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"content": "\u003cp>San José’s City Council approved a budget on Tuesday with a landmark shift in unhoused spending — delivering a signature victory to Mayor Matt Mahan in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979482/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-calls-for-urgent-action-on-homelessness-in-city-budget-plan\">effort to change the city’s strategy\u003c/a> for reducing its unsheltered population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the earmarked unhoused funding in the $5.3 billion spending plan will now be spent on constructing interim housing and establishing sanctioned lots for residents to live in RVs or tents — instead of building affordable apartments. Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">failed to pass a similar spending pivot in last year’s budget\u003c/a>. But a year later, with the same council, he secured a unanimous vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the most strategic investment we’ve ever made in ending unsheltered homelessness, this era of encampments we’ve been plagued with in San José,” Mahan told KQED after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing advocates expressed feeling whiplash. In 2020, San José voters approved Measure E, a tax on the transfer of real estate valued at $2 million or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the funding was technically unrestricted, the council initially earmarked 90% of the tax revenue for building new affordable housing. Now, 65% of Measure E revenue, projected at $30.7 million in the coming year, will go toward interim housing and shelter. Just a quarter, or $12 million, will go toward affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s historic, and it’s devastating,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Destination: Home, a South Bay housing nonprofit. “Even worse, I think we did this in three years, maybe four [since the passage of Measure E]? We got here fast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, big-city mayors have shifted\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953006/sf-san-jose-mayors-push-to-fund-shelters-as-pressure-builds-on-encampments\"> their focus toward housing unsheltered residents\u003c/a> who are visibly experiencing homelessness on sidewalks and along local waterways — often at the expense of building new affordable units. Few have been as deliberate in this approach as Mahan, who won \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#matt-mahan-sails-to-second-term-as-mayor-of-san-jose\">two elections in the span of 16 months\u003c/a> with a call to focus city dollars on short-term solutions to unsheltered living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first year in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949797/in-controversial-plan-san-jose-mayor-seeks-to-use-homelessness-dollars-to-build-more-temporary-shelters-instead-of-permanent-housing\">Mahan’s calls for a seismic shift in city unhoused spending\u003c/a> were met with organized resistance from housing advocates and local progressives. The council rejected his Measure E proposal last June and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">instead approved a modest increase in funding for temporary housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Mahan initiates the budget process but has only one vote on the final spending plan, and any change to Measure E spending requires an eight-vote supermajority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A turning point in the debate came in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay Regional Water Quality Control Board rejected a piece of San José’s stormwater permit for the third time, decreeing that the city was not doing enough to prevent trash and human waste from encampments from entering local waterways. Mahan argued that a pivot toward funding shelter was necessary to avoid potential lawsuits or fines.[aside postID=news_11988728 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_7876_qut-1020x765.jpg']A new water permit was only recently accepted “when we laid out very clearly through the budget process what we were going to do to get people out of unmanaged encampments near our waterways,” Mahan said Tuesday. “They wanted to see that plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city manager estimated that compliance with the permit would cost nearly $27 million in the fiscal year beginning July 1: to abate existing encampments, establish managed encampments (known as safe sleeping sites) and maintain police patrols along the Coyote Creek and Guadalupe River trails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a surprise that we had to deal with immediately because it’s critical we obtain a stormwater permit and then we avoid any future penalties,” Councilmember Pam Foley said. “The pressure on us was really from the stormwater permit, and that was an unexpected expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further supporting Mahan’s case was the council’s commitment to fund the operation of its temporary housing units, known as emergency interim housing, through the general fund. As the program expands, so too does the cost to the city, which could reach $70 million by 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the entire budget, the shortfall facing the council was a manageable $4.5 million. However, the council needed to solve for a $50 million shortfall when taking into account the needed stormwater investments and several programs with funding set to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although a recent uptick in local sales tax revenue led city analysts to brighten their projections and increase funding for affordable housing, critics of the plan said cuts still fell disproportionately on those programs. Funding for the construction of rental housing will be $23.6 million less than under the previous Measure E spending formula. Advocates argue the funding loss will leave approved projects stuck in limbo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the mayor’s campaign promise, he’s been able to change Measure E,” Loving said. “It’s not rooted in policy or research or data that this is an effective strategy in the absence of affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Peter Ortiz offered the sharpest critiques, saying the stormwater issue “twisted our arms and forced us to cough up funding to implement this plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current strategy of prioritizing EIHs [emergency interim housing] over affordable housing isn’t ending the crisis of homelessness, it’s hiding it,” Ortiz said. “Let’s call it what it is, it is a bridge to nowhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz co-authored an amendment to reinstate Measure E’s previous emphasis on affordable housing when the council enters next year’s budget planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the funding was technically unrestricted, the council initially earmarked 90% of the tax revenue for building new affordable housing. Now, 65% of Measure E revenue, projected at $30.7 million in the coming year, will go toward interim housing and shelter. Just a quarter, or $12 million, will go toward affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s historic, and it’s devastating,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Destination: Home, a South Bay housing nonprofit. “Even worse, I think we did this in three years, maybe four [since the passage of Measure E]? We got here fast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, big-city mayors have shifted\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953006/sf-san-jose-mayors-push-to-fund-shelters-as-pressure-builds-on-encampments\"> their focus toward housing unsheltered residents\u003c/a> who are visibly experiencing homelessness on sidewalks and along local waterways — often at the expense of building new affordable units. Few have been as deliberate in this approach as Mahan, who won \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#matt-mahan-sails-to-second-term-as-mayor-of-san-jose\">two elections in the span of 16 months\u003c/a> with a call to focus city dollars on short-term solutions to unsheltered living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first year in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949797/in-controversial-plan-san-jose-mayor-seeks-to-use-homelessness-dollars-to-build-more-temporary-shelters-instead-of-permanent-housing\">Mahan’s calls for a seismic shift in city unhoused spending\u003c/a> were met with organized resistance from housing advocates and local progressives. The council rejected his Measure E proposal last June and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">instead approved a modest increase in funding for temporary housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor, Mahan initiates the budget process but has only one vote on the final spending plan, and any change to Measure E spending requires an eight-vote supermajority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A turning point in the debate came in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay Regional Water Quality Control Board rejected a piece of San José’s stormwater permit for the third time, decreeing that the city was not doing enough to prevent trash and human waste from encampments from entering local waterways. Mahan argued that a pivot toward funding shelter was necessary to avoid potential lawsuits or fines.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A new water permit was only recently accepted “when we laid out very clearly through the budget process what we were going to do to get people out of unmanaged encampments near our waterways,” Mahan said Tuesday. “They wanted to see that plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city manager estimated that compliance with the permit would cost nearly $27 million in the fiscal year beginning July 1: to abate existing encampments, establish managed encampments (known as safe sleeping sites) and maintain police patrols along the Coyote Creek and Guadalupe River trails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a surprise that we had to deal with immediately because it’s critical we obtain a stormwater permit and then we avoid any future penalties,” Councilmember Pam Foley said. “The pressure on us was really from the stormwater permit, and that was an unexpected expense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further supporting Mahan’s case was the council’s commitment to fund the operation of its temporary housing units, known as emergency interim housing, through the general fund. As the program expands, so too does the cost to the city, which could reach $70 million by 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the entire budget, the shortfall facing the council was a manageable $4.5 million. However, the council needed to solve for a $50 million shortfall when taking into account the needed stormwater investments and several programs with funding set to expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although a recent uptick in local sales tax revenue led city analysts to brighten their projections and increase funding for affordable housing, critics of the plan said cuts still fell disproportionately on those programs. Funding for the construction of rental housing will be $23.6 million less than under the previous Measure E spending formula. Advocates argue the funding loss will leave approved projects stuck in limbo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was the mayor’s campaign promise, he’s been able to change Measure E,” Loving said. “It’s not rooted in policy or research or data that this is an effective strategy in the absence of affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Peter Ortiz offered the sharpest critiques, saying the stormwater issue “twisted our arms and forced us to cough up funding to implement this plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current strategy of prioritizing EIHs [emergency interim housing] over affordable housing isn’t ending the crisis of homelessness, it’s hiding it,” Ortiz said. “Let’s call it what it is, it is a bridge to nowhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz co-authored an amendment to reinstate Measure E’s previous emphasis on affordable housing when the council enters next year’s budget planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After the collapse of an early debate amid a contentious start to the San Francisco mayoral race, the first debate is finally here — and it’s shaping up to be the local political event of the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hosted by City Arts & Lectures at the Sydney Goldstein Theater in Civic Center, the Wednesday night event is already sold out to watch in person with 1,600 people set to attend. Hundreds more have signed up to watch virtually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between now and the November election, debates aplenty will pop up in neighborhoods across the city, giving voters the chance to see Mayor London Breed, former Mayor Mark Farrell, Levi Strauss heir Daniel Lurie and Supervisors Aaron Peskin and Ahsha Safaí argue their visions for San Francisco. However, the first holds a particular power: a candidate’s debut performance can sway people to donate in large numbers or volunteer. It can also lead to vital endorsements, said Jim Ross, a political consultant who led Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2003 mayoral campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first opportunity for the public to get a sense of how the candidates perform in a tense situation, the opening debate can shape the idea of a candidate in people’s minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key thing about a debate like this one coming up is not the debate itself, but the story that comes out of it,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989876\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989876\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Farrell announces his run for San Francisco mayor during a press conference at the San Francisco Baseball Academy in San Francisco on Feb. 