governors-race-vote-ballot-signature-how-to-correct-mistake\">read our guide to addressing common errors on your ballot\u003c/a> (\u003cem>before\u003c/em> you mail it) — and find out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082075/california-primary-elections-2026-faq-governors-race-vote-ballot-signature-how-to-correct-mistake\">how to get a fresh ballot or vote in person\u003c/a> if you really messed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can I mail my ballot through the Postal Service?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, you can mail your completed ballot via the U.S. Postal Service at any regular collection box. The envelope is postage paid, so it doesn’t require a stamp, and it’ll be counted as long as it’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections\"> postmarked by Election Day and arrives at your county registrar’s office by June 2\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you’re planning to mail your ballot on Election Day itself, be \u003cem>very\u003c/em> sure you don’t miss the last collection time for that specific mailbox (which at many locations is 5 p.m. or earlier).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also shouldn’t drop off your ballot on Election Day at a post office that’s already closed. Doing either of these things will mean your ballot will not be postmarked on Election Day and won’t be counted when it reaches your county’s election office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can I drop off my ballot in a drop box or at a voting location?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once you complete your mail-in ballot, you can drop it off at an official drop box or voting location instead of mailing it via a U.S. Postal Service collection box. These drop boxes will \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/primary-election-june-2-2026\">open by May 5.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few reasons you might prefer to hand-deliver your completed ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Peace of mind:\u003c/strong> There’s a satisfaction that comes with knowing your ballot should now travel straight to your county elections office rather than going through USPS collection and sorting for delivery\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Timing:\u003c/strong> If it’s Election Day itself, using a drop box or a voting location to drop off your ballot is the best way to be sure it’ll reach your county elections office in time to be counted\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assistance:\u003c/strong> If you drop off your ballot at a voting location during operating hours and you have a few lingering questions about your ballot or the process, chances are good that you’ll find someone there to help answer them\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how you deliver it, you can\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\"> sign up to track your ballot’s progress with the “Where’s My Ballot?” online tool\u003c/a> and be reassured it’s on its way to being counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"HowtofindyourpollingplaceonElectionDay\">\u003c/a>Where can I vote in person on Election Day?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Election Day, in-person voting is still available at every county registrar’s office (also known as your county’s elections office) in the Bay Area. If you’re a San Francisco voter, this location will be City Hall.\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices\"> Find your county registrar’s office and opening hours.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check your mail-in ballot to see where you can vote and whether you’ve been assigned a specific polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082113\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident hands their mail-in ballot to USPS employee Elmer Padilla on Oct. 9, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you live in San Francisco, Contra Costa or Solano counties:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You are assigned a specific polling place, though Contra Costa County election officials say they can process your ballot no matter where you show up to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if you live in a county that assigns you a particular polling place, you can still vote at\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices\"> your county registrar’s office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you live in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara or Sonoma counties:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can vote at any voting location — known as Vote Centers — including your county registrar’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\"> find your voting location through the state’s lookup tool\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082088\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082088\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco official mail-in ballot for the Nov. 3, 2020, election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do I need to bring my ballot with me?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’d like to cast a ballot in person, it’s a good idea to bring the blank ballot you were mailed, as some counties may require you to vote provisionally if you don’t bring it. If you’re issued a new ballot when you vote in person, any ballot you left at home will be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Provisional votes are subject to extra checks — confirming that you’re actually registered to vote in California, or that you didn’t already complete and mail your ballot — and this extra layer of confirmation takes time. That means that although your vote will eventually be counted, it might not be tallied on Election Day itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I still need to register to vote. What should I do? Can I do this on Election Day?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The official deadline to\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\"> register online to vote \u003c/a>is Monday, May 18.[aside postID=news_12081345 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/GettyImages-2272001355-2000x1334.jpg']Remember, if you’ve changed your name or the political party choice you previously registered to vote with, or you’ve moved address, you’ll need to\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\"> reregister\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you miss the deadline to register, don’t panic: After May 18, you can still complete the\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\"> same-day voter registration\u003c/a> process (also known as “conditional voting”) and request your ballot in person at your county elections office or polling location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This system enables you to fill out and submit your ballot then and there, up until when polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to voter registration, many voting locations also offer replacement ballots, accessible voting machines and language assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtofindyourclosestvotinglocationorballotdropoff\">\u003c/a>How can I find my voting location or ballot drop-off?