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In a unanimous ruling, the court wrote that it must be removed from the ballot because it clearly amounted to a revision of the state Constitution by removing power from lawmakers to approve taxes and by requiring elected leaders to vote on all government fees, like library fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the California Constitution, revisions must be placed on the ballot by either a constitutional convention or a supermajority vote of the state Legislature; this measure was placed on the ballot through the signature-gathering process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The measure exceeds the scope of power to amend the constitution via citizen initiative,” the justices wrote. “It is within the people’s prerogative to make these changes, but they must be undertaken in a manner commensurate with their gravity: through the process for revision set forth in Article XVIII of the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court wrote that case law has long distinguished between a revision and amendment to the state Constitution — and that a revision makes “far-reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the “Taxpayer Protection Act,” the measure was placed on the ballot by the California Business Roundtable, a group of top business executives, as well as the anti-tax Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They criticized the ruling as a “travesty” and vowed to continue pushing anti-tax measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Lapsley, CEO of the Business Roundtable, said the outcome wasn’t a total loss because just the threat of the initiative prevented local and state tax measures from being placed on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have major wins,” he said. “We have kept major tax increases off the ballot … because they knew that if this measure passed, it was going to have an impact on all new future taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders, supported by labor unions, sued to have the measure taken off the November ballot, framing it as an existential threat to the government’s ability to provide services. In a statement Thursday, a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful the California Supreme Court unanimously removed this unconstitutional measure from the ballot,” said Izzy Gardon. “The Governor believes the initiative process is a sacred part of our democracy, but as the Court’s decision affirmed today, that process does not allow for an illegal constitutional revision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At oral arguments in May, the justices appeared skeptical of Democrats’ arguments, noting the court’s general reluctance to prevent voters from weighing in on a measure and asking lawyers for the governor why they shouldn’t take up the constitutional question after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Thursday’s ruling, authored by Justice Goodwin Liu, the court explained its rationale for preventing voters from weighing in at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically review constitutional challenges to an initiative after an election in order to avoid disrupting the electoral process and the exercise of the franchise,” the ruling stated. “But preelection review is proper for challenges that go to the power of the electorate to adopt the proposal in the first instance.”[aside postID=news_11989237 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-10_qut-1020x680.jpg']The opinion noted that the ballot measure didn’t only raise the threshold for passing future state and local taxes — it would have retroactively nullified any taxes and fees adopted since Jan. 1, 2022, that did not comply with the measure’s provisions. Those “rollback provisions,” the court wrote, complicated matters and generated uncertainty, prompting justices to determine that it was appropriate to weigh in before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the court rejected arguments by the ballot measure backers’ attorneys that the court could take out only the provisions of the measure that amounted to a revision of the Constitution, saying the thousands of voters who signed petitions to place the measure on the ballot did so with the understanding that the entire initiative would move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling was praised by unions and groups representing local governments and slammed by Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties, commended the court for protecting Californians “from unlawful changes to our state constitution that would have crippled essential government functions that our communities rely upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, state Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber), who ran to replace Newsom in the unsuccessful 2021 recall attempt against the governor, lashed out at the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling is a slap in the face to California citizens as these partisan justices are not only interfering in the initiative process put in place to protect the people’s right to be heard in our democracy, but they’re doing it at the request of the very people who want to raise our taxes time and time again,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:05 p.m. Thursday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sweeping ballot measure that would have made it far more difficult for local and state governments to pass tax increases and raise revenue of all kinds was booted off the November ballot on Thursday by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-supreme-court\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would have required all state and local tax increases to be approved by voters, even after elected officials approved them. In a unanimous ruling, the court wrote that it must be removed from the ballot because it clearly amounted to a revision of the state Constitution by removing power from lawmakers to approve taxes and by requiring elected leaders to vote on all government fees, like library fines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the California Constitution, revisions must be placed on the ballot by either a constitutional convention or a supermajority vote of the state Legislature; this measure was placed on the ballot through the signature-gathering process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The measure exceeds the scope of power to amend the constitution via citizen initiative,” the justices wrote. “It is within the people’s prerogative to make these changes, but they must be undertaken in a manner commensurate with their gravity: through the process for revision set forth in Article XVIII of the Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court wrote that case law has long distinguished between a revision and amendment to the state Constitution — and that a revision makes “far-reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the “Taxpayer Protection Act,” the measure was placed on the ballot by the California Business Roundtable, a group of top business executives, as well as the anti-tax Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They criticized the ruling as a “travesty” and vowed to continue pushing anti-tax measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Lapsley, CEO of the Business Roundtable, said the outcome wasn’t a total loss because just the threat of the initiative prevented local and state tax measures from being placed on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have major wins,” he said. “We have kept major tax increases off the ballot … because they knew that if this measure passed, it was going to have an impact on all new future taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic leaders, supported by labor unions, sued to have the measure taken off the November ballot, framing it as an existential threat to the government’s ability to provide services. In a statement Thursday, a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful the California Supreme Court unanimously removed this unconstitutional measure from the ballot,” said Izzy Gardon. “The Governor believes the initiative process is a sacred part of our democracy, but as the Court’s decision affirmed today, that process does not allow for an illegal constitutional revision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At oral arguments in May, the justices appeared skeptical of Democrats’ arguments, noting the court’s general reluctance to prevent voters from weighing in on a measure and asking lawyers for the governor why they shouldn’t take up the constitutional question after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Thursday’s ruling, authored by Justice Goodwin Liu, the court explained its rationale for preventing voters from weighing in at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically review constitutional challenges to an initiative after an election in order to avoid disrupting the electoral process and the exercise of the franchise,” the ruling stated. “But preelection review is proper for challenges that go to the power of the electorate to adopt the proposal in the first instance.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The opinion noted that the ballot measure didn’t only raise the threshold for passing future state and local taxes — it would have retroactively nullified any taxes and fees adopted since Jan. 1, 2022, that did not comply with the measure’s provisions. Those “rollback provisions,” the court wrote, complicated matters and generated uncertainty, prompting justices to determine that it was appropriate to weigh in before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the court rejected arguments by the ballot measure backers’ attorneys that the court could take out only the provisions of the measure that amounted to a revision of the Constitution, saying the thousands of voters who signed petitions to place the measure on the ballot did so with the understanding that the entire initiative would move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling was praised by unions and groups representing local governments and slammed by Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties, commended the court for protecting Californians “from unlawful changes to our state constitution that would have crippled essential government functions that our communities rely upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, state Sen. Brian Dahle (R-Bieber), who ran to replace Newsom in the unsuccessful 2021 recall attempt against the governor, lashed out at the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling is a slap in the face to California citizens as these partisan justices are not only interfering in the initiative process put in place to protect the people’s right to be heard in our democracy, but they’re doing it at the request of the very people who want to raise our taxes time and time again,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:55 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal agents raided \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao’s\u003c/a> home on Thursday morning, throwing the embattled leader into further turmoil as she faces an upcoming recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI conducted “court-authorized law enforcement activity” in an area of Maiden Lane where the mayor lives, a representative for the agency said in a statement, but would not provide more details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors heard FBI agents arrive around 6 a.m. and knock loudly on the door of the home, they told a KQED reporter at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after 10 a.m., about two dozen agents carried multiple boxes out of the home, put the boxes in cars and left. They did not comment to reporters other than to say they had cleared the scene and no agents remained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Someone in the house spoke with agents as they left, but it was unclear who that person was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbor Nina Medina, president of the National Latino Peace Officers Association, told KQED in Spanish that because law enforcement needs a judge’s approval to conduct a search warrant, the raid was likely to be about something serious. [aside postID=news_11991426 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Thao has yet to comment on the development. She had been scheduled to be at a 10 a.m. press conference in San Francisco about affordable housing; the organizers said they did not receive any advance notice that the mayor would not attend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a sad day for the City of Oakland,” former Oakland Police Chief LeRonne Armstrong, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987400/former-oakland-police-chief-announces-run-for-city-council\">running for City Council\u003c/a>, said in a statement. “Oakland is a city in crisis. Crime, violence, shootings, uncontrolled homelessness, unmitigated encampments, the budget deficit and more. The biggest obstacle to overcoming these crises are the failures of leadership in City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI also searched separate homes on View Crest Court and Skyline Boulevard in the Oakland Hills on Thursday morning, \u003cem>the San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes are believed to be owned by members of a family that owns Cal Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider. The \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> also reported that Cal Waste’s offices were searched Thursday morning. \u003cem>Oaklandside\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2020/09/15/accusations-of-political-money-laundering-under-investigation-in-oakland/\">previously reported\u003c/a> that the company was investigated for campaign contributions to Thao and other elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is rough, to say the least,” said PJ Johnston, political strategist and former press secretary for former Mayor Willie Brown, who faced numerous FBI investigations during his tenure. “At the initial stages of an FBI investigation, it’s all bad publicity, and you are almost helpless in your ability to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland Public Ethics Commission is also investigating the Oakland mayor in relation to donations to her campaign. She had come under scrutiny in recent months over concerns about crime and the departure of the Oakland A’s baseball team, and she will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">face a recall vote\u003c/a> in November after her opponents collected enough signatures to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that emerges that she acted improperly, that on its own is a fairly decisive problem,” Johnston said. “But even if there isn’t anything serious against her, she still faces weeks, months of horrible publicity — all of which helps recall advocates and hurts her ability to lead the city of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao has “very little chance of survival,” according to Eric Jaye, the president of California-based political consulting firm Storefront Political Media, because the FBI investigation and the attached media blitz are unlikely to be resolved before November.