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"content": "\u003cp>For all the concern in recent years that U.S. democracy is on the brink, in danger or under threat, a report out Tuesday offers a glimmer of good news for American voters worried that casting a ballot will be difficult in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put simply, the new data shows that voting in America has gotten easier over the past two decades. More voters can cast a ballot before Election Day, with the majority of U.S. states now offering some form of early in-person voting and mail voting to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we often talk in a partisan context about voter fraud and voter suppression and whether voters have access to the ballot, the reality is, over the past 25 years, we’ve greatly increased the convenience of voting for almost all Americans,” said David Becker, the founder and executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), which authored the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/research/expansion-voting-before-election-day/\">new report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David Becker, founder and executive director, CEIR\"]‘In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.’[/pullquote]The research was inspired by an NPR request for historical data around voting access, and NPR is the first news organization to report the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.wabe.org/georgia-republicans-seek-to-stop-automatic-voter-registration-in-state/\">real efforts\u003c/a> by \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/ipr-news/2021-03-08/iowa-governor-signs-law-cutting-time-allowed-for-voting\">some Republican-led legislatures\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statenews.org/government-politics/2023-08-29/ohio-elections-officials-concerned-expired-id-may-thwart-voters\">restrict access\u003c/a> at the margins, the trend in the U.S. since 2000 has been toward making it easier to vote: Nearly 97% of voting-age American citizens now live in states that offer the option to vote before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/animated-maps.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-animated-maps&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lies about early voting, the lies about voting machines and efforts in some state legislatures to roll back some of the election integrity and convenience measures that have evolved over the last several decades, those efforts almost all failed,” Becker said. “In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11973915,news_11974391,news_11977752\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Forty-six states and Washington, D.C., offer some form of early in-person voting, the report tallied, and 37 of those jurisdictions also offer mail voting to all voters without requiring an excuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis focused on broad categories around how people can vote but did not consider more specific voting policies that have sparked partisan debate in recent years, like mailing ballots to all registered voters, how mail ballots can be returned and ID requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Mann, CEIR’s research director, said he thought many people might be surprised at the bigger picture reflecting access because those other voting policies have taken so much of the political focus in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows some political trends. Of the 14 states that don’t offer mail voting to all voters, for instance, 12 have Republican-led legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But maybe the more striking trends are geographic. Every single state in the western U.S. has offered some form of early and mail voting to all voters since 2004, according to the data. And those states span the political spectrum, from conservative Idaho to liberal California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to talk about partisanship around this issue because historically, there just hasn’t been much,” Mann said. “We’ve seen voting by mail and early in-person voting supported by Republican legislatures, Democratic legislatures, Republican governors, Democratic governors. We see voters in both parties use both methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, like the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic, it took reforms driven by the COVID-19 pandemic to move toward more ballot access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts all made changes to make voting more easily accessible, which have since partially or fully become permanent. Delaware is currently embroiled in a \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/delaware-supreme-court-court-strikes-down-permanent-absentee-voting-law-democrats-response/\">legal fight\u003c/a> over whether it can implement early and mail voting changes this election cycle as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South, with its history of slavery and Jim Crow laws, has long \u003ca href=\"https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2861&context=ndlr\">lagged behind\u003c/a> when it comes to voting access. The CEIR data shows that, although some \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/09/974605448/kentucky-election-reform-effort-gets-bipartisan-backing\">states\u003c/a> have slowly started expanding options for voters, it is generally the most difficult region for voters to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/table.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-table&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As options nationwide have become more widely available, voters have also responded by taking advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2000 election, 86% of voters voted at a polling place on Election Day, according to U.S. Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, during the pandemic, that number dropped to less than 31% of voters. It went back up in 2022 to roughly half of the electorate but was still in line with the two-decade trend toward more ballots being cast early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/7hGON/9/?initialWidth=650&childId=responsive-embed-7hGON&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it’s a bit unclear if that trend will continue. Former President Donald Trump and his supporters have worked to demonize mail voting and, at times, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-health-government-and-politics-election-2020-55f4744b484919cd20d4d5e8d72e444e\">implored Republican voters\u003c/a> to vote on Election Day or as close to it as possible to avoid unproven claims of tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in reality, Becker says, more voting options actually make elections more secure and less susceptible to malicious activity or even human error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there were a problem, if there were a cyber event, if there were a malfunction, if there were bad weather, if there were traffic, if there were was a power outage, you could think of all kinds of circumstances. … The more you spread voting out over a series of days and over multiple modes, the less likely it’s going to impact voters,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even in states where voters have numerous options on how to vote, in every federal election, tens of millions of eligible voters in the U.S. don’t cast ballots. Even in 2020, the highest-turnout election in modern history, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2021/2020-presidential-election-voting-and-registration-tables-now-available.html\">roughly a third\u003c/a> of eligible Americans didn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, the secretary of state of California, says more and more that it’s a reflection of people not feeling empowered or motivated by the system and not by how hard it is to cast a ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://electionlawblog.org/?p=140939\">Election experts\u003c/a> have generally agreed that in 2024, efforts to delegitimize election results are more worrisome than efforts to actually stop people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done everything, I think, humanly possible to make it possible for people to vote,” Weber said. “[In California], you will get a ballot mailed to your home. It does not require a stamp. If you lose it and call us, we’ll send you another one. If you go to a vote center, you will be able to get a new ballot and vote right there if you want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the state places near the bottom of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.nh.gov/sites/g/files/ehbemt561/files/documents/2022-04/voter-turnout-charts-4-19-21.pdf\">U.S. rankings\u003c/a> regarding turnout rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have to do now is help people understand that voting is important, whether their candidate wins or loses,” she said. “[You’re] voting for yourself basically to have the dignity of having your issues being considered, and whether you win or lose, people listen to your voice, and they hear you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=New+data+shows+it%27s+gotten+easier+to+vote+in+the+U.S.+since+2000&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For all the concern in recent years that U.S. democracy is on the brink, in danger or under threat, a report out Tuesday offers a glimmer of good news for American voters worried that casting a ballot will be difficult in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put simply, the new data shows that voting in America has gotten easier over the past two decades. More voters can cast a ballot before Election Day, with the majority of U.S. states now offering some form of early in-person voting and mail voting to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we often talk in a partisan context about voter fraud and voter suppression and whether voters have access to the ballot, the reality is, over the past 25 years, we’ve greatly increased the convenience of voting for almost all Americans,” said David Becker, the founder and executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), which authored the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/research/expansion-voting-before-election-day/\">new report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The research was inspired by an NPR request for historical data around voting access, and NPR is the first news organization to report the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.wabe.org/georgia-republicans-seek-to-stop-automatic-voter-registration-in-state/\">real efforts\u003c/a> by \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/ipr-news/2021-03-08/iowa-governor-signs-law-cutting-time-allowed-for-voting\">some Republican-led legislatures\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statenews.org/government-politics/2023-08-29/ohio-elections-officials-concerned-expired-id-may-thwart-voters\">restrict access\u003c/a> at the margins, the trend in the U.S. since 2000 has been toward making it easier to vote: Nearly 97% of voting-age American citizens now live in states that offer the option to vote before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/animated-maps.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-animated-maps&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lies about early voting, the lies about voting machines and efforts in some state legislatures to roll back some of the election integrity and convenience measures that have evolved over the last several decades, those efforts almost all failed,” Becker said. “In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Forty-six states and Washington, D.C., offer some form of early in-person voting, the report tallied, and 37 of those jurisdictions also offer mail voting to all voters without requiring an excuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis focused on broad categories around how people can vote but did not consider more specific voting policies that have sparked partisan debate in recent years, like mailing ballots to all registered voters, how mail ballots can be returned and ID requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Mann, CEIR’s research director, said he thought many people might be surprised at the bigger picture reflecting access because those other voting policies have taken so much of the political focus in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows some political trends. Of the 14 states that don’t offer mail voting to all voters, for instance, 12 have Republican-led legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But maybe the more striking trends are geographic. Every single state in the western U.S. has offered some form of early and mail voting to all voters since 2004, according to the data. And those states span the political spectrum, from conservative Idaho to liberal California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to talk about partisanship around this issue because historically, there just hasn’t been much,” Mann said. “We’ve seen voting by mail and early in-person voting supported by Republican legislatures, Democratic legislatures, Republican governors, Democratic governors. We see voters in both parties use both methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, like the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic, it took reforms driven by the COVID-19 pandemic to move toward more ballot access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts all made changes to make voting more easily accessible, which have since partially or fully become permanent. Delaware is currently embroiled in a \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/delaware-supreme-court-court-strikes-down-permanent-absentee-voting-law-democrats-response/\">legal fight\u003c/a> over whether it can implement early and mail voting changes this election cycle as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South, with its history of slavery and Jim Crow laws, has long \u003ca href=\"https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2861&context=ndlr\">lagged behind\u003c/a> when it comes to voting access. The CEIR data shows that, although some \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/09/974605448/kentucky-election-reform-effort-gets-bipartisan-backing\">states\u003c/a> have slowly started expanding options for voters, it is generally the most difficult region for voters to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/table.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-table&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As options nationwide have become more widely available, voters have also responded by taking advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2000 election, 86% of voters voted at a polling place on Election Day, according to U.S. Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, during the pandemic, that number dropped to less than 31% of voters. It went back up in 2022 to roughly half of the electorate but was still in line with the two-decade trend toward more ballots being cast early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/7hGON/9/?initialWidth=650&childId=responsive-embed-7hGON&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it’s a bit unclear if that trend will continue. Former President Donald Trump and his supporters have worked to demonize mail voting and, at times, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-health-government-and-politics-election-2020-55f4744b484919cd20d4d5e8d72e444e\">implored Republican voters\u003c/a> to vote on Election Day or as close to it as possible to avoid unproven claims of tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in reality, Becker says, more voting options actually make elections more secure and less susceptible to malicious activity or even human error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there were a problem, if there were a cyber event, if there were a malfunction, if there were bad weather, if there were traffic, if there were was a power outage, you could think of all kinds of circumstances. … The more you spread voting out over a series of days and over multiple modes, the less likely it’s going to impact voters,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even in states where voters have numerous options on how to vote, in every federal election, tens of millions of eligible voters in the U.S. don’t cast ballots. Even in 2020, the highest-turnout election in modern history, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2021/2020-presidential-election-voting-and-registration-tables-now-available.html\">roughly a third\u003c/a> of eligible Americans didn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, the secretary of state of California, says more and more that it’s a reflection of people not feeling empowered or motivated by the system and not by how hard it is to cast a ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://electionlawblog.org/?p=140939\">Election experts\u003c/a> have generally agreed that in 2024, efforts to delegitimize election results are more worrisome than efforts to actually stop people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done everything, I think, humanly possible to make it possible for people to vote,” Weber said. “[In California], you will get a ballot mailed to your home. It does not require a stamp. If you lose it and call us, we’ll send you another one. If you go to a vote center, you will be able to get a new ballot and vote right there if you want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the state places near the bottom of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.nh.gov/sites/g/files/ehbemt561/files/documents/2022-04/voter-turnout-charts-4-19-21.pdf\">U.S. rankings\u003c/a> regarding turnout rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have to do now is help people understand that voting is important, whether their candidate wins or loses,” she said. “[You’re] voting for yourself basically to have the dignity of having your issues being considered, and whether you win or lose, people listen to your voice, and they hear you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=New+data+shows+it%27s+gotten+easier+to+vote+in+the+U.S.+since+2000&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Aaron Peskin's Rumored Run for SF Mayor Has Same Strength and Weakness: Housing",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin mulls a run for mayor, how people view his opposition to market-rate housing would be both a strength and a vulnerability should he jump in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true in San Francisco’s west side, a neighborhood replete with single-family homes where people have rallied against state laws that would allow more multi-story housing to be built. Peskin is sometimes viewed as a champion of saving neighborhood character from what residents consider to be outsize new construction. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"George Wooding, neighborhood activist who lives west of Twin Peaks\"]‘That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side. Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”[/pullquote] George Wooding, a neighborhood activist who lives just west of Twin Peaks, said neighbors are angry about Mayor London Breed’s “Housing for All Plan,” which would incentivize building taller, denser housing. He said they worry there isn’t enough parking or infrastructure to support the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side,” Wooding said. “Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s next mayor will steer the city’s future approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin is on one side of a divide in development philosophy between moderate and progressive Democrats in San Francisco. The moderates want the city to build, build, build to bring housing costs down. Progressives want the city to focus on building affordable housing while fiercely defending tenant protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government has a role to play. And a progressive mayor, I think, can do so much more to protect and enhance our existing residents and our existing small businesses,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has not declared that he will run for mayor, but he has spoken openly about considering it. Breed is facing a re-election challenge mostly from more conservative Democrats, including former Supervisor Mark Farrell and philanthropist and nonprofit CEO Daniel Lurie. Another candidate, Supervisor Ahsha Safai, has generally been considered a moderate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, whose housing views are more mixed than his supporters or opponents assert, would be running to the left of the aforementioned candidates. But because of his voting record, groups supporting unrestricted construction of market-rate housing are already lining up to stop him from winning the election. [aside label='More on London Breed' tag='london-breed']Breed is a frequent ally of those groups, and courted them in her State of the City speech last week when she promised to veto any “anti-housing” legislation that crosses her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She followed through on that pledge Thursday, vetoing legislation brought by Peskin to limit dense housing construction in the Jackson Square Historic District, east of Columbus Street. Supervisors can reject the veto with a supermajority of eight votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance passes off anti-housing policy in the guise of historic protections,” Breed wrote in her veto letter to the board. “Existing rules already protect against impacts to historic resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin countered, in a statement, “Instead of outsourcing housing decisions to developers so they can maximize profit, as the Mayor is doing, we need to build housing our working families can afford while improving the neighborhoods they live in. We don’t have to destroy San Francisco to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin was first elected to represent North Beach, Chinatown, Fisherman’s Wharf and other nearby neighborhoods in 2000. In recent years, he’s sponsored a flurry of resolutions opposing state legislation that would lead to building market-rate housing more freely in San Francisco:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2018: Senate Bill 827 would have incentivized housing construction near transit lines\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2019: State Assembly Bill 68 would streamline housing approvals near transit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2020: Senate Bill 1085 would strip away some local control against awarding incentives for building denser housing\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s pushback against state regulation doesn’t paint the full picture of Peskin’s housing record. In 2008, as president of the Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/supes-ok-plan-for-thousands-of-new-homes-3260117.php\">Peskin played a central role in approving the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, legislation aimed at allowing the construction of 10,000 new housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s arguably one of San Francisco’s most transformative rezoning efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he co-authored Proposition A with Breed, which was approved by voters in the March primary. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">That measure will deliver a $300 million bond\u003c/a> toward the construction of affordable housing. It was written in concert with companion legislation Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-breed-signs-housing-stimulus-fee-reform-plan-housing-crisis/\">that would defer development impact fees and winnow inclusionary housing requirements on new construction\u003c/a>. The deferral is estimated to spur the creation of roughly 8,000 housing units, a boon for San Francisco’s state-mandated goal to build 82,000 housing units by 2031. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sachin Agarwal, co-founder, GrowSF\"]‘I believe that Aaron Peskin is going to announce that he’s running. And I think our priority as GrowSF is going to be anybody by Peskin.’[/pullquote]At an election party for moderate-aligned Democrats at Anina bar two weeks ago, GrowSF co-founder Sachin Agarwal said Peskin would be bad for San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe that Aaron Peskin is going to announce that he’s running. And I think our priority as GrowSF is going to be anybody by Peskin,” Agarwal said. “He is a huge NIMBY and has blocked an incredible amount of housing during the 20 years that he’s been in some form of San Francisco politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrowSF is one of a coalition of tech billionaire-funded groups that have raised millions of dollars to recall school board members and former District Attorney Chesa Boudin, while also promoting Democrats aligned with their conservative values on public safety. Outsized funding from these groups has tipped the scales in recent elections and now an avalanche of cash threatens to bury Peskin. [aside postID=news_11976026 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240214-NONCITIZENVOTING-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']GrowSF isn’t the only roadblock to the housing strategies of the progressive camp. Annie Fryman, director of special projects at urbanist think tank SPUR, said any candidate opposing dense housing construction in San Francisco may clash with state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://generalplan.sfplanning.org/I1_Housing.htm\">who have mandated the city to build those 82,000 housing units by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leader will also eventually be accountable to disqualifying us from hundreds of millions of dollars of state affordable housing funding,” Fryman said. “That is a consequence of messing with the housing element.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that has endorsed Breed, said there are pockets of voters he called old-guard “anti-housing voices” all over the city, particularly in North Beach, the Haight Ashbury and the west side of San Francisco. According to Smith, those constituents hold a Not In My Backyard ethos and oppose housing at every turn. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Corey Smith, executive director, Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that endorsed Breed\"]‘I think when you actually think of NIMBYism as it is, I don’t think it’s a big portion of the electorate. I do think there’s a lane for President Peskin in this race.’[/pullquote]“I think when you actually think of NIMBYism as it is, I don’t think it’s a big portion of the electorate,” Smith said. But as part of a coalition, “I do think there’s a lane for President Peskin in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eileen Boken, a west side advocate who frequently attends City Hall meetings, said her neighbors were “blindsided” by state Sen. Scott Wiener’s proposal to wrest housing approval control of Ocean Beach away from the California Coastal Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said it would unlock more housing construction along the waterfront. The Board of Supervisors approved Peskin’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991442/battle-over-san-franciscos-coastal-development-sparks-statewide-concerns\"> resolution that opposed Wiener’s coastal plan\u003c/a> in February. The resolution reflected the concerns of people like Boken who worry tall apartment buildings will block views for some while allowing urban skylines to encroach on the beach experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Ocean Beach going to become Miami Beach?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin mulls a run for mayor, how people view his opposition to market-rate housing would be both a strength and a vulnerability should he jump in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true in San Francisco’s west side, a neighborhood replete with single-family homes where people have rallied against state laws that would allow more multi-story housing to be built. Peskin is sometimes viewed as a champion of saving neighborhood character from what residents consider to be outsize new construction. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side. Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> George Wooding, a neighborhood activist who lives just west of Twin Peaks, said neighbors are angry about Mayor London Breed’s “Housing for All Plan,” which would incentivize building taller, denser housing. He said they worry there isn’t enough parking or infrastructure to support the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be one of the turning points of the mayor’s race on the west side,” Wooding said. “Anybody with a brain running for mayor is going to start attacking the density programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s next mayor will steer the city’s future approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin is on one side of a divide in development philosophy between moderate and progressive Democrats in San Francisco. The moderates want the city to build, build, build to bring housing costs down. Progressives want the city to focus on building affordable housing while fiercely defending tenant protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government has a role to play. And a progressive mayor, I think, can do so much more to protect and enhance our existing residents and our existing small businesses,” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has not declared that he will run for mayor, but he has spoken openly about considering it. Breed is facing a re-election challenge mostly from more conservative Democrats, including former Supervisor Mark Farrell and philanthropist and nonprofit CEO Daniel Lurie. Another candidate, Supervisor Ahsha Safai, has generally been considered a moderate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, whose housing views are more mixed than his supporters or opponents assert, would be running to the left of the aforementioned candidates. But because of his voting record, groups supporting unrestricted construction of market-rate housing are already lining up to stop him from winning the election. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Breed is a frequent ally of those groups, and courted them in her State of the City speech last week when she promised to veto any “anti-housing” legislation that crosses her desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She followed through on that pledge Thursday, vetoing legislation brought by Peskin to limit dense housing construction in the Jackson Square Historic District, east of Columbus Street. Supervisors can reject the veto with a supermajority of eight votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance passes off anti-housing policy in the guise of historic protections,” Breed wrote in her veto letter to the board. “Existing rules already protect against impacts to historic resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin countered, in a statement, “Instead of outsourcing housing decisions to developers so they can maximize profit, as the Mayor is doing, we need to build housing our working families can afford while improving the neighborhoods they live in. We don’t have to destroy San Francisco to save it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin was first elected to represent North Beach, Chinatown, Fisherman’s Wharf and other nearby neighborhoods in 2000. In recent years, he’s sponsored a flurry of resolutions opposing state legislation that would lead to building market-rate housing more freely in San Francisco:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>2018: Senate Bill 827 would have incentivized housing construction near transit lines\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2019: State Assembly Bill 68 would streamline housing approvals near transit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>2020: Senate Bill 1085 would strip away some local control against awarding incentives for building denser housing\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s pushback against state regulation doesn’t paint the full picture of Peskin’s housing record. In 2008, as president of the Board of Supervisors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/supes-ok-plan-for-thousands-of-new-homes-3260117.php\">Peskin played a central role in approving the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, legislation aimed at allowing the construction of 10,000 new housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s arguably one of San Francisco’s most transformative rezoning efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, he co-authored Proposition A with Breed, which was approved by voters in the March primary. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">That measure will deliver a $300 million bond\u003c/a> toward the construction of affordable housing. It was written in concert with companion legislation Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-breed-signs-housing-stimulus-fee-reform-plan-housing-crisis/\">that would defer development impact fees and winnow inclusionary housing requirements on new construction\u003c/a>. The deferral is estimated to spur the creation of roughly 8,000 housing units, a boon for San Francisco’s state-mandated goal to build 82,000 housing units by 2031. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>GrowSF isn’t the only roadblock to the housing strategies of the progressive camp. Annie Fryman, director of special projects at urbanist think tank SPUR, said any candidate opposing dense housing construction in San Francisco may clash with state regulators, \u003ca href=\"https://generalplan.sfplanning.org/I1_Housing.htm\">who have mandated the city to build those 82,000 housing units by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That leader will also eventually be accountable to disqualifying us from hundreds of millions of dollars of state affordable housing funding,” Fryman said. “That is a consequence of messing with the housing element.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, a pro-density group that has endorsed Breed, said there are pockets of voters he called old-guard “anti-housing voices” all over the city, particularly in North Beach, the Haight Ashbury and the west side of San Francisco. According to Smith, those constituents hold a Not In My Backyard ethos and oppose housing at every turn. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former SFPUC Chief Harlan Kelly Sentenced to 4-Year Prison Term Following Fraud Conviction — Here Are 5 Takeaways",
"headTitle": "Former SFPUC Chief Harlan Kelly Sentenced to 4-Year Prison Term Following Fraud Conviction — Here Are 5 Takeaways | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday, March 18, 2024:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Harlan Kelly, the former chief of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was sentenced to four years in prison on Monday, March 18, and ordered to pay a $10,000 fine after being found guilty last year of various federal fraud and conspiracy crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly “betrayed the public trust and made a mockery of his oath to serve the community in his high public office,” U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg said in court Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal prosecutors sought a 6 1/2 year prison sentence, Seeborg said Kelly had done enough for the community — as evidenced by the many letters of support sent on his behalf — to warrant a more lenient punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentencing is the latest development in the \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11859677/san-franciscos-unfolding-web-of-corruption-a-cartoon-interactive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-link=\"native\">FBI’s expansive, six-year investigation\u003c/a> into city government corruption that has now ensnared more than a dozen individuals and two corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is expected to begin serving his four-year prison term on June 19, and is ordered to serve three years of supervised release after that, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original story, July 14, 2023\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>Yet another San Francisco city leader has been found guilty on charges related to bribery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After less than two days of deliberation, a San Francisco jury Friday convicted the former head of a powerful agency on six of eight charges stemming from a federal investigation into corruption in the city’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlan Kelly, the former general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was charged with wire fraud in 2020, charges that were later expanded to include bank fraud in late 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly was accused of taking bribes for years from a construction contractor, Walter Wong, who sought to win a contract to update city streetlights. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-charges-against-former-san-francisco-puc-general-manager-expanded-include-bank\">separate bank fraud charges\u003c/a> allege Kelly conspired with real estate investor Victor Makras to make false statements to Quicken Loans to obtain a $1.3 million loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg has yet to sentence Kelly, but the former SFPUC chief faces a possible 20 to 30 years on each count against him. Wong \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11873494/sf-corruption-saga-continues-permit-expediter-walter-wong-to-repay-1-7-million\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> for his role in multiple alleged bribery schemes in 2021. Makras \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/jury-convicts-san-francisco-broker-and-investor-victor-makras-fraud-real-estate-loan#:~:text=The%20federal%20jury%20today%20convicted,in%20violation%20of%2018%20U.S.C.\">was convicted late last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide-ranging corruption scandal started in 2020 with a federal indictment of former San Francisco Public Works director Mohammed Nuru, who accepted bribes like a John Deere tractor, a $37,000 Rolex watch, and construction work on his Colusa County ranch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the corruption scandal didn’t stop at Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slew of city officials and contractors have been ensnared in the corruption probe, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-director-san-francisco-mayor-s-office-neighborhood-services-and-san-francisco-s\">Mayor’s Office Fix-It team head Sandra Zuniga\u003c/a> and former Department of Building Inspection director \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/SF-s-building-chief-Tom-Hui-pulls-the-plug-on-15148650.php\">Tom Hui\u003c/a>. Former senior building inspector Bernie Curran also was convicted in a related corruption case, and was sentenced Friday to a year and one day in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s wife, Naomi Kelly, did not face indictment, but stepped down from her role as city administrator after evidence against her husband implicated her, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the city leaders who found themselves under the FBI’s microscope pleaded guilty, Kelly fought his charges in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the three-week trial, a jury heard testimony and closing arguments from the U.S. Attorney’s Office and Kelly’s defense attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wong didn’t just admit to bribing Kelly once. He spent years trying to influence him\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The owner of several construction companies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PROFILE-Walter-Wong-Powerhouse-pushes-2882045.php\">Wong was a politically-connected San Francisco insider\u003c/a> with ties to past mayoral admirations going as far back as Mayor Art Agnos. He used his largesse to help host banquets in Chinatown and bolster annual Lunar New Year parade celebrations. He also featured prominently in the case against Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors argued Wong’s attempts to influence Kelly started as early as 2013.\u003cbr>\nWong allegedly gifted home repair work to Kelly at a heavy discount, from installing iron hand-rails in his home to fixing water damage, and even installing wine-cellar shelving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe you big time!!!” Kelly wrote to Wong after the 2013 installation of the wine cellar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent lavishly on Kelly’s family during a 2016 China vacation, including a trip to a zoo, sightseeing tours, a meal between Wong and Kelly that topped $600, and freebie stays in five-star hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Kelly did pay Wong back, prosecutors argued, on two key projects he had control over: putting up holiday lights in San Francisco’s downtown, and a contract to convert existing city streetlights to use LED bulbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Stories' tag='san-francisco-corruption']Kelly pushed his staffers to expedite the purchase of holiday lights from one of Wong’s companies, a claim prosecutors punctuated in court. Emails sent at the behest of Kelly egged on employees to hurry on the purchase. Kelly also allegedly handed Wong insider-information to help edge-out other contractors bidding to win the city streetlight contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closing arguments to jurors on July 12, prosecutor Kristina Green, from the U.S. Attorney’s Office, said text messages tell the tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you know Harlan Kelly was receiving gifts intended to influence city business? Because Harlan Kelly shows that link himself,” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors then showed jurors a 2014 text message from Kelly to Wong, “My loan was approved. We need to get together to chat how to reimburse you and rfp (request for proposal). I should get the money in three weeks.” Essentially, in one message, prosecutors argued, Kelly both told Wong he would use a loan to pay him back for the discounted housework, while also saying he would share information about an RFP. That’s a request for proposal, essentially the guidelines the city would use for bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, that information is supposed to be confidential, so all companies bidding on a contract have an even playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong’s son, Washington Wong, who worked with him on those contracts, said on the witness stand, “we used that information to, I guess, tweak our next proposal [to the city].”