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The high stakes explain the acrimony over the first proposed debate organized by TogetherSF, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out\">which imploded over allegations that the political group’s CEO was working for Farrell in secret\u003c/a>. Breed and Peskin both backed out of the May 20 event, citing concerns over the group’s impartiality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These first debates can be so defining,” Ross said. “If it were the fifth debate or sixth debate, I don’t think anybody would have cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s still early in the mayor’s race — the deadline to declare candidacy was just Tuesday — it’s clear Farrell’s campaign has emerged as a threat to Breed. A May poll from moderate-leaning Democratic group GrowSF shows the mayor and Farrell \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986162/anybody-could-win-san-francisco-mayoral-race-poll-suggests-with-many-voters-undecided\">in a statistical dead heat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin poses for photos after a rally to announce his campaign for mayor of San Francisco in Chinatown’s Portsmouth Square in San Francisco on April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Usually, the power of incumbency gives politicians holding office a comfortable lead. These are not ordinary times, as San Franciscans’ concerns over crime, drug use and homelessness have tarnished Breed’s image. A \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> poll from February showed 71% of San Franciscans did not approve of Breed’s job performance as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time for Breed to catch up, and winning significant endorsements will be key.[aside postID=news_11983671 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DCCC01-1020x680.jpg']Jane Natoli, organizing director of the pro-development group San Francisco YIMBY, is buying popcorn, gluten-free snacks and non-alcoholic drinks for a virtual watch party at the group’s regular meeting space in South of Market (though she won’t begrudge her members for bringing libations). Her members are watching with an eye toward making their endorsements, which carry weight among younger voters and people with urbanist values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every candidate except for Peskin — whose stance on new housing has irked the pro-development crowd — has met with SF YIMBY members to discuss their housing plans, but Natoli thinks there’s added value in the debate format. She’s particularly interested to hear if the candidates will commit to building more developments, more densely, on the city’s suburban west side to solve the housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So far, everyone’s tiptoed around that a little bit. Where are they going to stand? How are they going to differentiate themselves?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin recently \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/06/confederacy-of-nimbys-cheer-peskin-criticize-melgar-on-housing/\">drew accolades from neighbors opposed to dense housing on the west side\u003c/a>, according to Mission Local, which may emerge as an attack from other candidates on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Ahsha Safaí speaks with Marisa Lagos and Scott Shafer for Political Breakdown at KQED headquarters in San Francisco on May 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nancy Tung, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, warned voters to ask themselves a few key questions when candidates profess grand ideas to move the city forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How reasonable are the plans that they’ve laid out? Is that type of plan workable within the city bureaucracy? Is there funding for that?” she said. “It’s easier said than done, I think.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple campaigns told KQED they’re deep in debate prep. Four of the candidates are regular public speakers in political life — at this point, they’re more focused on compressing their answers down to the one-minute allotment than they are on learning to speak more eloquently about their records. The night will be moderated by Manny Yekutiel, proprietor of the event space Manny’s and Heather Knight, \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>’ San Francisco bureau chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates’ messaging on the campaign trail so far offers several clues to what could play out onstage on Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have shown they’re fond of critiquing each other’s resumes: Lurie may lump all the elected officials together and call them “insiders” who have ruined the city. Farrell, Peskin and Lurie may argue that Breed has had years to enact her vision and failed. Peskin might be attacked for his penchant for yelling at staffers in overnight phone calls. Farrell may draw fire \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2024/06/farrell-complains-about-cuts-in-child-care-measure-that-he-tried-to-kill/\">for flipping to support a 2018 childcare tax measure that he previously opposed\u003c/a>. And the rest of the candidates may hammer on Lurie’s lack of government experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989878\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie at KQED on June 4, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ross said the candidates will try to create a contrast between themselves and their opponents. In that respect, he said, Breed’s history of growing up impoverished in San Francisco’s Fillmore district may still stand out when people hear from her live, despite San Franciscans’ wavering fondness for the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“London Breed is a living, breathing contrast to everybody else in this race,” he said. “You have one woman of color, an African American woman. And I think her ability to stand out, to talk from her experience growing up in San Francisco. Her story is so powerful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Breed has no standout moments, Ross said, that’s not necessarily a bad thing — especially if her opponents are equally as lackluster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, incumbents are usually playing not to lose in debates,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The debate is set to kick off Wednesday at 6:30 p.m. To watch virtually, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityarts.net/event/san-franciscos-next-mayor/\">get your tickets here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After the collapse of an early debate amid a contentious start to the San Francisco mayoral race, the first debate is finally here — and it’s shaping up to be the local political event of the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hosted by City Arts & Lectures at the Sydney Goldstein Theater in Civic Center, the Wednesday night event is already sold out to watch in person with 1,600 people set to attend. Hundreds more have signed up to watch virtually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between now and the November election, debates aplenty will pop up in neighborhoods across the city, giving voters the chance to see Mayor London Breed, former Mayor Mark Farrell, Levi Strauss heir Daniel Lurie and Supervisors Aaron Peskin and Ahsha Safaí argue their visions for San Francisco. However, the first holds a particular power: a candidate’s debut performance can sway people to donate in large numbers or volunteer. It can also lead to vital endorsements, said Jim Ross, a political consultant who led Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2003 mayoral campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the first opportunity for the public to get a sense of how the candidates perform in a tense situation, the opening debate can shape the idea of a candidate in people’s minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The key thing about a debate like this one coming up is not the debate itself, but the story that comes out of it,” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989876\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989876\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240213-MarkFarrell-32-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Farrell announces his run for San Francisco mayor during a press conference at the San Francisco Baseball Academy in San Francisco on Feb. 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The high stakes explain the acrimony over the first proposed debate organized by TogetherSF, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out\">which imploded over allegations that the political group’s CEO was working for Farrell in secret\u003c/a>. Breed and Peskin both backed out of the May 20 event, citing concerns over the group’s impartiality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These first debates can be so defining,” Ross said. “If it were the fifth debate or sixth debate, I don’t think anybody would have cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s still early in the mayor’s race — the deadline to declare candidacy was just Tuesday — it’s clear Farrell’s campaign has emerged as a threat to Breed. A May poll from moderate-leaning Democratic group GrowSF shows the mayor and Farrell \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986162/anybody-could-win-san-francisco-mayoral-race-poll-suggests-with-many-voters-undecided\">in a statistical dead heat\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989877\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989877\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-056-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin poses for photos after a rally to announce his campaign for mayor of San Francisco in Chinatown’s Portsmouth Square in San Francisco on April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Usually, the power of incumbency gives politicians holding office a comfortable lead. These are not ordinary times, as San Franciscans’ concerns over crime, drug use and homelessness have tarnished Breed’s image. A \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> poll from February showed 71% of San Franciscans did not approve of Breed’s job performance as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s still time for Breed to catch up, and winning significant endorsements will be key.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jane Natoli, organizing director of the pro-development group San Francisco YIMBY, is buying popcorn, gluten-free snacks and non-alcoholic drinks for a virtual watch party at the group’s regular meeting space in South of Market (though she won’t begrudge her members for bringing libations). Her members are watching with an eye toward making their endorsements, which carry weight among younger voters and people with urbanist values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every candidate except for Peskin — whose stance on new housing has irked the pro-development crowd — has met with SF YIMBY members to discuss their housing plans, but Natoli thinks there’s added value in the debate format. She’s particularly interested to hear if the candidates will commit to building more developments, more densely, on the city’s suburban west side to solve the housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So far, everyone’s tiptoed around that a little bit. Where are they going to stand? How are they going to differentiate themselves?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin recently \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/06/confederacy-of-nimbys-cheer-peskin-criticize-melgar-on-housing/\">drew accolades from neighbors opposed to dense housing on the west side\u003c/a>, according to Mission Local, which may emerge as an attack from other candidates on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989879\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989879\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240516-PoliticalBreakdownAhshaSafai-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Ahsha Safaí speaks with Marisa Lagos and Scott Shafer for Political Breakdown at KQED headquarters in San Francisco on May 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nancy Tung, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, warned voters to ask themselves a few key questions when candidates profess grand ideas to move the city forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How reasonable are the plans that they’ve laid out? Is that type of plan workable within the city bureaucracy? Is there funding for that?” she said. “It’s easier said than done, I think.