\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:55 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal agents raided \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao’s\u003c/a> home on Thursday morning, throwing the embattled leader into further turmoil as she faces an upcoming recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI conducted “court-authorized law enforcement activity” in an area of Maiden Lane where the mayor lives, a representative for the agency said in a statement, but would not provide more details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors heard FBI agents arrive around 6 a.m. and knock loudly on the door of the home, they told a KQED reporter at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after 10 a.m., about two dozen agents carried multiple boxes out of the home, put the boxes in cars and left. They did not comment to reporters other than to say they had cleared the scene and no agents remained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Someone in the house spoke with agents as they left, but it was unclear who that person was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbor Nina Medina, president of the National Latino Peace Officers Association, told KQED in Spanish that because law enforcement needs a judge’s approval to conduct a search warrant, the raid was likely to be about something serious. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Thao has yet to comment on the development. She had been scheduled to be at a 10 a.m. press conference in San Francisco about affordable housing; the organizers said they did not receive any advance notice that the mayor would not attend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a sad day for the City of Oakland,” former Oakland Police Chief LeRonne Armstrong, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987400/former-oakland-police-chief-announces-run-for-city-council\">running for City Council\u003c/a>, said in a statement. “Oakland is a city in crisis. Crime, violence, shootings, uncontrolled homelessness, unmitigated encampments, the budget deficit and more. The biggest obstacle to overcoming these crises are the failures of leadership in City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI also searched separate homes on View Crest Court and Skyline Boulevard in the Oakland Hills on Thursday morning, \u003cem>the San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes are believed to be owned by members of a family that owns Cal Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider. The \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> also reported that Cal Waste’s offices were searched Thursday morning. \u003cem>Oaklandside\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2020/09/15/accusations-of-political-money-laundering-under-investigation-in-oakland/\">previously reported\u003c/a> that the company was investigated for campaign contributions to Thao and other elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is rough, to say the least,” said PJ Johnston, political strategist and former press secretary for former Mayor Willie Brown, who faced numerous FBI investigations during his tenure. “At the initial stages of an FBI investigation, it’s all bad publicity, and you are almost helpless in your ability to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland Public Ethics Commission is also investigating the Oakland mayor in relation to donations to her campaign. She had come under scrutiny in recent months over concerns about crime and the departure of the Oakland A’s baseball team, and she will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">face a recall vote\u003c/a> in November after her opponents collected enough signatures to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is evidence that emerges that she acted improperly, that on its own is a fairly decisive problem,” Johnston said. “But even if there isn’t anything serious against her, she still faces weeks, months of horrible publicity — all of which helps recall advocates and hurts her ability to lead the city of Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao has “very little chance of survival,” according to Eric Jaye, the president of California-based political consulting firm Storefront Political Media, because the FBI investigation and the attached media blitz are unlikely to be resolved before November.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11990648,news_11980366,news_11975100\"]Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Negotiations continue over some type of compensation for Black and Latino residents who were burned out of their neighborhood 60 years ago. How the city of Palm Springs chooses to move forward could set a national precedent for reparations. ",
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"title": "Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "biden-administration-seeks-to-dismiss-lawsuit-over-bay-area-womens-prison-abuses",
"title": "Biden Administration Seeks to Dismiss Lawsuit Over Bay Area Women's Prison Abuses",
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"headTitle": "Biden Administration Seeks to Dismiss Lawsuit Over Bay Area Women’s Prison Abuses | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Federal Bureau of Prisons is seeking to dismiss a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">class action lawsuit\u003c/a> demanding systemic changes at a federal East Bay women’s prison where eight former officers have been convicted of sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys filed the class action lawsuit last August on behalf of women formerly incarcerated at Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin, who alleged rampant sexual assault and retaliation by officers at the low-security facility. But, BOP \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982973/feds-abruptly-close-east-bay-womens-prison-following-sexual-abuse-scandals\">abruptly shut down the facility in April\u003c/a>, shortly after a federal judge ordered a special master to oversee changes aimed at improving conditions at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the facility has shuttered, the government is asking a federal judge to dismiss the class action case entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The injunctive claims addressing conditions of confinement at FCI Dublin—a facility where no inmates are confined—must be dismissed as moot,” the motion filed on Tuesday reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the class action case, FCI Dublin is facing nearly 60 lawsuits around sexual assault, retaliation and medical neglect from allegations dating back to around 2021, when an \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> investigation found a culture of abuse and cover-ups that had persisted for years at the low-security federal women’s prison, which had more than 650 inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the BOP and the court recognized that FCI Dublin was in “dire need of immediate change,” the motion reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early April, U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982014/judge-chooses-top-pick-for-special-master-to-oversee-womens-prison-following-rampant-abuse\">appointed Wendy Still as the first-ever “special master” for the U.S. Bureau of Prisons\u003c/a> and ordered her to produce a report on conditions at the facility and facilitate mandatory changes at the prison, including improving sexual assault reporting protocols and access to mental and physical health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration responded by shutting down the facility and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984115/women-forced-to-relocate-from-fci-dublin-prison-report-traumatizing-journey-seek-compassionate-release\">sending hundreds of women previously housed there to prisons across the country\u003c/a>, in many cases far away from family and attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for women previously incarcerated at FCI Dublin say dismissing the class action lawsuit would ignore the life-threatening patterns of abuse that women at the prison had to endure — and in some cases at the facilities they were moved to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If BOP succeeds in its plan to evade court scrutiny, there will be no accountability as they continue to abuse and retaliate against people behind closed doors,” Emily Shapiro of the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, an organizational plaintiff in the class action lawsuit, said in an email. “The next person assaulted by one of their guards or punished for coming forward will know that the Biden BOP and Director Colette Peters are responsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='fci-dublin']Nearly 60 plaintiffs’ individual damages cases are still active. If Dublin is eventually reopened, it will not be used to house women again, according to the government’s motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, members of Congress are ramping up their inquiries into how the BOP handled closing FCI Dublin and are seeking an explanation from BOP Director Collette Peters on the chaotic situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the weeks since BOP announced the closure of FCI Dublin on April 15, we have heard … shocking abuses that allegedly took place during the mass AIC transfers,” reads a \u003ca href=\"https://desaulnier.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/desaulnier.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/Letter%20to%20BOP%20Director%20Peters%2024.6.13.pdf\">letter sent to Peters on June 13, signed by nearly two dozen Congress members\u003c/a>. The letter lists several of the abuses women have alleged took place during the transfer process, including whistleblower retaliation, inhumane treatment, and withholding of medical care. “This level of disregard for human dignity cannot be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite BOP’s order to close FCI Dublin, Special Master Wendy Still has continued her assignment and submitted a report to the court about the conditions and culture at the facility based on interviews and various records released to her for the assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report has not yet been released to the public, and the federal government is simultaneously seeking to keep it private, according to another motion filed on Monday, calling its findings “demonstrably incorrect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At every turn, the BOP has tried to silence incarcerated people and avoid public scrutiny. For years, they failed to prevent rampant sexual abuse and allowed survivors to be punished with solitary confinement simply for speaking out,” Kendra Drysdale, who was formerly incarcerated at Dublin, said in an email. “These are not the actions of an agency interested in public safety or community accountability. They are not the actions of an agency that takes seriously learning from its mistakes and protecting the people in its custody.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Federal Bureau of Prisons is seeking to dismiss a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">class action lawsuit\u003c/a> demanding systemic changes at a federal East Bay women’s prison where eight former officers have been convicted of sexual assault.