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"content": "\u003cp>A fight over control of the local school board has gripped the Bay Area community of Sunol, a small town of fewer than 1,000 people tucked in the hills between Fremont and Pleasanton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A large banner \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979555/two-sunol-school-board-members-to-face-recall-in-july\">supporting the recall of two board members in a July 2 special election\u003c/a> hangs across the street from the district’s only school. Up Kilkare Road, opposing blue and yellow lawn signs for and against the recall face off on opposite sides of the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for a recall in this rural corner of Alameda County followed a September vote by board members Linda Hurley and Ryan Jergensen to enact a ban on flying flags other than the U.S. and California flags — after the district’s superintendent had flown the LGBTQ+ pride flag earlier in the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988222\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988222\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunol Glen School in Sunol on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The flag dustup was just one skirmish in a year of fights over LGBTQ+ inclusion and identity, along with disputes over board management and decorum, that sparked raucous meetings and staff turnover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Sylvester, a parent who is organizing to recall Hurley and Jergensen, likened the upcoming election to a “civil war” that has divided the community and reduced his relationships with his neighbors to a simple litmus test: whether they support or oppose the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these things just keep adding up, and it just creates this turmoil,” Sylvester said. “This wonderful, peaceful school that was here once upon a time, not too long ago — we’re trying to get that back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar fights over conservative school board policies are heading to the ballot in communities across California. On Tuesday, the board president of the Temecula Valley Unified School District in Riverside County faces a recall election over policies akin to those passed in Sunol. In March, two conservative board members in Orange County were recalled — along with another trustee in Woodland, outside of Sacramento, who was criticized for anti-trans remarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The string of recalls testing the gains of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965684/amidst-backlash-conservative-groups-target-south-bay-school-board-seats\">California conservatives on local school boards\u003c/a> represents a pivot from the recent spate of high-profile recall efforts across California — which have mostly targeted elected officials on the left: from Gov. Gavin Newsom to San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin and three progressive school board members in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These school board recalls are mostly powered by groups of parents, disgruntled by combative rhetoric and policies they view as too socially conservative, along with teachers and, in some cases, the powerful unions who represent them. Conservatives, meanwhile, see the recall elections as a series of power grabs meant to restore the supremacy of teacher unions in school politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recalls are the latest act in a pandemic-era saga that has transformed previously sleepy school board seats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11861466/sfusd-isnt-alone-escalating-pressures-facing-lawmakers-in-school-reopening-debate-across-bay-area\">into some of the most bitterly-contested political ground\u003c/a> in California — home to fights over distanced learning, mask requirements and curriculum. Melissa Melendez, a former state senator and Assembly member representing the area in and around Temecula from 2012 to 2022, pointed to the San Francisco school board recall as an early flashpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people looked at that and said, ‘You know, I think I see an opportunity here,’” said Melendez, who is now the state director of the America First Policy Institute, a think tank aligned with former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as easy to recall someone, perhaps, in state elected office,” Melendez said. “But we’ve seen some success with school boards, and I think that it has gotten people on both sides of the aisle to look at it a little differently, hence the number of recall elections we’ve seen just in the past couple of years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Recalls in Yolo, Orange Counties in March\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the board members recalled in March, Woodland Joint Unified High School trustee Emily MacDonald, came under fire following comments she made during a June 2023 board discussion about a resolution recognizing Pride Month. MacDonald questioned why transgender Americans were grouped with gays and lesbians under the banner of LGBTQ, and she warned that “social contagion” is causing children to undergo gender-affirming surgeries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MacDonald was recalled with 63.6% of the vote in a special election that was consolidated with the state’s presidential primary. That same day, recalls against two trustees in the Orange Unified School District, Rick Ledesma and Madison Miner, passed with over 53% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11988220 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A yard sign says, ‘Vote No’ in Sunol on May 29, 2024, referring to a July 2 school board recall vote for 2 Sunol Glen school board members. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ledesma and Miner had \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/orange-unified-becomes-sixth-california-district-to-adopt-transgender-parental-notification-policy/697122\">voted to ban flags other than the U.S. and California flags \u003c/a>from flying on district flag poles — a move seen by opponents as targeting the LBGTQ+ pride flag. They also approved a local transgender reporting law, requiring teachers and school staff to notify parents when their child asks to be identified as a gender other than the one listed on their birth certificate.[aside postID=news_11965684 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-010-qut-1020x678.jpg']Such policies have been actively shopped to districts by right-wing activists and Republican lawmakers. The state GOP, locked out of power at the state capitol, has turned its attention toward school boards, holding trainings for candidates and investing in their campaigns. Meanwhile, the state Democratic Party has historically had less interest in school board elections, in which candidates don’t run with a party affiliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the conservative policies spread across school districts last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11865045/local-school-boards-have-a-lot-of-power-will-the-pandemic-change-that\">California’s decentralized system of school governance\u003c/a> created hurdles for opponents to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom to create financial penalties against school districts for banning books was watered down amid objections from the statewide association representing school districts. And while Attorney General Rob Bonta has sued local districts to overturn transgender reporting policies, legislation to ban the policies was only introduced in the legislature a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, these conservative policies face an uphill battle in a reliably Democratic bastion like California. A ballot measure campaign to enshrine transgender reporting along with bans on transgender sports participation and gender-affirming surgeries failed to gather enough signatures to qualify for the November ballot. Similar proposals authored by Republicans in the legislature have had no success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those same issues — inclusive curriculum, transgender protections and parental involvement — are at play locally in the recall elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conservative policies backlash meet in Temecula\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Joseph Komrosky is facing removal less than two years after he was elected to the five-member governing board of the Temecula Valley Unified School District — part of a wave of victorious school board members in Riverside County backed by a political committee organized by a local Christian pastor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Temecula school board president Joseph Komrosky (center), who is facing a recall election on June 4, is joined by supporters at a rally on a busy street corner in Temecula on Saturday, May 18. \u003ccite>(Madison Aument/KVCR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Komrosky led a board majority that enacted a transgender reporting policy, banned critical race theory (which was never taught in the district) and removed a supplemented curriculum that referenced gay rights icon Harvey Milk, who Komrosky referred to as a “pedophile.”[aside postID=news_11962571 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230927-CHINO-TRANSGENDER-SCHOOL-BOARD-Getty-DM-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Parents, teachers and community members with a political committee called One Temecula Valley have spent months knocking on doors to get people to mark “yes” on their recall ballots, arguing that Komrosky’s policies have had a chilling effect on classroom instruction and discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I worry for my teacher friends, my high school teacher friends that are looking over their shoulder or they’re afraid of what to say in their classroom,” said Susan Allen, an elementary school teacher in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Komrosky and his supporters have argued that the board’s conservative members have simply followed through on the vision of public education they laid out in their campaigns. When Komrosky ran for office in 2022, he openly criticized critical race theory, transgender expression, and what he described as inappropriate discussion of sex in classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve just done what I said I was going to do,” Komrosky said. “I’m a man of my word.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Assessing the role of statewide teacher unions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fred Whitaker, chairman of the Republican Party of Orange County, said the recall elections in Orange and elsewhere are an attempt by teacher unions to orchestrate a do-over of recent school board votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They lost regular elections and as soon as they got majorities that didn’t want what they wanted, they put a lot of money into special elections,” Whitaker said. “In a special election, you can actually motivate a targeted voter base better than you can in a general election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979212\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979212\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen at the Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. The meeting went for at least 4 hours. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unions representing educators have played a key role in financially backing the recall campaigns. The Orange Unified Education Association, a local affiliate of the California Teachers Association, was the top contributor to the recall in Orange, shelling out $58,636 in donations, supplies, office space and consultants. The CTA also contributed $38,400 to the Temecula Valley Educators political committee that is supporting the recall of Komrosky — and $1,500 toward the recall of MacDonald in Woodland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sunol, the California Federation of Teachers has contributed the majority of the resources to remove Jergensen and Hurley, spending $22,915 on banners, signs and voter data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CTA president David Goldberg called the campaign in Orange County a “great example” of educators and parents launching grassroots organizing against board members they felt had gone too far to the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CTA’s role is there, I mean we have a statewide infrastructure,” Goldberg said. “But these local campaigns are run by the locals themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldberg said too much is at stake, both for the educators who make up the union membership and the students they teach, to wait until the next election to challenge policies they vehemently oppose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Elections] happen every four years, right? If you’re a student in high school and you have policies actively targeting you and your humanity, that’s your entire high school career,” Goldberg said. “You don’t get to wait another four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I don’t know if our town will ever recover’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sunol school board president Ryan Jergensen said the outcry in the small Bay Area community had been misplaced. The restrictions he approved on flags were simply an attempt to avoid future fights, and even legal action, over giving preference to a specific flag, he said. Now, voting is underway in the election that could remove the father of six from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979211\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979211\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"School officials are sitting behind desks with a microphone in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trustee Ryan Jergensen (center) listens to public comment during a Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. Jergensen and Trustee Linda Hurley (right) will face a recall election in July. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if our town will ever recover from the all-out attacks and war that’s being thrown by the recall side, the tens of thousands of dollars thrown in by the teachers union to kind of squash two small-town community members, one who has kids in the school,” Jergensen said. “It’s going to be hard for people to want to support a school, to support the town, [to] come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the results in Temecula and Sunol, California’s school board fights appear unlikely to die down. Republican officials and conservative activists are determined to continue recruiting candidates and investing in school board races in hopes of regaining momentum in the fall. Many Democrats, union leaders and recall organizers said the four recall campaigns have been a wake-up call, a reminder to vigorously contest school board seats in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Crosbie, a Democratic activist and former school board member in Fremont, spent the last year traveling to meetings of the state Democratic party and its local central committees, where she implored party stalwarts to pay attention to the races at the bottom of the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats need to be aware because recall campaigns are very expensive, and they take a lot of time and effort that could be spent on supporting students,” Crosbie said. “We all need to be paying attention the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story included reporting from KVCR’s Madison Aument.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A fight over control of the local school board has gripped the Bay Area community of Sunol, a small town of fewer than 1,000 people tucked in the hills between Fremont and Pleasanton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A large banner \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979555/two-sunol-school-board-members-to-face-recall-in-july\">supporting the recall of two board members in a July 2 special election\u003c/a> hangs across the street from the district’s only school. Up Kilkare Road, opposing blue and yellow lawn signs for and against the recall face off on opposite sides of the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for a recall in this rural corner of Alameda County followed a September vote by board members Linda Hurley and Ryan Jergensen to enact a ban on flying flags other than the U.S. and California flags — after the district’s superintendent had flown the LGBTQ+ pride flag earlier in the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988222\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988222\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunol Glen School in Sunol on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The flag dustup was just one skirmish in a year of fights over LGBTQ+ inclusion and identity, along with disputes over board management and decorum, that sparked raucous meetings and staff turnover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Sylvester, a parent who is organizing to recall Hurley and Jergensen, likened the upcoming election to a “civil war” that has divided the community and reduced his relationships with his neighbors to a simple litmus test: whether they support or oppose the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these things just keep adding up, and it just creates this turmoil,” Sylvester said. “This wonderful, peaceful school that was here once upon a time, not too long ago — we’re trying to get that back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar fights over conservative school board policies are heading to the ballot in communities across California. On Tuesday, the board president of the Temecula Valley Unified School District in Riverside County faces a recall election over policies akin to those passed in Sunol. In March, two conservative board members in Orange County were recalled — along with another trustee in Woodland, outside of Sacramento, who was criticized for anti-trans remarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The string of recalls testing the gains of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965684/amidst-backlash-conservative-groups-target-south-bay-school-board-seats\">California conservatives on local school boards\u003c/a> represents a pivot from the recent spate of high-profile recall efforts across California — which have mostly targeted elected officials on the left: from Gov. Gavin Newsom to San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin and three progressive school board members in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These school board recalls are mostly powered by groups of parents, disgruntled by combative rhetoric and policies they view as too socially conservative, along with teachers and, in some cases, the powerful unions who represent them. Conservatives, meanwhile, see the recall elections as a series of power grabs meant to restore the supremacy of teacher unions in school politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recalls are the latest act in a pandemic-era saga that has transformed previously sleepy school board seats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11861466/sfusd-isnt-alone-escalating-pressures-facing-lawmakers-in-school-reopening-debate-across-bay-area\">into some of the most bitterly-contested political ground\u003c/a> in California — home to fights over distanced learning, mask requirements and curriculum. Melissa Melendez, a former state senator and Assembly member representing the area in and around Temecula from 2012 to 2022, pointed to the San Francisco school board recall as an early flashpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people looked at that and said, ‘You know, I think I see an opportunity here,’” said Melendez, who is now the state director of the America First Policy Institute, a think tank aligned with former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as easy to recall someone, perhaps, in state elected office,” Melendez said. “But we’ve seen some success with school boards, and I think that it has gotten people on both sides of the aisle to look at it a little differently, hence the number of recall elections we’ve seen just in the past couple of years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Recalls in Yolo, Orange Counties in March\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the board members recalled in March, Woodland Joint Unified High School trustee Emily MacDonald, came under fire following comments she made during a June 2023 board discussion about a resolution recognizing Pride Month. MacDonald questioned why transgender Americans were grouped with gays and lesbians under the banner of LGBTQ, and she warned that “social contagion” is causing children to undergo gender-affirming surgeries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MacDonald was recalled with 63.6% of the vote in a special election that was consolidated with the state’s presidential primary. That same day, recalls against two trustees in the Orange Unified School District, Rick Ledesma and Madison Miner, passed with over 53% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11988220 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A yard sign says, ‘Vote No’ in Sunol on May 29, 2024, referring to a July 2 school board recall vote for 2 Sunol Glen school board members. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ledesma and Miner had \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/orange-unified-becomes-sixth-california-district-to-adopt-transgender-parental-notification-policy/697122\">voted to ban flags other than the U.S. and California flags \u003c/a>from flying on district flag poles — a move seen by opponents as targeting the LBGTQ+ pride flag. They also approved a local transgender reporting law, requiring teachers and school staff to notify parents when their child asks to be identified as a gender other than the one listed on their birth certificate.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Such policies have been actively shopped to districts by right-wing activists and Republican lawmakers. The state GOP, locked out of power at the state capitol, has turned its attention toward school boards, holding trainings for candidates and investing in their campaigns. Meanwhile, the state Democratic Party has historically had less interest in school board elections, in which candidates don’t run with a party affiliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the conservative policies spread across school districts last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11865045/local-school-boards-have-a-lot-of-power-will-the-pandemic-change-that\">California’s decentralized system of school governance\u003c/a> created hurdles for opponents to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom to create financial penalties against school districts for banning books was watered down amid objections from the statewide association representing school districts. And while Attorney General Rob Bonta has sued local districts to overturn transgender reporting policies, legislation to ban the policies was only introduced in the legislature a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, these conservative policies face an uphill battle in a reliably Democratic bastion like California. A ballot measure campaign to enshrine transgender reporting along with bans on transgender sports participation and gender-affirming surgeries failed to gather enough signatures to qualify for the November ballot. Similar proposals authored by Republicans in the legislature have had no success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those same issues — inclusive curriculum, transgender protections and parental involvement — are at play locally in the recall elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conservative policies backlash meet in Temecula\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Joseph Komrosky is facing removal less than two years after he was elected to the five-member governing board of the Temecula Valley Unified School District — part of a wave of victorious school board members in Riverside County backed by a political committee organized by a local Christian pastor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Temecula school board president Joseph Komrosky (center), who is facing a recall election on June 4, is joined by supporters at a rally on a busy street corner in Temecula on Saturday, May 18. \u003ccite>(Madison Aument/KVCR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Komrosky led a board majority that enacted a transgender reporting policy, banned critical race theory (which was never taught in the district) and removed a supplemented curriculum that referenced gay rights icon Harvey Milk, who Komrosky referred to as a “pedophile.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Parents, teachers and community members with a political committee called One Temecula Valley have spent months knocking on doors to get people to mark “yes” on their recall ballots, arguing that Komrosky’s policies have had a chilling effect on classroom instruction and discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I worry for my teacher friends, my high school teacher friends that are looking over their shoulder or they’re afraid of what to say in their classroom,” said Susan Allen, an elementary school teacher in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Komrosky and his supporters have argued that the board’s conservative members have simply followed through on the vision of public education they laid out in their campaigns. When Komrosky ran for office in 2022, he openly criticized critical race theory, transgender expression, and what he described as inappropriate discussion of sex in classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve just done what I said I was going to do,” Komrosky said. “I’m a man of my word.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Assessing the role of statewide teacher unions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fred Whitaker, chairman of the Republican Party of Orange County, said the recall elections in Orange and elsewhere are an attempt by teacher unions to orchestrate a do-over of recent school board votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They lost regular elections and as soon as they got majorities that didn’t want what they wanted, they put a lot of money into special elections,” Whitaker said. “In a special election, you can actually motivate a targeted voter base better than you can in a general election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979212\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979212\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen at the Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. The meeting went for at least 4 hours. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unions representing educators have played a key role in financially backing the recall campaigns. The Orange Unified Education Association, a local affiliate of the California Teachers Association, was the top contributor to the recall in Orange, shelling out $58,636 in donations, supplies, office space and consultants. The CTA also contributed $38,400 to the Temecula Valley Educators political committee that is supporting the recall of Komrosky — and $1,500 toward the recall of MacDonald in Woodland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sunol, the California Federation of Teachers has contributed the majority of the resources to remove Jergensen and Hurley, spending $22,915 on banners, signs and voter data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CTA president David Goldberg called the campaign in Orange County a “great example” of educators and parents launching grassroots organizing against board members they felt had gone too far to the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CTA’s role is there, I mean we have a statewide infrastructure,” Goldberg said. “But these local campaigns are run by the locals themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldberg said too much is at stake, both for the educators who make up the union membership and the students they teach, to wait until the next election to challenge policies they vehemently oppose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Elections] happen every four years, right? If you’re a student in high school and you have policies actively targeting you and your humanity, that’s your entire high school career,” Goldberg said. “You don’t get to wait another four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I don’t know if our town will ever recover’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sunol school board president Ryan Jergensen said the outcry in the small Bay Area community had been misplaced. The restrictions he approved on flags were simply an attempt to avoid future fights, and even legal action, over giving preference to a specific flag, he said. Now, voting is underway in the election that could remove the father of six from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979211\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979211\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"School officials are sitting behind desks with a microphone in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trustee Ryan Jergensen (center) listens to public comment during a Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. Jergensen and Trustee Linda Hurley (right) will face a recall election in July. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if our town will ever recover from the all-out attacks and war that’s being thrown by the recall side, the tens of thousands of dollars thrown in by the teachers union to kind of squash two small-town community members, one who has kids in the school,” Jergensen said. “It’s going to be hard for people to want to support a school, to support the town, [to] come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the results in Temecula and Sunol, California’s school board fights appear unlikely to die down. Republican officials and conservative activists are determined to continue recruiting candidates and investing in school board races in hopes of regaining momentum in the fall. Many Democrats, union leaders and recall organizers said the four recall campaigns have been a wake-up call, a reminder to vigorously contest school board seats in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Crosbie, a Democratic activist and former school board member in Fremont, spent the last year traveling to meetings of the state Democratic party and its local central committees, where she implored party stalwarts to pay attention to the races at the bottom of the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats need to be aware because recall campaigns are very expensive, and they take a lot of time and effort that could be spent on supporting students,” Crosbie said. “We all need to be paying attention the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story included reporting from KVCR’s Madison Aument.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story originally published on May 7, 2024. It was supported by the Pulitzer Center. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on a chair in a rented apartment in Delhi, India, Madhumati Khwairakpam recalled fleeing her home in Manipur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 3, 2023, violence erupted after a local court awarded government benefits to the Meitei people, an ethnic group native to Manipur, a state in northeast India. A majority of the Meiteis practice Hinduism, though Manipur’s dominant ethnic community includes Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Sanamahi religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several tribal communities, including the Kuki, who are mostly Christian, protested the court ruling. Waves of armed Meitei mobs, unofficially supported by the state government according to activists and human rights groups, chanted “Death to Kukis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam, an 87-year-old mother of 10 who identifies as Meitei, married into a Kuki family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, eats lunch on March 31, 2024, made primarily with vegetables grown in Manipur, which the family bought in Delhi. Right: Tara Hangzo holds a photo of her parents, Vungkham Hangzo (left) and Madhumati Khwairakpam, in the apartment Hangzo shares with her mother, Madhumati, and her sister and sister-in-law in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The photo was recovered by Hangzo’s sister-in-law, Renu Takhellambam, at their home in Manipur after the house was looted following the violence that erupted on May 3, 2023. It was the only photo found at the home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago this month, the lights in the family’s two-story home were off as they huddled silently in a bedroom. They heard the sound of windows being shattered by tossed stones. Someone called and said the nearby church had been lit aflame. The blasts from gas cylinders used for cooking shook the neighboring houses like bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reverberations were felt in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly three decades, one of Khwairakpam’s daughters, Niang Hangzo, who was born and raised in Manipur, has lived in the Bay Area. Another daughter, Vung Hangzo, also lives in the Bay Area. According to \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em>, people born in India \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/10/28/how-big-is-bay-area-boom-in-india-born-residents-together-theyd-rank-as-the-regions-fourth-largest-city/?clearUserState=true\">represent the largest immigrant group\u003c/a> in Santa Clara and Alameda counties. That’s about 250,000 people, as Indian immigrants have settled in Sunnyvale, Milpitas, Fremont and Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niang Hangzo co-founded an organization to raise awareness and support for the Kuki people. Bay Area residents who are part of the Indian diaspora attended protests in August. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2024/4/15/manipur-bjp-cm-inflamed-conflict-assam-rifles-report-on-india-violence\">More than 200 people have been killed\u003c/a> since the conflict in Manipur began, and 60,000 people, like Khwairakpam, have been displaced, according to Al Jazeera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of churches have been reduced to ashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unprecedented,” Niang Hangzo said. “The fact that they were burned seems to be very obvious that this is a real overt act of showing that ‘You guys don’t belong here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Lakshmi Sarah and Beth LaBerge traveled to Delhi in March to see how Khwairakpam and her family are coping with the trauma of displacement. Khwairakpam told KQED she doesn’t have hope of seeing her home in Imphal, Manipur’s capital, again. She spoke in the Meitei language known as Manipuri, which was translated by Tara Manchin Hangzo, a daughter who lives with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984078 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam’s daughter, Niang Hangzo, displays side-by-side photos of her family posing in front of their home in Manipur on the left in 2012. On the right, an image of the house after it burned when ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago, Khwairakpam and her family stood on the street as their home burned before running to a hotel operated by a Meitei man. Khwairakpam lost one of her slippers in the melee. They watched the mob grow on surveillance video. They stayed at the hotel until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police escorted them to a police station and then to a Kuki woman’s house near the precinct, where they waited to be picked up by the Indian Army. Several family members stayed in a squalid relief camp for three nights before relatives in the United States helped 12 of them pay for flights to Delhi, the sprawling metropolitan area that’s 1,500 miles away from their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, we were able to escape,” Khwairakpam said of her family in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of houses lay vandalized and burnt during ethnic clashes and rioting in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur on June 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Altaf Qadri/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam doesn’t speak Hindi, the primary language spoken in Delhi. She’s had breathing problems when the air quality is hazardous. Her joints ached in the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no fruit trees near their three-bedroom apartment like the ones that surrounded their home in Manipur. There isn’t space to sit outside or walk on the street without the blaring horns of cars navigating the congested roads. The family doesn’t know how long they can afford the tight quarters they share, yet they still come together to enjoy each other’s company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, rests in the room she shares with her daughter, Junia, while her daughter Tara sits with her on the bed at their apartment in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Junia Hangzo, Khwairakpam’s youngest daughter, does laundry at the apartment she shares with her mother, sister, and sister-in-law in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Jason Hangzo, 17, Renu Takhellambam, Jason’s mother, and Junia Hangzo drink tea together in their apartment in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t believe it’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On May 4, 2023, Niang Hangzo received a WhatsApp message from her brother as she was on her way to her engineering job in San José. He said their house in Manipur was under attack, but she ignored the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t believe it,” she recalled. “It’s so preposterous. What’s he talking about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Niang Hangzo sits inside her home in Aptos, California, on Feb. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She called her oldest sister, who was in Delhi for cancer treatment. It was true. According to Niang Hangzo, who knows many of the families living in the Bay Area who immigrated from Manipur, most of the mob were also from the local area. Some were neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew my mother,” she said. “She might have been the one who delivered them because she worked as a nurse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the violence, she formed the \u003ca href=\"https://namta.us/\">North American Manipur Tribal Association\u003c/a> with a former Imphal neighbor, who now lives in Texas, to preserve the heritage of Manipur’s tribal people. Doing something felt important, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other option was to just stay and do nothing, just cry and console each other,” she said. “They lost everything. But beyond that, I think nobody anticipated it to be this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984693 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Sisters Niang (left) and Vung Hangzo sit at Vung’s home in San José on April 21, 2024. Right: Vung Hangzo looks at a WhatsApp group chat with her sisters that shows a photo of their mother, Madhumati Khwairakpam, in Delhi, at her home in San José on April 21, 2024. The family primarily uses WhatsApp to keep in touch and get updates on the situation in Manipur. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is currently seeking a historic third term, finally \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-modi-parliament-manipur-861226ea4158aaf3f278cc21cb0c9579\">broke his silence\u003c/a> more than three months after the violence began. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party holds power in Manipur, a hilly and mountainous state that shares an international border with Myanmar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflict has impacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/21/world/asia/india-presidential-election-voting-manipur.html\">voting in the region\u003c/a>, as armed men have attacked polling stations, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>. The third round of voting in the world’s largest general election is scheduled for today. There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/india/why-does-voting-last-six-weeks-indias-general-election-2024-04-17/\">seven phases in total\u003c/a> and results will be announced on June 4. Niang Hangzo is afraid of what will happen when the news cycle moves on.[aside postID=news_11957446 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230803-Manipur-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“We could be annihilated, and nobody would know,” she said. “We need to have the government step up and the world to listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 billion Indians are eligible to cast ballots, but Tara Hangzo isn’t one because the government has not established a way for \u003ca href=\"https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/risk-to-life-makes-voting-tough-exercise-for-displaced/articleshow/109416369.cms\">internally displaced people to vote remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that I’m not part of India. Why should we be denied our right to vote just because we are here in Delhi as a displaced person?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam was forced to leave her home eight decades earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1944, around the time of the Battle of Imphal, when Japanese troops attempted to break Allied lines to invade India through Myanmar, then known as Burma. British Indian troops forced the Japanese to retreat during the fighting that changed the course of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kishalay Bhattacharjee, a journalist who has reported on northeastern India, said there are many layers to today’s violence in Manipur. Land, jobs and economic interests in the region, including the illicit trade of narcotics, human trafficking and arms, makes Manipur one of the most strategic states in India, according to Bhattacharjee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer is the armed militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important story is the rise of a civil guerrilla outfit amongst the Meiteis,” Bhattacharjee said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.outlookindia.com/national/explained-who-are-meitei-radical-group-arambai-tenggol-and-why-did-they-summon-manipur-lawmakers\">Arambai Tenggol\u003c/a>, a radical Meitei group that is allegedly abducting people and threatening the government, according to news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who are spearheading the attack against the Kukis,” Bhattacharjee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mob violence has created a situation that Sanjib Baruah, a professor of political studies at Bard College, believes resembles a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is ample evidence pointing to the fact that the state government bears the lion’s share of the responsibility for this violence,” he wrote in March in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23210230241235360\">Studies in Indian Politics\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, an academic journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi hangs on a wall in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The poster advertises the G20 summit, which took place in September 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chitra Ahanthem, an independent journalist, said many people, including the media, have oversimplified the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the majority versus the minority. It’s not about the Hindu versus the Christian. It’s not about the poor tribal versus the entitled, majority community,” she said. “It’s much worse than that because the real reason is just too murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes it comes down to geopolitics and India’s business interests in Myanmar, where a civil war has been raging since the military coup in 2021. She said the conflict in Manipur provides a reason for the central government to activate more forces in the region, which is useful for India to defend itself against China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahanthem was in Manipur in November to aid in the relief work. Because she is Meitei, she was only able to visit Meitei camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who have committed suicides inside relief camps because they don’t see a future,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People from the Meitei community in Delhi who have spoken out critically against the state government have had their homes in Manipur attacked by local militia, she said. Because of the retaliation tactics, many Meiteis in Delhi contacted by KQED said they did not want to speak to the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Society is on its back foot when you are not allowed to ask questions. And that’s exactly where Manipur is,” Ahanthem said. “That’s exactly where India is — that you cannot ask questions anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo buys vegetables from a shop owner from the Naga tribal community in Manipur in the Munirka neighborhood of Delhi, India, on March 30, 2024. “Will I ever have peace of mind? Will my community ever have a peace of mind? … Will we trust them, [Meitei people]?” Hangzo asked. “We will not be able to live together in peace for many years to come.” \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (center right) prays during Good Friday services at the Evangelical Baptist Convention Church in Delhi, India, on March 29, 2024. Hangzo belongs to the predominantly Christian Kuki tribal community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘At least we have one another here’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tara Hangzo’s life has drastically changed since coming to Delhi. It’s not just the extreme heat and cooler weather but also the water and food. Even the rice tastes different, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very special rice. It’s almost sticky,” said Tara Hangzo, who continues to participate in the protest movement. “Everything was so natural and so fresh. We were living in a lap of nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ching Songput, daughter of Madhumati Khwairakpam, prepares tea in her kitchen in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She stops and looks at the stands on the side of the road to see if there are any items native to Manipur. She spends most of her time taking care of Khwairakpam and Junia Hangzo, her younger sister who has Down syndrome, with the help of her sister-in-law, whose husband died several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ching Songput, Khwairakpam’s oldest daughter who is in Delhi for cancer treatment, doesn’t mind that she lost most of the material things like clothes and jewelry, but she wishes she still had the photo albums and videos from when her three daughters were young. Those were lost when the family’s compound was ransacked. The only photo recovered is of her mother and father, which is now in Khwairakpam’s Delhi apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a week, 11 members of the family shared Songput’s three-bedroom apartment. The family is devout Christian and has formed friendships with many people in the Kuki Christian community in Delhi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a church, so we get busy with that,” Songput said. “We miss what we used to have in Imphal. But at least we have one another here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Ching Songput, Tara Hangzo, and Junia Hangzo shop for food at a market in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (right) and her sister Junia Hangzo walk through Delhi, India, on March 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "One year ago, the family of Bay resident Niang Hangzo fled violence in India. Hangzo started an organization to help raise awareness of the ethnic conflict as her mother and other family members wondered how to rebuild their lives.",
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"title": "A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story originally published on May 7, 2024. It was supported by the Pulitzer Center. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on a chair in a rented apartment in Delhi, India, Madhumati Khwairakpam recalled fleeing her home in Manipur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 3, 2023, violence erupted after a local court awarded government benefits to the Meitei people, an ethnic group native to Manipur, a state in northeast India. A majority of the Meiteis practice Hinduism, though Manipur’s dominant ethnic community includes Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Sanamahi religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several tribal communities, including the Kuki, who are mostly Christian, protested the court ruling. Waves of armed Meitei mobs, unofficially supported by the state government according to activists and human rights groups, chanted “Death to Kukis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam, an 87-year-old mother of 10 who identifies as Meitei, married into a Kuki family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, eats lunch on March 31, 2024, made primarily with vegetables grown in Manipur, which the family bought in Delhi. Right: Tara Hangzo holds a photo of her parents, Vungkham Hangzo (left) and Madhumati Khwairakpam, in the apartment Hangzo shares with her mother, Madhumati, and her sister and sister-in-law in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The photo was recovered by Hangzo’s sister-in-law, Renu Takhellambam, at their home in Manipur after the house was looted following the violence that erupted on May 3, 2023. It was the only photo found at the home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago this month, the lights in the family’s two-story home were off as they huddled silently in a bedroom. They heard the sound of windows being shattered by tossed stones. Someone called and said the nearby church had been lit aflame. The blasts from gas cylinders used for cooking shook the neighboring houses like bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reverberations were felt in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly three decades, one of Khwairakpam’s daughters, Niang Hangzo, who was born and raised in Manipur, has lived in the Bay Area. Another daughter, Vung Hangzo, also lives in the Bay Area. According to \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em>, people born in India \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/10/28/how-big-is-bay-area-boom-in-india-born-residents-together-theyd-rank-as-the-regions-fourth-largest-city/?clearUserState=true\">represent the largest immigrant group\u003c/a> in Santa Clara and Alameda counties. That’s about 250,000 people, as Indian immigrants have settled in Sunnyvale, Milpitas, Fremont and Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niang Hangzo co-founded an organization to raise awareness and support for the Kuki people. Bay Area residents who are part of the Indian diaspora attended protests in August. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2024/4/15/manipur-bjp-cm-inflamed-conflict-assam-rifles-report-on-india-violence\">More than 200 people have been killed\u003c/a> since the conflict in Manipur began, and 60,000 people, like Khwairakpam, have been displaced, according to Al Jazeera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of churches have been reduced to ashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unprecedented,” Niang Hangzo said. “The fact that they were burned seems to be very obvious that this is a real overt act of showing that ‘You guys don’t belong here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Lakshmi Sarah and Beth LaBerge traveled to Delhi in March to see how Khwairakpam and her family are coping with the trauma of displacement. Khwairakpam told KQED she doesn’t have hope of seeing her home in Imphal, Manipur’s capital, again. She spoke in the Meitei language known as Manipuri, which was translated by Tara Manchin Hangzo, a daughter who lives with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984078 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam’s daughter, Niang Hangzo, displays side-by-side photos of her family posing in front of their home in Manipur on the left in 2012. On the right, an image of the house after it burned when ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago, Khwairakpam and her family stood on the street as their home burned before running to a hotel operated by a Meitei man. Khwairakpam lost one of her slippers in the melee. They watched the mob grow on surveillance video. They stayed at the hotel until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police escorted them to a police station and then to a Kuki woman’s house near the precinct, where they waited to be picked up by the Indian Army. Several family members stayed in a squalid relief camp for three nights before relatives in the United States helped 12 of them pay for flights to Delhi, the sprawling metropolitan area that’s 1,500 miles away from their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, we were able to escape,” Khwairakpam said of her family in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of houses lay vandalized and burnt during ethnic clashes and rioting in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur on June 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Altaf Qadri/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam doesn’t speak Hindi, the primary language spoken in Delhi. She’s had breathing problems when the air quality is hazardous. Her joints ached in the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no fruit trees near their three-bedroom apartment like the ones that surrounded their home in Manipur. There isn’t space to sit outside or walk on the street without the blaring horns of cars navigating the congested roads. The family doesn’t know how long they can afford the tight quarters they share, yet they still come together to enjoy each other’s company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, rests in the room she shares with her daughter, Junia, while her daughter Tara sits with her on the bed at their apartment in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Junia Hangzo, Khwairakpam’s youngest daughter, does laundry at the apartment she shares with her mother, sister, and sister-in-law in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Jason Hangzo, 17, Renu Takhellambam, Jason’s mother, and Junia Hangzo drink tea together in their apartment in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t believe it’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On May 4, 2023, Niang Hangzo received a WhatsApp message from her brother as she was on her way to her engineering job in San José. He said their house in Manipur was under attack, but she ignored the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t believe it,” she recalled. “It’s so preposterous. What’s he talking about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Niang Hangzo sits inside her home in Aptos, California, on Feb. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She called her oldest sister, who was in Delhi for cancer treatment. It was true. According to Niang Hangzo, who knows many of the families living in the Bay Area who immigrated from Manipur, most of the mob were also from the local area. Some were neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew my mother,” she said. “She might have been the one who delivered them because she worked as a nurse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the violence, she formed the \u003ca href=\"https://namta.us/\">North American Manipur Tribal Association\u003c/a> with a former Imphal neighbor, who now lives in Texas, to preserve the heritage of Manipur’s tribal people. Doing something felt important, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other option was to just stay and do nothing, just cry and console each other,” she said. “They lost everything. But beyond that, I think nobody anticipated it to be this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984693 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Sisters Niang (left) and Vung Hangzo sit at Vung’s home in San José on April 21, 2024. Right: Vung Hangzo looks at a WhatsApp group chat with her sisters that shows a photo of their mother, Madhumati Khwairakpam, in Delhi, at her home in San José on April 21, 2024. The family primarily uses WhatsApp to keep in touch and get updates on the situation in Manipur. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is currently seeking a historic third term, finally \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-modi-parliament-manipur-861226ea4158aaf3f278cc21cb0c9579\">broke his silence\u003c/a> more than three months after the violence began. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party holds power in Manipur, a hilly and mountainous state that shares an international border with Myanmar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflict has impacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/21/world/asia/india-presidential-election-voting-manipur.html\">voting in the region\u003c/a>, as armed men have attacked polling stations, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>. The third round of voting in the world’s largest general election is scheduled for today. There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/india/why-does-voting-last-six-weeks-indias-general-election-2024-04-17/\">seven phases in total\u003c/a> and results will be announced on June 4. Niang Hangzo is afraid of what will happen when the news cycle moves on.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We could be annihilated, and nobody would know,” she said. “We need to have the government step up and the world to listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 billion Indians are eligible to cast ballots, but Tara Hangzo isn’t one because the government has not established a way for \u003ca href=\"https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/risk-to-life-makes-voting-tough-exercise-for-displaced/articleshow/109416369.cms\">internally displaced people to vote remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that I’m not part of India. Why should we be denied our right to vote just because we are here in Delhi as a displaced person?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam was forced to leave her home eight decades earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1944, around the time of the Battle of Imphal, when Japanese troops attempted to break Allied lines to invade India through Myanmar, then known as Burma. British Indian troops forced the Japanese to retreat during the fighting that changed the course of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kishalay Bhattacharjee, a journalist who has reported on northeastern India, said there are many layers to today’s violence in Manipur. Land, jobs and economic interests in the region, including the illicit trade of narcotics, human trafficking and arms, makes Manipur one of the most strategic states in India, according to Bhattacharjee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer is the armed militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important story is the rise of a civil guerrilla outfit amongst the Meiteis,” Bhattacharjee said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.outlookindia.com/national/explained-who-are-meitei-radical-group-arambai-tenggol-and-why-did-they-summon-manipur-lawmakers\">Arambai Tenggol\u003c/a>, a radical Meitei group that is allegedly abducting people and threatening the government, according to news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who are spearheading the attack against the Kukis,” Bhattacharjee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mob violence has created a situation that Sanjib Baruah, a professor of political studies at Bard College, believes resembles a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is ample evidence pointing to the fact that the state government bears the lion’s share of the responsibility for this violence,” he wrote in March in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23210230241235360\">Studies in Indian Politics\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, an academic journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi hangs on a wall in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The poster advertises the G20 summit, which took place in September 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chitra Ahanthem, an independent journalist, said many people, including the media, have oversimplified the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the majority versus the minority. It’s not about the Hindu versus the Christian. It’s not about the poor tribal versus the entitled, majority community,” she said. “It’s much worse than that because the real reason is just too murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes it comes down to geopolitics and India’s business interests in Myanmar, where a civil war has been raging since the military coup in 2021. She said the conflict in Manipur provides a reason for the central government to activate more forces in the region, which is useful for India to defend itself against China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahanthem was in Manipur in November to aid in the relief work. Because she is Meitei, she was only able to visit Meitei camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who have committed suicides inside relief camps because they don’t see a future,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People from the Meitei community in Delhi who have spoken out critically against the state government have had their homes in Manipur attacked by local militia, she said. Because of the retaliation tactics, many Meiteis in Delhi contacted by KQED said they did not want to speak to the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Society is on its back foot when you are not allowed to ask questions. And that’s exactly where Manipur is,” Ahanthem said. “That’s exactly where India is — that you cannot ask questions anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo buys vegetables from a shop owner from the Naga tribal community in Manipur in the Munirka neighborhood of Delhi, India, on March 30, 2024. “Will I ever have peace of mind? Will my community ever have a peace of mind? … Will we trust them, [Meitei people]?” Hangzo asked. “We will not be able to live together in peace for many years to come.” \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (center right) prays during Good Friday services at the Evangelical Baptist Convention Church in Delhi, India, on March 29, 2024. Hangzo belongs to the predominantly Christian Kuki tribal community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘At least we have one another here’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tara Hangzo’s life has drastically changed since coming to Delhi. It’s not just the extreme heat and cooler weather but also the water and food. Even the rice tastes different, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very special rice. It’s almost sticky,” said Tara Hangzo, who continues to participate in the protest movement. “Everything was so natural and so fresh. We were living in a lap of nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ching Songput, daughter of Madhumati Khwairakpam, prepares tea in her kitchen in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She stops and looks at the stands on the side of the road to see if there are any items native to Manipur. She spends most of her time taking care of Khwairakpam and Junia Hangzo, her younger sister who has Down syndrome, with the help of her sister-in-law, whose husband died several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ching Songput, Khwairakpam’s oldest daughter who is in Delhi for cancer treatment, doesn’t mind that she lost most of the material things like clothes and jewelry, but she wishes she still had the photo albums and videos from when her three daughters were young. Those were lost when the family’s compound was ransacked. The only photo recovered is of her mother and father, which is now in Khwairakpam’s Delhi apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a week, 11 members of the family shared Songput’s three-bedroom apartment. The family is devout Christian and has formed friendships with many people in the Kuki Christian community in Delhi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a church, so we get busy with that,” Songput said. “We miss what we used to have in Imphal. 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"content": "\u003cp>Daniel Lurie is rich, and he knows San Franciscans might have qualms about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An heir to the Levi Strauss fortune and candidate for San Francisco mayor, Lurie leaned into his upbringing on Tuesday night at the first mayoral election forum this year. The Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club hosted it at the First Unitarian Universalist Church & Center on Franklin Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie said he had no choice in growing up wealthy. Instead, the choice he made was to create an anti-poverty nonprofit, Tipping Point, to try to help people using his resources, he told Jeffrey Kwong, president of the Milk Club and the forum’s moderator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every door that’s been open for me, I’ve tried to bring along as many people as possible,” Lurie told Kwong on stage. ”There’s no buying this election. This is why you’re not going to see a candidate work as hard as me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong bluntly told Lurie that people have a “visceral” response to seeing such a wealthy person enter the mayor’s race. Some fear his money could sway the election, Kwong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you read about me these days, the first thing you hear is ‘Levi’s,’” Lurie told the crowd. “I run toward that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the five mayoral candidates faced questions about their policies and personal histories from the club of progressive Democrats, Lurie wasn’t the only one to be grilled about his finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and mayor, denied his campaign had any unethical ties with independent political groups that wield significant spending power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Text messages revealed by Mission Local and the San Francisco Chronicle suggest coordination between independent political groups \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">TogetherSF\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/moderate-groups-influence-election-2024-19416954.php\">Neighbors for a Better San Francisco\u003c/a> — which have spent millions from wealthy tech funders on behalf of moderate Democratic causes — and Farrell’s campaign. Some coordination between such groups may flout state and local ethics laws. The Milk Club’s members pressed Farrell on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all organizations that every single candidate, I’m sure, that is up on the stage is courting,” Farrell told Kwong on stage. “And they have independent boards, and I hope to earn their support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987395\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1446\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-800x603.