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple campaigns told KQED they’re deep in debate prep. Four of the candidates are regular public speakers in political life — at this point, they’re more focused on compressing their answers down to the one-minute allotment than they are on learning to speak more eloquently about their records. The night will be moderated by Manny Yekutiel, proprietor of the event space Manny’s and Heather Knight, \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>’ San Francisco bureau chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates’ messaging on the campaign trail so far offers several clues to what could play out onstage on Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have shown they’re fond of critiquing each other’s resumes: Lurie may lump all the elected officials together and call them “insiders” who have ruined the city. Farrell, Peskin and Lurie may argue that Breed has had years to enact her vision and failed. Peskin might be attacked for his penchant for yelling at staffers in overnight phone calls. Farrell may draw fire \u003ca href=\"https://48hills.org/2024/06/farrell-complains-about-cuts-in-child-care-measure-that-he-tried-to-kill/\">for flipping to support a 2018 childcare tax measure that he previously opposed\u003c/a>. And the rest of the candidates may hammer on Lurie’s lack of government experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989878\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989878\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240604-DANIEL-LURIE-ON-PB-MD-05_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie at KQED on June 4, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ross said the candidates will try to create a contrast between themselves and their opponents. In that respect, he said, Breed’s history of growing up impoverished in San Francisco’s Fillmore district may still stand out when people hear from her live, despite San Franciscans’ wavering fondness for the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“London Breed is a living, breathing contrast to everybody else in this race,” he said. “You have one woman of color, an African American woman. And I think her ability to stand out, to talk from her experience growing up in San Francisco. Her story is so powerful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Breed has no standout moments, Ross said, that’s not necessarily a bad thing — especially if her opponents are equally as lackluster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, incumbents are usually playing not to lose in debates,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The debate is set to kick off Wednesday at 6:30 p.m. To watch virtually, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityarts.net/event/san-franciscos-next-mayor/\">get your tickets here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office has found that San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins did not abuse her discretion when she declined to file criminal charges against the security guard who shot and killed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953821/what-banko-browns-queer-trans-community-says-they-need-for-safety-joy-in-sf\">Banko Brown\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter sent to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors on Friday, Deputy Attorney General Peter Flores Jr. said the office had focused on whether the decision not to file charges was reasonable, based on a review of the investigative materials, additional submissions by supervisors and all of the circumstances of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950595/banko-browns-supporters-applaud-attorney-generals-decision-to-review-killing-after-sf-da-passes-on-prosecution\">announced his office would reexamine the case\u003c/a> a month after the April 2023 shooting. The decision had been urged by San Francisco supervisors and celebrated by family and supporters of Brown, a 24-year-old Black transgender man who was suspected of shoplifting snacks from a Walgreens store. [aside postID=news_11950796 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/05262023_bankobrownpresser-194-1020x679.jpg']Brown was unarmed at the time of his killing by Michael Earl-Wayne Anthony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the fatal shooting, Jenkins announced she would not file charges against Anthony, saying he acted in self-defense. Protests erupted over the decision, and city leaders called for Jenkins to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949558/district-attorney-releases-video-of-banko-brown-shooting-at-walgreens-wont-files-charges-against-security-gaurd\">release the store’s surveillance footage\u003c/a>, which Jenkins agreed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video shows Anthony confronting Brown, blocking him from exiting the store. During a quick struggle, Anthony punches Brown and takes him to the ground. As Brown gets up and walks outside, Anthony draws his weapon and shoots Brown, who falls to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony later told investigators that Brown had threatened to stab him. Witnesses could not corroborate the claim. Police did not recover a knife from Brown’s bag or the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sara Gaiser contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990370/diaspora-salvadorena-san-francisco-bukele\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting at a table in the center of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District, Aminta Calderón recalled her experience voting online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter helped me to vote on my cellphone,” Calderón said in Spanish. She added that she took out her identification card issued by the Salvadoran government, and “she logged into the website and there, easy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón was excited to vote for the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is one of 322,000 Salvadorans living abroad who overwhelmingly voted for Bukele earlier this year. The incumbent’s controversial yet popular, tough-on-crime policies earned him an average of 96.5% of expatriate online and in-person votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans are the second-largest Latino population in San Francisco, and with concerns about rising crime throughout the city, the idea of voting for a more law-and-order-leaning candidate is a political force in the community. Bukele’s popularity, however, has also moved progressives in the area to mobilize against the Salvadoran president’s influence abroad and in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón poses for a photo inside of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. Calderón voted online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, 73, is firmly in the law-and-order camp. She recounted the danger she faced in El Salvador from both its civil war and growing gang violence. She decided to flee her country in 1995 after being shot at by men attempting to steal goods from her trucking business. She sold off what little she had and immigrated to San Francisco, where she’s operated various food businesses over her time in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her work allowed her to send remittances to her family in El Salvador so they could afford basic necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also stayed informed about violence in her home country and believed it would never change — until Bukele took office in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He eliminated all those massacres by putting many gang members in jail,” Calderón said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bukele’s influence on U.S. Latino voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two weeks after Bukele was reelected, he visited the United States. He was a featured guest speaker at the annual Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland on Feb. 22. As he walked on stage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hOFErQLbd8k\">the crowd erupted with cheers\u003c/a>. Some waved small Salvadoran flags while others chanted his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the speech, he urged those in attendance to “put up a fight” against those who are not aligned with the values of Bukele and his supporters. He also criticized the officials in major cities in the U.S. for accepting crime and promoting illegal drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramirez (right) and her husband and watch the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco parade in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. Ramirez’s hat bears the logo of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele’s newly formed party, Nuevas Ideas, and a T-shirt with the president’s face. She voted for Bukele in the Feb. 4 election and plans to move back to El Salvador next year. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How many young people have you lost to the streets of Philadelphia or San Francisco to fentanyl,” Bukele asked. “The same thing was happening in El Salvador. In the span of less than a decade, gangs took control of the country and our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said his administration arrested the gang members, ousted corrupt judges and removed corrupt prosecutors to cleanse El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador’s homicide rate hit its peak in 2015, reaching 102 deaths per 100,000 people, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">Salvadoran government\u003c/a>. The homicide rate slowly declined, and in 2019, the year Bukele took office, the rate stood at 36 per 100,000. In his five-year tenure, the rate \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">dropped to 2.4\u003c/a> per 100,000, making the small country one of the safest in Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Salvadoran Americans watched Bukele’s first term from afar, cheering on the president for his accomplishment. Calderón is among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, this peace we have now endures,” Calderón said. “Because if [Bukele] stops governing, and another corrupt person like before arrives, they will release the criminals from jail, and it’s going to get worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bukele’s crackdown on violence has concerned human rights organizations. The Salvadoran president ordered a “\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">state of exception\u003c/a>” in March 2022 — a move that suspended four basic rights in El Salvador’s constitution, including the right to a defense upon detention, freedom of assembly, privacy in digital communications without police interception and a time limit to being detained before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said it was a necessary move to fight violent crime. In those two years, as the homicide rate plummeted, the incarceration rate rose and is now one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/reports/2023-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/el-salvador/\">highest in the world\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the police were created to bring law and order, let them bring law and order,” Bukele said in his CPAC speech. “If the judicial system was created to bring justice, let them bring justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s criminal justice shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has been criticized as slowly shifting away from what’s been considered progressive criminal justice policies since voters ousted former District Attorney Chesa Boudin almost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins to be San Francisco’s new district attorney in 2022. Jenkins vowed to prioritize safety in the city. She was reelected later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988897\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would be easy to couch some of my expressions that you hear in sound bites as a return to tough-on-crime or a lock-em-up approach,” Jenkins said in her swearing-in speech. “For some, accountability may have to be prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors achieved convictions in 42% of cases during Jenkins’ first full year in office, an increase from a 36% conviction rate the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also announced a joint opioid task force in late 2023 alongside Breed and Gov. Gavin Newsom. That’s part of an overall crackdown on drug sales in San Francisco. Bukele has waged his own campaign against drug trafficking in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón said the sale of fentanyl is destroying communities in the U.S., including San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot of crime here, and if there isn’t a strong hand,” she said, “the crime, rather than decreasing, goes up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opioid task force, which aims to be fully operational by the end of this year, would treat San Francisco overdose deaths that can be traced back to a specific drug dealer as homicide cases. It’s a move being replicated by district attorneys in other California counties, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressenterprise.com/2023/11/03/murder-sentencing-for-fentanyl-dealer-is-first-in-riverside-county/\">Riverside\u003c/a>, to crack down on suspected fentanyl dealers and the increase in overdose deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s move toward more conservative policies to address crime and drug use gained voters’ endorsement in March when two initiatives Breed supported passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition E will allow the city’s police department to deploy more public surveillance tools and reduce officer reporting requirements when there is a use of force. Proposition F will require welfare recipients suspected of using drugs to undergo testing and enter treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also supports a November ballot measure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">reform Proposition 47\u003c/a> by removing provisions to ensure non-violent crimes were prosecuted as misdemeanors rather than felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a fundamental shift in San Francisco’s political economy,” Roberto Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compared Bay Area politics to El Salvador’s current political strategy — creating short-term solutions to showcase on social media to gain support. It’s a strategy Lovato believes has worked on the Salvadoran-American population when voting for Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of Salvadorans, you have the fascist culture that influenced our families,” Lovato said. “There are fewer and