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys filed the class action lawsuit last August on behalf of women formerly incarcerated at Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin, who alleged rampant sexual assault and retaliation by officers at the low-security facility. But, BOP \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982973/feds-abruptly-close-east-bay-womens-prison-following-sexual-abuse-scandals\">abruptly shut down the facility in April\u003c/a>, shortly after a federal judge ordered a special master to oversee changes aimed at improving conditions at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the facility has shuttered, the government is asking a federal judge to dismiss the class action case entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The injunctive claims addressing conditions of confinement at FCI Dublin—a facility where no inmates are confined—must be dismissed as moot,” the motion filed on Tuesday reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the class action case, FCI Dublin is facing nearly 60 lawsuits around sexual assault, retaliation and medical neglect from allegations dating back to around 2021, when an \u003cem>Associated Press\u003c/em> investigation found a culture of abuse and cover-ups that had persisted for years at the low-security federal women’s prison, which had more than 650 inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the BOP and the court recognized that FCI Dublin was in “dire need of immediate change,” the motion reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early April, U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982014/judge-chooses-top-pick-for-special-master-to-oversee-womens-prison-following-rampant-abuse\">appointed Wendy Still as the first-ever “special master” for the U.S. Bureau of Prisons\u003c/a> and ordered her to produce a report on conditions at the facility and facilitate mandatory changes at the prison, including improving sexual assault reporting protocols and access to mental and physical health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration responded by shutting down the facility and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984115/women-forced-to-relocate-from-fci-dublin-prison-report-traumatizing-journey-seek-compassionate-release\">sending hundreds of women previously housed there to prisons across the country\u003c/a>, in many cases far away from family and attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for women previously incarcerated at FCI Dublin say dismissing the class action lawsuit would ignore the life-threatening patterns of abuse that women at the prison had to endure — and in some cases at the facilities they were moved to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If BOP succeeds in its plan to evade court scrutiny, there will be no accountability as they continue to abuse and retaliate against people behind closed doors,” Emily Shapiro of the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, an organizational plaintiff in the class action lawsuit, said in an email. “The next person assaulted by one of their guards or punished for coming forward will know that the Biden BOP and Director Colette Peters are responsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nearly 60 plaintiffs’ individual damages cases are still active. If Dublin is eventually reopened, it will not be used to house women again, according to the government’s motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, members of Congress are ramping up their inquiries into how the BOP handled closing FCI Dublin and are seeking an explanation from BOP Director Collette Peters on the chaotic situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the weeks since BOP announced the closure of FCI Dublin on April 15, we have heard … shocking abuses that allegedly took place during the mass AIC transfers,” reads a \u003ca href=\"https://desaulnier.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/desaulnier.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/Letter%20to%20BOP%20Director%20Peters%2024.6.13.pdf\">letter sent to Peters on June 13, signed by nearly two dozen Congress members\u003c/a>. The letter lists several of the abuses women have alleged took place during the transfer process, including whistleblower retaliation, inhumane treatment, and withholding of medical care. “This level of disregard for human dignity cannot be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite BOP’s order to close FCI Dublin, Special Master Wendy Still has continued her assignment and submitted a report to the court about the conditions and culture at the facility based on interviews and various records released to her for the assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report has not yet been released to the public, and the federal government is simultaneously seeking to keep it private, according to another motion filed on Monday, calling its findings “demonstrably incorrect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At every turn, the BOP has tried to silence incarcerated people and avoid public scrutiny. For years, they failed to prevent rampant sexual abuse and allowed survivors to be punished with solitary confinement simply for speaking out,” Kendra Drysdale, who was formerly incarcerated at Dublin, said in an email. “These are not the actions of an agency interested in public safety or community accountability. They are not the actions of an agency that takes seriously learning from its mistakes and protecting the people in its custody.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Ex-Wife of Man Who Attacked Paul Pelosi Is Barred From Court as Jury Deliberates",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:50 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state charges against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David DePape\u003c/a>, who is on trial for a second time for breaking into the home of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and attacking her husband, are now in the hands of 12 jurors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before the defense could give its closing arguments on Tuesday, Judge Harry Dorfman barred Gypsy Taub, DePape’s ex-wife, from attending the proceedings or even being on the second floor of the San Francisco courthouse where lawyers, reporters and the jury gathered outside the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rare that I order someone excluded from the courtroom,” Dorfman said. “The line for me is when a member of the public attempts to influence a member of the jury.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to Dorfman’s order, graffiti was found in the women’s bathroom nearest the courtroom, which contained a website address DePape’s family set up last year, proclaiming his innocence. On Monday, Taub handed out printed pieces of paper with the link to the website, as well as her phone number and email address. She even told reporters she was running the site to cast doubt on the state’s evidence in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting at noon Tuesday, the jury began deliberating DePape’s fate on five charges: burglary, felony false imprisonment of an elder, threatening a public official, kidnapping and intimidating a witness. Dorfman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989279/sf-judge-tosses-3-state-charges-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband\">dismissed three other charges \u003c/a>— attempted murder, assault with a deadly weapon and elder abuse — after the defense successfully argued DePape had already been tried for those crimes in federal court, where he was convicted and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">sentenced last month to 30 years in prison\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their closing arguments, both the prosecution and defense painted DePape, 44, as someone who went too far down the rabbit hole of YouTube conspiracy theories, leaving him to believe the government to be corrupt and that Hollywood was tied up in a large pedophile ring. Taub, who has also embraced conspiracy theories, heavily influenced his actions and “inflicted immeasurable harm to his mental state,” DePape’s defense had argued in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Led by his belief in those theories, DePape went to the Pelosis’ San Francisco home after 2 a.m. on Oct. 28, 2022, in search of the House speaker. He used a hammer to smash in the downstairs patio door and his 6-foot-4, 300-pound body to push open a heavy wood door, bursting through the doors of the couple’s third-floor bedroom where only Paul Pelosi was asleep, according to court testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990965\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public defender Adam Lipson gives his closing arguments in the state trial of David DePape in San Francisco Superior Court on June 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Where’s Nancy?” Paul Pelosi testified that DePape said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors again played the 911 call Paul Pelosi made over the speaker phone in their bedroom bathroom, with Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei telling the jury it would make more sense now that they had all the details of those early morning hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My name is David,” DePape said on the call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is David?” the 911 operator said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know,” Paul Pelosi said. “He says he’s a friend, but he’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors repeatedly played body camera video from two Capitol Police officers who responded to the home following Paul Pelosi’s call to 911 to find him and DePape standing next to each other, trying to gain control of a claw hammer in DePape’s hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drop the hammer,” one officer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nope,” DePape replied before striking Pelosi multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors heard from investigators and received transcripts of DePape’s testimony from his federal trial, where a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967595/david-depape-found-guilty-in-paul-pelosi-hammer-attack\">jury found him guilty in November\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maffei said DePape spent months planning a “rampage” with a list of targets and showed up to the Pelosi home “prepared for a lengthy standoff.” DePape wanted to confront Pelosi and interrogate her about “Russiagate,” an online conspiracy theory regarding the investigation into Russian interference in U.S. elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape brought a sledgehammer to then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s home with one purpose, Maffei said: “He wanted to break her kneecaps, so she would be wheeled onto the floor of Congress. So people would know there are consequences.”[aside postID=news_11989279 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9258_qut-1020x574.jpg']DePape also had two GoPro cameras with him, “so his hands could be free while he maimed her and filmed her,” which he could then post online, acting as fodder for people like him researching conspiracy theories, Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his closing, San Francisco Public Defender Adam Lipson told the jury that DePape was guilty of a few of the charges, including first-degree residential burglary and dissuading a witness, and guilty of at least attempting to falsely imprison Paul Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue, at least to the defense, was the charge of threatening the family of a public official. Lipson argued that the threats DePape issued to Paul Pelosi — like saying he couldn’t stop him from going onto his next targets — had nothing to do with his wife’s position in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had nothing to do with Nancy Pelosi or her official duties,” Lipson said. “They don’t have the intent in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson also argued that DePape wasn’t holding Paul Pelosi hostage to get something from his wife, claiming the video he wanted to make of Pelosi confessing to lies he said she had told about Russiagate wasn’t a thing of value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her rebuttal, Maffei said there was great value to someone who said he was “impassioned about the lies coming out of Washington, D.C.” in getting the speaker of the House to admit to crimes in her own home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990952\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A courtroom sketch depicts Gypsy Taub being escorted out of the courtroom in the state trial of David DePape in San Francisco Superior Court on June 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This plan all along had been to get to Nancy Pelosi,” Maffei said. “He fully expected to be knocking out her kneecaps to get the confession he wanted. That makes clear the value of the video he wanted to make.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maffei said the evidence presented at trial showed DePape’s plan wasn’t a good one, but it was a “thoroughly thought-through plan” that included targeting Pelosi, actor Tom Hanks, former Vice President Mike Pence, a professor in San Francisco and even Taub, his ex-wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Taub told KQED that she and DePape had been divorced for nine years, and DePape had been living in friend’s garages while working odd jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before being banned from the second floor of the Hall of Justice, Taub — who is known around the Bay Area for her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/80769/live-at-2-p-m-san-francisco-supervisors-consider-nudity-ban-tiny-apartments\">nudist protests at City Hall\u003c/a> — danced in the courthouse hallway, twirling in circles with headphones in her ears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:50 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state charges against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David DePape\u003c/a>, who is on trial for a second time for breaking into the home of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and attacking her husband, are now in the hands of 12 jurors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before the defense could give its closing arguments on Tuesday, Judge Harry Dorfman barred Gypsy Taub, DePape’s ex-wife, from attending the proceedings or even being on the second floor of the San Francisco courthouse where lawyers, reporters and the jury gathered outside the courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rare that I order someone excluded from the courtroom,” Dorfman said. “The line for me is when a member of the public attempts to influence a member of the jury.