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Secure drop boxes \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/primary-election-june-2-2026\">open by May 5, and the first vote centers open \u003c/a>May 23 in certain counties, with more early voting locations opening May 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082116\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082116\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz drops off his ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at a ballot dropbox in Fruitvale on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Visit the\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\"> state of California lookup tool\u003c/a>, where you can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Enter your county (adding your city or ZIP code will give more localized results, but it’s optional)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Check the “Early Voting” and/or “Drop Off Location” boxes\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hit “Search” to see all the early voting and drop-off locations in that area\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Remember that in-person voting hours may differ by location, and some locations may not be open every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtocontactyourcountydirectlyaboutvoting\">\u003c/a>How can I contact my county directly about voting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/index\">\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.contracostavote.gov/elections/\">\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\"> send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Where to find a ballot drop box near you in the Bay Area, how to use USPS to mail your primary ballot and where you can vote early.",
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"title": "Primary 2026: Where Can I Drop Off My Ballot — or Vote Early? | KQED",
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"headline": "Primary 2026: Where Can I Drop Off My Ballot — or Vote Early?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters: the state primary elections are here. And if you’re registered to vote, your ballot will be on its way in the next few days — ahead of Election Day itself on June 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wondering where to drop off your completed mail-in ballot in the Bay Area? Or where can you vote in person, and find a polling place near you? What about if you prefer to vote on Election Day itself?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for everything you need to know about submitting your vote in the California primary elections. And if you’re looking for detailed information about what you’ll be voting on, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">take a look at KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Howtofindyourclosestvotinglocationorballotdropoff\">How to find your closest voting location or ballot drop-off\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#HowtofindyourpollingplaceonElectionDay\">How to find your polling place on Election Day\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Howtocontactyourcountydirectlyaboutvoting\">How to contact your county directly about voting\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>If you’re concerned you might have made a mistake when filling out your ballot, you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082075/california-primary-elections-2026-faq-governors-race-vote-ballot-signature-how-to-correct-mistake\">read our guide to addressing common errors on your ballot\u003c/a> (\u003cem>before\u003c/em> you mail it) — and find out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082075/california-primary-elections-2026-faq-governors-race-vote-ballot-signature-how-to-correct-mistake\">how to get a fresh ballot or vote in person\u003c/a> if you really messed up.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can I mail my ballot through the Postal Service?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, you can mail your completed ballot via the U.S. Postal Service at any regular collection box. The envelope is postage paid, so it doesn’t require a stamp, and it’ll be counted as long as it’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections\"> postmarked by Election Day and arrives at your county registrar’s office by June 2\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you’re planning to mail your ballot on Election Day itself, be \u003cem>very\u003c/em> sure you don’t miss the last collection time for that specific mailbox (which at many locations is 5 p.m. or earlier).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also shouldn’t drop off your ballot on Election Day at a post office that’s already closed. Doing either of these things will mean your ballot will not be postmarked on Election Day and won’t be counted when it reaches your county’s election office.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can I drop off my ballot in a drop box or at a voting location?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once you complete your mail-in ballot, you can drop it off at an official drop box or voting location instead of mailing it via a U.S. Postal Service collection box. These drop boxes will \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/primary-election-june-2-2026\">open by May 5.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few reasons you might prefer to hand-deliver your completed ballot:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Peace of mind:\u003c/strong> There’s a satisfaction that comes with knowing your ballot should now travel straight to your county elections office rather than going through USPS collection and sorting for delivery\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Timing:\u003c/strong> If it’s Election Day itself, using a drop box or a voting location to drop off your ballot is the best way to be sure it’ll reach your county elections office in time to be counted\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Assistance:\u003c/strong> If you drop off your ballot at a voting location during operating hours and you have a few lingering questions about your ballot or the process, chances are good that you’ll find someone there to help answer them\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how you deliver it, you can\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\"> sign up to track your ballot’s progress with the “Where’s My Ballot?” online tool\u003c/a> and be reassured it’s on its way to being counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"HowtofindyourpollingplaceonElectionDay\">\u003c/a>Where can I vote in person on Election Day?