fewer alternatives for people to think outside of a fascist framework. So Bukele’s appeal should not surprise us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Salvadoran Americans in San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lovato, 61, is the author of \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, a book about intergenerational trauma between the United States and El Salvador. He’s documented the long-term effects that El Salvador’s violent history has had on immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador was once considered one of the most violent in Latin America. In the 20th century, the country saw a rise of militarization within its government around the same time as its coffee exportation grew. Uprisings grew due to discontent with the government and were quickly squashed, most notably an event in 1932 named “La Matanza,” which means the massacre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Salvadoran flag flies during the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco held in the Mission district in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To leave that violence, Lovato’s parents immigrated to the Mission District in the ’40s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that it is one of, if not the most, consistently dictated societies,” Lovato said. “So if you want to understand our families, they’re families that have fled or been shaped by historic, deeply rooted fascism in the heart of El Salvador through the long-standing military dictatorship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans continued to live in a state of militarization for decades. Then, a leftist guerilla movement named the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front grew as it promised to topple the government, a move that led to a 12-year civil war beginning in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The war killed tens of thousands of people, including multiple massacres of women, children and civilians, with death tolls in the several hundreds. It pushed another wave of migration out of El Salvador, Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While living in San Francisco, Lovato was surrounded by Central American activists who opposed El Salvador’s long-standing right-wing government. Many of them resided in the Mission District and held meetings to plan how to provide aid for revolutionaries throughout Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato said he was among Salvadoran activists living in San Francisco who went to El Salvador to join the guerilla movement and fight in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a long history of revolutionary culture in the Mission,” Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, a long-time member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), attends a rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, 76, is a member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES). The organization actively participated in activism in San Francisco during the Salvadoran civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recalled how he helped to send vehicles with donated supplies to El Salvador and marched through the streets in San Francisco, calling for the mayor to condemn U.S. involvement in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did a big march at the Oakland Naval Supply Center over in Oakland,” Josselyn said. “We had 200 people blockading the gate, and the police came in and arrested everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Salvadoran civil war ended in 1992, the leftist guerilla movement, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, became a political party. The conservative party in power throughout the civil war, named the Nationalist Republican Alliance, remained an opposing force in Salvadoran politics throughout the years following the war. A populist movement grew from the idea that both parties had been corrupted, leading to the election of a newly formed third party led by Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area chapter of CISPES has continued its activism throughout the war and post-war period. The group now focuses on protesting Bukele’s presidential actions. Their members have spoken to Salvadoran organizers, many of whom recounted stories of retaliation for speaking about concerns with Bukele’s administration. Some of their members have also observed Salvadoran elections for years to ensure a smooth democratic process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, a member of CISPES, observed the election process in San Francisco at two polling stations in hotel conference rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first location I was in was the larger hotel. I think the final count was like 2,500,” Morales said. “At the second location, it was about like 1,300 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Bay Area Salvadorans could vote\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latinos in the Bay Area have been navigating politics much differently than in other parts of California, according to Marcela García-Castañon, an associate professor of political science at San Francisco State University. She has surveyed different communities’ political sentiments for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988900\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73, left, hands a large pot to her coworker at her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the questions we ask, for example, is ‘What are the most important topics facing your community?’ And in the Bay Area, you see a much higher propensity of people being really specific,” García-Castañon said. “Things like police brutality and or Black Lives Matter. They name the movements, they use the language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her most recent survey was held in 2022. It showed that those who had been a victim of crime or gun violence were looking for the criminal justice system to be more responsive.[aside postID=news_11888162 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51414_005_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg']“Responsiveness did not not necessarily mean ‘lock-them-all-up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Castañon said the recent survey had an oversample of youth, many of whom came from immigrant families. Her survey also showed those respondents did not feel represented by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent polls have shown that Latinos, who have been long-standing left voters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">have been shifting to the right\u003c/a>. Lovato believes there is a silent majority of those with left-wing ideology, especially younger Salvadorans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think factors like peer pressure, the absolute domination of the media sphere and its effects in its society has a silencing effect,” Lovato said. “Do you really want to speak out when it feels like everybody online and offline is pro-Bukele?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mission District pupusería owner Aminta Calderón, on the other hand, said she could see herself voting for someone in San Francisco whose politics reflected Bukele’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This country is very tolerant, and many are taking advantage of that,” Calderón said. “If there wasn’t as much tolerance here, then these criminals would stop coming out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "El Salvador’s president takes a tough-on-crime approach, which is gaining huge support among Salvadorans, including remote voters from San Francisco. Yet this stance clashes with some Bay Area Salvadorans rooted in a revolutionary past.",
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"title": "Salvadoran American Voters in San Francisco Divided Over Tough-on-Crime Approach | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990370/diaspora-salvadorena-san-francisco-bukele\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting at a table in the center of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District, Aminta Calderón recalled her experience voting online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter helped me to vote on my cellphone,” Calderón said in Spanish. She added that she took out her identification card issued by the Salvadoran government, and “she logged into the website and there, easy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón was excited to vote for the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is one of 322,000 Salvadorans living abroad who overwhelmingly voted for Bukele earlier this year. The incumbent’s controversial yet popular, tough-on-crime policies earned him an average of 96.5% of expatriate online and in-person votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans are the second-largest Latino population in San Francisco, and with concerns about rising crime throughout the city, the idea of voting for a more law-and-order-leaning candidate is a political force in the community. Bukele’s popularity, however, has also moved progressives in the area to mobilize against the Salvadoran president’s influence abroad and in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón poses for a photo inside of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. Calderón voted online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, 73, is firmly in the law-and-order camp. She recounted the danger she faced in El Salvador from both its civil war and growing gang violence. She decided to flee her country in 1995 after being shot at by men attempting to steal goods from her trucking business. She sold off what little she had and immigrated to San Francisco, where she’s operated various food businesses over her time in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her work allowed her to send remittances to her family in El Salvador so they could afford basic necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also stayed informed about violence in her home country and believed it would never change — until Bukele took office in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He eliminated all those massacres by putting many gang members in jail,” Calderón said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bukele’s influence on U.S. Latino voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two weeks after Bukele was reelected, he visited the United States. He was a featured guest speaker at the annual Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland on Feb. 22. As he walked on stage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hOFErQLbd8k\">the crowd erupted with cheers\u003c/a>. Some waved small Salvadoran flags while others chanted his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the speech, he urged those in attendance to “put up a fight” against those who are not aligned with the values of Bukele and his supporters. He also criticized the officials in major cities in the U.S. for accepting crime and promoting illegal drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramirez (right) and her husband and watch the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco parade in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. Ramirez’s hat bears the logo of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele’s newly formed party, Nuevas Ideas, and a T-shirt with the president’s face. She voted for Bukele in the Feb. 4 election and plans to move back to El Salvador next year. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How many young people have you lost to the streets of Philadelphia or San Francisco to fentanyl,” Bukele asked. “The same thing was happening in El Salvador. In the span of less than a decade, gangs took control of the country and our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said his administration arrested the gang members, ousted corrupt judges and removed corrupt prosecutors to cleanse El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador’s homicide rate hit its peak in 2015, reaching 102 deaths per 100,000 people, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">Salvadoran government\u003c/a>. The homicide rate slowly declined, and in 2019, the year Bukele took office, the rate stood at 36 per 100,000. In his five-year tenure, the rate \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">dropped to 2.4\u003c/a> per 100,000, making the small country one of the safest in Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Salvadoran Americans watched Bukele’s first term from afar, cheering on the president for his accomplishment. Calderón is among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, this peace we have now endures,” Calderón said. “Because if [Bukele] stops governing, and another corrupt person like before arrives, they will release the criminals from jail, and it’s going to get worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bukele’s crackdown on violence has concerned human rights organizations. The Salvadoran president ordered a “\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">state of exception\u003c/a>” in March 2022 — a move that suspended four basic rights in El Salvador’s constitution, including the right to a defense upon detention, freedom of assembly, privacy in digital communications without police interception and a time limit to being detained before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said it was a necessary move to fight violent crime. In those two years, as the homicide rate plummeted, the incarceration rate rose and is now one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/reports/2023-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/el-salvador/\">highest in the world\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the police were created to bring law and order, let them bring law and order,” Bukele said in his CPAC speech. “If the judicial