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to Dorfman’s order, graffiti was found in the women’s bathroom nearest the courtroom, which contained a website address DePape’s family set up last year, proclaiming his innocence. On Monday, Taub handed out printed pieces of paper with the link to the website, as well as her phone number and email address. She even told reporters she was running the site to cast doubt on the state’s evidence in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting at noon Tuesday, the jury began deliberating DePape’s fate on five charges: burglary, felony false imprisonment of an elder, threatening a public official, kidnapping and intimidating a witness. Dorfman \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989279/sf-judge-tosses-3-state-charges-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband\">dismissed three other charges \u003c/a>— attempted murder, assault with a deadly weapon and elder abuse — after the defense successfully argued DePape had already been tried for those crimes in federal court, where he was convicted and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">sentenced last month to 30 years in prison\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their closing arguments, both the prosecution and defense painted DePape, 44, as someone who went too far down the rabbit hole of YouTube conspiracy theories, leaving him to believe the government to be corrupt and that Hollywood was tied up in a large pedophile ring. Taub, who has also embraced conspiracy theories, heavily influenced his actions and “inflicted immeasurable harm to his mental state,” DePape’s defense had argued in federal court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Led by his belief in those theories, DePape went to the Pelosis’ San Francisco home after 2 a.m. on Oct. 28, 2022, in search of the House speaker. He used a hammer to smash in the downstairs patio door and his 6-foot-4, 300-pound body to push open a heavy wood door, bursting through the doors of the couple’s third-floor bedroom where only Paul Pelosi was asleep, according to court testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990965\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9675-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public defender Adam Lipson gives his closing arguments in the state trial of David DePape in San Francisco Superior Court on June 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Where’s Nancy?” Paul Pelosi testified that DePape said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors again played the 911 call Paul Pelosi made over the speaker phone in their bedroom bathroom, with Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei telling the jury it would make more sense now that they had all the details of those early morning hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My name is David,” DePape said on the call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is David?” the 911 operator said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know,” Paul Pelosi said. “He says he’s a friend, but he’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors repeatedly played body camera video from two Capitol Police officers who responded to the home following Paul Pelosi’s call to 911 to find him and DePape standing next to each other, trying to gain control of a claw hammer in DePape’s hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drop the hammer,” one officer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nope,” DePape replied before striking Pelosi multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jurors heard from investigators and received transcripts of DePape’s testimony from his federal trial, where a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967595/david-depape-found-guilty-in-paul-pelosi-hammer-attack\">jury found him guilty in November\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maffei said DePape spent months planning a “rampage” with a list of targets and showed up to the Pelosi home “prepared for a lengthy standoff.” DePape wanted to confront Pelosi and interrogate her about “Russiagate,” an online conspiracy theory regarding the investigation into Russian interference in U.S. elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape brought a sledgehammer to then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s home with one purpose, Maffei said: “He wanted to break her kneecaps, so she would be wheeled onto the floor of Congress. So people would know there are consequences.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>DePape also had two GoPro cameras with him, “so his hands could be free while he maimed her and filmed her,” which he could then post online, acting as fodder for people like him researching conspiracy theories, Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his closing, San Francisco Public Defender Adam Lipson told the jury that DePape was guilty of a few of the charges, including first-degree residential burglary and dissuading a witness, and guilty of at least attempting to falsely imprison Paul Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue, at least to the defense, was the charge of threatening the family of a public official. Lipson argued that the threats DePape issued to Paul Pelosi — like saying he couldn’t stop him from going onto his next targets — had nothing to do with his wife’s position in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had nothing to do with Nancy Pelosi or her official duties,” Lipson said. “They don’t have the intent in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson also argued that DePape wasn’t holding Paul Pelosi hostage to get something from his wife, claiming the video he wanted to make of Pelosi confessing to lies he said she had told about Russiagate wasn’t a thing of value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her rebuttal, Maffei said there was great value to someone who said he was “impassioned about the lies coming out of Washington, D.C.” in getting the speaker of the House to admit to crimes in her own home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990952\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990952\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/IMG_9672-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A courtroom sketch depicts Gypsy Taub being escorted out of the courtroom in the state trial of David DePape in San Francisco Superior Court on June 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This plan all along had been to get to Nancy Pelosi,” Maffei said. “He fully expected to be knocking out her kneecaps to get the confession he wanted. That makes clear the value of the video he wanted to make.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maffei said the evidence presented at trial showed DePape’s plan wasn’t a good one, but it was a “thoroughly thought-through plan” that included targeting Pelosi, actor Tom Hanks, former Vice President Mike Pence, a professor in San Francisco and even Taub, his ex-wife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Taub told KQED that she and DePape had been divorced for nine years, and DePape had been living in friend’s garages while working odd jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before being banned from the second floor of the Hall of Justice, Taub — who is known around the Bay Area for her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/80769/live-at-2-p-m-san-francisco-supervisors-consider-nudity-ban-tiny-apartments\">nudist protests at City Hall\u003c/a> — danced in the courthouse hallway, twirling in circles with headphones in her ears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A pair of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> lawmakers on Monday outlined their plans to require the city to create more drug-free recovery housing in its push to house the unhoused population, building on a growing movement toward establishing sober housing for people trying to exit homelessness while struggling with addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation that San Francisco Supervisors Matt Dorsey and Rafael Mandelman plan to introduce Tuesday acknowledges that some permanent supportive housing projects are legally restricted to “drug-permissive,” harm-reduction approaches, which means they are required to accept applicants regardless of their sobriety and cannot evict residents solely for the use of illicit drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any unrestricted funding, however, would be required to go toward drug-free or “recovery-oriented” housing until at least 25% of units in the city’s broader initiative to provide permanent housing for the homeless population are drug-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s “Housing First” policy, there are no drug-free public housing options, a void that advocates argue is critical to fill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not enough to get folks indoors and keep them alive until they die of overdose. The point is to get them indoors so we can support them in living long and full and productive lives,” Mandelman said at a news conference on Monday at City Hall announcing the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Brathwaite, a San Francisco-based recovery advocate, highlighted the urgency of the situation in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://a17.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240415-new-bill-ends-californias-ban-funding-drug-free-recovery-housing\">press release\u003c/a> from a California legislator aiming to allow state housing funds to go toward sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been sober for 16 months, but I can’t find any available drug-free housing that can give me the programming and support I need to continue being sober,” Brathwaite said. “I’m in danger of relapsing and falling back into a cycle I fought so hard to get out of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/active-funding/docs/housing-first-fact-sheet.pdf\">Housing First policy\u003c/a>, enacted in 2016, prioritizes rapid rehousing without prerequisites such as credit checks, criminal background reviews, income verification, or sobriety, with the goal of quickly moving people into housing before following up with addiction treatment, healthcare, mental health services and job training. Crucially, the policy prohibits state funding for sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/sapb/CDPH%20Document%20Library/2020-Overdose-Mortality-Data-Brief_ADA.pdf\">fentanyl use\u003c/a> surged nationwide, critics have argued that the state’s policy is too restrictive, limiting housing options for those attempting to avoid drugs. Addiction specialists contend that living in environments permeated by drug use can derail recovery efforts, even for highly motivated individuals.[aside postID=news_11990665 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-003-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg']“San Francisco needs different kinds of supportive housing for the diverse range of people who are homeless, including recovery-oriented housing for people with addictions,” Keith Humphreys, a Stanford psychology professor who served as senior drug policy advisor in the Obama administration, said Monday in a news release from Dorsey’s office. “Research shows that recovery housing helps residents cease substance use, find a job and stay out of jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal housing officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.usich.gov/sites/default/files/document/All_In.pdf\">revised their Housing First guidelines\u003c/a> to include provisions for drug-free recovery housing in 2022, California has yet to adopt similar measures, leaving a gap in support for those in recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney (D-San Francisco) is leading efforts to amend state law. His proposed bill, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB2479/id/2927209\">AB 2479\u003c/a>, would allocate up to 25% of state housing funds for drug-free housing. The bill has passed the state Assembly and is now under consideration by the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people seeking recovery don’t want to live next to others who are still using drugs, and they shouldn’t be forced to. These drug-free recovery models allow for a community of people who are all on a journey to be fully sober to help keep each other accountable and make sure that they have the support needed to not fall back into drug use or homelessness,” Haney said in a \u003ca href=\"https://a17.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240415-new-bill-ends-californias-ban-funding-drug-free-recovery-housing\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some conservative groups and Republican lawmakers are advocating for the repeal of California’s Housing First policy, arguing that it has not effectively reduced homelessness. Assemblymember Josh Hoover (D-Folsom) has introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2417\">AB 2417\u003c/a>, which seeks to dismantle Housing First policies. The bill has yet to be heard by a committee and is unlikely to advance this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmonahan\">\u003cem>Katherine Monahan\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A pair of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> lawmakers on Monday outlined their plans to require the city to create more drug-free recovery housing in its push to house the unhoused population, building on a growing movement toward establishing sober housing for people trying to exit homelessness while struggling with addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation that San Francisco Supervisors Matt Dorsey and Rafael Mandelman plan to introduce Tuesday acknowledges that some permanent supportive housing projects are legally restricted to “drug-permissive,” harm-reduction approaches, which means they are required to accept applicants regardless of their sobriety and cannot evict residents solely for the use of illicit drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any unrestricted funding, however, would be required to go toward drug-free or “recovery-oriented” housing until at least 25% of units in the city’s broader initiative to provide permanent housing for the homeless population are drug-free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s “Housing First” policy, there are no drug-free public housing options, a void that advocates argue is critical to fill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not enough to get folks indoors and keep them alive until they die of overdose. The point is to get them indoors so we can support them in living long and full and productive lives,” Mandelman said at a news conference on Monday at City Hall announcing the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua Brathwaite, a San Francisco-based recovery advocate, highlighted the urgency of the situation in a recent \u003ca href=\"https://a17.