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly’s defense attorney sought to sow doubt about Wong’s statements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wong’s testimony was undoubtedly the biggest pillar of the U.S. attorneys’ arguments, which is likely why the defense had a laser focus on challenging his credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s defense attorneys, Jonathan Baum and Brian Getz, cast the China trip and discounted home repair in a far rosier and more innocuous light, saying that Kelly and Wong enjoyed years of friendship that naturally resulted in exchanged gifts, dinners, and favorable treatment. At the same time, they described Wong as a shark on the hunt for new bribery marks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Was Harlan naive? He should’ve been more careful. He should’ve suspected what Walter was doing, but didn’t,” Baum told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To punctuate his point, Baum flashed the dictionary definition of “naive” in large-font text on screens in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11873494 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/05/HuiAndWong-1020x678.jpg']Kelly’s lawyers also argued that Wong’s actual bribes to city officials – like Nuru – came in the form of thousands of dollars of cash stuffed into envelopes. If he were truly bribing Kelly, why not do that, instead of offering construction work on his home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That home construction work was also shoddy, and even over-charged, an expert witness brought by the defense said on the witness stand. While Wong tried to fix a water leak, photos showed water stains streaking Kelly’s Inner Sunset-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a complex elaborate bribery scheme, would [Walter Wong] have done that?” Baum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most pointedly, however, the defense made sure to remind the jury that Wong stands to see his own bribery-related sentence reduced for cooperating as a witness, an idea they argued influences everything he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Seeborg instructed jurors to treat Wong’s testimony with “greater caution” than that of the other witnesses for that same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Despite alleged bribes, Kelly’s influence didn’t always help Wong. But that doesn’t mean a crime wasn’t committed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors showed reams of evidence highlighting how Kelly inappropriately aided Wong in navigating an LED streetlight contract with the city. Kelly even went so far as to stuff confidential documents into a manila folder, later handing them to Wong out on the street, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t mean Wong had any luck winning his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When ranking companies who had thrown their hat in the ring for the city contract, Wong’s company ranked 47th out of 51 total bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can we say that was dead last?” Baum, the defense attorney, said. “The most important thing to think about is, what happened? [Prosecutors would] argue this information was very valuable. But what were the results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even on the witness stand, Wong’s son, Washington Wong, admitted their attempts to game the system were fruitless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the grand scheme of things, no, it didn’t seem to help,” Washington Wong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in his instructions to the jury, Judge Seeborg reminded them that Kelly need only have agreed to commit an act to have acted corruptly. And Green, one of the prosecutors, underscored that to the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walter Wong didn’t win the LED lights contract. Under the law, that doesn’t matter,” she said. What matters is if jurors decide they corrupted the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly allegedly flouted the rules, but emails and text messages showed he knew the law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kelly hoped to keep much of his communications with Wong and other co-conspirators outside of the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote in a 2018 email “I’m not the only one who sees my email at work – I have some staff with access because I get a lot of emails and can’t be reading, and responding, to every one. Also emails sent to me are public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subsequently, many of his emailed communications with Wong are from Kelly’s personal Yahoo email. It’s a problem known to happen in the city writ large – \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935973/i-am-somebody-who-enjoys-arguing-anonymoose-who-exposed-sf-city-hall-secrets-hangs-up-antlers\">citizen journalist “Anonymoose” found plenty of city officials trying to hide their communications\u003c/a> by skirting the city’s open records law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11935973 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/12/GettyImages-1302058535-1020x680.jpg']Kelly also, at one point, emailed a city ethics rulebook to his San Francisco Public Utilities Commission staff. That rulebook contained explanations of city regulations that bar gifts from contractors with bids before the commission, much like Wong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors asked Mary Tienken, a project manager at the SFPUC, to take the witness stand in June. She wrote many of the bidding documents that – unbeknownst to her – Kelly eventually passed to Wong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her duty under the law, Tienken said, “I was obligated not to provide any advantage to any bidders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The city is as connected as can be\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Testimony and documents submitted for evidence during the trial revealed guest-star appearances from various city politicos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 trip to China where Wong allegedly bribed Kelly included a visit to an ailing Rose Pak, a well-known Chinatown community leader, who was hospitalized, and later died after returning to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rose Pak was a friend of the family. I met her and she became a friend,” Maria Little, Kelly’s mother-in-law, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly and Makras also dined with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\">Mohammed Nuru, the former Public Works director who pleaded guilty to bribery charges in 2021\u003c/a>. And Wong and Kelly planned a dinner with the late Mayor Ed Lee by writing their text messages in code, referring to Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/Former-S-F-Mayor-Ed-Lee-code-name-35-15777827.php\">only as “35”\u003c/a> — his initials on a phone keypad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a surprise that these folks \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/10/20/real-estate-magnate-victor-makras-the-latest-to-indicted-by-feds-in-sf-public-corruption-probe/\">would rub shoulders with other city leaders\u003c/a>, the extent to which others have been mentioned in FBI documents, and the court record, has fueled \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/11/web-of-corruption-explore-the-cronyism-lies-and-federal-crimes-at-the-heart-of-san-franciscos-government/\">speculation\u003c/a> as to who in city government, if anyone, was also under federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conviction is a milestone in San Francisco political history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no other major indictments pending, Kelly’s conviction may snip the final thread in the tapestry of the San Francisco corruption scandal that has ensnared so many, giving a glimpse into a system of influence many have heard whispers of, but few had seen before in such full view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Kelly is the latest San Francisco official to land in prison after being found guilty of charges related to bribery, as part of an expansive, six-year federal investigation into city government corruption. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Monday, March 18, 2024:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>Harlan Kelly, the former chief of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was sentenced to four years in prison on Monday, March 18, and ordered to pay a $10,000 fine after being found guilty last year of various federal fraud and conspiracy crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly “betrayed the public trust and made a mockery of his oath to serve the community in his high public office,” U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg said in court Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal prosecutors sought a 6 1/2 year prison sentence, Seeborg said Kelly had done enough for the community — as evidenced by the many letters of support sent on his behalf — to warrant a more lenient punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His sentencing is the latest development in the \u003ca class=\"\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11859677/san-franciscos-unfolding-web-of-corruption-a-cartoon-interactive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\" data-link=\"native\">FBI’s expansive, six-year investigation\u003c/a> into city government corruption that has now ensnared more than a dozen individuals and two corporations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is expected to begin serving his four-year prison term on June 19, and is ordered to serve three years of supervised release after that, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Original story, July 14, 2023\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>Yet another San Francisco city leader has been found guilty on charges related to bribery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After less than two days of deliberation, a San Francisco jury Friday convicted the former head of a powerful agency on six of eight charges stemming from a federal investigation into corruption in the city’s government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harlan Kelly, the former general manager of the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, was charged with wire fraud in 2020, charges that were later expanded to include bank fraud in late 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly was accused of taking bribes for years from a construction contractor, Walter Wong, who sought to win a contract to update city streetlights. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-charges-against-former-san-francisco-puc-general-manager-expanded-include-bank\">separate bank fraud charges\u003c/a> allege Kelly conspired with real estate investor Victor Makras to make false statements to Quicken Loans to obtain a $1.3 million loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chief U.S. District Judge Richard Seeborg has yet to sentence Kelly, but the former SFPUC chief faces a possible 20 to 30 years on each count against him. Wong \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11873494/sf-corruption-saga-continues-permit-expediter-walter-wong-to-repay-1-7-million\">pleaded guilty\u003c/a> for his role in multiple alleged bribery schemes in 2021. Makras \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/jury-convicts-san-francisco-broker-and-investor-victor-makras-fraud-real-estate-loan#:~:text=The%20federal%20jury%20today%20convicted,in%20violation%20of%2018%20U.S.C.\">was convicted late last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide-ranging corruption scandal started in 2020 with a federal indictment of former San Francisco Public Works director Mohammed Nuru, who accepted bribes like a John Deere tractor, a $37,000 Rolex watch, and construction work on his Colusa County ranch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the corruption scandal didn’t stop at Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A slew of city officials and contractors have been ensnared in the corruption probe, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/former-director-san-francisco-mayor-s-office-neighborhood-services-and-san-francisco-s\">Mayor’s Office Fix-It team head Sandra Zuniga\u003c/a> and former Department of Building Inspection director \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/SF-s-building-chief-Tom-Hui-pulls-the-plug-on-15148650.php\">Tom Hui\u003c/a>. Former senior building inspector Bernie Curran also was convicted in a related corruption case, and was sentenced Friday to a year and one day in federal prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s wife, Naomi Kelly, did not face indictment, but stepped down from her role as city administrator after evidence against her husband implicated her, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of the city leaders who found themselves under the FBI’s microscope pleaded guilty, Kelly fought his charges in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the three-week trial, a jury heard testimony and closing arguments from the U.S. Attorney’s Office and Kelly’s defense attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five key takeaways from the trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Wong didn’t just admit to bribing Kelly once. He spent years trying to influence him\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The owner of several construction companies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/article/PROFILE-Walter-Wong-Powerhouse-pushes-2882045.php\">Wong was a politically-connected San Francisco insider\u003c/a> with ties to past mayoral admirations going as far back as Mayor Art Agnos. He used his largesse to help host banquets in Chinatown and bolster annual Lunar New Year parade celebrations. He also featured prominently in the case against Nuru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors argued Wong’s attempts to influence Kelly started as early as 2013.\u003cbr>\nWong allegedly gifted home repair work to Kelly at a heavy discount, from installing iron hand-rails in his home to fixing water damage, and even installing wine-cellar shelving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe you big time!!!” Kelly wrote to Wong after the 2013 installation of the wine cellar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent lavishly on Kelly’s family during a 2016 China vacation, including a trip to a zoo, sightseeing tours, a meal between Wong and Kelly that topped $600, and freebie stays in five-star hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Kelly did pay Wong back, prosecutors argued, on two key projects he had control over: putting up holiday lights in San Francisco’s downtown, and a contract to convert existing city streetlights to use LED bulbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly pushed his staffers to expedite the purchase of holiday lights from one of Wong’s companies, a claim prosecutors punctuated in court. Emails sent at the behest of Kelly egged on employees to hurry on the purchase. Kelly also allegedly handed Wong insider-information to help edge-out other contractors bidding to win the city streetlight contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In closing arguments to jurors on July 12, prosecutor Kristina Green, from the U.S. Attorney’s Office, said text messages tell the tale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you know Harlan Kelly was receiving gifts intended to influence city business? Because Harlan Kelly shows that link himself,” Green said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors then showed jurors a 2014 text message from Kelly to Wong, “My loan was approved. We need to get together to chat how to reimburse you and rfp (request for proposal). I should get the money in three weeks.” Essentially, in one message, prosecutors argued, Kelly both told Wong he would use a loan to pay him back for the discounted housework, while also saying he would share information about an RFP. That’s a request for proposal, essentially the guidelines the city would use for bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, that information is supposed to be confidential, so all companies bidding on a contract have an even playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong’s son, Washington Wong, who worked with him on those contracts, said on the witness stand, “we used that information to, I guess, tweak our next proposal [to the city].”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly’s defense attorney sought to sow doubt about Wong’s statements\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wong’s testimony was undoubtedly the biggest pillar of the U.S. attorneys’ arguments, which is likely why the defense had a laser focus on challenging his credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s defense attorneys, Jonathan Baum and Brian Getz, cast the China trip and discounted home repair in a far rosier and more innocuous light, saying that Kelly and Wong enjoyed years of friendship that naturally resulted in exchanged gifts, dinners, and favorable treatment. At the same time, they described Wong as a shark on the hunt for new bribery marks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Was Harlan naive? He should’ve been more careful. He should’ve suspected what Walter was doing, but didn’t,” Baum told the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To punctuate his point, Baum flashed the dictionary definition of “naive” in large-font text on screens in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly’s lawyers also argued that Wong’s actual bribes to city officials – like Nuru – came in the form of thousands of dollars of cash stuffed into envelopes. If he were truly bribing Kelly, why not do that, instead of offering construction work on his home?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That home construction work was also shoddy, and even over-charged, an expert witness brought by the defense said on the witness stand. While Wong tried to fix a water leak, photos showed water stains streaking Kelly’s Inner Sunset-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this was a complex elaborate bribery scheme, would [Walter Wong] have done that?” Baum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most pointedly, however, the defense made sure to remind the jury that Wong stands to see his own bribery-related sentence reduced for cooperating as a witness, an idea they argued influences everything he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Seeborg instructed jurors to treat Wong’s testimony with “greater caution” than that of the other witnesses for that same reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Despite alleged bribes, Kelly’s influence didn’t always help Wong. But that doesn’t mean a crime wasn’t committed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors showed reams of evidence highlighting how Kelly inappropriately aided Wong in navigating an LED streetlight contract with the city. Kelly even went so far as to stuff confidential documents into a manila folder, later handing them to Wong out on the street, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t mean Wong had any luck winning his bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When ranking companies who had thrown their hat in the ring for the city contract, Wong’s company ranked 47th out of 51 total bidders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can we say that was dead last?” Baum, the defense attorney, said. “The most important thing to think about is, what happened? [Prosecutors would] argue this information was very valuable. But what were the results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even on the witness stand, Wong’s son, Washington Wong, admitted their attempts to game the system were fruitless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the grand scheme of things, no, it didn’t seem to help,” Washington Wong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in his instructions to the jury, Judge Seeborg reminded them that Kelly need only have agreed to commit an act to have acted corruptly. And Green, one of the prosecutors, underscored that to the jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walter Wong didn’t win the LED lights contract. Under the law, that doesn’t matter,” she said. What matters is if jurors decide they corrupted the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kelly allegedly flouted the rules, but emails and text messages showed he knew the law\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Kelly hoped to keep much of his communications with Wong and other co-conspirators outside of the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wrote in a 2018 email “I’m not the only one who sees my email at work – I have some staff with access because I get a lot of emails and can’t be reading, and responding, to every one. Also emails sent to me are public record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subsequently, many of his emailed communications with Wong are from Kelly’s personal Yahoo email. It’s a problem known to happen in the city writ large – \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935973/i-am-somebody-who-enjoys-arguing-anonymoose-who-exposed-sf-city-hall-secrets-hangs-up-antlers\">citizen journalist “Anonymoose” found plenty of city officials trying to hide their communications\u003c/a> by skirting the city’s open records law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kelly also, at one point, emailed a city ethics rulebook to his San Francisco Public Utilities Commission staff. That rulebook contained explanations of city regulations that bar gifts from contractors with bids before the commission, much like Wong did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors asked Mary Tienken, a project manager at the SFPUC, to take the witness stand in June. She wrote many of the bidding documents that – unbeknownst to her – Kelly eventually passed to Wong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about her duty under the law, Tienken said, “I was obligated not to provide any advantage to any bidders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The city is as connected as can be\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Testimony and documents submitted for evidence during the trial revealed guest-star appearances from various city politicos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 trip to China where Wong allegedly bribed Kelly included a visit to an ailing Rose Pak, a well-known Chinatown community leader, who was hospitalized, and later died after returning to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rose Pak was a friend of the family. I met her and she became a friend,” Maria Little, Kelly’s mother-in-law, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly and Makras also dined with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899657/mohammed-nuru-to-plead-guilty-in-city-hall-corruption-probe\">Mohammed Nuru, the former Public Works director who pleaded guilty to bribery charges in 2021\u003c/a>. And Wong and Kelly planned a dinner with the late Mayor Ed Lee by writing their text messages in code, referring to Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/philmatier/article/Former-S-F-Mayor-Ed-Lee-code-name-35-15777827.php\">only as “35”\u003c/a> — his initials on a phone keypad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a surprise that these folks \u003ca href=\"https://sfist.com/2021/10/20/real-estate-magnate-victor-makras-the-latest-to-indicted-by-feds-in-sf-public-corruption-probe/\">would rub shoulders with other city leaders\u003c/a>, the extent to which others have been mentioned in FBI documents, and the court record, has fueled \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2021/11/web-of-corruption-explore-the-cronyism-lies-and-federal-crimes-at-the-heart-of-san-franciscos-government/\">speculation\u003c/a> as to who in city government, if anyone, was also under federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conviction is a milestone in San Francisco political history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With no other major indictments pending, Kelly’s conviction may snip the final thread in the tapestry of the San Francisco corruption scandal that has ensnared so many, giving a glimpse into a system of influence many have heard whispers of, but few had seen before in such full view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "State Lawmakers Want to Make the Happiness of Californians More Central to Policymaking",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Assemblymember Anthony Rendon likes to spend his spare time away from the Capitol in Sacramento with his 4-year-old daughter back home near Los Angeles. Last weekend, he took her ice skating and to an indoor playground, then let her get a donut after she agreed to ride her scooter on the way there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are the types of things that make me happy,” he said this week in an interview outside the state Assembly chambers, where he’s served as a lawmaker for a dozen years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Rendon, a Democrat who was one of the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-assembly-speaker-anthony-rendon-robert-rivas-a4b4fc12e431b2107f692d2a225c4708\">longest-serving Assembly speakers\u003c/a> in California history, is spending his last year in office trying to make happiness more central to policymaking. He created a first-in-the-nation group to study the issue, called the Select Committee on Happiness and Public Policy Outcomes, which held its first public hearing this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Anthony Rendon (D-Los Angeles)\"]‘[I]f we have everybody clothed, everybody housed, everybody has a job and they’re miserable, then we’ve failed at what we’re trying to do.’