system was created to bring justice, let them bring justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s criminal justice shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has been criticized as slowly shifting away from what’s been considered progressive criminal justice policies since voters ousted former District Attorney Chesa Boudin almost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins to be San Francisco’s new district attorney in 2022. Jenkins vowed to prioritize safety in the city. She was reelected later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988897\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would be easy to couch some of my expressions that you hear in sound bites as a return to tough-on-crime or a lock-em-up approach,” Jenkins said in her swearing-in speech. “For some, accountability may have to be prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors achieved convictions in 42% of cases during Jenkins’ first full year in office, an increase from a 36% conviction rate the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also announced a joint opioid task force in late 2023 alongside Breed and Gov. Gavin Newsom. That’s part of an overall crackdown on drug sales in San Francisco. Bukele has waged his own campaign against drug trafficking in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón said the sale of fentanyl is destroying communities in the U.S., including San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot of crime here, and if there isn’t a strong hand,” she said, “the crime, rather than decreasing, goes up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opioid task force, which aims to be fully operational by the end of this year, would treat San Francisco overdose deaths that can be traced back to a specific drug dealer as homicide cases. It’s a move being replicated by district attorneys in other California counties, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressenterprise.com/2023/11/03/murder-sentencing-for-fentanyl-dealer-is-first-in-riverside-county/\">Riverside\u003c/a>, to crack down on suspected fentanyl dealers and the increase in overdose deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s move toward more conservative policies to address crime and drug use gained voters’ endorsement in March when two initiatives Breed supported passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition E will allow the city’s police department to deploy more public surveillance tools and reduce officer reporting requirements when there is a use of force. Proposition F will require welfare recipients suspected of using drugs to undergo testing and enter treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also supports a November ballot measure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">reform Proposition 47\u003c/a> by removing provisions to ensure non-violent crimes were prosecuted as misdemeanors rather than felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a fundamental shift in San Francisco’s political economy,” Roberto Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compared Bay Area politics to El Salvador’s current political strategy — creating short-term solutions to showcase on social media to gain support. It’s a strategy Lovato believes has worked on the Salvadoran-American population when voting for Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of Salvadorans, you have the fascist culture that influenced our families,” Lovato said. “There are fewer and fewer alternatives for people to think outside of a fascist framework. So Bukele’s appeal should not surprise us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Salvadoran Americans in San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lovato, 61, is the author of \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, a book about intergenerational trauma between the United States and El Salvador. He’s documented the long-term effects that El Salvador’s violent history has had on immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador was once considered one of the most violent in Latin America. In the 20th century, the country saw a rise of militarization within its government around the same time as its coffee exportation grew. Uprisings grew due to discontent with the government and were quickly squashed, most notably an event in 1932 named “La Matanza,” which means the massacre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Salvadoran flag flies during the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco held in the Mission district in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To leave that violence, Lovato’s parents immigrated to the Mission District in the ’40s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that it is one of, if not the most, consistently dictated societies,” Lovato said. “So if you want to understand our families, they’re families that have fled or been shaped by historic, deeply rooted fascism in the heart of El Salvador through the long-standing military dictatorship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans continued to live in a state of militarization for decades. Then, a leftist guerilla movement named the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front grew as it promised to topple the government, a move that led to a 12-year civil war beginning in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The war killed tens of thousands of people, including multiple massacres of women, children and civilians, with death tolls in the several hundreds. It pushed another wave of migration out of El Salvador, Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While living in San Francisco, Lovato was surrounded by Central American activists who opposed El Salvador’s long-standing right-wing government. Many of them resided in the Mission District and held meetings to plan how to provide aid for revolutionaries throughout Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato said he was among Salvadoran activists living in San Francisco who went to El Salvador to join the guerilla movement and fight in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a long history of revolutionary culture in the Mission,” Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, a long-time member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), attends a rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, 76, is a member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES). The organization actively participated in activism in San Francisco during the Salvadoran civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recalled how he helped to send vehicles with donated supplies to El Salvador and marched through the streets in San Francisco, calling for the mayor to condemn U.S. involvement in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did a big march at the Oakland Naval Supply Center over in Oakland,” Josselyn said. “We had 200 people blockading the gate, and the police came in and arrested everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Salvadoran civil war ended in 1992, the leftist guerilla movement, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, became a political party. The conservative party in power throughout the civil war, named the Nationalist Republican Alliance, remained an opposing force in Salvadoran politics throughout the years following the war. A populist movement grew from the idea that both parties had been corrupted, leading to the election of a newly formed third party led by Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area chapter of CISPES has continued its activism throughout the war and post-war period. The group now focuses on protesting Bukele’s presidential actions. Their members have spoken to Salvadoran organizers, many of whom recounted stories of retaliation for speaking about concerns with Bukele’s administration. Some of their members have also observed Salvadoran elections for years to ensure a smooth democratic process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, a member of CISPES, observed the election process in San Francisco at two polling stations in hotel conference rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first location I was in was the larger hotel. I think the final count was like 2,500,” Morales said. “At the second location, it was about like 1,300 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Bay Area Salvadorans could vote\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latinos in the Bay Area have been navigating politics much differently than in other parts of California, according to Marcela García-Castañon, an associate professor of political science at San Francisco State University. She has surveyed different communities’ political sentiments for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988900\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73, left, hands a large pot to her coworker at her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the questions we ask, for example, is ‘What are the most important topics facing your community?’ And in the Bay Area, you see a much higher propensity of people being really specific,” García-Castañon said. “Things like police brutality and or Black Lives Matter. They name the movements, they use the language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her most recent survey was held in 2022. It showed that those who had been a victim of crime or gun violence were looking for the criminal justice system to be more responsive.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Responsiveness did not not necessarily mean ‘lock-them-all-up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Castañon said the recent survey had an oversample of youth, many of whom came from immigrant families. Her survey also showed those respondents did not feel represented by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent polls have shown that Latinos, who have been long-standing left voters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">have been shifting to the right\u003c/a>. Lovato believes there is a silent majority of those with left-wing ideology, especially younger Salvadorans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think factors like peer pressure, the absolute domination of the media sphere and its effects in its society has a silencing effect,” Lovato said. “Do you really want to speak out when it feels like everybody online and offline is pro-Bukele?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mission District pupusería owner Aminta Calderón, on the other hand, said she could see herself voting for someone in San Francisco whose politics reflected Bukele’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This country is very tolerant, and many are taking advantage of that,” Calderón said. “If there wasn’t as much tolerance here, then these criminals would stop coming out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "LGBTQ Rights at the Center of School Board Recalls",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An attempt to recall a conservative school board president in the Riverside County city of Temecula seems to be succeeding. \u003c/span>It’s been a battle over issues also playing out nationally, like the rights of parents versus transgender kids, critical race theory and banning books with references to LGBTQ history. Scott and Guy talk about the implications of the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "LGBTQ Rights at the Center of School Board Recalls | KQED",
"description": "An attempt to recall a conservative school board president in the Riverside County city of Temecula seems to be succeeding. It’s been a battle over issues also playing out nationally, like the rights of parents versus transgender kids, critical race theory and banning books with references to LGBTQ history. Scott and Guy talk about the implications of the recall.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An attempt to recall a conservative school board president in the Riverside County city of Temecula seems to be succeeding. \u003c/span>It’s been a battle over issues also playing out nationally, like the rights of parents versus transgender kids, critical race theory and banning books with references to LGBTQ history. Scott and Guy talk about the implications of the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "californians-with-disabilities-face-barriers-when-voting-even-after-bills-and-lawsuits",
"title": "Californians With Disabilities Face Barriers When Voting, Even After Bills and Lawsuits",