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240415-new-bill-ends-californias-ban-funding-drug-free-recovery-housing\">press release\u003c/a> from a California legislator aiming to allow state housing funds to go toward sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been sober for 16 months, but I can’t find any available drug-free housing that can give me the programming and support I need to continue being sober,” Brathwaite said. “I’m in danger of relapsing and falling back into a cycle I fought so hard to get out of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/active-funding/docs/housing-first-fact-sheet.pdf\">Housing First policy\u003c/a>, enacted in 2016, prioritizes rapid rehousing without prerequisites such as credit checks, criminal background reviews, income verification, or sobriety, with the goal of quickly moving people into housing before following up with addiction treatment, healthcare, mental health services and job training. Crucially, the policy prohibits state funding for sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/sapb/CDPH%20Document%20Library/2020-Overdose-Mortality-Data-Brief_ADA.pdf\">fentanyl use\u003c/a> surged nationwide, critics have argued that the state’s policy is too restrictive, limiting housing options for those attempting to avoid drugs. Addiction specialists contend that living in environments permeated by drug use can derail recovery efforts, even for highly motivated individuals.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“San Francisco needs different kinds of supportive housing for the diverse range of people who are homeless, including recovery-oriented housing for people with addictions,” Keith Humphreys, a Stanford psychology professor who served as senior drug policy advisor in the Obama administration, said Monday in a news release from Dorsey’s office. “Research shows that recovery housing helps residents cease substance use, find a job and stay out of jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although federal housing officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.usich.gov/sites/default/files/document/All_In.pdf\">revised their Housing First guidelines\u003c/a> to include provisions for drug-free recovery housing in 2022, California has yet to adopt similar measures, leaving a gap in support for those in recovery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney (D-San Francisco) is leading efforts to amend state law. His proposed bill, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB2479/id/2927209\">AB 2479\u003c/a>, would allocate up to 25% of state housing funds for drug-free housing. The bill has passed the state Assembly and is now under consideration by the state Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people seeking recovery don’t want to live next to others who are still using drugs, and they shouldn’t be forced to. These drug-free recovery models allow for a community of people who are all on a journey to be fully sober to help keep each other accountable and make sure that they have the support needed to not fall back into drug use or homelessness,” Haney said in a \u003ca href=\"https://a17.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240415-new-bill-ends-californias-ban-funding-drug-free-recovery-housing\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, some conservative groups and Republican lawmakers are advocating for the repeal of California’s Housing First policy, arguing that it has not effectively reduced homelessness. Assemblymember Josh Hoover (D-Folsom) has introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2417\">AB 2417\u003c/a>, which seeks to dismantle Housing First policies. The bill has yet to be heard by a committee and is unlikely to advance this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmonahan\">\u003cem>Katherine Monahan\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco's First Mayoral Debate",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco’s First Mayoral Debate | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco’s mayor’s race kicked into high gear after 5 candidates took to the stage for their first debate last Wednesday evening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, in Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez’s last act as a KQED journalist, he opens up his reporter’s notebook to break down his key takeaways from the debate, and what it told us about the upcoming race ahead.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1052372773&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nuqre4TLVls\">Watch the first debate here\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.edleedems.org/events/6-17-sf-mayoral-debate\">S.F.’s second mayoral debate: Mon, June 17 at 7:30 p.m.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://kqedpbs.pledgecart.org/home?campaign=9E9C371E-3394-4F8C-B1BA-772C97A52841\">Become a KQED member\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. The race is on to see who will be the next mayor of San Francisco. And it all really kicked off after the five main candidates took the stage for their first public debate last Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>This time right now is like the official kickoff. I mean, that’s what this first debate was. This first debate was hello, everyone in San Francisco. Start paying attention to this today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In his final act as a KQED reporter, San Francisco’s own Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez joins me to break down the first debate of the campaign and what we learned about the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So this is at the Sidney Goldstein Theater at the edge of like, Hayes Valley and Civic Center is hosted by City Arts and lectures, as their staffers noted, like, usually we just have two chairs on the stage and people are talking like, you know, very quietly about things. This is not this level of bombast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>This is our usual thing. So I’m walking up, I get off a Bart because, you know, I live on the south side of the city. So I take Bart. I’m walking up past City Hall, past the gilded golden dome. Turn a corner, turn one more corner, and boom! I met by, like, hundreds of people with signs for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>It’s everyone’s jostling shoulders and elbows. And even when I first walked in a one of the kind of low turnout candidates, you could say a fringe candidate, Ellen Lee Zhao, was there shouting at a security guard, let me in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You should let me on stage. And inside, there are, backers of the mayoral candidates, but there’s also just regular people who came out to hear, from these folks. And, you know, I’m listening to conversations. I’m talking to people. People are like, yeah, I don’t know who I’m going to back. There’s a lot of undecideds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Sounds like a pretty energetic scene. Whoo! Then Joe is up on stage. Introduce them for folks who haven’t been following.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Heather Knight: \u003c/strong>Every candidate will now have 60s to give their opening statement. And we will start right here with Supervisor Safaí.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I’ll go left to right on how they stood up on stage. On on the far left starting was supervisor Asha Safai. He is, represents the Excelsior District and other southern districts. He comes out of the labor movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ahsha Safaí: \u003c/strong>I have always fought for working people, and I have a unifying vision and track record of bringing people together across political divides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Next to him is Mark Farrell. Born and raised in San Francisco from the Marina District. He has been a supervisor, two term supervisor, but also a mayor. He was appointed mayor by the Board of Supervisors after the death of Ed Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>San Franciscans have a spirit that is unique around the world, but the reality is we are in a tough spot right now and we need a change of leadership in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Then we’ve got Daniel Lurie. Daniel Lurie: is an heir to Levi Strauss fortune, and he leveraged that to start a nonprofit called The Tipping Point, where he was a founder and CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>I’m running because San Francisco needs accountable leadership and new ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Next to him as mayor, London Breed, who may not need an introduction, but for those who may not know Mayor London Breed. She was a former supervisor of district five, which includes Japantown, the Hate, the Fillmore where she grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>I look forward tonight to talking about what we have done and how San Francisco is on the rise because of the work that we have done and will continue to do together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And then last but not least, we have a supervisor, Aaron Peskin. She’s the supervisor of district three, which includes North Beach and Chinatown, where he enjoys a lot of support. But this mayor’s race is the first test of whether or not he gets support outside of his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>I’m running for mayor to make San Francisco a city where diverse working people and middle class families can afford to live a city for everyone, not just the wealthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Let’s talk about how the debate went. I know you wrote a piece about your key takeaways from this debate, and your first takeaway says Mark Farrow continues to move London Breed’s messaging. Right word. Can you just remind us again who Mark Farrell: is as a candidate and what it is that you mean by that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>This is Farrell’s moment. Frankly, he’s taking advantage of it. San Francisco has moved more to the Democratic Center and has some conservative policies. People will say, oh, it’s just the center. But no, no, no, no, no. Some of these policies are outright conservative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Drug testing welfare users is a staunch Republican position. And so we have adopted as a city some of these Republican positions. And while Farrell: is a Democrat, he certainly is not afraid of pushing the conversation in a more conservative direction on certain issues like crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>When I was chair of the budget committee for four years, I partner with mayor Lee and I continue these policies. When I became interim mayor, and we grew our police department every single year to record staffing levels. Since I’ve left office, we are down over 600 officers in our police department. That is a problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Farrell will say something just so out of left field, I want to say, but really out of right field. Fire. The police chief put the National Guard to patrol the tenderloin up and down our National Guardsmen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You know, let’s get rid of harm reduction, which, you know, many drug experts say is the only way to get people out of drugs, which is to allow them to still use while they seek treatment so that you could save their life when they overdose, which is super important. And just go to an abstinence only model. These are things he’s saying on stage. He called harm reduction of failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>We are treating it like the meth and heroin issues of a decade plus ago, a harm reduction approach where literally every single day there are city funded workers in the tenderloin handing out free packets of tinfoil to those suffering from drug addiction. That is not the right approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>It is, by the way, the drug policy position of the Biden administration. This is not crazy lefty San Francisco. This is a Biden policy position, and Farrell:’s calling it a failure. And on stage, it gets undone. Breed: on stage and say we’re pursuing absence treatment. Don’t tell me we’re not doing absence treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>We are not just using harm reduction to help people with treatment. We are using abstinence based treatment, which was never a part of our public health response. We’ve already invested over $20 million for seven new programs helping people to get treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>What we’re seeing is Farrell: being able to kind of, for lack of a better word, out cop Breed: and push Breed: to the right, because if she doesn’t take the bait, she will look like she is not being strong enough on crime, but sometimes she moderate her position. One time he said, hey, you’re not hiring enough cops, you’re failing to hire cops. She says, hey, we’re funding the police for $200 million. But there are alternatives to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>To be clear, public safety isn’t just about police. It’s about alternatives to policing as well, and having ambassadors and other resources and responses to calls for service in the city, which is something that I have led on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I don’t know if that message resonates with voters or not. It’ll be interesting to see if she fully takes the bait every time Mark Farrell: goads her. She did quite a lot on stage, but if we’ll continue to see this through the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, it’s really candidates like Mark Farrow who kind of get to come in and say, look at all that’s wrong with San Francisco. Here are all the ways I want to change it. Right. But then it’s. London Breed: who gets, the privilege of having to justify and explain how things are actually kind of. Okay. I mean, how has London Breed: tried to address San Francisco’s image problem on the campaign trail? As the incumbent in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You put your finger right on the on the problem for Breed, right? Because mayor Breed’s chances as a candidate are intimately tied with how San Francisco feels the city is doing. If San Franciscans feel they’re afraid to go out of their house, they’re afraid of crime, homelessness and fentanyl are scaring the heck out of them, then they’re not going to vote for Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And so it’s in Breed’s best interest to make sure that we feel good about San Francisco. So Breed on the campaign trail to your question, has been saying San Francisco’s back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>These guys have one thing in common. They want us to feel bad about San Francisco. They want to take us backwards. They don’t. They? They are working against San Francisco. I’m the only one on this stage working for San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Longtime political watchers might find that interesting, because when Chesa Boudin was the district attorney before he was recalled in 2022, London Breed was certainly among those saying that San Francisco was moving in the wrong direction. So some might say that she kind of laid the groundwork for the mood of the city right now, which ultimately is hurting her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, I want to talk about, another candidate on the debate stage. You wrote about Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who we’ve talked about with you on the show before, as really the only candidate from the city’s progressive camp running for mayor. And you wrote that he really leaned into that in the debate. What did Peskin talk about?