[/pullquote]It would be “silly” for lawmakers to not study how they can make people happier, Rendon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if we have everybody clothed, everybody housed, everybody has a job and they’re miserable, then we’ve failed at what we’re trying to do,” he said, adding that lawmakers should think about happiness as a priority in policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, three-quarters of adults say they are “very happy” or “pretty happy,” while 26% say they are “not too happy,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2023/\">September 2023 survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California. Adults age 18 to 34, people who are renters, those without a post-high school degree, and Californians with an annual household income of $40,000 or lower tend to be less happy than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is breaking new ground in the United States. At least 12 state legislatures in the nation have committees focused on mental health and substance abuse issues, but no other state legislature has a committee devoted to happiness, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the idea to consider happiness in public policy isn’t unprecedented: The landlocked country of Bhutan in South Asia \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/travel-and-tourism-c488b061ba6d463b8af3beb363e7c750\">prioritizes happiness as a goal of public policy\u003c/a>, measuring it through something written into its constitution called the Gross National Happiness Index. The country surveys residents on their level of happiness, and officials work to increase happiness by providing residents with free health care and education, protecting cultural traditions, and preserving forests, said Phuntsho Norbu, consul general of the Kingdom of Bhutan to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government cannot make every person happy, but it should “create the right conditions that will allow people to pursue happiness,” Norbu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo (D-San Fernando Valley)\"]‘It’s a true crisis that we have on our hands right now. This is really getting to the heart of what that crisis is about.’[/pullquote]Lawmakers on California’s new committee heard this week from experts about the things that make people happy, what public officials can do to help and what role state and local government can play. The committee isn’t set on any solutions yet but plans to release a report with its findings after lawmakers adjourn for the year at the end of August, said Katie Talbot, Rendon’s spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo, a Democrat representing part of the San Fernando Valley in Los Angeles County, hopes the committee’s work can address poor mental health among youth in California, which her 11-year-old daughter has told her is a big issue in her class at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a true crisis that we have on our hands right now,” Schiavo said. “This is really getting to the heart of what that crisis is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research demonstrates that leisure activities, social relationships and life circumstances contribute to a person’s happiness, said Meliksah Demir, a professor of happiness at California State University, Sacramento. Public officials can work toward improving happiness by investing in mental health resources, making green spaces more accessible and teaching about the value of happiness early on in schools, Demir said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979729\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979729\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue suit holds his young daughter in his arms as he passes lawmakers on his way to a lectern.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Anthony Rendon walks with his daughter Vienna before being sworn in as Speaker of the Assembly during the opening session of the California Legislature in Sacramento, Dec. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(José Luis Villegas/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Happiness has wide-ranging benefits that include making people more likely to vote, more creative and healthier, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Policy Institute of California’s September survey found that 33% of adults overall say they are very satisfied with their job, 31% say they are very satisfied with their leisure activities and 44% are very satisfied with their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians’ level of happiness decreased during the pandemic, but experts are still researching the decline, said Mark Baldassare, the group’s survey director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, which is often ahead of other states on issues such as climate policy and civil rights, is behind many parts of the world in prioritizing happiness in policymaking, Rendon said. He was inspired to create the happiness committee in part by a report on happiness released annually by the United Nations Sustainable Development Solutions Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s report said that how people view the effectiveness of government — including how well it raises money, delivers services and avoids civil war — can influence their happiness. The United States was 15th in a world happiness ranking based on a three-year average from 2020 to 2022, according to the report. Scandinavian countries, including Finland and Iceland, ranked the highest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kristina Bas Hamilton, labor lobbyist\"]‘Government’s role is to provide for its people. The goal is to have happy citizens. That’s the goal of all public policy.’[/pullquote]Rendon’s decision to create the happiness committee aligns with his approach to making state policy that focuses on “bigger picture” social issues, longtime labor lobbyist Kristina Bas Hamilton said. People have different perspectives on government involvement in their lives, but the creation of the committee evokes the ultimate purpose of government, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government’s role is to provide for its people,” Bas Hamilton said. “The goal is to have happy citizens. That’s the goal of all public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. \u003ca href=\"https://www.reportforamerica.org/\">Report for America\u003c/a> is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. Follow Austin on X, the platform formerly known as Twitter: @sophieadanna\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Assemblymember Anthony Rendon likes to spend his spare time away from the Capitol in Sacramento with his 4-year-old daughter back home near Los Angeles. Last weekend, he took her ice skating and to an indoor playground, then let her get a donut after she agreed to ride her scooter on the way there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are the types of things that make me happy,” he said this week in an interview outside the state Assembly chambers, where he’s served as a lawmaker for a dozen years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Rendon, a Democrat who was one of the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-assembly-speaker-anthony-rendon-robert-rivas-a4b4fc12e431b2107f692d2a225c4708\">longest-serving Assembly speakers\u003c/a> in California history, is spending his last year in office trying to make happiness more central to policymaking. He created a first-in-the-nation group to study the issue, called the Select Committee on Happiness and Public Policy Outcomes, which held its first public hearing this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It would be “silly” for lawmakers to not study how they can make people happier, Rendon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if we have everybody clothed, everybody housed, everybody has a job and they’re miserable, then we’ve failed at what we’re trying to do,” he said, adding that lawmakers should think about happiness as a priority in policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, three-quarters of adults say they are “very happy” or “pretty happy,” while 26% say they are “not too happy,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2023/\">September 2023 survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California. Adults age 18 to 34, people who are renters, those without a post-high school degree, and Californians with an annual household income of $40,000 or lower tend to be less happy than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is breaking new ground in the United States. At least 12 state legislatures in the nation have committees focused on mental health and substance abuse issues, but no other state legislature has a committee devoted to happiness, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the idea to consider happiness in public policy isn’t unprecedented: The landlocked country of Bhutan in South Asia \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/travel-and-tourism-c488b061ba6d463b8af3beb363e7c750\">prioritizes happiness as a goal of public policy\u003c/a>, measuring it through something written into its constitution called the Gross National Happiness Index. The country surveys residents on their level of happiness, and officials work to increase happiness by providing residents with free health care and education, protecting cultural traditions, and preserving forests, said Phuntsho Norbu, consul general of the Kingdom of Bhutan to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government cannot make every person happy, but it should “create the right conditions that will allow people to pursue happiness,” Norbu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lawmakers on California’s new committee heard this week from experts about the things that make people happy, what public officials can do to help and what role state and local government can play. The committee isn’t set on any solutions yet but plans to release a report with its findings after lawmakers adjourn for the year at the end of August, said Katie Talbot, Rendon’s spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Pilar Schiavo, a Democrat representing part of the San Fernando Valley in Los Angeles County, hopes the committee’s work can address poor mental health among youth in California, which her 11-year-old daughter has told her is a big issue in her class at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a true crisis that we have on our hands right now,” Schiavo said. “This is really getting to the heart of what that crisis is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research demonstrates that leisure activities, social relationships and life circumstances contribute to a person’s happiness, said Meliksah Demir, a professor of happiness at California State University, Sacramento. Public officials can work toward improving happiness by investing in mental health resources, making green spaces more accessible and teaching about the value of happiness early on in schools, Demir said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979729\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979729\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue suit holds his young daughter in his arms as he passes lawmakers on his way to a lectern.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/AP24074751413411-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Anthony Rendon walks with his daughter Vienna before being sworn in as Speaker of the Assembly during the opening session of the California Legislature in Sacramento, Dec. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(José Luis Villegas/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Happiness has wide-ranging benefits that include making people more likely to vote, more creative and healthier, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Policy Institute of California’s September survey found that 33% of adults overall say they are very satisfied with their job, 31% say they are very satisfied with their leisure activities and 44% are very satisfied with their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians’ level of happiness decreased during the pandemic, but experts are still researching the decline, said Mark Baldassare, the group’s survey director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, which is often ahead of other states on issues such as climate policy and civil rights, is behind many parts of the world in prioritizing happiness in policymaking, Rendon said. He was inspired to create the happiness committee in part by a report on happiness released annually by the United Nations Sustainable Development Solutions Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s report said that how people view the effectiveness of government — including how well it raises money, delivers services and avoids civil war — can influence their happiness. The United States was 15th in a world happiness ranking based on a three-year average from 2020 to 2022, according to the report. Scandinavian countries, including Finland and Iceland, ranked the highest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Rendon’s decision to create the happiness committee aligns with his approach to making state policy that focuses on “bigger picture” social issues, longtime labor lobbyist Kristina Bas Hamilton said. People have different perspectives on government involvement in their lives, but the creation of the committee evokes the ultimate purpose of government, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Government’s role is to provide for its people,” Bas Hamilton said. “The goal is to have happy citizens. That’s the goal of all public policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. \u003ca href=\"https://www.reportforamerica.org/\">Report for America\u003c/a> is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues. Follow Austin on X, the platform formerly known as Twitter: @sophieadanna\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the 1970s and ’80s, baseball fans got used to Steve Garvey smashing winning home runs and clutch hits in key games. In 1981, Garvey led the Los Angeles Dodgers to a World Series victory. In a nearly two-decade baseball career, Garvey was named MVP for the Dodgers and, later, the San Diego Padres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the former first baseman is headed to a very different kind of competition, a runoff election for an open U.S. Senate seat in California against Democratic Congressman Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey hopes to become the first Republican elected to represent California in the Senate since 1988. That won’t be easy in a state where \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/15day-presprim-2024/complete-ror.pdf\">registered Democrats heavily outnumber Republicans\u003c/a> by nearly two to one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">A political outsider hopes to leverage discontent\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marva Diaz, a political strategist who owns \u003ca href=\"https://californiatargetbook.com/\">California Target Book,\u003c/a> a nonpartisan publication tracking elections in California, said while Garvey hit a home run in the primary, a low turnout affair that skewed older and more Republican, that was the easy part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“November is a whole new ballgame, right? That turnout is going to be different. There are different things on the ballot that they’re going to be turning out for,” Diaz said, suggesting that a larger November voter turnout will help Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lanhee Chen, director of domestic policy studies, Hoover Institute Public Policy Program at Stanford\"]‘His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans. … He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter.’[/pullquote]Adding to his challenges, Diaz said the RNC is unlikely to spend major amounts of money on a long shot campaign like Garvey’s when there are other more competitive races they are facing in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Lanhee Chen, who ran an unsuccessful bid as the Republican candidate for California’s state controller two years ago, said Garvey’s emergence despite his odds is significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans,” said Chen, who is now a fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen thinks Garvey can win over undecided voters by appealing to their dissatisfaction with politics as usual. In a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/46g7q3hk\">recent poll \u003c/a>from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, 57% of voters think the state is “off on the wrong track.