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"headTitle": "Californians With Disabilities Face Barriers When Voting, Even After Bills and Lawsuits | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lisamaria Martinez isn’t sure when she last voted in person. But she remembers the boots she wore that day — her “fabulous,” new navy blue boots with chunky heels, which gave her blisters on her milelong walk back home from the polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was part of her “confidence attire” to feel empowered because on most election days, Martinez — a blind voter in Alameda County — said she had to show poll workers how to help her use the voting machine. She needed them to take her seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I shouldn’t have to tell people how to do their jobs, right?” Martinez said in an interview. “That emotional labor shouldn’t always be on the person with the disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez lost her sight when she was 5 due to severe allergic reactions but has regained some after surgeries. She needs her ballot read out loud to vote in person.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>In November 2012, however, the audio feature on the voting machine broke down, forcing her and others to read out their votes to others. She and others sued \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1p672vy2HezfYXEt06Sbpy0H3NGwTiIjB/view\">the county\u003c/a> in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s other option is to fill out her ballot electronically. Visually impaired voters must still \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">print out the ballot\u003c/a>, make sure it’s correct, sign the envelope and return it, requiring help from a sighted person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a>, including those who struggle to use printed materials due to conditions such as learning disabilities or dexterity issues, experience similar challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been hailed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>by \u003ca href=\"https://drshirleyweber.com/priorities/#:~:text=Leaders%20like%20Dr.%20Weber%20can%20restore%20trust%20in%20our%20democracy.\">state officials\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/california-leads-nation-promoting-voter-access\">some voting rights advocates\u003c/a> as a \u003ca href=\"https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/08/2020-voting-guide.html\">national leader\u003c/a> in voting access. But advocates and blind voters, including Martinez, said Californians with disabilities still face unnecessary barriers to voting and lack options that work in other states. In 2022, the state ranked 17th in disability access, according to an election performance index by the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.mit.edu/#/data/indicators\">Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To comply with \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/national-voter-registration-act-1993-nvra\">federal law\u003c/a>, the Secretary of State’s office doesn’t collect data on the number of registered voters with disabilities. \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST1Y2022.S1810?q=california%20disability\">Census data shows\u003c/a> about 4.2 million Californians of voting age live with a disability. More than 892,000 Californians have a visual disability, and about 93% of them are 18 or older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prompted by new laws and court fights, California election officials have, in recent years, established stricter requirements to test how accessible voting machines are and have adopted systems for voters with disabilities to fill out their ballots electronically. However, efforts to allow people to also \u003cem>return\u003c/em> ballots electronically have stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, disability advocates are going to court: They are asking a federal judge to compel Secretary of State Shirley Weber’s office to allow voters who have difficulty using printed materials to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/12_Ps_Ntc_of_Mtn__Mtn_for_PI__MOL_ISO_PI.pdf'\">return their ballots via fax (PDF)\u003c/a> in the November election — an option already available to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/military-overseas-voters\">military and overseas voters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current paper-based ballot return requirements … impose significant, unlawful barriers for voters with print disabilities,” the plaintiffs argue in the case, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.cand.uscourts.gov/CEO/cfd.aspx?71bv\">scheduled to be heard June 24\u003c/a> in U.S. District Court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen states allow voters to return ballots electronically — by email, by fax or through an online portal — to at least some voters with disabilities, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/electronic-ballot-return-internet-voting\">National Conference of State Legislatures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">2022 bill\u003c/a> sought to do the same in California. However, Weber \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it\u003c/a>, arguing that online voting would be vulnerable to cyberattacks. Some security experts and other election officials across the nation also \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">raised similar concerns (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of state “of course supports the expansion of the franchise so that more voters can vote with more convenience,” Weber said in her opposition letter. “However, it is also our responsibility to weigh the expansion of the franchise with the security and safety of our existing election methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s office declined to answer CalMatters’ questions for this story last week, citing the agency’s policy not to speak about pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do those with disabilities vote in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s constitution guarantees every voter\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the right to a secret ballot, and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-bill-rights\">voter bill of rights\u003c/a> guarantees any assistance they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-all-mail-election-explained-november-2020/#b0e8ab03-bff3-47d1-8ebe-ab0f8c38e5c3\">Since the 1920s\u003c/a>,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the state has expanded voting rights. California legalized absentee voting for military and overseas voters in 1922 and for \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=18\">voters with physical disabilities in 1930 (PDF)\u003c/a>. It expanded it to all registered \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=22\">voters in 1978 (PDF)\u003c/a>, and during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021, became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/california-becomes-8th-us-state-make-universal-mail-in-ballots-permanent-2021-09-28/\">eighth state\u003c/a> to mail every registered voter a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a> have also had their voting access improve through a mix of \u003ca href=\"https://acl.gov/sites/default/files/programs/2016-12/HAVA_factsheet.pdf\">federal (PDF)\u003c/a> and state policies, but that access is still limited, and progress was gained often through court fights, according to blind voters and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2013 lawsuit against Alameda County, Martinez and others argued that faulty machines disenfranchised voters and denied them the right to “vote with full privacy and independence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Superior Court judge ruled in their favor in October 2013, and the county promised in May 2015 to test the accessibility of voting machines before every election, better\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>train poll workers on those machines and establish a hotline for any equipment malfunctions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/case/california-council-of-the-blind-ccb-et-al-v-county-of-alameda-et-al/\">Disability Rights Advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter at a vote center at Santa Ana College in Santa Ana on March 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2015, blind voters and advocates also \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">sued San Mateo County (PDF)\u003c/a> after the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">county mailed ballots\u003c/a> to all registered voters in 2014 to encourage more participation and reduce election costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a> said all-mail balloting in another county did not significantly boost voter turnout and that some voters with disabilities might prefer in-person voting. And since there was no system to fill out ballots electronically at the time, disability activists argued it \u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2015/12/18/lawsuit-san-mateo-county-absentee-voting-system-excludes-blind-voters/\">excluded some voters\u003c/a> who were unable to use printed ballots on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a result, blind and visually impaired voters must rely on the assistance of others to read and mark their absentee ballots, thereby sacrificing the confidentiality of their vote, or forgo their right to vote by absentee ballot altogether,” \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">the San Mateo lawsuit contended (PDF)\u003c/a>. The court eventually \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/settlement-groundbreaking-lawsuit-paves-way-blind-voters-access-absentee-voting-program/\">sided with the plaintiffs\u003c/a>, ordering the county to better accommodate voters with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2252\">passed a law in 2016\u003c/a> to develop \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">a system\u003c/a> allowing eligible voters to fill out ballots electronically and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1013\">another in 2018\u003c/a> to require all counties to offer that system to voters with disabilities and military and overseas voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB860\">A 2020 state law\u003c/a> required all counties to offer the system to \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2024-primary/trusted-info-ravbm.pdf\">any registered voter who requested it (PDF)\u003c/a> in the 2020 general election,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>and in 2021, another law \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB37\">made that permanent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a video demonstration by \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=54-Xbg5Nbg4\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a>, voters can hear the ballot text, check boxes accordingly and listen to their choices before voting. Voters can also choose bigger fonts or use magnifying lenses to vote. Voter guides are also available in audio and large font forms. Mail-in ballot envelopes have \u003ca href=\"https://www.factcheck.org/2021/08/exposing-the-holes-in-a-california-recall-election-conspiracy-theory/\">punch holes\u003c/a>, in part, to help visually impaired voters find where to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab545?slug=CA_202320240AB545\"> passed a law\u003c/a> that allows curbside voting for those with disabilities, regardless of whether the polling place is accessible or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the hurdles for the visually impaired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters with disabilities who want to mail in their ballot even after filling it out electronically need to find a printer. And without help from sighted people, it is hard for visually impaired voters to ensure their ballot was correctly printed and the envelope was correctly signed, said Jeff Thom, former president of the California Council of the Blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your printer may often be out of ink without you knowing it,” said Thom, who is blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters often seek help from family members and friends but sometimes have to pay others to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff Thom shares his experiences and unique challenges as a blind voter in Sacramento on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To vote in the November 2022 election, Christopher Gray, who is blind, hired a reader to help him mark and return his ballot and had to take time off work to match his reader’s schedule, according to the federal lawsuit against the secretary of state to be heard later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray said he chose to use a paper ballot instead of an electronic one because he needed help returning his ballot. “Though I trusted my reader, I could not independently confirm they accurately marked my ballot and mailed it on my behalf,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Gray voted in person because his paid assistant was sick for nearly a month, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dependence on others may make some voters feel beholden to their assistants, said Fred Nisen, a disability attorney who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/cerebral-palsy/symptoms-causes/syc-20353999#:~:text=Cerebral%20palsy%20is%20a%20group,palsy%20may%20have%20exaggerated%20reflexes.