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Election Day, in-person voting is still available at every county registrar’s office (also known as your county’s elections office) in the Bay Area. If you’re a San Francisco voter, this location will be City Hall.\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices\"> Find your county registrar’s office and opening hours.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check your mail-in ballot to see where you can vote and whether you’ve been assigned a specific polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082113\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/023_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_TanyaYule_10092020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco resident hands their mail-in ballot to USPS employee Elmer Padilla on Oct. 9, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you live in San Francisco, Contra Costa or Solano counties:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You are assigned a specific polling place, though Contra Costa County election officials say they can process your ballot no matter where you show up to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if you live in a county that assigns you a particular polling place, you can still vote at\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices\"> your county registrar’s office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you live in Alameda, Marin, Napa, San Mateo, Santa Clara or Sonoma counties:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can vote at any voting location — known as Vote Centers — including your county registrar’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\"> find your voting location through the state’s lookup tool\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082088\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082088\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_Election2020_MailinBallot_10122020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco official mail-in ballot for the Nov. 3, 2020, election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do I need to bring my ballot with me?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’d like to cast a ballot in person, it’s a good idea to bring the blank ballot you were mailed, as some counties may require you to vote provisionally if you don’t bring it. If you’re issued a new ballot when you vote in person, any ballot you left at home will be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Provisional votes are subject to extra checks — confirming that you’re actually registered to vote in California, or that you didn’t already complete and mail your ballot — and this extra layer of confirmation takes time. That means that although your vote will eventually be counted, it might not be tallied on Election Day itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I still need to register to vote. What should I do? Can I do this on Election Day?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The official deadline to\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\"> register online to vote \u003c/a>is Monday, May 18.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Remember, if you’ve changed your name or the political party choice you previously registered to vote with, or you’ve moved address, you’ll need to\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/\"> reregister\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you miss the deadline to register, don’t panic: After May 18, you can still complete the\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/same-day-reg/\"> same-day voter registration\u003c/a> process (also known as “conditional voting”) and request your ballot in person at your county elections office or polling location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This system enables you to fill out and submit your ballot then and there, up until when polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to voter registration, many voting locations also offer replacement ballots, accessible voting machines and language assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtofindyourclosestvotinglocationorballotdropoff\">\u003c/a>How can I find my voting location or ballot drop-off?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Secure drop boxes \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/upcoming-elections/primary-election-june-2-2026\">open by May 5, and the first vote centers open \u003c/a>May 23 in certain counties, with more early voting locations opening May 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082116\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082116\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/010_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz drops off his ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at a ballot dropbox in Fruitvale on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Visit the\u003ca href=\"https://caearlyvoting.sos.ca.gov/\"> state of California lookup tool\u003c/a>, where you can:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Enter your county (adding your city or ZIP code will give more localized results, but it’s optional)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Check the “Early Voting” and/or “Drop Off Location” boxes\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hit “Search” to see all the early voting and drop-off locations in that area\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Remember that in-person voting hours may differ by location, and some locations may not be open every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtocontactyourcountydirectlyaboutvoting\">\u003c/a>How can I contact my county directly about voting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/index\">\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.contracostavote.gov/elections/\">\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\"> send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org\">\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "palestinian-and-israeli-peacebuilders-find-brotherhood-through-grief",
"title": "Palestinian and Israeli Peacebuilders Find Brotherhood Through Grief",