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a debate earlier this year, he said he would vote against a national ban on abortions. Yet Garvey has not provided a lot of specifics on other policy positions, focusing instead on trying to evoke nostalgia for what he sees as a prior golden era, promising a return to the “good old days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Garvey of the Los Angeles Dodgers bats against the New York Yankees during the World Series at Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles in October 1981. \u003ccite>(Focus on Sport via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Garvey often notes that when he came to California in the 1960s, the state was “the heartbeat of America, but now it’s just a murmur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a Beach Boys era in Southern California history,” said GOP consultant Mike Madrid, an ardent opponent of former President Trump’s brand of Republicanism and a co-founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://lincolnproject.us/\">Lincoln Project, \u003c/a>adding that the state’s 1960s era no longer resonates with as many Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the exception of Arnold Schwarzenegger, who sort of transcended partisan politics, that Republican ceiling has remained remarkably consistent for the better part of 25 years,” Madrid said, referring to the actor-turned-Republican governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Garvey faces long odds to ‘get back in the game’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October, the low profile Garvey kept at his home near Palm Springs was interrupted when he released \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NC44seizfO8&t=2s\">a video\u003c/a> announcing a run for the U.S. Senate, promising to run a “common sense campaign” for the seat held by Dianne Feinstein until her death last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to get off the bench,” he said in the video. “It’s time to put the uniform back on. It’s time to get back in the game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey entered a race dominated by three Democrats already representing California in Congress, Reps. Barbara Lee, Katie Porter and Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates, from left, Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) and former baseball player Steve Garvey, stand on stage during a televised debate on Jan. 22 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the only Republican when the candidates first faced off on the debate stage in January, Garvey sought to portray himself as a pragmatic, moderate Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was one problem with that portrayal. He voted for Donald Trump twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where President Biden beat Trump by about 30 points in 2020, that matters. His support for Trump hounded him at all three debates before the March primary. When asked if he would vote for Trump against President Biden, Garvey replied, “I will look at the two opponents, I will determine what they did, and at that time, I will make my choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11978232,news_11978528,news_11973349\"]That prompted this sarcastic response from Congresswoman Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, California, I think what they say is true. ‘Once a Dodger, always a Dodger,'” receiving laughs from the debate audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Schiff, who built a national reputation as the former president’s leading adversary in Congress during his time as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, saw Garvey’s earlier support for Trump as an opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary system, the top two finishers in the March primary will face off in November, regardless of party. And Schiff — who led in pre-election polls — knew that facing the Republican Garvey would be a much easier lift than a runoff against another Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff then spent millions of dollars on television ads highlighting Garvey’s votes for Trump and claimed that Garvey was “too conservative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ads helped raise his profile among Republicans, elevating Garvey over other GOP candidates on the primary ballot. Porter argued that the ads actually helped consolidate Republican votes for Garvey, a view widely shared by campaign professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it worked, perhaps even better than Schiff could have imagined. Not only did it boost Garvey into the top two and a November runoff, as \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/returns/us-senate\">ballots continue to be counted, \u003c/a>Garvey and Schiff are nearly tied for first place in two separate races for the open Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Steve Garvey\"]‘What you are feeling tonight is what it’s like to hit a walk-off home run. Keep in mind, this is the first game of a doubleheader, so keep the evening of Nov. 5th open.’[/pullquote]In November, voters have two Senate elections to decide who will finish the rest of the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s term and who will fill a full six-year term starting in January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Super Tuesday’s primary results, Schiff and Garvey are the top two candidates for both elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On election night following the primary, Garvey wasted no time celebrating the outcome — with yet more baseball metaphors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are feeling tonight is what it’s like to hit a walk-off home run. Keep in mind, this is the first game of a doubleheader, so keep the evening of Nov. 5th open,” Garvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the 1970s and ’80s, baseball fans got used to Steve Garvey smashing winning home runs and clutch hits in key games. In 1981, Garvey led the Los Angeles Dodgers to a World Series victory. In a nearly two-decade baseball career, Garvey was named MVP for the Dodgers and, later, the San Diego Padres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the former first baseman is headed to a very different kind of competition, a runoff election for an open U.S. Senate seat in California against Democratic Congressman Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey hopes to become the first Republican elected to represent California in the Senate since 1988. That won’t be easy in a state where \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/15day-presprim-2024/complete-ror.pdf\">registered Democrats heavily outnumber Republicans\u003c/a> by nearly two to one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">A political outsider hopes to leverage discontent\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marva Diaz, a political strategist who owns \u003ca href=\"https://californiatargetbook.com/\">California Target Book,\u003c/a> a nonpartisan publication tracking elections in California, said while Garvey hit a home run in the primary, a low turnout affair that skewed older and more Republican, that was the easy part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“November is a whole new ballgame, right? That turnout is going to be different. There are different things on the ballot that they’re going to be turning out for,” Diaz said, suggesting that a larger November voter turnout will help Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans. … He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Adding to his challenges, Diaz said the RNC is unlikely to spend major amounts of money on a long shot campaign like Garvey’s when there are other more competitive races they are facing in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Lanhee Chen, who ran an unsuccessful bid as the Republican candidate for California’s state controller two years ago, said Garvey’s emergence despite his odds is significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans,” said Chen, who is now a fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen thinks Garvey can win over undecided voters by appealing to their dissatisfaction with politics as usual. In a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/46g7q3hk\">recent poll \u003c/a>from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, 57% of voters think the state is “off on the wrong track.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a debate earlier this year, he said he would vote against a national ban on abortions. Yet Garvey has not provided a lot of specifics on other policy positions, focusing instead on trying to evoke nostalgia for what he sees as a prior golden era, promising a return to the “good old days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Garvey of the Los Angeles Dodgers bats against the New York Yankees during the World Series at Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles in October 1981. \u003ccite>(Focus on Sport via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Garvey often notes that when he came to California in the 1960s, the state was “the heartbeat of America, but now it’s just a murmur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a Beach Boys era in Southern California history,” said GOP consultant Mike Madrid, an ardent opponent of former President Trump’s brand of Republicanism and a co-founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://lincolnproject.us/\">Lincoln Project, \u003c/a>adding that the state’s 1960s era no longer resonates with as many Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the exception of Arnold Schwarzenegger, who sort of transcended partisan politics, that Republican ceiling has remained remarkably consistent for the better part of 25 years,” Madrid said, referring to the actor-turned-Republican governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Garvey faces long odds to ‘get back in the game’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October, the low profile Garvey kept at his home near Palm Springs was interrupted when he released \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NC44seizfO8&t=2s\">a video\u003c/a> announcing a run for the U.S. Senate, promising to run a “common sense campaign” for the seat held by Dianne Feinstein until her death last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to get off the bench,” he said in the video. “It’s time to put the uniform back on. It’s time to get back in the game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey entered a race dominated by three Democrats already representing California in Congress, Reps. Barbara Lee, Katie Porter and Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates, from left, Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) and former baseball player Steve Garvey, stand on stage during a televised debate on Jan. 22 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the only Republican when the candidates first faced off on the debate stage in January, Garvey sought to portray himself as a pragmatic, moderate Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was one problem with that portrayal. He voted for Donald Trump twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where President Biden beat Trump by about 30 points in 2020, that matters. His support for Trump hounded him at all three debates before the March primary. When asked if he would vote for Trump against President Biden, Garvey replied, “I will look at the two opponents, I will determine what they did, and at that time, I will make my choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That prompted this sarcastic response from Congresswoman Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, California, I think what they say is true. ‘Once a Dodger, always a Dodger,'” receiving laughs from the debate audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Schiff, who built a national reputation as the former president’s leading adversary in Congress during his time as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, saw Garvey’s earlier support for Trump as an opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary system, the top two finishers in the March primary will face off in November, regardless of party. And Schiff — who led in pre-election polls — knew that facing the Republican Garvey would be a much easier lift than a runoff against another Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff then spent millions of dollars on television ads highlighting Garvey’s votes for Trump and claimed that Garvey was “too conservative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ads helped raise his profile among Republicans, elevating Garvey over other GOP candidates on the primary ballot. Porter argued that the ads actually helped consolidate Republican votes for Garvey, a view widely shared by campaign professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it worked, perhaps even better than Schiff could have imagined. Not only did it boost Garvey into the top two and a November runoff, as \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/returns/us-senate\">ballots continue to be counted, \u003c/a>Garvey and Schiff are nearly tied for first place in two separate races for the open Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘What you are feeling tonight is what it’s like to hit a walk-off home run. Keep in mind, this is the first game of a doubleheader, so keep the evening of Nov. 5th open.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In November, voters have two Senate elections to decide who will finish the rest of the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s term and who will fill a full six-year term starting in January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Super Tuesday’s primary results, Schiff and Garvey are the top two candidates for both elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On election night following the primary, Garvey wasted no time celebrating the outcome — with yet more baseball metaphors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are feeling tonight is what it’s like to hit a walk-off home run. Keep in mind, this is the first game of a doubleheader, so keep the evening of Nov. 5th open,” Garvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ahead of last week’s March 5 California primary election, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#vote-ceasefire-group-urges-california-voters-to-signal-gaza-support-through-ballot\">a national campaign called “Vote Ceasefire” urged voters to use their ballots\u003c/a> to send a message on Gaza to President Joe Biden — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/08/1236782758/state-of-the-union-address-biden-trump\">whose support of Israel\u003c/a> has caused division among left-leaning voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other states, California ballots do not offer an “uncommitted” option. Instead, the Vote Ceasefire campaign suggested that California primary voters write in the phrase “cease-fire” in the blank space below the presidential candidates on their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But post-election, measuring exactly how many voters in California actually did this has not proved simple.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A national movement in California’s primary?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fresno resident Dennis Jeppson is one voter who said he used a write-in on their ballot to send a message on Gaza to Biden. “I’m very much a supporter of Biden,” Jeppson said. “I do think he’s done an excellent job. … It’s just Palestine is a very hard thing to overlook as a voter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeppson said he was motivated to write in “cease-fire” on his ballot by what he described as a constant stream of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/01/19/world/palestinians-x-tiktok-instagram-gaza-cec/index.html\">images and videos of “horrifying things” happening in Gaza\u003c/a> on his social media feed — and he said he is not seeing the U.S. doing anything to try and stop the violence actively. “It’s been a very, I feel, blasé response,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaza has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">bombarded by Israeli forces for five months now,\u003c/a> with over \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/02/29/1234159514/gaza-death-toll-30000-palestinians-israel-hamas-war#:~:text=Hourly%20News-,Gaza%20death%20toll%20surpasses%2030%2C000%20but%20it's%20an%20incomplete%20count,under%20the%20weight%20of%20war.\">30,000 Palestinians\u003c/a> killed, according to the most recent numbers from Gaza’s health ministry. The violence has prompted thousands in the Bay Area to march in support of a cease-fire, and a UC Berkeley poll earlier this year found that \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2r03r3ss\">55% of registered California voters do not approve of President Biden’s handling of the conflict.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote Ceasefire’s campaign in California was preceded by the “Listen to Michigan” campaign, in which progressives in that state called upon residents to vote “uncommitted” on their Democratic primary ballot to indicate their support of a cease-fire. Michigan — a battleground state home to a large Arab American and Muslim population — saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.michiganpublic.org/podcast/stateside/2024-03-01/stateside-podcast-100-000-michiganders-voted-uncommitted\">over 100,000 uncommitted votes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the Michigan primary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/04/1234822836/kamala-harris-benny-gantz-gaza-cease-fire-israel-hamas\">Vice President Kamala Harris showed support for a six-week temporary cease-fire\u003c/a>. On Tuesday, several senators called upon Biden to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/12/us/politics/democrats-biden-israel-letter.html\">stop providing weapons to Israel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alan Minsky, head of the national group Progressive Democrats of America, attributes those shifts to the Michigan result. “If there wasn’t a public outcry campaign, I don’t know when they ever would have moved,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar campaigns have emerged in other states like \u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/uncommitted-movement-growing-biden/\">Minnesota, North Carolina, and Washington\u003c/a>, each tailored to that state’s ballot. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://voteceasefire.info/\">Vote Ceasefire\u003c/a> worked with local groups like Oakland Rising Action and Bay Resistance and suggested voters use a write-in option, as well as vote down the ballot for pro-cease-fire candidates. (Barbara Lee, for example, was a longtime congresswoman with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/news/persons-of-interest/barbara-lees-antiwar-campaign-for-the-senate\">prominent anti-war record in California\u003c/a>. However, she recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#east-bay-politicos-honor-barbara-lees-legacy\">lost her bid for Senate\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Syed Quadri, Santa Clara resident\"]‘If you are not calling for an immediate and permanent cease-fire at this moment, then you are not a person of principle and of integrity.’[/pullquote]Santa Clara resident Syed Quadri handed out flyers about pro-cease-fire candidates on the weekend before the primary and told KQED he “want[ed] to make sure we use this opportunity to send a message that we need the platform of the Democratic Party in particular to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are not calling for an immediate and permanent cease-fire at this moment, then you are not a person of principle and of integrity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno, Jeppson said he learned about the campaign from friends and advocates online. He said he knew the vote wouldn’t hurt Biden’s chances in a solidly Democratic state like California compared to more swing states like Michigan and North Carolina. “It’s really just hammering home that even in solid blue states, that there is a dissenting opinion on the issue of Palestine to the current policy that’s being undertaken,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same UC Berkeley poll also found that \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2r03r3ss\">55% of California Democratic voters support a cease-fire\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Measuring the results of the protest will be difficult in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A press release sent out by Vote Ceasefire the day before the California primary election stated that supporters of the campaign “argue that writing ‘ceasefire’ on the blank line below the names of presidential candidates listed on the ballot is an immediate, unmistakably clear message that will be counted and reported by state elections officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But election officials told KQED that California does not track \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/gaza-ceasefire-democrats-california-election/\">unqualified write-in votes\u003c/a>, like writing in “cease-fire” on the presidential option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, “we would be reporting out on how many people did not vote for a specific candidate in our statement of the vote,” Sonoma County Registrar of Voters Deva Proto said — votes that are called “undervotes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The press office for the California Secretary of State Shirley Weber told KQED that “[c]ounties are not required to report undervotes nor are they required to report votes cast for non-qualified write-ins to our office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"California Secretary of State Shirley Weber\"]‘Only votes cast for qualified candidates and measures are required to be reported and will be published in the Statement of the Vote or the Supplemental Statement of the Vote.’