\">cerebral palsy\u003c/a>. Nisen is co-chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/vaac\">Voting Accessibility Advisory Committee\u003c/a>, which makes recommendations to the secretary of state’s office and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0651-0700/ab_683_cfa_20150826_161916_sen_floor.html\">whose scope was expanded in 2016\u003c/a> to voters with any disability, not just the visually impaired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone’s political beliefs don’t align with their caregiver’s, for example, the caregiver might threaten to quit, Nisen said. “If you are divulging who you want to vote for, it can create conflict,” Nisen told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For visually impaired voters who want to cast their ballot in person, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907125/report-reducing-voting-locations-discouraged-participation-for-californias-black-and-latino-voters-in-2020\">consolidation of voting locations\u003c/a> in some counties forced some to travel farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You couldn’t just walk through your neighborhood polling place anymore. You had to likely get in a car or take an Uber or transit to these vote centers, which is just way more inconvenient,” said Tim Elder, a blind voter in Alameda County and a disability attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the U.S. Department of Justice opened an investigation into \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1338841/dl\">accessibility at Los Angeles County’s voting locations\u003c/a> during the 2020 and 2022 elections, focused on issues such as ramps and signage for voters with disabilities, including those with vision impairments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thom said that the audio on some voting machines can be muffled, and increasing the volume sometimes makes it even harder to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, in-person voting was difficult even after Martinez’s lawsuit, according to some blind voters. During the June 2016 election, Elder waited as poll workers struggled to turn on the audio feature of voting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched just voter after voter finish their ballot and move on,” until it was almost closing time, he said. He had brought his children to teach them about civic duty, but his wife, who had finished voting, had to take them home while he waited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always an issue,” Martinez said. “It’s never under an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poll workers receive some training on assisting voters with disabilities, but it’s not in-depth, said Valerie Morishige, a voting rights advocate in Los Angeles County. Workers are trained on how to be respectful to all voters and how to increase font size or turn on audio options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while she said accessibility has improved over the last three elections, Morishige recalls issues such as power outages that prevented the use of audio or audio not being loaded onto voting machines. In one case, Morishige said she helped a voter by reading the entire ballot to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our system has a long way to go,” she said. “Our entire culture, honestly, has a long way to go to make this accessible for folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is electronic ballot return too risky?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some California advocates and lawmakers have tried to improve access for voters with disabilities. In 2022, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-glazer-165414\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, an Orinda Democrat who led the Senate Elections Committee at the time, introduced the bill to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">allow them to return their ballots electronically\u003c/a>. It died in the Assembly after the secretary of state’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it (PDF)\u003c/a> due to security concerns.[aside postID=news_11964884 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Glazer contended that security issues can be easily resolved, arguing people conduct financial transactions online already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed that the secretary opposed my bill, which, all it did was give her the power to ask for\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>a full assessment of the technology and security matters,” Glazer told CalMatters. “I think we all benefit by having broad accessibility to the ballot box, and that shouldn’t be limited by a disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California would not be a trailblazer in allowing voters with disabilities to vote electronically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/sb21-188\">passed such a law\u003c/a> in 2021. Eligible voters must verify their identity by entering their driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number before marking and downloading their filled-out\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://myctbl.cde.state.co.us/sites/default/files/pdf/AccessibleVoting.pdf\">To return it (PDF)\u003c/a>, they must upload the electronic ballot, a signed ballot application and a picture of their ID to a secure state-run website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, \u003ca href=\"https://app.enhancedvoting.com/ebd/voter/Hawaii/vbm\">Hawaii allows for\u003c/a> electronic returns through an online portal, email or fax. Voters can email their ballot to the county elections office along with a signed affidavit or an electronic signature via a secure link, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.hawaii.gov/accessible-electronic-ballot/\">according to the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ksl.com/article/46600057/want-to-vote-from-your-smartphone-utah-county-to-become-3rd-area-in-us-to-test-mobile-voting\">Some counties\u003c/a> have tested voting with a smartphone app. But that method has sparked some security concerns, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2020/02/14/new-study-raises/\">with experts saying\u003c/a> the app could be hacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic ballot return, in general, is deemed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">“high risk” (PDF)\u003c/a> by the National Institute of Standards and Technology, which recommended paper ballots. The institute said electronic ballots should be “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">limited to voters (PDF)\u003c/a> who have no other means to return their ballot and have it counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Ronco, president of the California Association of Clerks and Elections Officials and the registrar of voters for Placer County, said he is concerned about that risk: “Until we can have a provable system that allows for that electronic process, I’d be wary of just allowing it before we know all the safeguards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, electronic ballot return is not a “never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology is scary and amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nisen acknowledged the security risks with online voting, which he said is why he would never advocate offering the option to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody in California has the right to vote independently and privately. But for voters with print disabilities, it’s only independent … if they vote in person,” he said. “We need to balance security with accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California is hailed as a national leader in voting access. But visually impaired voters and their advocates say they still face unnecessary barriers such as broken voting machines, forcing them to have to read their vote out loud to others.",
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"title": "Californians With Disabilities Face Barriers When Voting, Even After Bills and Lawsuits | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lisamaria Martinez isn’t sure when she last voted in person. But she remembers the boots she wore that day — her “fabulous,” new navy blue boots with chunky heels, which gave her blisters on her milelong walk back home from the polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was part of her “confidence attire” to feel empowered because on most election days, Martinez — a blind voter in Alameda County — said she had to show poll workers how to help her use the voting machine. She needed them to take her seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I shouldn’t have to tell people how to do their jobs, right?” Martinez said in an interview. “That emotional labor shouldn’t always be on the person with the disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez lost her sight when she was 5 due to severe allergic reactions but has regained some after surgeries. She needs her ballot read out loud to vote in person.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>In November 2012, however, the audio feature on the voting machine broke down, forcing her and others to read out their votes to others. She and others sued \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1p672vy2HezfYXEt06Sbpy0H3NGwTiIjB/view\">the county\u003c/a> in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s other option is to fill out her ballot electronically. Visually impaired voters must still \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">print out the ballot\u003c/a>, make sure it’s correct, sign the envelope and return it, requiring help from a sighted person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a>, including those who struggle to use printed materials due to conditions such as learning disabilities or dexterity issues, experience similar challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been hailed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>by \u003ca href=\"https://drshirleyweber.com/priorities/#:~:text=Leaders%20like%20Dr.%20Weber%20can%20restore%20trust%20in%20our%20democracy.\">state officials\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/california-leads-nation-promoting-voter-access\">some voting rights advocates\u003c/a> as a \u003ca href=\"https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/08/2020-voting-guide.html\">national leader\u003c/a> in voting access. But advocates and blind voters, including Martinez, said Californians with disabilities still face unnecessary barriers to voting and lack options that work in other states. In 2022, the state ranked 17th in disability access, according to an election performance index by the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.mit.edu/#/data/indicators\">Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To comply with \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/national-voter-registration-act-1993-nvra\">federal law\u003c/a>, the Secretary of State’s office doesn’t collect data on the number of registered voters with disabilities. \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST1Y2022.S1810?q=california%20disability\">Census data shows\u003c/a> about 4.2 million Californians of voting age live with a disability. More than 892,000 Californians have a visual disability, and about 93% of them are 18 or older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prompted by new laws and court fights, California election officials have, in recent years, established stricter requirements to test how accessible voting machines are and have adopted systems for voters with disabilities to fill out their ballots electronically. However, efforts to allow people to also \u003cem>return\u003c/em> ballots electronically have stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, disability advocates are going to court: They are asking a federal judge to compel Secretary of State Shirley Weber’s office to allow voters who have difficulty using printed materials to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/12_Ps_Ntc_of_Mtn__Mtn_for_PI__MOL_ISO_PI.pdf'\">return their ballots via fax (PDF)\u003c/a> in the November election — an option already available to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/military-overseas-voters\">military and overseas voters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current paper-based ballot return requirements … impose significant, unlawful barriers for voters with print disabilities,” the plaintiffs argue in the case, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.cand.uscourts.gov/CEO/cfd.aspx?71bv\">scheduled to be heard June 24\u003c/a> in U.S. District Court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen states allow voters to return ballots electronically — by email, by fax or through an online portal — to at least some voters with disabilities, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/electronic-ballot-return-internet-voting\">National Conference of State Legislatures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">2022 bill\u003c/a> sought to do the same in California. However, Weber \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it\u003c/a>, arguing that online voting would be vulnerable to cyberattacks. Some security experts and other election officials across the nation also \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">raised similar concerns (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of state “of course supports the expansion of the franchise so that more voters can vote with more convenience,” Weber said in her opposition letter. “However, it is also our responsibility to weigh the expansion of the franchise with the security and safety of our existing election methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s office declined to answer CalMatters’ questions for this story last week, citing the agency’s policy not to speak about pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do those with disabilities vote in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s constitution guarantees every voter\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the right to a secret ballot, and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-bill-rights\">voter bill of rights\u003c/a> guarantees any assistance they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-all-mail-election-explained-november-2020/#b0e8ab03-bff3-47d1-8ebe-ab0f8c38e5c3\">Since the 1920s\u003c/a>,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the state has expanded voting rights. California legalized absentee voting for military and overseas voters in 1922 and for \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=18\">voters with physical disabilities in 1930 (PDF)\u003c/a>. It expanded it to all registered \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=22\">voters in 1978 (PDF)\u003c/a>, and during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021, became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/california-becomes-8th-us-state-make-universal-mail-in-ballots-permanent-2021-09-28/\">eighth state\u003c/a> to mail every registered voter a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a> have also had their voting access improve through a mix of \u003ca href=\"https://acl.gov/sites/default/files/programs/2016-12/HAVA_factsheet.pdf\">federal (PDF)\u003c/a> and state policies, but that access is still limited, and progress was gained often through court fights, according to blind voters and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2013 lawsuit against Alameda