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Peskin has a tough job as a candidate. There is a current of fear that we’ve been talking about in San Francisco of folks who want to see crime dealt with, and that is like their chief concern. There’s a certain segment of people who just want to see it happen, even if rights are trampled, whatever or what have you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Peskin is a candidate who doesn’t want to see that happen. Peskin, from the progressive angle, is like, no, we need police reform. We need to make sure that folks who are afraid of police are also honored and protected. But he has to appeal to those people still, because he needs their votes. So what does Peskin do? He talks about both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>He gets up there, and when he’s talking about police, he says, yes, we need more officers. We absolutely do. He says we also need to make sure we’re arresting drug dealers and not drug users. So he’s kind of walking the line of what progressives want to hear and what moderates want to hear until the end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There’s an old saying in politics. Follow the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Peskin was the last speaker of the night. In fact, Heather Knight: almost made him speak first for closing remarks. And he was like, no, no, no, no, no. We agreed I was last and he was right. And that’s when Aaron went scorched earth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Mark Farrell’s first contribution came from hard right Republican Bill urban. Dorff, who has given 13 million to extremists who pass abortion bans and anti-trans laws. London Bridge ballot measures and independent expenditure campaigns are funded by crypto kings and venture capitalists. Daniel Lurie: has refused public financing so he can spend his fortune on his own campaign. I’m proud to be a grassroots candidate with over 1000 contributions from artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>That was his moment to make his case to people who would not already vote for him, and instead he chose to, give a speech that would electrify his core base but might actually turn off moderates. And that’s a risky bet. It’s a risky bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Peskin’s record on housing Joe is also a really big issue in this campaign. Right. And I know there was a moment where, the moderator, Heather Knight, straight up asked him, are you a Nimby? How did he respond to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Oh man, that is my favorite thing to do, by the way. Like, don’t tiptoe around the question. You got a question? Ask the damn question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Heather Knight: \u003c/strong>Supervisor Peskin, I have a follow up for you. Your housing policies differ most from the other candidates, and your critics call you a Nimby because of your efforts to keep your own neighborhood. North Beach and Telegraph Hill preserved as it is. Are you a Nimby?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>The definition of Nimby is not in my backyard. And so urbanist critics who want more housing built will say, well, Aaron, sure, you’re responsible for thousands of housing units being built everywhere else but your own backyard, like you passed height limits on the hill behind where his house is. But his answer at the debate actually talked a lot about affordable housing that he helped build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Heather, when I first came into office, when the Embarcadero Freeway was torn down and the three parcels that we got from the state of California were slated to be hotels and other uses, I insisted that each and every one of those parcels be built as dense, affordable housing. And today each of those parcels are dense, affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So he actually came prepared with a lot of examples of housing that he’s backed in his backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, Joe tells us about the rest of his takeaways from the debate and what he’ll be watching for next. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Moving on here. There was, of course, Levi Strauss heir, Daniel Lurie, the only one on stage without experience in local government. How did he do? Because I know you wrote that he needed a grand slam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Let’s see. Here’s the thing. People don’t know Daniel Lurie yet. He has a lot of money. He’s going to self-fund his campaign. He has said publicly, and he is going to blanket all of our mailboxes and TV. Our phones will be blown up with Daniel Lurie’s face. But in a real way, we don’t we still don’t know who he is, what he’s about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So the debate was really an opportunity before TV cameras, before 1600 people live, before another 1200 people watching online, before all the media to really show that he could come prepared and hit it out of the park, as well as any of these folks. He had the cards stacked against him, and I’m not sure that he really he really accomplished that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Since we don’t know him very well. What issues does Lurie: talk about the most on the campaign trail and on at this debate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>If there had to be like a central thread that went through all of his discussions, it was that government, is failing right now that these folks have all the ideas and that he could bring kind of an outsider’s perspective. And, you know, one way of doing that is homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>We made a big, bold bet in 2017 to cut chronic homelessness in half in five years, partnering with the city. In many cases, we made some great strides. We actually reduced chronic homelessness by 13%. I’m proud of the work that we did, a tipping point. We held groups accountable. We cut funding to groups that weren’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Performing, too, talking about partnering with, nonprofits and maybe, private industry in order to build small homes, for homeless folks that, you know, San Francisco has been perhaps looking at things too much in a shelter based approach or a long term housing approach, and that we need short term housing as an interim middle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>He’s probably found a bit of a better thread in talking about outsiders versus insiders a little bit, but also he’s a little all over the place. Sometimes he’ll talk about issues in a complex way that goes a little bit too much into the weeds, and sometimes he’ll really reduce things to a single talking point that I just find not nearly as deep as his other points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>For example, he would talk about drug dealing and the homelessness crisis, and he said, pretty emphatically, we need to show that San Francisco is like closed for business. You can’t do drugs here. You can’t deal drugs here. Under the idea that homelessness is driven by people coming here from other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>We have to send a message to this country and to the world that you do not come to San Francisco to deal drugs, to do drugs, or to sleep on our streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I know a lot of San Franciscans feel like that’s the case, like San Francisco is some sort of beacon for homeless people to go to, to be homeless on our streets. But they’re not from here. As if that’s a reason to turn them away. But I’ll tell you what every city thinks that when we actually look at the numbers, 70% of people homeless in San Francisco were housed in San Francisco previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>The game here is to be as good as or better than London Breed or Mark Farrell: when talking to a lot of people and, you know, just on a gut level, on an emotional level, I’m not sure that he he hit that. He had one good line. He said that the stage had a combined 70 years of experience, in City Hall. And look where it’s got us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>Listen, they’re going to talk about experience all night long, and they have over 70 years of combined experience on this stage. Look at where it’s gotten us. Are we happy to have you guys?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well moving on Joe. There was also supervisor Ahsha Safai, who at one point got skipped over for a question by the moderator, which seemed kind of like a good summation of his status in the campaign. Can you talk more about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I mean, I feel bad like people want to run for office. They want to make a difference. That’s a great thing. But I will say that his campaign has struggled to find its central narrative. Everyone kind of has an elevator pitch. London Breed: is the comeback kid. San Francisco better?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Mark Farrell’s like, you know, got this idea that progressives have led us astray. And I’ve got the common sense ideas that put us back on track. Has got his outsider thing, but somehow he doesn’t have that. He talks a lot about community policing, as one way to address crime and other policies. I. It was Muni MTA the lack of outreach into neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You know, Ahsha did talk about putting a student success fund on the ballot, which created about $60 million a year to support public schools. You know, he talked about, supporting, afterschool programs and school unions. He kind of has gone through the labor route a little bit, but he hasn’t thread that narrative through his different ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ahsha Safaí: \u003c/strong>How can you get labor and business together in all different aspects of what we’re trying to do in the city? Because this is a labor town. That’s where the history of this city and the political movement in this city began. And I’m proud to be come from that movement. And I know as mayor, I can get all the parties to the table to get to. Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So he’s kind of struggled to find his identity. And I think that was, like you said, exemplified by people just forgetting to call on him on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Heather Knight: \u003c/strong>And mayor Breed, I had a follow up for you on this topic. As a supervisor. Oh, I’m so sorry. Go ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ahsha Safaí: \u003c/strong>Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, I want to ask you about one more takeaway here, Joe. You wrote Mark Farrell: needs more gay friends. Tell me a little bit more about that one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So this was something I noticed. I’m just going to give a little more context. Mark Farrell: and I grew up. Very near each other in the Marina slash cow hollow. I was in the Cow Hollow. Our neighborhood is kind of like the the Marin County of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You know, it’s a little divorced from San Francisco vibes of, like, you would that you would expect of like the gay community. And it’s a little less diverse. So, you know, he he has a little bit of a struggle sometimes, I have noticed, of connecting with San Francisco outside of that, you know, Marina, Park Heights, Cow Hollow, bubble. Then we come to the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Speaker: \u003c/strong>Can you please name your favorite San Francisco drag queen? Starting with you Ahsha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So Ahsha Safaí answers honey mahogany. And lots of people in San Francisco know honey mahogany. She was on RuPaul’s Drag Race very famously. She was chair of the Democratic Party, which is how all these politicians know her. She was a legislative aid. She ran for supervisor and then Mark Farrell: goes next and his answer gets a big laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>Mark Farrell: I’m going to give the same answer. Honey. Mahogany.