[/pullquote]“Only votes cast for qualified candidates and measures are required to be reported and will be published in the Statement of the Vote or the Supplemental Statement of the Vote,” Weber’s press office wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Something that also complicates counting any potential protest vote in California is the fact that Democratic voters who are officially registered as “no party preference” (NPP) must \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">request a cross-over ballot to vote in the Democratic presidential primary\u003c/a>. And tallying up the number of NPP voters who requested a Democratic ballot — whether to vote for Biden, to purposefully not choose a Democratic primary candidate or to write in a message like “cease-fire” — is not automatic, said elections data expert Paul Mitchell, vice president at Political Data, Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this election cycle, we got 129,000 people requesting a Democratic ballot, and that was only from some counties that gave [the data] to us,” Mitchell said. “The point is that we don’t — right now — have the data on even how many people \u003cem>had \u003c/em>Democratic ballots. … So that lack of knowing what the denominator is means that we can’t really tell you what percentage of under vote we had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Vote Ceasefire write-in campaign in California “probably won’t ever be quantified by anyone,” Mitchell said. “Because I don’t think anybody’s going to go through the trouble of going to all 58 counties and trying to identify exactly how many ballot requests they got for the Democratic ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Advocates are still pursuing options\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rachel Rybaczuk, Vote Ceasefire’s national coordinator, said she and her colleagues have still been trying to find a way to quantify the “cease-fire” write-in campaign. Specifically, Rybaczuk said they have reached out to the state by phone to request disaggregated numbers for the March 5 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11974081,news_11976562,news_11979206,news_11978645\"]The state, however, subsequently told KQED that they were “not aware” of such a request. The department also said it was not yet aware of any large turnout of “write-ins.” (For context, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978751/why-was-voter-turnout-so-low-for-californias-presidential-primary\">it takes around a month to count California’s votes fully\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rybaczuk pointed to Los Angeles County’s vote count from the March 5 primary, noting that 21,168 write-ins appeared on those ballots — more than the number of votes cast in the county for \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2024-03-06/minnesota-rep-dean-phillips-ends-democratic-primary-challenge-and-endorses-president-joe-biden\">Minnesota presidential candidate Dean Phillips, which stand at 15,892\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/gaza-ceasefire-california-election-results/\">A CalMatters analysis of the votes counted so far \u003c/a>in Los Angeles County found that about 15% of Democrats didn’t vote for Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rybaczuk said the write-in category has been used for jokes in the past but should be taken seriously by election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have used it to write things like ‘Mickey Mouse,’” she said. “[But] this is a clear, unequivocal position. People are communicating to the administration that they are using their vote to demand a permanent, meaningful cease-fire for everybody involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California could also have a more effective voting system for presidential primaries, Political Data, Inc.’s Paul Mitchell said, by having the parties on the same ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that voters would be much better off if we had the same system,” he said, “rather than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">this goofy thing\u003c/a> where independents who want to vote for the Republican primary have to re-register, go through those hoops, and independents who are leaning Democratic, have to request a ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a paperwork mess,” Mitchell said. “It doesn’t really empower voters, and it doesn’t help turnout.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ahead of last week’s March 5 California primary election, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#vote-ceasefire-group-urges-california-voters-to-signal-gaza-support-through-ballot\">a national campaign called “Vote Ceasefire” urged voters to use their ballots\u003c/a> to send a message on Gaza to President Joe Biden — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/08/1236782758/state-of-the-union-address-biden-trump\">whose support of Israel\u003c/a> has caused division among left-leaning voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other states, California ballots do not offer an “uncommitted” option. Instead, the Vote Ceasefire campaign suggested that California primary voters write in the phrase “cease-fire” in the blank space below the presidential candidates on their ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But post-election, measuring exactly how many voters in California actually did this has not proved simple.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A national movement in California’s primary?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fresno resident Dennis Jeppson is one voter who said he used a write-in on their ballot to send a message on Gaza to Biden. “I’m very much a supporter of Biden,” Jeppson said. “I do think he’s done an excellent job. … It’s just Palestine is a very hard thing to overlook as a voter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeppson said he was motivated to write in “cease-fire” on his ballot by what he described as a constant stream of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/01/19/world/palestinians-x-tiktok-instagram-gaza-cec/index.html\">images and videos of “horrifying things” happening in Gaza\u003c/a> on his social media feed — and he said he is not seeing the U.S. doing anything to try and stop the violence actively. “It’s been a very, I feel, blasé response,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaza has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">bombarded by Israeli forces for five months now,\u003c/a> with over \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/02/29/1234159514/gaza-death-toll-30000-palestinians-israel-hamas-war#:~:text=Hourly%20News-,Gaza%20death%20toll%20surpasses%2030%2C000%20but%20it's%20an%20incomplete%20count,under%20the%20weight%20of%20war.\">30,000 Palestinians\u003c/a> killed, according to the most recent numbers from Gaza’s health ministry. The violence has prompted thousands in the Bay Area to march in support of a cease-fire, and a UC Berkeley poll earlier this year found that \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2r03r3ss\">55% of registered California voters do not approve of President Biden’s handling of the conflict.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote Ceasefire’s campaign in California was preceded by the “Listen to Michigan” campaign, in which progressives in that state called upon residents to vote “uncommitted” on their Democratic primary ballot to indicate their support of a cease-fire. Michigan — a battleground state home to a large Arab American and Muslim population — saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.michiganpublic.org/podcast/stateside/2024-03-01/stateside-podcast-100-000-michiganders-voted-uncommitted\">over 100,000 uncommitted votes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the Michigan primary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/04/1234822836/kamala-harris-benny-gantz-gaza-cease-fire-israel-hamas\">Vice President Kamala Harris showed support for a six-week temporary cease-fire\u003c/a>. On Tuesday, several senators called upon Biden to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/12/us/politics/democrats-biden-israel-letter.html\">stop providing weapons to Israel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alan Minsky, head of the national group Progressive Democrats of America, attributes those shifts to the Michigan result. “If there wasn’t a public outcry campaign, I don’t know when they ever would have moved,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar campaigns have emerged in other states like \u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/politics/uncommitted-movement-growing-biden/\">Minnesota, North Carolina, and Washington\u003c/a>, each tailored to that state’s ballot. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://voteceasefire.info/\">Vote Ceasefire\u003c/a> worked with local groups like Oakland Rising Action and Bay Resistance and suggested voters use a write-in option, as well as vote down the ballot for pro-cease-fire candidates. (Barbara Lee, for example, was a longtime congresswoman with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/news/persons-of-interest/barbara-lees-antiwar-campaign-for-the-senate\">prominent anti-war record in California\u003c/a>. However, she recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#east-bay-politicos-honor-barbara-lees-legacy\">lost her bid for Senate\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Santa Clara resident Syed Quadri handed out flyers about pro-cease-fire candidates on the weekend before the primary and told KQED he “want[ed] to make sure we use this opportunity to send a message that we need the platform of the Democratic Party in particular to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are not calling for an immediate and permanent cease-fire at this moment, then you are not a person of principle and of integrity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Fresno, Jeppson said he learned about the campaign from friends and advocates online. He said he knew the vote wouldn’t hurt Biden’s chances in a solidly Democratic state like California compared to more swing states like Michigan and North Carolina. “It’s really just hammering home that even in solid blue states, that there is a dissenting opinion on the issue of Palestine to the current policy that’s being undertaken,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same UC Berkeley poll also found that \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2r03r3ss\">55% of California Democratic voters support a cease-fire\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Measuring the results of the protest will be difficult in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A press release sent out by Vote Ceasefire the day before the California primary election stated that supporters of the campaign “argue that writing ‘ceasefire’ on the blank line below the names of presidential candidates listed on the ballot is an immediate, unmistakably clear message that will be counted and reported by state elections officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But election officials told KQED that California does not track \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/gaza-ceasefire-democrats-california-election/\">unqualified write-in votes\u003c/a>, like writing in “cease-fire” on the presidential option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, “we would be reporting out on how many people did not vote for a specific candidate in our statement of the vote,” Sonoma County Registrar of Voters Deva Proto said — votes that are called “undervotes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The press office for the California Secretary of State Shirley Weber told KQED that “[c]ounties are not required to report undervotes nor are they required to report votes cast for non-qualified write-ins to our office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Only votes cast for qualified candidates and measures are required to be reported and will be published in the Statement of the Vote or the Supplemental Statement of the Vote,” Weber’s press office wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Something that also complicates counting any potential protest vote in California is the fact that Democratic voters who are officially registered as “no party preference” (NPP) must \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">request a cross-over ballot to vote in the Democratic presidential primary\u003c/a>. And tallying up the number of NPP voters who requested a Democratic ballot — whether to vote for Biden, to purposefully not choose a Democratic primary candidate or to write in a message like “cease-fire” — is not automatic, said elections data expert Paul Mitchell, vice president at Political Data, Inc.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this election cycle, we got 129,000 people requesting a Democratic ballot, and that was only from some counties that gave [the data] to us,” Mitchell said. “The point is that we don’t — right now — have the data on even how many people \u003cem>had \u003c/em>Democratic ballots. … So that lack of knowing what the denominator is means that we can’t really tell you what percentage of under vote we had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Vote Ceasefire write-in campaign in California “probably won’t ever be quantified by anyone,” Mitchell said. “Because I don’t think anybody’s going to go through the trouble of going to all 58 counties and trying to identify exactly how many ballot requests they got for the Democratic ticket.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Advocates are still pursuing options\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rachel Rybaczuk, Vote Ceasefire’s national coordinator, said she and her colleagues have still been trying to find a way to quantify the “cease-fire” write-in campaign. Specifically, Rybaczuk said they have reached out to the state by phone to request disaggregated numbers for the March 5 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state, however, subsequently told KQED that they were “not aware” of such a request. The department also said it was not yet aware of any large turnout of “write-ins.” (For context, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978751/why-was-voter-turnout-so-low-for-californias-presidential-primary\">it takes around a month to count California’s votes fully\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rybaczuk pointed to Los Angeles County’s vote count from the March 5 primary, noting that 21,168 write-ins appeared on those ballots — more than the number of votes cast in the county for \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2024-03-06/minnesota-rep-dean-phillips-ends-democratic-primary-challenge-and-endorses-president-joe-biden\">Minnesota presidential candidate Dean Phillips, which stand at 15,892\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/gaza-ceasefire-california-election-results/\">A CalMatters analysis of the votes counted so far \u003c/a>in Los Angeles County found that about 15% of Democrats didn’t vote for Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rybaczuk said the write-in category has been used for jokes in the past but should be taken seriously by election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have used it to write things like ‘Mickey Mouse,’” she said. “[But] this is a clear, unequivocal position. People are communicating to the administration that they are using their vote to demand a permanent, meaningful cease-fire for everybody involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California could also have a more effective voting system for presidential primaries, Political Data, Inc.’s Paul Mitchell said, by having the parties on the same ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is that voters would be much better off if we had the same system,” he said, “rather than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">this goofy thing\u003c/a> where independents who want to vote for the Republican primary have to re-register, go through those hoops, and independents who are leaning Democratic, have to request a ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a paperwork mess,” Mitchell said. “It doesn’t really empower voters, and it doesn’t help turnout.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Joe Biden has been open about dealing with a stutter that sometimes trips him up during public speaking. But when former President Donald Trump mocked Biden’s stutter at a rally in Georgia this week, a San Francisco-based stuttering advocate launched a public relations campaign urging people with stutters to come forward\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa and Scott are joined by Maya Chupkov, a stuttering activist and host of the podcast Proud Stutter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Joe Biden has been open about dealing with a stutter that sometimes trips him up during public speaking. But when former President Donald Trump mocked Biden’s stutter at a rally in Georgia this week, a San Francisco-based stuttering advocate launched a public relations campaign urging people with stutters to come forward\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa and Scott are joined by Maya Chupkov, a stuttering activist and host of the podcast Proud Stutter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Alameda County's Board of Supervisors Races, an Expensive State Senate Election, and Possible Changes to Recall Rules",
"headTitle": "Alameda County’s Board of Supervisors Races, an Expensive State Senate Election, and Possible Changes to Recall Rules | KQED",
"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"c-message_kit__blocks c-message_kit__blocks--rich_text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"c-message__message_blocks c-message__message_blocks--rich_text\" data-qa=\"message-text\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer\" data-qa=\"block-kit-renderer\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper p-block_kit_renderer__block_wrapper--first\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_block\" dir=\"auto\">\n\u003cdiv class=\"p-rich_text_section\">\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alameda County is notoriously slow at counting votes, but we do have some results to discuss. Today, KQED’s Annelise Finney dives into the Board of Supervisors elections, a very expensive state Senate race, and a measure that aims to change the county’s recall rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC2180005379&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Hi, I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. And welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. Alameda County is one of the most populated and most progressive counties in California, and as results continue to come in. There isn’t one clean story you could tell about the entire region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, I think this shift that we’re seeing in San Francisco towards more moderate measures that are being passed, we’re not really seeing that in Alameda County quite yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>But there’s still a lot to talk about, including the county Board of Supervisors, an expensive state Senate race, and some potential changes to recall election rules. Today, we’re going to round up some of Alameda County’s local results from the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So traditionally, Alameda County has been pretty slow among Bay area counties to churn out election results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Annelise Finney is a reporter for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>There’s a few things that contribute to that, but one is that the Alameda County Registrar of Voters has two jobs. He actually runs the IT department for the county and the elections, which is a lot of work. Back in 2022, there was a pretty big snafu where there was a miscount of votes in an Oakland city election, and that led voters and Alameda County to have some more skepticism of the registrar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Since then, the county created an elections commission to try and have more public oversight of the office, to fix some of the things that might be contributing to the slowness. But that Elections Commission has had a lot of trouble getting off the ground. So there’s a lot still to be fixed with that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The races I was watching this year were two open seats on the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, a state Senate seat representing district seven. So that covers parts of the East Bay. And then finally, I was watching a measure in Alameda County called measure B, which has to do with how the county runs recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right. So let’s go through them. Let’s start with the Alameda County Board of Supervisors. There were two competitive races in districts four and five. Let’s start with district four. First. Can you just tell me a little bit about it, where it is and what it’s like politically?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Sure. So district four in the Alameda County Board of Supervisors is a district that stretches from sort of deep East Oakland into the southeast portion of the county that goes all the way to Pleasanton. It also includes a lot of unincorporated areas like Mount Eden and Castro Valley. And in those areas, there’s no city government, so they depend on the county for infrastructure and law enforcement. Alameda County is a very progressive place, but this area tends to swing a little bit more suburban and in that way also a little bit more conservative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Tell me a bit about that race, who ran and what were some of the big issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>That race had a long time incumbent. So an interesting thing to know about the Alameda County Board of Supervisors is that there’s no term limits. I think that’s part of the reason why people often don’t really know who’s on the board of supervisors is because we don’t have races that are open races that frequently, and when it’s not an open race, an incumbent usually has a pretty big advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So in this race, there was an incumbent, Nate Miley. He’s the president of the Board of Supervisors, and he’s been on the board for about 20 years. Before that, he served on the Oakland City Council. So he’s an old hat and local politics in the East Bay. And he’s known as like a little bit more of a moderate. He does a lot of focus on providing care to seniors in the community. Traditionally been a little bit more pro landlord in debates around housing. And he was challenged in this race by a woman named Jennifer Stein. Jennifer Stein was a sort of political newcomer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>She helps oversee the county’s mental health work. She herself is a psych nurse, so she provides mental health care to people who are in need. And she ran on a platform, essentially arguing that it’s time for change in the county, that we need term limits, we need new, fresh people and new, fresh ideas. She ran more progressive and she really pushed him on things like tenant protection, sheriff oversight and mental health care, which was really what she was drawing on from her own background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So a political newcomer up against a long time established public official, what can we say about the results right now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So in this district for race, because there’s only two candidates, whoever wins here wins the race and Miley has a pretty handy lead. It’s safe to say that he’s going to return to his district four seat on the day after the election. I spoke with Nate Miley on the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nate Miley: \u003c/strong>Well, I always worry. I always, you know, I never take an opponent for granted. You know, you take your opponent for granted and you can get beat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>He said that previously he had been planning to retire, and part of the reason he decided to run again was because he was worried about longevity on the board and the sort of institutional knowledge that somebody who’s been there as long as he has has about how to run a county administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nate Miley: \u003c/strong>Board of supervisors is pretty much going to be a new Board of supervisors. So I just felt obligated that I can’t leave the board now. I can’t know leave the county government now. I can’t leave my constituents in the public without, the level of knowledge and expertise that I bring to the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Two members of the board passed away. Before that, another person had been elected. So other than Millie, nobody on the board has more than four years of experience. So Miley was kind of the keeper of institutional knowledge, and if he wasn’t there, he was worried that the board would be less effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right, so district four, a more moderate district, at least compared to the rest of the county. What about district five.