County, Martinez and others argued that faulty machines disenfranchised voters and denied them the right to “vote with full privacy and independence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Superior Court judge ruled in their favor in October 2013, and the county promised in May 2015 to test the accessibility of voting machines before every election, better\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>train poll workers on those machines and establish a hotline for any equipment malfunctions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/case/california-council-of-the-blind-ccb-et-al-v-county-of-alameda-et-al/\">Disability Rights Advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter at a vote center at Santa Ana College in Santa Ana on March 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2015, blind voters and advocates also \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">sued San Mateo County (PDF)\u003c/a> after the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">county mailed ballots\u003c/a> to all registered voters in 2014 to encourage more participation and reduce election costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a> said all-mail balloting in another county did not significantly boost voter turnout and that some voters with disabilities might prefer in-person voting. And since there was no system to fill out ballots electronically at the time, disability activists argued it \u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2015/12/18/lawsuit-san-mateo-county-absentee-voting-system-excludes-blind-voters/\">excluded some voters\u003c/a> who were unable to use printed ballots on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a result, blind and visually impaired voters must rely on the assistance of others to read and mark their absentee ballots, thereby sacrificing the confidentiality of their vote, or forgo their right to vote by absentee ballot altogether,” \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">the San Mateo lawsuit contended (PDF)\u003c/a>. The court eventually \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/settlement-groundbreaking-lawsuit-paves-way-blind-voters-access-absentee-voting-program/\">sided with the plaintiffs\u003c/a>, ordering the county to better accommodate voters with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2252\">passed a law in 2016\u003c/a> to develop \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">a system\u003c/a> allowing eligible voters to fill out ballots electronically and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1013\">another in 2018\u003c/a> to require all counties to offer that system to voters with disabilities and military and overseas voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB860\">A 2020 state law\u003c/a> required all counties to offer the system to \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2024-primary/trusted-info-ravbm.pdf\">any registered voter who requested it (PDF)\u003c/a> in the 2020 general election,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>and in 2021, another law \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB37\">made that permanent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a video demonstration by \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=54-Xbg5Nbg4\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a>, voters can hear the ballot text, check boxes accordingly and listen to their choices before voting. Voters can also choose bigger fonts or use magnifying lenses to vote. Voter guides are also available in audio and large font forms. Mail-in ballot envelopes have \u003ca href=\"https://www.factcheck.org/2021/08/exposing-the-holes-in-a-california-recall-election-conspiracy-theory/\">punch holes\u003c/a>, in part, to help visually impaired voters find where to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab545?slug=CA_202320240AB545\"> passed a law\u003c/a> that allows curbside voting for those with disabilities, regardless of whether the polling place is accessible or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the hurdles for the visually impaired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters with disabilities who want to mail in their ballot even after filling it out electronically need to find a printer. And without help from sighted people, it is hard for visually impaired voters to ensure their ballot was correctly printed and the envelope was correctly signed, said Jeff Thom, former president of the California Council of the Blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your printer may often be out of ink without you knowing it,” said Thom, who is blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters often seek help from family members and friends but sometimes have to pay others to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff Thom shares his experiences and unique challenges as a blind voter in Sacramento on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To vote in the November 2022 election, Christopher Gray, who is blind, hired a reader to help him mark and return his ballot and had to take time off work to match his reader’s schedule, according to the federal lawsuit against the secretary of state to be heard later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray said he chose to use a paper ballot instead of an electronic one because he needed help returning his ballot. “Though I trusted my reader, I could not independently confirm they accurately marked my ballot and mailed it on my behalf,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Gray voted in person because his paid assistant was sick for nearly a month, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dependence on others may make some voters feel beholden to their assistants, said Fred Nisen, a disability attorney who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/cerebral-palsy/symptoms-causes/syc-20353999#:~:text=Cerebral%20palsy%20is%20a%20group,palsy%20may%20have%20exaggerated%20reflexes.\">cerebral palsy\u003c/a>. Nisen is co-chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/vaac\">Voting Accessibility Advisory Committee\u003c/a>, which makes recommendations to the secretary of state’s office and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0651-0700/ab_683_cfa_20150826_161916_sen_floor.html\">whose scope was expanded in 2016\u003c/a> to voters with any disability, not just the visually impaired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone’s political beliefs don’t align with their caregiver’s, for example, the caregiver might threaten to quit, Nisen said. “If you are divulging who you want to vote for, it can create conflict,” Nisen told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For visually impaired voters who want to cast their ballot in person, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907125/report-reducing-voting-locations-discouraged-participation-for-californias-black-and-latino-voters-in-2020\">consolidation of voting locations\u003c/a> in some counties forced some to travel farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You couldn’t just walk through your neighborhood polling place anymore. You had to likely get in a car or take an Uber or transit to these vote centers, which is just way more inconvenient,” said Tim Elder, a blind voter in Alameda County and a disability attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the U.S. Department of Justice opened an investigation into \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1338841/dl\">accessibility at Los Angeles County’s voting locations\u003c/a> during the 2020 and 2022 elections, focused on issues such as ramps and signage for voters with disabilities, including those with vision impairments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thom said that the audio on some voting machines can be muffled, and increasing the volume sometimes makes it even harder to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, in-person voting was difficult even after Martinez’s lawsuit, according to some blind voters. During the June 2016 election, Elder waited as poll workers struggled to turn on the audio feature of voting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched just voter after voter finish their ballot and move on,” until it was almost closing time, he said. He had brought his children to teach them about civic duty, but his wife, who had finished voting, had to take them home while he waited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always an issue,” Martinez said. “It’s never under an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poll workers receive some training on assisting voters with disabilities, but it’s not in-depth, said Valerie Morishige, a voting rights advocate in Los Angeles County. Workers are trained on how to be respectful to all voters and how to increase font size or turn on audio options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while she said accessibility has improved over the last three elections, Morishige recalls issues such as power outages that prevented the use of audio or audio not being loaded onto voting machines. In one case, Morishige said she helped a voter by reading the entire ballot to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our system has a long way to go,” she said. “Our entire culture, honestly, has a long way to go to make this accessible for folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is electronic ballot return too risky?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some California advocates and lawmakers have tried to improve access for voters with disabilities. In 2022, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-glazer-165414\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, an Orinda Democrat who led the Senate Elections Committee at the time, introduced the bill to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">allow them to return their ballots electronically\u003c/a>. It died in the Assembly after the secretary of state’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it (PDF)\u003c/a> due to security concerns.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Glazer contended that security issues can be easily resolved, arguing people conduct financial transactions online already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed that the secretary opposed my bill, which, all it did was give her the power to ask for\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>a full assessment of the technology and security matters,” Glazer told CalMatters. “I think we all benefit by having broad accessibility to the ballot box, and that shouldn’t be limited by a disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California would not be a trailblazer in allowing voters with disabilities to vote electronically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/sb21-188\">passed such a law\u003c/a> in 2021. Eligible voters must verify their identity by entering their driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number before marking and downloading their filled-out\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://myctbl.cde.state.co.us/sites/default/files/pdf/AccessibleVoting.pdf\">To return it (PDF)\u003c/a>, they must upload the electronic ballot, a signed ballot application and a picture of their ID to a secure state-run website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, \u003ca href=\"https://app.enhancedvoting.com/ebd/voter/Hawaii/vbm\">Hawaii allows for\u003c/a> electronic returns through an online portal, email or fax. Voters can email their ballot to the county elections office along with a signed affidavit or an electronic signature via a secure link, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.hawaii.gov/accessible-electronic-ballot/\">according to the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ksl.com/article/46600057/want-to-vote-from-your-smartphone-utah-county-to-become-3rd-area-in-us-to-test-mobile-voting\">Some counties\u003c/a> have tested voting with a smartphone app. But that method has sparked some security concerns, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2020/02/14/new-study-raises/\">with experts saying\u003c/a> the app could be hacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic ballot return, in general, is deemed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">“high risk” (PDF)\u003c/a> by the National Institute of Standards and Technology, which recommended paper ballots. The institute said electronic ballots should be “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">limited to voters (PDF)\u003c/a> who have no other means to return their ballot and have it counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Ronco, president of the California Association of Clerks and Elections Officials and the registrar of voters for Placer County, said he is concerned about that risk: “Until we can have a provable system that allows for that electronic process, I’d be wary of just allowing it before we know all the safeguards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, electronic ballot return is not a “never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology is scary and amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nisen acknowledged the security risks with online voting, which he said is why he would never advocate offering the option to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody in California has the right to vote independently and privately. But for voters with print disabilities, it’s only independent … if they vote in person,” he said. “We need to balance security with accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"order": 9
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/political-breakdown/feed/podcast"
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
"meta": {
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
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