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Because he basically couldn’t name another drag queen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>To me, it sounded like Mark Farrell: could not name another drag queen in San Francisco. People might ask, why is it important? San Francisco is the birthplace of the gay movement and the LGBTQ plus movement in the United States. Before Stonewall, there’s Compton cafeteria riots for trans folks. We went through the Aids crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Drag queens were key in raising money and raising awareness in making sure that people cared about the issue. So drag and drag queens have far more history in San Francisco than that. There are wonderful pieces out there you can read to to not be able to name one. To me, it’s just just kind of shocking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, there are a lot of questions like this in debates, right? I mean, I know they also asked like, what’s your favorite bar in San Francisco or what’s your favorite burrito? I mean, why do you think these questions matter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And that’s an important question, because a lot of people on social media were saying to me, like, why does it matter that you could name your favorite bar, your favorite drag queen? And I will say that these answers can often be very revealing about the character of these people, but also the social spheres they live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You want a mayor who you know can see you and see your perspective and see where you’re coming from. And so, you know, like when Daniel Lurie: Yeah, they asked you, what’s your favorite, you know, watering hole in the city? I think you meant bar. Daniel Lurie: answers. Blue Light, which is a place on Union Street in the Cow Hollow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Like that doesn’t you know, Cow Hollow is one of the wealthiest enclaves in San Francisco. And I say that as someone who is who was raised there in a rent controlled apartment and it doesn’t exactly scream everyman, right, right. You know, and, and, those kind of things, they tell you a little bit about the person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Joe, were there any clear winners or losers in this debate, you think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I’ll say in a debate where no one clearly won or clearly lost, where no one did any major flubs that became social media moments necessarily. I think Mark Ferrell’s drag question was probably the closest we got to it, but it didn’t really reverberate that badly. Where there was no major breakout moments of positivity for any of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>In that scenario, I would argue to you that the winner was London Breed:, because when debates don’t have a clear winner, a loser, the incumbent is the one who wins because no one got more recognition and the incumbent walks into a situation with a lot of recognition. So I would say London Breed: won, but by default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Joe, this is your last day watching this race as a KQED reporter and as a lifelong resident of San Francisco. What will you be watching in this race over the next couple of months?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Even if I’m just watching as a San Franciscan who cares about my city? I think what I’ll be watching to see is how the conversation shapes up more than any individual candidate. How do we, as a city, talk about the issues of crime and homelessness and drug use?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Who do we center in these conversations and? And how do our fears shape what we say and what we do as a city? That’s that’s really what I’m looking to see. How driven by fear are we and how driven by unity and the values of San Francisco are we?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We are named after Saint Francis de Assisi. Saint Francis really was someone who gave, who cared, and who made sure folks, even the people who had the least, had the most. And so do. Do we embody that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Joe, I just want to say I’ve just really appreciated being able to work with you these last couple of years, and I’ve always appreciated the love that you have for San Francisco and always shines through in our episodes with you, and we’re going to miss you here at the Bay. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I always love what you all do with the Bay. And thank you for what you do. Everyone subscribe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, a now former KQED reporter. Joe, we wish you the best with whatever is next. By the way, if you’re listening to this on Monday the 17th, the second San Francisco mayoral debate is today at 7:30 p.m. we’ll leave you a link to that in our show notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>This 45 minute conversation with Joe was cut down and edited by senior editor Alan Montecillo. It was produced and scored by me music courtesy of the Audio Network. By the way, if you liked this episode, consider leaving our show a review on Apple Podcasts or wherever you’re listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Can I be indulgent a little bit? Ericka? And may I say my favorite drag queen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Let’s hear it for your last episode with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Sister Roma has always been my absolute favorite sister Roma. That’s just been there at just about every cause I’ve seen. She’s a member of the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, a radical drag nun group that just do everything they can to uplift San Francisco fundraising for homeless, LGBTQ youth, being just champions of fun and positivity. And sister Roma has been at it for more than 30 years. I gosh, just touches me, just touches me.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco’s mayor’s race kicked into high gear after 5 candidates took to the stage for their first debate last Wednesday evening. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, in Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez’s last act as a KQED journalist, he opens up his reporter’s notebook to break down his key takeaways from the debate, and what it told us about the upcoming race ahead.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC1052372773&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nuqre4TLVls\">Watch the first debate here\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.edleedems.org/events/6-17-sf-mayoral-debate\">S.F.’s second mayoral debate: Mon, June 17 at 7:30 p.m.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://kqedpbs.pledgecart.org/home?campaign=9E9C371E-3394-4F8C-B1BA-772C97A52841\">Become a KQED member\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted. The race is on to see who will be the next mayor of San Francisco. And it all really kicked off after the five main candidates took the stage for their first public debate last Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>This time right now is like the official kickoff. I mean, that’s what this first debate was. This first debate was hello, everyone in San Francisco. Start paying attention to this today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In his final act as a KQED reporter, San Francisco’s own Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez joins me to break down the first debate of the campaign and what we learned about the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So this is at the Sidney Goldstein Theater at the edge of like, Hayes Valley and Civic Center is hosted by City Arts and lectures, as their staffers noted, like, usually we just have two chairs on the stage and people are talking like, you know, very quietly about things. This is not this level of bombast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>This is our usual thing. So I’m walking up, I get off a Bart because, you know, I live on the south side of the city. So I take Bart. I’m walking up past City Hall, past the gilded golden dome. Turn a corner, turn one more corner, and boom! I met by, like, hundreds of people with signs for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>It’s everyone’s jostling shoulders and elbows. And even when I first walked in a one of the kind of low turnout candidates, you could say a fringe candidate, Ellen Lee Zhao, was there shouting at a security guard, let me in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You should let me on stage. And inside, there are, backers of the mayoral candidates, but there’s also just regular people who came out to hear, from these folks. And, you know, I’m listening to conversations. I’m talking to people. People are like, yeah, I don’t know who I’m going to back. There’s a lot of undecideds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Sounds like a pretty energetic scene. Whoo! Then Joe is up on stage. Introduce them for folks who haven’t been following.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Heather Knight: \u003c/strong>Every candidate will now have 60s to give their opening statement. And we will start right here with Supervisor Safaí.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I’ll go left to right on how they stood up on stage. On on the far left starting was supervisor Asha Safai. He is, represents the Excelsior District and other southern districts. He comes out of the labor movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ahsha Safaí: \u003c/strong>I have always fought for working people, and I have a unifying vision and track record of bringing people together across political divides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Next to him is Mark Farrell. Born and raised in San Francisco from the Marina District. He has been a supervisor, two term supervisor, but also a mayor. He was appointed mayor by the Board of Supervisors after the death of Ed Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>San Franciscans have a spirit that is unique around the world, but the reality is we are in a tough spot right now and we need a change of leadership in City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Then we’ve got Daniel Lurie. Daniel Lurie: is an heir to Levi Strauss fortune, and he leveraged that to start a nonprofit called The Tipping Point, where he was a founder and CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>I’m running because San Francisco needs accountable leadership and new ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Next to him as mayor, London Breed, who may not need an introduction, but for those who may not know Mayor London Breed. She was a former supervisor of district five, which includes Japantown, the Hate, the Fillmore where she grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>I look forward tonight to talking about what we have done and how San Francisco is on the rise because of the work that we have done and will continue to do together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And then last but not least, we have a supervisor, Aaron Peskin. She’s the supervisor of district three, which includes North Beach and Chinatown, where he enjoys a lot of support. But this mayor’s race is the first test of whether or not he gets support outside of his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>I’m running for mayor to make San Francisco a city where diverse working people and middle class families can afford to live a city for everyone, not just the wealthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Let’s talk about how the debate went. I know you wrote a piece about your key takeaways from this debate, and your first takeaway says Mark Farrow continues to move London Breed’s messaging. Right word. Can you just remind us again who Mark Farrell: is as a candidate and what it is that you mean by that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>This is Farrell’s moment. Frankly, he’s taking advantage of it. San Francisco has moved more to the Democratic Center and has some conservative policies. People will say, oh, it’s just the center. But no, no, no, no, no. Some of these policies are outright conservative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Drug testing welfare users is a staunch Republican position. And so we have adopted as a city some of these Republican positions. And while Farrell: is a Democrat, he certainly is not afraid of pushing the conversation in a more conservative direction on certain issues like crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>When I was chair of the budget committee for four years, I partner with mayor Lee and I continue these policies. When I became interim mayor, and we grew our police department every single year to record staffing levels. Since I’ve left office, we are down over 600 officers in our police department. That is a problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Farrell will say something just so out of left field, I want to say, but really out of right field. Fire. The police chief put the National Guard to patrol the tenderloin up and down our National Guardsmen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You know, let’s get rid of harm reduction, which, you know, many drug experts say is the only way to get people out of drugs, which is to allow them to still use while they seek treatment so that you could save their life when they overdose, which is super important. And just go to an abstinence only model. These are things he’s saying on stage. He called harm reduction of failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>We are treating it like the meth and heroin issues of a decade plus ago, a harm reduction approach where literally every single day there are city funded workers in the tenderloin handing out free packets of tinfoil to those suffering from drug addiction. That is not the right approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>It is, by the way, the drug policy position of the Biden administration. This is not crazy lefty San Francisco. This is a Biden policy position, and Farrell:’s calling it a failure. And on stage, it gets undone. Breed: on stage and say we’re pursuing absence treatment. Don’t tell me we’re not doing absence treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>We are not just using harm reduction to help people with treatment. We are using abstinence based treatment, which was never a part of our public health response. We’ve already invested over $20 million for seven new programs helping people to get treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>What we’re seeing is Farrell: being able to kind of, for lack of a better word, out cop Breed: and push Breed: to the right, because if she doesn’t take the bait, she will look like she is not being strong enough on crime, but sometimes she moderate her position. One time he said, hey, you’re not hiring enough cops, you’re failing to hire cops. She says, hey, we’re funding the police for $200 million. But there are alternatives to police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>To be clear, public safety isn’t just about police. It’s about alternatives to policing as well, and having ambassadors and other resources and responses to calls for service in the city, which