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And district five? And Alameda County is what you might consider the sort of progressive heart of the East Bay. The district stretches from Alameda down south to Oakland, so it includes Berkeley, Emeryville, Piedmont, as well as Oakland and Albany. This race was an open field, so Keith Carson, who previously had held this seat for around three decades, had decided to retire sort of close to the deadline that candidates had to enter into this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>When he said he was going to retire, there was this flurry of action, and a lot of East Bay officials suddenly threw their names in the ring. And there were a lot of people in this race who are elected officials in other parts of the county. Now, as we look at these early results, two of them have risen to the top. One in first place currently is Nikki Fortunato Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>She is the president of Oakland City Council, and behind her in second place is John Bowers. He is a councilman on Emeryville City Council. Close behind Bowers is Ben Bartlett. He’s a Berkeley city councilman. That race could still move around a little bit. Some of those margins are pretty close, but the top two there will go to a runoff in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Nikki Fortunato Bas currently in first. I think she’s pretty well known to anyone who’s active in Oakland City politics, but what issues that she talk about on the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I visited with Nikki Fortunato Bas at her election watch party on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nikki Fortunato Bas: \u003c/strong>I feel terrific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Bas was saying that she made this decision quite quickly, but for her, it also felt like a clear one that she, as a city councilman, has seen the ways that county partnership with cities can really make a difference in what cities are able to offer to their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nikki Fortunato Bas: \u003c/strong>So I ultimately decided to run because I want Oakland in each of our cities and unincorporated areas to feel like they have that partner, to really work on those tough issues and deliver those coordinated services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So all this said, analyze what could the make up of the Board of Supervisors be if Nate Miley appears to be reelected, when do we have Nikki Fortunato Bas running in first?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, one big difference this will make is that for the first time, there will be a majority of women of color on the Board of Supervisors. And when I talk to Fortunato Bas about this, she said that for her, that means that the board will center care and its work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nikki Fortunato Bas: \u003c/strong>It’s about housing, people providing health care, really helping those who are the most vulnerable because that helps to lift up conditions for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I’ve heard from some other political pundits who watch the East Bay seen that, you know, this doesn’t actually shake up the sort of pro landlord majority that exists on the Board of Supervisors, but it certainly does give that majority a run for its money. I mean, Fortunato Bas is known as a progressive. She centers tenants rights in her work. She centers police oversight. So these are things that are going to have a strong advocate. If Fortunato Bas ultimately a sense to that seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Coming up, we’ll talk about a competitive and expensive state Senate race. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right. So let’s move on to talk about a state Senate race, district seven. Also a competitive, crowded race to replace termed out Democrat Nancy Skinner. Before we get to the candidates, though, tell me a little bit about district seven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So district seven stretches from southern Contra Costa County, so from Hercules all the way south to Oakland. The district is one of the most progressive in California. Nancy Skinner really made a name for herself championing the environment and police reform, and she was well-loved because of that. So I think a lot of people in this district will expect something similar from whoever fills her seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>One aspect of a race becoming more competitive is that often races like that draw a lot of money, and this race had more outside spending than any other in the state, which sort of goes to show that even people with a lot of money who maybe don’t live in the area, see this seat and this race as a really important one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Well, let’s talk about the candidates, who is sort of ascending to the top right now as votes continue to get counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The people in the top four right now include Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin, former Richmond city councilwoman and now member of the AC Transit board of directors Giovanna Beckles. Dan Kalb, who is an environmentalist turned Oakland city councilman. Also Katherine Lee Barker. So Lee Barker of those three is a pretty new name in this scene. She’s the president of the California Labor Federation. And prior to this election, I don’t think a lot of people knew who she was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So she had an uphill battle here, getting voters familiar with her name and the things that she represents. Oregon has a pretty handy lead. He has about 30% of the vote. And behind him in second place right now is Jovana Beckles, but she’s only ahead of Dan Kalb in third place by about 200 votes. So that could change a fair amount. And then labor also isn’t that far behind Beckles and Kalb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>These top four you mentioned are also all Democrats. What differences can we tease out between the four of them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>These politicians all have pretty similar policy positions, and they differ in rather subtle ways. One thing you can look at to kind of differentiate between them is housing, and the way they view how the state should respond to the housing crisis. Jesse Aragon, as mayor of Berkeley, has overseen the city’s largest housing boom in decades. He supports building housing for people at all income levels, and his campaign was very supported by people who work in the housing industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Dan Kalb has also been pro housing, but he also strongly stands for tenant rights. He helped oversee Oakland’s eviction moratorium during the pandemic, which was one of the strongest in the Bay area. And Oakland has struggled a little bit more with building housing. When you compare it to a place like Berkeley. Beckles, on the other hand, and Lybarger, they really want to see construction of affordable housing over market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And all four said they support government development of public housing. So government owned housing that they rent out at affordable rates. But for Beckles and Lybarger, that was really the centerpiece of their housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Let’s talk about the money, because that is a huge part of this race. What did that look like in this state Senate election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>This race saw about $6 million of outside spending, and it mostly focused on two candidates. Jesse Aragon was the beneficiary of a lot of that money. He got about $1.4 million and Lee burger got about 2.6 million. The majority of the money that was spent in support of Katherine Lee Berger came from the UC Berkeley cooks, custodians and nursing assistants for Katherine Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So that’s a committee of people who are part of a union that represents UC Berkeley employees. But she also had a lot of funding against her, which is knowing that Aragon wasn’t up against. She had about $1.8 million being spent in attack ads and mailers that were describing her as an anti housing extremist, which obviously was a term that she disputed. The money that was spent on behalf of Arreguin came mostly from builders, as I mentioned before, from pro housing groups and then also a lot of it from Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Uber spent a bunch of money against Lyberger. So a big portion of that 1.8 against her came from them. And I think one way you can sort of analyze this is to say that, you know, we know Uber from its past political spending really doesn’t want people in office who are going to push against its business model. So somebody like Katherine Lee Berger, who is widely supported by unions, I think you can assume that Uber would see a candidate like that as a potential threat to its business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Arreguin: \u003c/strong>It’s kind of surprising, given that I wrote that the tax in Berkeley to tax Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>I talked to Jesse out again about this spending by Uber on his behalf, and he sort of disavowed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Arreguin: \u003c/strong>I did condemn those attack ads and some of his indepen expenditures. I think we should run on our on our record and our message and our vision for for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, we don’t exactly know what happened behind the scenes here, but. One can surmise that perhaps Uber saw Aragon as the best competitor and the most likely to win against Libre. So it’s not necessarily that they endorse him, but just that they don’t endorse her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>You mentioned earlier $6 million in total for a state Senate race. I mean, that’s just a lot of money for anybody. I suspect it’s a lot of money for a state Senate seat. Does it look like the November runoff will be Jesse ad again versus somebody?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>That is kind of where we are at. Me and our colleague here at KQED, Dan Brekke, you were doing some calculating based on the Secretary of State’s vote count so far. And our guess was that there are about 70,000 votes left to count. So that margin between Jovana Beckles and Dan Kalb of about 200 votes, that could easily change as the vote count continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>But if there is a runoff in November between Beckles and Jesse yet again, it would be an interesting one. I mean, Beckles is slightly to the left of Oregon. She would probably go after some of this money and corporate spending that we’ve just been talking about, and it would make for very likely a pretty lively November runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And now, Annelise we come to measure B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>My favorite topic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Which is about recall election rules. So what is it? And do you know if it passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So measure B is looking like it will pass. It has about 60% of the vote so far. And what measure B will do is get rid of the counties recall rules and replace them with the state’s recall rules. And practically what that means is it would raise the number of signatures required to put a recall on the ballot. It would also extend some timelines about when the registrar can schedule recall elections if they qualify for a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So why did this change to recall rules get put on the ballot this past election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>There are a number of different recall efforts underway in the county. The registrar saw this coming, as did lawyers who advised the county, and they decided to take a look at the recall rules the county has on the books. Alameda County has never had a recall election. There have been a few attempts, but nothing that actually made it to the ballot. So these rules that the county had on the books had basically never been tested, and they were written in the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So when the lawyers take a look at these rules, what they found is that a lot of them are infeasible. They were designed for a county that was about a quarter of the size it is today. That’s kind of why it has these tight timelines that require the registrar to tabulate votes in a pretty quick amount of time. It also has some provisions that have been found illegal in other counties. So if the county tried to impose them, they could be sued by people who point out that these rules have been found illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, and it seems like this inevitably is caught up in the politics of current recall campaigns. Right. There’s the campaign against District Attorney Pamela Price. There’s one against Oakland Mayor Shang Tao. How did that play a role in measure B?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, there was a lot of debate on the Board of Supervisors about whether or not to put this measure on the ballot right now, and that’s because of the ongoing recalls. A lot of members on the Board of Supervisors felt having people vote on this now might kind of come off as election interference, because it’s not exactly clear how a rule change will affect these ongoing recalls. That’s something that the Board of Supervisors is going to have to figure out if measure B passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So yes or no. Does measure B passing mean that the rules for the upcoming recall campaigns? Are the rules for those recalls going to change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, I really wish I could give you a yes or no. I think everybody wants there to be a yes or no for this. But the county has not been clear about that. The county has said that, you know, this rule change would not affect the count of signatures that have already been submitted to the registrar by the effort to recall D.A. Pamela Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>But depending on when measure B is certified and when a recall election might be certified, the county may decide to use state rules when they schedule the recall election. They may not. It’s still something the county is deciding, but it’s certainly caused a lot of confusion in both campaigns and the campaign for the recall and against it. Both campaigns have also said that they’re willing to sue if the rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Oh, what a mess. All right, wrapping up here. And so we’ve talked about elections in three different three different areas. Is there a through line here? It feels like to me at least that these results there isn’t maybe a clean, tidy narrative to pull out of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. You know, I’ve been talking to my colleagues who’ve been covering elections in other parts of the Bay area. And and one thing that seems sort of interesting about Alameda County is Alameda County is proving to be pretty consistent. The areas that are traditionally more conservative voted in the more moderate incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The areas that are more progressive are leaning towards more progressive candidates like Nikki Fortunato Bas or even Jesse out again, who, you know, in that race perhaps might appear more moderate, but really in and of himself is a very progressive candidate. So, you know, I think this shift that we’re seeing in San Francisco towards more moderate measures that are being passed, we’re not really seeing that in Alameda County quite yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So do you have any, you know, takeaways from the results we’ve talked about here, especially going into November?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, I think as I look at this election, one thing that I’m seeing that’s really standing out to me is the low voter turnout. That is a problem. I think the county wants residents to participate in the election process. And if that’s not happening, to some extent, that’s a failure of the county to make this accessible, to make sure people know that this is happening and to make sure voters feel educated about the issues on the ballot, so that when they go into the ballot box, they feel empowered and not confused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I think that there’s space for growth here in Alameda County has been inching towards that with this election commission. But I think a major takeaway is that there’s a lot to be done in Alameda County to ensure voters come out, and also to ensure that the votes are turned out quickly. For a lot of voters, it’s very confusing when we have, you know, initial results that are reported out the night or the day after. And then sometimes those changed dramatically because the vote count can take so long. And Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well. Annelise. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>That was KQED reporter Annelise Finney. There are, of course, so many other election results that we haven’t had time to get to. Everything from Lateefah Simon finishing first in the race for Barbara Lee’s old House seat to a sales tax in Sonoma County to fund fire protection. If you want to keep checking out those results, visit kqed.org/election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>This conversation was cut down and edited by our intern, Ellie Prickett-Morgan. Maria Esquinca is our producer. She scored it and added the tape. Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of member supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Hi, I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. And welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. Alameda County is one of the most populated and most progressive counties in California, and as results continue to come in. There isn’t one clean story you could tell about the entire region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, I think this shift that we’re seeing in San Francisco towards more moderate measures that are being passed, we’re not really seeing that in Alameda County quite yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>But there’s still a lot to talk about, including the county Board of Supervisors, an expensive state Senate race, and some potential changes to recall election rules. Today, we’re going to round up some of Alameda County’s local results from the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So traditionally, Alameda County has been pretty slow among Bay area counties to churn out election results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Annelise Finney is a reporter for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>There’s a few things that contribute to that, but one is that the Alameda County Registrar of Voters has two jobs. He actually runs the IT department for the county and the elections, which is a lot of work. Back in 2022, there was a pretty big snafu where there was a miscount of votes in an Oakland city election, and that led voters and Alameda County to have some more skepticism of the registrar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Since then, the county created an elections commission to try and have more public oversight of the office, to fix some of the things that might be contributing to the slowness. But that Elections Commission has had a lot of trouble getting off the ground. So there’s a lot still to be fixed with that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The races I was watching this year were two open seats on the Alameda County Board of Supervisors, a state Senate seat representing district seven. So that covers parts of the East Bay. And then finally, I was watching a measure in Alameda County called measure B, which has to do with how the county runs recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right. So let’s go through them. Let’s start with the Alameda County Board of Supervisors. There were two competitive races in districts four and five. Let’s start with district four. First. Can you just tell me a little bit about it, where it is and what it’s like politically?