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"headTitle": "Palestinian and Israeli Peacebuilders Find Brotherhood Through Grief | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Aziz Abu Sarah, who is Palestinian, hesitated before sending a condolence message to his Israeli acquaintance, Maoz Inon. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974526/bay-area-jewish-community-heartbroken-by-harrowing-stories-from-oct-7-survivors\">It was Oct. 8, 2023\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day earlier, Hamas militants had fatally shot Inon’s parents, Yakovi and Bilha, and set fire to their home near the Gaza border. Abu Sarah wondered whether hearing a Palestinian voice would only magnify Inon’s pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he sent it because he knew from experience it was the right thing to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inon replied within a few hours. His heart was broken, he said, but his grief did not stop with his parents. He was also crying for the “children being killed in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both men had lost family members to violence tied to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/israel-hamas-war\">Israel-Hamas war\u003c/a>. Instead of retreating further into grief and anger, they built an unlikely friendship grounded in dialogue, shared loss and a belief that coexistence remains possible even amid war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maoz Inon, a peace activist who lost both his parents when they were killed in an assault by Hamas on Israeli communities near Gaza. \u003ccite>(Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That exchange became the beginning of a friendship neither man expected. Today, they describe it as something closer to brotherhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost so many,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101913639/when-the-world-expects-hate-a-palestinian-and-an-israeli-choose-peace\">Inon said recently on KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “But I won Aziz. I won Aziz as a brother.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abu Sarah grew up in occupied Jerusalem. One Ramadan morning, Israeli soldiers with machine guns stormed his home and took his 18-year-old brother, Tayseer, who was accused of throwing rocks. Tayseer refused to confess.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was tortured, imprisoned and released with grave internal injuries. He died soon after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abu Sarah was 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was very angry. I was very bitter,” he said. “I think it felt more like if I don’t avenge his death, then I’m a terrible brother.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082172\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1321\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pope Francis greets Maoz Inon and Aziz Sarah, two entrepreneurs from Israel and Palestine, respectively, from whom the war has torn away their family members, during the meeting ‘Arena of Peace’ at the Verona Arena on May 18, 2024, in Verona, Italy. \u003ccite>(Vatican Media via Vatican Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, though, something changed in Abu Sarah. He’d refused to learn Hebrew in high school because it was the “language of the enemy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, realizing he couldn’t go to college or get a job without it, he began his studies. “That,” he said, “was my first introduction to Israelis who treated me like a human being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A teacher greeted him in Arabic. Classmates spoke to him as an equal. It did not erase his loss, but it disrupted the story he had been telling about himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not Israelis versus Palestinians anymore,” he said. “It’s those of us who believe in justice… and those who don’t yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Shared travel\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Inon and Abu Sarah’s friendship grew not just through conversation, but through shared travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both men have backgrounds in tourism. When they began working together, they built “dual narrative” tours, led by both an Israeli and a Palestinian. People told them it would fail. Instead, their company, MEJDI Tours, became a model for citizen diplomacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082173\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1959px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1959\" height=\"1306\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567.jpg 1959w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1959px) 100vw, 1959px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Israeli forces conduct identity checks and close a road to traffic during a raid on Ain Sara Street in Hebron, southern West Bank, Palestine, on April 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Amer Shallodi/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For their new book, “The Future Is Peace,” the men took an eight-day journey across Israel and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062258/a-village-with-close-ties-to-the-bay-area-facing-demolition-in-the-west-bank\">West Bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Abu Sarah, returning to his hometown of Bethany meant painful memories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 16, he was denied an ID card because his home fell outside newly drawn municipal boundaries. To get to school, he ran around checkpoints, risking beatings or worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If soldiers see you, you get shot at,” he said.[aside postID=forum_2010101913639 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2026/04/future-is-peace-credit-uri-levi.png']For Inon, the journey revealed something equally unsettling: He had once been stationed just miles from that same town during his military service. At the time, he had little understanding of what life looked like on the other side of the checkpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was my friends… my unit members,” he said, referring to soldiers enforcing the occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Admitting that to Abu Sarah was difficult. Their lives had run parallel, close in geography but separated by structural inequities. It was a separation that they said extended beyond individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I’m wondering, am I in the same location?” Abu Sarah said, describing how differently the same events are reported in Hebrew and Arabic media.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Listeners respond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As their story unfolded, Forum listeners responded. Caller Radhika wondered whether their approach managed to convince people on either side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inon responded that those who believe that war will bring safety are naive. “The only way to achieve security… is through dialogue.” He pointed to a growing movement of Israelis and Palestinians working together, even as political leaders remain entrenched.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rabbi from Sonoma County described taking one of the guests’ dual-narrative tours, finding it “challenging and eye-opening,” and said Inon and Abu Sarah’s work has shown how we can “rehumanize each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener, Maureen, expressed despair. “It seems like peaceful coexistence is impossible, at least in my lifetime,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051787\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters block Montgomery Street outside the Consulate General of Israel to the Pacific Northwest in San Francisco on Aug. 11, 2025. Jewish community members are calling on the Israeli government to let food aid into Palestine as starvation progressively gets worse. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Abu Sarah did not dismiss that feeling, but he pushed back on its conclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot allow ourselves to put this responsibility… on the next generation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came sharper critique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One listener wrote that efforts like this risk “equalizing” histories that are not equal. “If this was Nazi Germany,” the listener asked, “and they were offering German and Jewish tours to share stories, would it be OK?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working with Israelis, Abu Sarah said, is not about ignoring injustice. It is about working with people who share values, including equality, dignity and a future where neither side dominates the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact he’s Israeli doesn’t make him my enemy,” he said of Inon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also acknowledged the criticism from within his own community, including accusations of betrayal and “normalization.” But if people only “sit and cry and do nothing,” the situation will not change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Friendship\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If their friendship has a philosophy, it is not rooted in agreement about the past but a shared commitment to a better future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not agree on everything in history,” Abu Sarah said. “But… we can definitely agree on everything in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea surfaced again and again: listening without forcing consensus, allowing different narratives to exist and recognizing that empathy is not betrayal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051789\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051789\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold one another on Montgomery Street outside the Consulate General of Israel to the Pacific Northwest in San Francisco on Aug. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Inon, that recognition includes confronting his own upbringing. He was raised on a narrative of a land largely empty before Jewish settlement. Only later did he learn the scale of Palestinian presence and displacement. That realization did not erase his identity but rather complicated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without doubting my own narrative,” he said, “I would never… recognize that there is another people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near the end of the program, a listener named Joyce wrote that she was “still in tears,” but felt something else, too: hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish their voices could be heard all over the world,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Palestinian peacebuilder Aziz Abu Sarah and Israeli activist Maoz Inon discussed grief, reconciliation, dialogue and coexistence on KQED’s Forum after both lost family members to violence in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aziz Abu Sarah, who is Palestinian, hesitated before sending a condolence message to his Israeli acquaintance, Maoz Inon. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974526/bay-area-jewish-community-heartbroken-by-harrowing-stories-from-oct-7-survivors\">It was Oct. 8, 2023\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day earlier, Hamas militants had fatally shot Inon’s parents, Yakovi and Bilha, and set fire to their home near the Gaza border. Abu Sarah wondered whether hearing a Palestinian voice would only magnify Inon’s pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he sent it because he knew from experience it was the right thing to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inon replied within a few hours. His heart was broken, he said, but his grief did not stop with his parents. He was also crying for the “children being killed in Gaza.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both men had lost family members to violence tied to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/israel-hamas-war\">Israel-Hamas war\u003c/a>. Instead of retreating further into grief and anger, they built an unlikely friendship grounded in dialogue, shared loss and a belief that coexistence remains possible even amid war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-1757397061-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maoz Inon, a peace activist who lost both his parents when they were killed in an assault by Hamas on Israeli communities near Gaza. \u003ccite>(Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That exchange became the beginning of a friendship neither man expected. Today, they describe it as something closer to brotherhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost so many,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101913639/when-the-world-expects-hate-a-palestinian-and-an-israeli-choose-peace\">Inon said recently on KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “But I won Aziz. I won Aziz as a brother.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abu Sarah grew up in occupied Jerusalem. One Ramadan morning, Israeli soldiers with machine guns stormed his home and took his 18-year-old brother, Tayseer, who was accused of throwing rocks. Tayseer refused to confess.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was tortured, imprisoned and released with grave internal injuries. He died soon after.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abu Sarah was 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was very angry. I was very bitter,” he said. “I think it felt more like if I don’t avenge his death, then I’m a terrible brother.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082172\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082172\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1321\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2153510497-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pope Francis greets Maoz Inon and Aziz Sarah, two entrepreneurs from Israel and Palestine, respectively, from whom the war has torn away their family members, during the meeting ‘Arena of Peace’ at the Verona Arena on May 18, 2024, in Verona, Italy. \u003ccite>(Vatican Media via Vatican Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, though, something changed in Abu Sarah. He’d refused to learn Hebrew in high school because it was the “language of the enemy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, realizing he couldn’t go to college or get a job without it, he began his studies. “That,” he said, “was my first introduction to Israelis who treated me like a human being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A teacher greeted him in Arabic. Classmates spoke to him as an equal. It did not erase his loss, but it disrupted the story he had been telling about himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not Israelis versus Palestinians anymore,” he said. “It’s those of us who believe in justice… and those who don’t yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Shared travel\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Inon and Abu Sarah’s friendship grew not just through conversation, but through shared travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both men have backgrounds in tourism. When they began working together, they built “dual narrative” tours, led by both an Israeli and a Palestinian. People told them it would fail. Instead, their company, MEJDI Tours, became a model for citizen diplomacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082173\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1959px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1959\" height=\"1306\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567.jpg 1959w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2269561567-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1959px) 100vw, 1959px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Israeli forces conduct identity checks and close a road to traffic during a raid on Ain Sara Street in Hebron, southern West Bank, Palestine, on April 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Amer Shallodi/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For their new book, “The Future Is Peace,” the men took an eight-day journey across Israel and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062258/a-village-with-close-ties-to-the-bay-area-facing-demolition-in-the-west-bank\">West Bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Abu Sarah, returning to his hometown of Bethany meant painful memories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 16, he was denied an ID card because his home fell outside newly drawn municipal boundaries. To get to school, he ran around checkpoints, risking beatings or worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If soldiers see you, you get shot at,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For Inon, the journey revealed something equally unsettling: He had once been stationed just miles from that same town during his military service. At the time, he had little understanding of what life looked like on the other side of the checkpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was my friends… my unit members,” he said, referring to soldiers enforcing the occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Admitting that to Abu Sarah was difficult. Their lives had run parallel, close in geography but separated by structural inequities. It was a separation that they said extended beyond individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I’m wondering, am I in the same location?” Abu Sarah said, describing how differently the same events are reported in Hebrew and Arabic media.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Listeners respond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As their story unfolded, Forum listeners responded. Caller Radhika wondered whether their approach managed to convince people on either side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inon responded that those who believe that war will bring safety are naive. “The only way to achieve security… is through dialogue.” He pointed to a growing movement of Israelis and Palestinians working together, even as political leaders remain entrenched.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rabbi from Sonoma County described taking one of the guests’ dual-narrative tours, finding it “challenging and eye-opening,” and said Inon and Abu Sarah’s work has shown how we can “rehumanize each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener, Maureen, expressed despair. “It seems like peaceful coexistence is impossible, at least in my lifetime,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051787\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00956_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters block Montgomery Street outside the Consulate General of Israel to the Pacific Northwest in San Francisco on Aug. 11, 2025. Jewish community members are calling on the Israeli government to let food aid into Palestine as starvation progressively gets worse. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Abu Sarah did not dismiss that feeling, but he pushed back on its conclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot allow ourselves to put this responsibility… on the next generation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then came sharper critique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One listener wrote that efforts like this risk “equalizing” histories that are not equal. “If this was Nazi Germany,” the listener asked, “and they were offering German and Jewish tours to share stories, would it be OK?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working with Israelis, Abu Sarah said, is not about ignoring injustice. It is about working with people who share values, including equality, dignity and a future where neither side dominates the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact he’s Israeli doesn’t make him my enemy,” he said of Inon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also acknowledged the criticism from within his own community, including accusations of betrayal and “normalization.” But if people only “sit and cry and do nothing,” the situation will not change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Friendship\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If their friendship has a philosophy, it is not rooted in agreement about the past but a shared commitment to a better future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not agree on everything in history,” Abu Sarah said. “But… we can definitely agree on everything in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea surfaced again and again: listening without forcing consensus, allowing different narratives to exist and recognizing that empathy is not betrayal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051789\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051789\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811-ISRAELICONSULATE_00998_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold one another on Montgomery Street outside the Consulate General of Israel to the Pacific Northwest in San Francisco on Aug. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Inon, that recognition includes confronting his own upbringing. He was raised on a narrative of a land largely empty before Jewish settlement. Only later did he learn the scale of Palestinian presence and displacement. That realization did not erase his identity but rather complicated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without doubting my own narrative,” he said, “I would never… recognize that there is another people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near the end of the program, a listener named Joyce wrote that she was “still in tears,” but felt something else, too: hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish their voices could be heard all over the world,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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