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-160x121.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1536x1157.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco mayoral candidate Mark Farrell, right, speaks onstage with Jeffrey Kwong, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, during a candidate forum hosted by the club on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Farrell denied that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984718/kanishka-cheng-the-most-influential-san-franciscan-youve-never-heard-of\">Kanishka Cheng, TogetherSF Action’s CEO\u003c/a>, and her husband Jay Cheng, head of Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, unethically coordinated with his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kanishka was someone who used to work for me in City Hall. She’s done amazing things running her organization inside of City Hall, and she’s a friend, and that’s it,” Farrell said after the event. When pressed to answer directly whether either of the Chengs coordinated with his campaign, he said “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Catch up fast:\u003c/strong> The forum gave San Franciscans their first public glimpse into the policies and character of the top contenders in the mayor’s race: Lurie, Farrell, Mayor London Breed, Supervisor Ahsha Safai and Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong interviewed each candidate for 30 minutes in front of roughly 200 attendees, with no debate between candidates. The forum was announced after San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out\">first planned mayoral debate began to crumble\u003c/a> last week over the alleged ties between Farrell’s campaign and political advocacy organizations. That debate would have been hosted by TogetherSF Action until Breed and Peskin questioned its independence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a novel election, as incumbent mayors are not usually challenged. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/mayor-london-breed-election-18678601.php\">poll conducted for the\u003cem> San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in February showed that 71% of San Franciscans did not approve of Breed’s job performance as mayor, a result mirrored in multiple polls, revealing Breed to be vulnerable to challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"san-francisco-mayors-race\"]\u003cstrong>Why it matters:\u003c/strong> Lurie’s opponents have publicly mocked \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/billionaire-mom-gives-1m-to-son-s-sf-mayoral-race-18638051.php\">a billboard funded by his mother, Mimi Haas\u003c/a>, touting her $1 million donation to a group supporting her son’s candidacy. The candidates have all taken turns alleging Lurie is unequipped to be mayor because he’s never held public office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s messaging during the forum previewed what he may say on the campaign trail to rebut those claims. Jim Ross, a political consultant who ran Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2003 campaign for mayor, said every campaign has a question to answer, almost like a central thesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lurie’s obvious question he has to answer is basically, ‘Is being rich enough of a qualification to be mayor?’” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Farrell, ethics laws bar certain types of cooperation between such groups. That firewall forms the backbone of campaign finance law that allows independent political groups to fundraise in any amount to support multiple candidates, as opposed to candidate-controlled campaigns, which can only accept a maximum donation of $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross said TogetherSF mishandled its bad press, saying that a statement backing Farrell might have eased off some of the scrutiny the group has come under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because they kind of are trying to seem neutral or hide it and come off as independent, it’s making it a story,” Ross said. “It’s not the scandal, it’s the cover-up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Other candidates in the hot seat:\u003c/strong> Lurie and Farrell weren’t the only ones questioned on controversial topics by Kwong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong told Breed that progressive Democrats bristle at her support for police and her relatively silent treatment around the need for police reform after the 2020 murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis officer. Breed disagreed with Kwong’s characterization but ultimately doubled down on supporting police and public safety. Audience members shouted slogans against the police department during the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hollering ‘defund the police,’” Breed said, “but let something happen to you, and you’re calling 911 and wondering why the police didn’t get there. I get that people have issues and concerns, and they’re not perfect, but I’ve worked really hard to build those bridges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong said Peskin’s critics have characterized him as a NIMBY and dislike that he blocks housing in his home neighborhood, North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can grow San Francisco without destroying our neighborhoods,” Peskin said, who cited his work to build 10,000 housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979849/peskins-rumored-mayor-run-has-same-strength-and-weakness-housing\">as part of the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, among other efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safai was challenged on his progressive bonafides. He said he’s the only candidate with a long history in the labor movement, working with a local janitors’ union for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What we’re watching:\u003c/strong> Peskin, Lurie, Farrell and Safai all had critical words for Breed, but due to the format, Breed had no opportunity to rebut them. Breed is a skilled orator; it’ll be fascinating to watch the first debate where Breed and her challengers can engage in dialogue together — even if it’s not yet certain when that will be.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Daniel Lurie is rich, and he knows San Franciscans might have qualms about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An heir to the Levi Strauss fortune and candidate for San Francisco mayor, Lurie leaned into his upbringing on Tuesday night at the first mayoral election forum this year. The Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club hosted it at the First Unitarian Universalist Church & Center on Franklin Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie said he had no choice in growing up wealthy. Instead, the choice he made was to create an anti-poverty nonprofit, Tipping Point, to try to help people using his resources, he told Jeffrey Kwong, president of the Milk Club and the forum’s moderator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every door that’s been open for me, I’ve tried to bring along as many people as possible,” Lurie told Kwong on stage. ”There’s no buying this election. This is why you’re not going to see a candidate work as hard as me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong bluntly told Lurie that people have a “visceral” response to seeing such a wealthy person enter the mayor’s race. Some fear his money could sway the election, Kwong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you read about me these days, the first thing you hear is ‘Levi’s,’” Lurie told the crowd. “I run toward that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the five mayoral candidates faced questions about their policies and personal histories from the club of progressive Democrats, Lurie wasn’t the only one to be grilled about his finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and mayor, denied his campaign had any unethical ties with independent political groups that wield significant spending power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Text messages revealed by Mission Local and the San Francisco Chronicle suggest coordination between independent political groups \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">TogetherSF\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/moderate-groups-influence-election-2024-19416954.php\">Neighbors for a Better San Francisco\u003c/a> — which have spent millions from wealthy tech funders on behalf of moderate Democratic causes — and Farrell’s campaign. Some coordination between such groups may flout state and local ethics laws. The Milk Club’s members pressed Farrell on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all organizations that every single candidate, I’m sure, that is up on the stage is courting,” Farrell told Kwong on stage. “And they have independent boards, and I hope to earn their support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987395\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1446\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-800x603.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-160x121.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1536x1157.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco mayoral candidate Mark Farrell, right, speaks onstage with Jeffrey Kwong, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, during a candidate forum hosted by the club on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Farrell denied that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984718/kanishka-cheng-the-most-influential-san-franciscan-youve-never-heard-of\">Kanishka Cheng, TogetherSF Action’s CEO\u003c/a>, and her husband Jay Cheng, head of Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, unethically coordinated with his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kanishka was someone who used to work for me in City Hall. She’s done amazing things running her organization inside of City Hall, and she’s a friend, and that’s it,” Farrell said after the event. When pressed to answer directly whether either of the Chengs coordinated with his campaign, he said “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Catch up fast:\u003c/strong> The forum gave San Franciscans their first public glimpse into the policies and character of the top contenders in the mayor’s race: Lurie, Farrell, Mayor London Breed, Supervisor Ahsha Safai and Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong interviewed each candidate for 30 minutes in front of roughly 200 attendees, with no debate between candidates. The forum was announced after San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out\">first planned mayoral debate began to crumble\u003c/a> last week over the alleged ties between Farrell’s campaign and political advocacy organizations. That debate would have been hosted by TogetherSF Action until Breed and Peskin questioned its independence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a novel election, as incumbent mayors are not usually challenged. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/mayor-london-breed-election-18678601.php\">poll conducted for the\u003cem> San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in February showed that 71% of San Franciscans did not approve of Breed’s job performance as mayor, a result mirrored in multiple polls, revealing Breed to be vulnerable to challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why it matters:\u003c/strong> Lurie’s opponents have publicly mocked \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/billionaire-mom-gives-1m-to-son-s-sf-mayoral-race-18638051.php\">a billboard funded by his mother, Mimi Haas\u003c/a>, touting her $1 million donation to a group supporting her son’s candidacy. The candidates have all taken turns alleging Lurie is unequipped to be mayor because he’s never held public office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s messaging during the forum previewed what he may say on the campaign trail to rebut those claims. Jim Ross, a political consultant who ran Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2003 campaign for mayor, said every campaign has a question to answer, almost like a central thesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lurie’s obvious question he has to answer is basically, ‘Is being rich enough of a qualification to be mayor?’” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Farrell, ethics laws bar certain types of cooperation between such groups. That firewall forms the backbone of campaign finance law that allows independent political groups to fundraise in any amount to support multiple candidates, as opposed to candidate-controlled campaigns, which can only accept a maximum donation of $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross said TogetherSF mishandled its bad press, saying that a statement backing Farrell might have eased off some of the scrutiny the group has come under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because they kind of are trying to seem neutral or hide it and come off as independent, it’s making it a story,” Ross said. “It’s not the scandal, it’s the cover-up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Other candidates in the hot seat:\u003c/strong> Lurie and Farrell weren’t the only ones questioned on controversial topics by Kwong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong told Breed that progressive Democrats bristle at her support for police and her relatively silent treatment around the need for police reform after the 2020 murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis officer. Breed disagreed with Kwong’s characterization but ultimately doubled down on supporting police and public safety. Audience members shouted slogans against the police department during the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hollering ‘defund the police,’” Breed said, “but let something happen to you, and you’re calling 911 and wondering why the police didn’t get there. I get that people have issues and concerns, and they’re not perfect, but I’ve worked really hard to build those bridges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong said Peskin’s critics have characterized him as a NIMBY and dislike that he blocks housing in his home neighborhood, North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can grow San Francisco without destroying our neighborhoods,” Peskin said, who cited his work to build 10,000 housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979849/peskins-rumored-mayor-run-has-same-strength-and-weakness-housing\">as part of the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, among other efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safai was challenged on his progressive bonafides. He said he’s the only candidate with a long history in the labor movement, working with a local janitors’ union for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What we’re watching:\u003c/strong> Peskin, Lurie, Farrell and Safai all had critical words for Breed, but due to the format, Breed had no opportunity to rebut them. Breed is a skilled orator; it’ll be fascinating to watch the first debate where Breed and her challengers can engage in dialogue together — even if it’s not yet certain when that will be.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Special Interest Groups Spent Over $114 Million Lobbying California Officials in First Quarter of 2024",
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"content": "\u003cp>Special interest groups spent more than $114 million lobbying California officials and legislators in the first quarter of this year, matching the pace last year, when a record $480 million was spent to influence state policy decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nearly $600 million has been spent since the current two-year session of the Legislature started in January 2023. This year’s pace so far is about $1.25 million per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top 10 spenders for the first quarter of 2024, revealed in the latest financial reports filed with the Secretary of State, include nine that have been on the top 10 list since 2005. The only one that wasn’t: Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the 10 organizations that invested the most in state-level lobbying between January and March of this year and how much they spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chevron: $3 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-2\">San Ramon-based oil giant\u003c/a> continues to top the list of advocacy spenders, reporting more than $3 million spent between January and the end of March. The last time Chevron wasn’t in the top three spenders was in 2011. It has reported lobbying expenses totaling more than $77.6 million since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company lobbied the Legislature on several items, including the budget, hydrogen programs, and carbon sequestration. But that isn’t the only institution that Chevron wanted to influence. It also reported advocating before the state Energy Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Air Resources Board, the Natural Resources Agency and the Departments of Tax and Fee Administration and Fish and Wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel behemoth took a public position on just one bill so far this year: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3155\">a proposal\u003c/a> from Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/laura-friedman-100935\">Laura Friedman\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Burbank, that would make oil well operators liable for civil penalties for health impacts on people who live in the area. Chevron opposed the bill, which is still pending after approval from two committees in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/63Ox1/5/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"625\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Western States Petroleum Association: $2.5 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">oil industry trade group\u003c/a> is Chevron’s perennial partner on the leaderboard. The association is the single-largest spender on state advocacy since 2005, reporting nearly $120 million in total expenses. To put that in some context, the SEIU state council, a labor organization and the next highest-spending group, reported $80 million over the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel lobby \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778#lobbying-representations\">testified against two \u003c/a>bills in hearings: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb559\">SB 559\u003c/a>, which died in January and would have directed state regulators to phase out offshore drilling in state waters, and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1866\">AB 1866\u003c/a>, which would require companies to develop plans to eliminate all idle oil wells. The bill is still pending in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group advocated on more than \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">25 other bills since January\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Chamber of Commerce:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>$1.2 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-4\">Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> spent a little less than $1.2 million to advocate on more than 100 pieces of legislation in the first quarter of 2024, as well as lobbying Cal/OSHA, the Public Utilities Commission, the relatively new Privacy Protection Agency and the Water Resources Control Board. The business trade group testified against a pending bill that would \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab82\">prevent people under 18\u003c/a> from buying diet or weight loss supplements over the counter, against a failed bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">imposed a tax on residents\u003c/a> with more than $1 million in assets, and in support of a still-pending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2011\">makes permanent a family leave\u003c/a> mediation program for small employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chamber is the sixth-largest lobbyist employer since 2005, spending more than $61 million over that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pacific Gas & Electric: $1.15 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-8937\">PG&E\u003c/a> spent nearly $1.15 million advocating for issues, such as undergrounding power lines and the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant. It also lobbied on 85 bills, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2666\">AB 2666\u003c/a>, which would require utilities to annually report to the Public Utilities Commission the amount spent on infrastructure after each approved rate hike, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/californians-electricity-rates/\">one approved\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two weeks ago\u003c/a>. Despite PG&E’s opposition to the bill, it passed the Assembly Committee on Utilities and Energy last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor-owned utility, which is regulated by the state, has spent nearly $40 million since 2005 to push its point of view in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis: $1.05 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-9\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a> reported spending about $1 million in the first three months of the year. That represents an increase in advocacy by the anti-tax organization from last quarter when it spent just less than $157,000 between October and December last year. However, the spending aligns with the first quarter of 2023, when the association reported $1.15 million in advocacy receipts. The group lobbied on 12 bills this session, including against one from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/alex-lee-162481\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> of Milpitas to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">raise taxes on assets\u003c/a> worth more than $1 million. The bill died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayer Association has invested $34.5 million in pushing its point of view to government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Sywxi/2/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"575\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Hospital Association: $1 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group representing hospitals and health care systems reported spending a little more than $1 million to advocate on 61 pieces of legislation, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">a bill\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San Jose to create a single-payer health care system in California. The hospital association opposes the bill, which died last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the industry group has invested more than $58 million in lobbying the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AT&T: $865,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146836&view=activity\">reported\u003c/a> advocating before the Public Utilities Commission and on two similar bills in the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588\">one in the Assembly\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179\">one in the Senate\u003c/a>. Both would require state agencies to only procure internet from providers offering affordable home internet service. Though the company reported lobbying on both bills, it didn’t take a public position on either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The telecom company went on the record about a handful of education-related bills. It took public positions in support of five bills last year, four of which have to do with education-related topics, such as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1251\">credentialing teachers\u003c/a> in computer science and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab873\">media literacy curriculums\u003c/a> for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T has reported spending more than $63 million to lobby the state government since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County: $773,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Area county spent 65% of the total it spent last year in just the first quarter of this year and reported advocating on seven bills. It supported a bill about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab817\">hosting public meetings online\u003c/a> and another about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1245\">in-home supportive health service certifications\u003c/a> through an association called Urban Counties.