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Sure. So district four in the Alameda County Board of Supervisors is a district that stretches from sort of deep East Oakland into the southeast portion of the county that goes all the way to Pleasanton. It also includes a lot of unincorporated areas like Mount Eden and Castro Valley. And in those areas, there’s no city government, so they depend on the county for infrastructure and law enforcement. Alameda County is a very progressive place, but this area tends to swing a little bit more suburban and in that way also a little bit more conservative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Tell me a bit about that race, who ran and what were some of the big issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>That race had a long time incumbent. So an interesting thing to know about the Alameda County Board of Supervisors is that there’s no term limits. I think that’s part of the reason why people often don’t really know who’s on the board of supervisors is because we don’t have races that are open races that frequently, and when it’s not an open race, an incumbent usually has a pretty big advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So in this race, there was an incumbent, Nate Miley. He’s the president of the Board of Supervisors, and he’s been on the board for about 20 years. Before that, he served on the Oakland City Council. So he’s an old hat and local politics in the East Bay. And he’s known as like a little bit more of a moderate. He does a lot of focus on providing care to seniors in the community. Traditionally been a little bit more pro landlord in debates around housing. And he was challenged in this race by a woman named Jennifer Stein. Jennifer Stein was a sort of political newcomer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>She helps oversee the county’s mental health work. She herself is a psych nurse, so she provides mental health care to people who are in need. And she ran on a platform, essentially arguing that it’s time for change in the county, that we need term limits, we need new, fresh people and new, fresh ideas. She ran more progressive and she really pushed him on things like tenant protection, sheriff oversight and mental health care, which was really what she was drawing on from her own background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So a political newcomer up against a long time established public official, what can we say about the results right now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So in this district for race, because there’s only two candidates, whoever wins here wins the race and Miley has a pretty handy lead. It’s safe to say that he’s going to return to his district four seat on the day after the election. I spoke with Nate Miley on the phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nate Miley: \u003c/strong>Well, I always worry. I always, you know, I never take an opponent for granted. You know, you take your opponent for granted and you can get beat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>He said that previously he had been planning to retire, and part of the reason he decided to run again was because he was worried about longevity on the board and the sort of institutional knowledge that somebody who’s been there as long as he has has about how to run a county administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nate Miley: \u003c/strong>Board of supervisors is pretty much going to be a new Board of supervisors. So I just felt obligated that I can’t leave the board now. I can’t know leave the county government now. I can’t leave my constituents in the public without, the level of knowledge and expertise that I bring to the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Two members of the board passed away. Before that, another person had been elected. So other than Millie, nobody on the board has more than four years of experience. So Miley was kind of the keeper of institutional knowledge, and if he wasn’t there, he was worried that the board would be less effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right, so district four, a more moderate district, at least compared to the rest of the county. What about district five.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And district five? And Alameda County is what you might consider the sort of progressive heart of the East Bay. The district stretches from Alameda down south to Oakland, so it includes Berkeley, Emeryville, Piedmont, as well as Oakland and Albany. This race was an open field, so Keith Carson, who previously had held this seat for around three decades, had decided to retire sort of close to the deadline that candidates had to enter into this race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>When he said he was going to retire, there was this flurry of action, and a lot of East Bay officials suddenly threw their names in the ring. And there were a lot of people in this race who are elected officials in other parts of the county. Now, as we look at these early results, two of them have risen to the top. One in first place currently is Nikki Fortunato Bass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>She is the president of Oakland City Council, and behind her in second place is John Bowers. He is a councilman on Emeryville City Council. Close behind Bowers is Ben Bartlett. He’s a Berkeley city councilman. That race could still move around a little bit. Some of those margins are pretty close, but the top two there will go to a runoff in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Nikki Fortunato Bas currently in first. I think she’s pretty well known to anyone who’s active in Oakland City politics, but what issues that she talk about on the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I visited with Nikki Fortunato Bas at her election watch party on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nikki Fortunato Bas: \u003c/strong>I feel terrific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Bas was saying that she made this decision quite quickly, but for her, it also felt like a clear one that she, as a city councilman, has seen the ways that county partnership with cities can really make a difference in what cities are able to offer to their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nikki Fortunato Bas: \u003c/strong>So I ultimately decided to run because I want Oakland in each of our cities and unincorporated areas to feel like they have that partner, to really work on those tough issues and deliver those coordinated services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So all this said, analyze what could the make up of the Board of Supervisors be if Nate Miley appears to be reelected, when do we have Nikki Fortunato Bas running in first?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, one big difference this will make is that for the first time, there will be a majority of women of color on the Board of Supervisors. And when I talk to Fortunato Bas about this, she said that for her, that means that the board will center care and its work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nikki Fortunato Bas: \u003c/strong>It’s about housing, people providing health care, really helping those who are the most vulnerable because that helps to lift up conditions for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I’ve heard from some other political pundits who watch the East Bay seen that, you know, this doesn’t actually shake up the sort of pro landlord majority that exists on the Board of Supervisors, but it certainly does give that majority a run for its money. I mean, Fortunato Bas is known as a progressive. She centers tenants rights in her work. She centers police oversight. So these are things that are going to have a strong advocate. If Fortunato Bas ultimately a sense to that seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Coming up, we’ll talk about a competitive and expensive state Senate race. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>All right. So let’s move on to talk about a state Senate race, district seven. Also a competitive, crowded race to replace termed out Democrat Nancy Skinner. Before we get to the candidates, though, tell me a little bit about district seven.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So district seven stretches from southern Contra Costa County, so from Hercules all the way south to Oakland. The district is one of the most progressive in California. Nancy Skinner really made a name for herself championing the environment and police reform, and she was well-loved because of that. So I think a lot of people in this district will expect something similar from whoever fills her seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>One aspect of a race becoming more competitive is that often races like that draw a lot of money, and this race had more outside spending than any other in the state, which sort of goes to show that even people with a lot of money who maybe don’t live in the area, see this seat and this race as a really important one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Well, let’s talk about the candidates, who is sort of ascending to the top right now as votes continue to get counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The people in the top four right now include Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguin, former Richmond city councilwoman and now member of the AC Transit board of directors Giovanna Beckles. Dan Kalb, who is an environmentalist turned Oakland city councilman. Also Katherine Lee Barker. So Lee Barker of those three is a pretty new name in this scene. She’s the president of the California Labor Federation. And prior to this election, I don’t think a lot of people knew who she was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So she had an uphill battle here, getting voters familiar with her name and the things that she represents. Oregon has a pretty handy lead. He has about 30% of the vote. And behind him in second place right now is Jovana Beckles, but she’s only ahead of Dan Kalb in third place by about 200 votes. So that could change a fair amount. And then labor also isn’t that far behind Beckles and Kalb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>These top four you mentioned are also all Democrats. What differences can we tease out between the four of them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>These politicians all have pretty similar policy positions, and they differ in rather subtle ways. One thing you can look at to kind of differentiate between them is housing, and the way they view how the state should respond to the housing crisis. Jesse Aragon, as mayor of Berkeley, has overseen the city’s largest housing boom in decades. He supports building housing for people at all income levels, and his campaign was very supported by people who work in the housing industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Dan Kalb has also been pro housing, but he also strongly stands for tenant rights. He helped oversee Oakland’s eviction moratorium during the pandemic, which was one of the strongest in the Bay area. And Oakland has struggled a little bit more with building housing. When you compare it to a place like Berkeley. Beckles, on the other hand, and Lybarger, they really want to see construction of affordable housing over market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>And all four said they support government development of public housing. So government owned housing that they rent out at affordable rates. But for Beckles and Lybarger, that was really the centerpiece of their housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Let’s talk about the money, because that is a huge part of this race. What did that look like in this state Senate election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>This race saw about $6 million of outside spending, and it mostly focused on two candidates. Jesse Aragon was the beneficiary of a lot of that money. He got about $1.4 million and Lee burger got about 2.6 million. The majority of the money that was spent in support of Katherine Lee Berger came from the UC Berkeley cooks, custodians and nursing assistants for Katherine Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So that’s a committee of people who are part of a union that represents UC Berkeley employees. But she also had a lot of funding against her, which is knowing that Aragon wasn’t up against. She had about $1.8 million being spent in attack ads and mailers that were describing her as an anti housing extremist, which obviously was a term that she disputed. The money that was spent on behalf of Arreguin came mostly from builders, as I mentioned before, from pro housing groups and then also a lot of it from Uber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Uber spent a bunch of money against Lyberger. So a big portion of that 1.8 against her came from them. And I think one way you can sort of analyze this is to say that, you know, we know Uber from its past political spending really doesn’t want people in office who are going to push against its business model. So somebody like Katherine Lee Berger, who is widely supported by unions, I think you can assume that Uber would see a candidate like that as a potential threat to its business model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Arreguin: \u003c/strong>It’s kind of surprising, given that I wrote that the tax in Berkeley to tax Uber and Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>I talked to Jesse out again about this spending by Uber on his behalf, and he sort of disavowed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jesse Arreguin: \u003c/strong>I did condemn those attack ads and some of his indepen expenditures. I think we should run on our on our record and our message and our vision for for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, we don’t exactly know what happened behind the scenes here, but. One can surmise that perhaps Uber saw Aragon as the best competitor and the most likely to win against Libre. So it’s not necessarily that they endorse him, but just that they don’t endorse her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>You mentioned earlier $6 million in total for a state Senate race. I mean, that’s just a lot of money for anybody. I suspect it’s a lot of money for a state Senate seat. Does it look like the November runoff will be Jesse ad again versus somebody?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>That is kind of where we are at. Me and our colleague here at KQED, Dan Brekke, you were doing some calculating based on the Secretary of State’s vote count so far. And our guess was that there are about 70,000 votes left to count. So that margin between Jovana Beckles and Dan Kalb of about 200 votes, that could easily change as the vote count continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>But if there is a runoff in November between Beckles and Jesse yet again, it would be an interesting one. I mean, Beckles is slightly to the left of Oregon. She would probably go after some of this money and corporate spending that we’ve just been talking about, and it would make for very likely a pretty lively November runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And now, Annelise we come to measure B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>My favorite topic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Which is about recall election rules. So what is it? And do you know if it passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So measure B is looking like it will pass. It has about 60% of the vote so far. And what measure B will do is get rid of the counties recall rules and replace them with the state’s recall rules. And practically what that means is it would raise the number of signatures required to put a recall on the ballot. It would also extend some timelines about when the registrar can schedule recall elections if they qualify for a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So why did this change to recall rules get put on the ballot this past election?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>There are a number of different recall efforts underway in the county. The registrar saw this coming, as did lawyers who advised the county, and they decided to take a look at the recall rules the county has on the books. Alameda County has never had a recall election. There have been a few attempts, but nothing that actually made it to the ballot. So these rules that the county had on the books had basically never been tested, and they were written in the 1920s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So when the lawyers take a look at these rules, what they found is that a lot of them are infeasible. They were designed for a county that was about a quarter of the size it is today. That’s kind of why it has these tight timelines that require the registrar to tabulate votes in a pretty quick amount of time. It also has some provisions that have been found illegal in other counties. So if the county tried to impose them, they could be sued by people who point out that these rules have been found illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, and it seems like this inevitably is caught up in the politics of current recall campaigns. Right. There’s the campaign against District Attorney Pamela Price. There’s one against Oakland Mayor Shang Tao. How did that play a role in measure B?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, there was a lot of debate on the Board of Supervisors about whether or not to put this measure on the ballot right now, and that’s because of the ongoing recalls. A lot of members on the Board of Supervisors felt having people vote on this now might kind of come off as election interference, because it’s not exactly clear how a rule change will affect these ongoing recalls. That’s something that the Board of Supervisors is going to have to figure out if measure B passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So yes or no. Does measure B passing mean that the rules for the upcoming recall campaigns? Are the rules for those recalls going to change?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, I really wish I could give you a yes or no. I think everybody wants there to be a yes or no for this. But the county has not been clear about that. The county has said that, you know, this rule change would not affect the count of signatures that have already been submitted to the registrar by the effort to recall D.A. Pamela Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>But depending on when measure B is certified and when a recall election might be certified, the county may decide to use state rules when they schedule the recall election. They may not. It’s still something the county is deciding, but it’s certainly caused a lot of confusion in both campaigns and the campaign for the recall and against it. Both campaigns have also said that they’re willing to sue if the rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Oh, what a mess. All right, wrapping up here. And so we’ve talked about elections in three different three different areas. Is there a through line here? It feels like to me at least that these results there isn’t maybe a clean, tidy narrative to pull out of this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Yeah. You know, I’ve been talking to my colleagues who’ve been covering elections in other parts of the Bay area. And and one thing that seems sort of interesting about Alameda County is Alameda County is proving to be pretty consistent. The areas that are traditionally more conservative voted in the more moderate incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>The areas that are more progressive are leaning towards more progressive candidates like Nikki Fortunato Bas or even Jesse out again, who, you know, in that race perhaps might appear more moderate, but really in and of himself is a very progressive candidate. So, you know, I think this shift that we’re seeing in San Francisco towards more moderate measures that are being passed, we’re not really seeing that in Alameda County quite yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So do you have any, you know, takeaways from the results we’ve talked about here, especially going into November?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>You know, I think as I look at this election, one thing that I’m seeing that’s really standing out to me is the low voter turnout. That is a problem. I think the county wants residents to participate in the election process. And if that’s not happening, to some extent, that’s a failure of the county to make this accessible, to make sure people know that this is happening and to make sure voters feel educated about the issues on the ballot, so that when they go into the ballot box, they feel empowered and not confused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>So I think that there’s space for growth here in Alameda County has been inching towards that with this election commission. But I think a major takeaway is that there’s a lot to be done in Alameda County to ensure voters come out, and also to ensure that the votes are turned out quickly. For a lot of voters, it’s very confusing when we have, you know, initial results that are reported out the night or the day after. And then sometimes those changed dramatically because the vote count can take so long. And Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well. Annelise. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>That was KQED reporter Annelise Finney. There are, of course, so many other election results that we haven’t had time to get to. Everything from Lateefah Simon finishing first in the race for Barbara Lee’s old House seat to a sales tax in Sonoma County to fund fire protection. If you want to keep checking out those results, visit kqed.org/election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>This conversation was cut down and edited by our intern, Ellie Prickett-Morgan. Maria Esquinca is our producer. She scored it and added the tape. Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of member supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Alan Montecillo in for Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
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