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='california-law']The $570,000 quarter-over-quarter increase is due to a lobbying blitz in favor of a bill that extends \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1432\">the deadline by which hospitals\u003c/a> must be seismically retrofitted or demolished. The bill is pending in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County was the only lobbyist employer in the top 10 spenders from last quarter not to be on the same list historically. Since 2005, it has reported spending just under $18 million to push its point of view in state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEIU State Council: $754,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, a labor organization that represents more than 700,000 state workers, including more than 180,000 state employees, spent nearly $754,000 on lobbying so far this year, advocating before the state’s public pension system, the state treasurer, and the governor as well as on 77 different bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those bills, the union reported lobbying for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab518?slug=CA_202320240AB518\">a bill\u003c/a> from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> from Oakland to expand paid family leave benefits for caretakers of seriously ill people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the council is near the bottom of this list, it has been the second-largest aggregate spender on lobbying since 2005, reporting more than $80 million in total state-level advocacy expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Teachers Association: $667,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide teachers union reported advocating on more legislation than any other group in the top 10: 172 bills and resolutions in just the first three months of this year. The union also reported lobbying on the state budget and before the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, but it did not report a new public position on legislation between January and March. Perhaps that’s not surprising — it’s already on the record for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-1#bill-alignment\">203 pieces of legislation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor group hosts the fourth largest bill lobbying effort since 2005, reporting more than $70 million in lobbying expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Special interest groups spent more than $114 million lobbying California officials and legislators in the first quarter of this year, matching the pace last year, when a record $480 million was spent to influence state policy decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nearly $600 million has been spent since the current two-year session of the Legislature started in January 2023. This year’s pace so far is about $1.25 million per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top 10 spenders for the first quarter of 2024, revealed in the latest financial reports filed with the Secretary of State, include nine that have been on the top 10 list since 2005. The only one that wasn’t: Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the 10 organizations that invested the most in state-level lobbying between January and March of this year and how much they spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chevron: $3 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-2\">San Ramon-based oil giant\u003c/a> continues to top the list of advocacy spenders, reporting more than $3 million spent between January and the end of March. The last time Chevron wasn’t in the top three spenders was in 2011. It has reported lobbying expenses totaling more than $77.6 million since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company lobbied the Legislature on several items, including the budget, hydrogen programs, and carbon sequestration. But that isn’t the only institution that Chevron wanted to influence. It also reported advocating before the state Energy Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Air Resources Board, the Natural Resources Agency and the Departments of Tax and Fee Administration and Fish and Wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel behemoth took a public position on just one bill so far this year: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3155\">a proposal\u003c/a> from Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/laura-friedman-100935\">Laura Friedman\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Burbank, that would make oil well operators liable for civil penalties for health impacts on people who live in the area. Chevron opposed the bill, which is still pending after approval from two committees in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/63Ox1/5/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"625\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Western States Petroleum Association: $2.5 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">oil industry trade group\u003c/a> is Chevron’s perennial partner on the leaderboard. The association is the single-largest spender on state advocacy since 2005, reporting nearly $120 million in total expenses. To put that in some context, the SEIU state council, a labor organization and the next highest-spending group, reported $80 million over the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel lobby \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778#lobbying-representations\">testified against two \u003c/a>bills in hearings: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb559\">SB 559\u003c/a>, which died in January and would have directed state regulators to phase out offshore drilling in state waters, and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1866\">AB 1866\u003c/a>, which would require companies to develop plans to eliminate all idle oil wells. The bill is still pending in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group advocated on more than \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">25 other bills since January\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Chamber of Commerce:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>$1.2 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-4\">Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> spent a little less than $1.2 million to advocate on more than 100 pieces of legislation in the first quarter of 2024, as well as lobbying Cal/OSHA, the Public Utilities Commission, the relatively new Privacy Protection Agency and the Water Resources Control Board. The business trade group testified against a pending bill that would \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab82\">prevent people under 18\u003c/a> from buying diet or weight loss supplements over the counter, against a failed bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">imposed a tax on residents\u003c/a> with more than $1 million in assets, and in support of a still-pending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2011\">makes permanent a family leave\u003c/a> mediation program for small employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chamber is the sixth-largest lobbyist employer since 2005, spending more than $61 million over that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pacific Gas & Electric: $1.15 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-8937\">PG&E\u003c/a> spent nearly $1.15 million advocating for issues, such as undergrounding power lines and the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant. It also lobbied on 85 bills, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2666\">AB 2666\u003c/a>, which would require utilities to annually report to the Public Utilities Commission the amount spent on infrastructure after each approved rate hike, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/californians-electricity-rates/\">one approved\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two weeks ago\u003c/a>. Despite PG&E’s opposition to the bill, it passed the Assembly Committee on Utilities and Energy last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor-owned utility, which is regulated by the state, has spent nearly $40 million since 2005 to push its point of view in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis: $1.05 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-9\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a> reported spending about $1 million in the first three months of the year. That represents an increase in advocacy by the anti-tax organization from last quarter when it spent just less than $157,000 between October and December last year. However, the spending aligns with the first quarter of 2023, when the association reported $1.15 million in advocacy receipts. The group lobbied on 12 bills this session, including against one from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/alex-lee-162481\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> of Milpitas to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">raise taxes on assets\u003c/a> worth more than $1 million. The bill died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayer Association has invested $34.5 million in pushing its point of view to government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Sywxi/2/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"575\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Hospital Association: $1 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group representing hospitals and health care systems reported spending a little more than $1 million to advocate on 61 pieces of legislation, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">a bill\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San Jose to create a single-payer health care system in California. The hospital association opposes the bill, which died last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the industry group has invested more than $58 million in lobbying the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AT&T: $865,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146836&view=activity\">reported\u003c/a> advocating before the Public Utilities Commission and on two similar bills in the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588\">one in the Assembly\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179\">one in the Senate\u003c/a>. Both would require state agencies to only procure internet from providers offering affordable home internet service. Though the company reported lobbying on both bills, it didn’t take a public position on either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The telecom company went on the record about a handful of education-related bills. It took public positions in support of five bills last year, four of which have to do with education-related topics, such as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1251\">credentialing teachers\u003c/a> in computer science and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab873\">media literacy curriculums\u003c/a> for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T has reported spending more than $63 million to lobby the state government since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County: $773,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Area county spent 65% of the total it spent last year in just the first quarter of this year and reported advocating on seven bills. It supported a bill about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab817\">hosting public meetings online\u003c/a> and another about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1245\">in-home supportive health service certifications\u003c/a> through an association called Urban Counties.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The $570,000 quarter-over-quarter increase is due to a lobbying blitz in favor of a bill that extends \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1432\">the deadline by which hospitals\u003c/a> must be seismically retrofitted or demolished. The bill is pending in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County was the only lobbyist employer in the top 10 spenders from last quarter not to be on the same list historically. Since 2005, it has reported spending just under $18 million to push its point of view in state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEIU State Council: $754,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, a labor organization that represents more than 700,000 state workers, including more than 180,000 state employees, spent nearly $754,000 on lobbying so far this year, advocating before the state’s public pension system, the state treasurer, and the governor as well as on 77 different bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those bills, the union reported lobbying for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab518?slug=CA_202320240AB518\">a bill\u003c/a> from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> from Oakland to expand paid family leave benefits for caretakers of seriously ill people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the council is near the bottom of this list, it has been the second-largest aggregate spender on lobbying since 2005, reporting more than $80 million in total state-level advocacy expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Teachers Association: $667,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide teachers union reported advocating on more legislation than any other group in the top 10: 172 bills and resolutions in just the first three months of this year. The union also reported lobbying on the state budget and before the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, but it did not report a new public position on legislation between January and March. Perhaps that’s not surprising — it’s already on the record for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-1#bill-alignment\">203 pieces of legislation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor group hosts the fourth largest bill lobbying effort since 2005, reporting more than $70 million in lobbying expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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