is something that I have led on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I don’t know if that message resonates with voters or not. It’ll be interesting to see if she fully takes the bait every time Mark Farrell: goads her. She did quite a lot on stage, but if we’ll continue to see this through the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, it’s really candidates like Mark Farrow who kind of get to come in and say, look at all that’s wrong with San Francisco. Here are all the ways I want to change it. Right. But then it’s. London Breed: who gets, the privilege of having to justify and explain how things are actually kind of. Okay. I mean, how has London Breed: tried to address San Francisco’s image problem on the campaign trail? As the incumbent in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You put your finger right on the on the problem for Breed, right? Because mayor Breed’s chances as a candidate are intimately tied with how San Francisco feels the city is doing. If San Franciscans feel they’re afraid to go out of their house, they’re afraid of crime, homelessness and fentanyl are scaring the heck out of them, then they’re not going to vote for Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And so it’s in Breed’s best interest to make sure that we feel good about San Francisco. So Breed on the campaign trail to your question, has been saying San Francisco’s back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed: \u003c/strong>These guys have one thing in common. They want us to feel bad about San Francisco. They want to take us backwards. They don’t. They? They are working against San Francisco. I’m the only one on this stage working for San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Longtime political watchers might find that interesting, because when Chesa Boudin was the district attorney before he was recalled in 2022, London Breed was certainly among those saying that San Francisco was moving in the wrong direction. So some might say that she kind of laid the groundwork for the mood of the city right now, which ultimately is hurting her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, I want to talk about, another candidate on the debate stage. You wrote about Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who we’ve talked about with you on the show before, as really the only candidate from the city’s progressive camp running for mayor. And you wrote that he really leaned into that in the debate. What did Peskin talk about?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Peskin has a tough job as a candidate. There is a current of fear that we’ve been talking about in San Francisco of folks who want to see crime dealt with, and that is like their chief concern. There’s a certain segment of people who just want to see it happen, even if rights are trampled, whatever or what have you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Peskin is a candidate who doesn’t want to see that happen. Peskin, from the progressive angle, is like, no, we need police reform. We need to make sure that folks who are afraid of police are also honored and protected. But he has to appeal to those people still, because he needs their votes. So what does Peskin do? He talks about both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>He gets up there, and when he’s talking about police, he says, yes, we need more officers. We absolutely do. He says we also need to make sure we’re arresting drug dealers and not drug users. So he’s kind of walking the line of what progressives want to hear and what moderates want to hear until the end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>There’s an old saying in politics. Follow the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Peskin was the last speaker of the night. In fact, Heather Knight: almost made him speak first for closing remarks. And he was like, no, no, no, no, no. We agreed I was last and he was right. And that’s when Aaron went scorched earth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Mark Farrell’s first contribution came from hard right Republican Bill urban. Dorff, who has given 13 million to extremists who pass abortion bans and anti-trans laws. London Bridge ballot measures and independent expenditure campaigns are funded by crypto kings and venture capitalists. Daniel Lurie: has refused public financing so he can spend his fortune on his own campaign. I’m proud to be a grassroots candidate with over 1000 contributions from artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>That was his moment to make his case to people who would not already vote for him, and instead he chose to, give a speech that would electrify his core base but might actually turn off moderates. And that’s a risky bet. It’s a risky bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Peskin’s record on housing Joe is also a really big issue in this campaign. Right. And I know there was a moment where, the moderator, Heather Knight, straight up asked him, are you a Nimby? How did he respond to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Oh man, that is my favorite thing to do, by the way. Like, don’t tiptoe around the question. You got a question? Ask the damn question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Heather Knight: \u003c/strong>Supervisor Peskin, I have a follow up for you. Your housing policies differ most from the other candidates, and your critics call you a Nimby because of your efforts to keep your own neighborhood. North Beach and Telegraph Hill preserved as it is. Are you a Nimby?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>The definition of Nimby is not in my backyard. And so urbanist critics who want more housing built will say, well, Aaron, sure, you’re responsible for thousands of housing units being built everywhere else but your own backyard, like you passed height limits on the hill behind where his house is. But his answer at the debate actually talked a lot about affordable housing that he helped build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Aaron Peskin: \u003c/strong>Heather, when I first came into office, when the Embarcadero Freeway was torn down and the three parcels that we got from the state of California were slated to be hotels and other uses, I insisted that each and every one of those parcels be built as dense, affordable housing. And today each of those parcels are dense, affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So he actually came prepared with a lot of examples of housing that he’s backed in his backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, Joe tells us about the rest of his takeaways from the debate and what he’ll be watching for next. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Moving on here. There was, of course, Levi Strauss heir, Daniel Lurie, the only one on stage without experience in local government. How did he do? Because I know you wrote that he needed a grand slam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Let’s see. Here’s the thing. People don’t know Daniel Lurie yet. He has a lot of money. He’s going to self-fund his campaign. He has said publicly, and he is going to blanket all of our mailboxes and TV. Our phones will be blown up with Daniel Lurie’s face. But in a real way, we don’t we still don’t know who he is, what he’s about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So the debate was really an opportunity before TV cameras, before 1600 people live, before another 1200 people watching online, before all the media to really show that he could come prepared and hit it out of the park, as well as any of these folks. He had the cards stacked against him, and I’m not sure that he really he really accomplished that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Since we don’t know him very well. What issues does Lurie: talk about the most on the campaign trail and on at this debate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>If there had to be like a central thread that went through all of his discussions, it was that government, is failing right now that these folks have all the ideas and that he could bring kind of an outsider’s perspective. And, you know, one way of doing that is homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>We made a big, bold bet in 2017 to cut chronic homelessness in half in five years, partnering with the city. In many cases, we made some great strides. We actually reduced chronic homelessness by 13%. I’m proud of the work that we did, a tipping point. We held groups accountable. We cut funding to groups that weren’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Performing, too, talking about partnering with, nonprofits and maybe, private industry in order to build small homes, for homeless folks that, you know, San Francisco has been perhaps looking at things too much in a shelter based approach or a long term housing approach, and that we need short term housing as an interim middle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>He’s probably found a bit of a better thread in talking about outsiders versus insiders a little bit, but also he’s a little all over the place. Sometimes he’ll talk about issues in a complex way that goes a little bit too much into the weeds, and sometimes he’ll really reduce things to a single talking point that I just find not nearly as deep as his other points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>For example, he would talk about drug dealing and the homelessness crisis, and he said, pretty emphatically, we need to show that San Francisco is like closed for business. You can’t do drugs here. You can’t deal drugs here. Under the idea that homelessness is driven by people coming here from other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>We have to send a message to this country and to the world that you do not come to San Francisco to deal drugs, to do drugs, or to sleep on our streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I know a lot of San Franciscans feel like that’s the case, like San Francisco is some sort of beacon for homeless people to go to, to be homeless on our streets. But they’re not from here. As if that’s a reason to turn them away. But I’ll tell you what every city thinks that when we actually look at the numbers, 70% of people homeless in San Francisco were housed in San Francisco previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>The game here is to be as good as or better than London Breed or Mark Farrell: when talking to a lot of people and, you know, just on a gut level, on an emotional level, I’m not sure that he he hit that. He had one good line. He said that the stage had a combined 70 years of experience, in City Hall. And look where it’s got us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Daniel Lurie: \u003c/strong>Listen, they’re going to talk about experience all night long, and they have over 70 years of combined experience on this stage. Look at where it’s gotten us. Are we happy to have you guys?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well moving on Joe. There was also supervisor Ahsha Safai, who at one point got skipped over for a question by the moderator, which seemed kind of like a good summation of his status in the campaign. Can you talk more about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I mean, I feel bad like people want to run for office. They want to make a difference. That’s a great thing. But I will say that his campaign has struggled to find its central narrative. Everyone kind of has an elevator pitch. London Breed: is the comeback kid. San Francisco better?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Mark Farrell’s like, you know, got this idea that progressives have led us astray. And I’ve got the common sense ideas that put us back on track. Has got his outsider thing, but somehow he doesn’t have that. He talks a lot about community policing, as one way to address crime and other policies. I. It was Muni MTA the lack of outreach into neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You know, Ahsha did talk about putting a student success fund on the ballot, which created about $60 million a year to support public schools. You know, he talked about, supporting, afterschool programs and school unions. He kind of has gone through the labor route a little bit, but he hasn’t thread that narrative through his different ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ahsha Safaí: \u003c/strong>How can you get labor and business together in all different aspects of what we’re trying to do in the city? Because this is a labor town. That’s where the history of this city and the political movement in this city began. And I’m proud to be come from that movement. And I know as mayor, I can get all the parties to the table to get to. Yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So he’s kind of struggled to find his identity. And I think that was, like you said, exemplified by people just forgetting to call on him on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Heather Knight: \u003c/strong>And mayor Breed, I had a follow up for you on this topic. As a supervisor. Oh, I’m so sorry. Go ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ahsha Safaí: \u003c/strong>Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, I want to ask you about one more takeaway here, Joe. You wrote Mark Farrell: needs more gay friends. Tell me a little bit more about that one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So this was something I noticed. I’m just going to give a little more context. Mark Farrell: and I grew up. Very near each other in the Marina slash cow hollow. I was in the Cow Hollow. Our neighborhood is kind of like the the Marin County of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You know, it’s a little divorced from San Francisco vibes of, like, you would that you would expect of like the gay community. And it’s a little less diverse. So, you know, he he has a little bit of a struggle sometimes, I have noticed, of connecting with San Francisco outside of that, you know, Marina, Park Heights, Cow Hollow, bubble. Then we come to the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Speaker: \u003c/strong>Can you please name your favorite San Francisco drag queen? Starting with you Ahsha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>So Ahsha Safaí answers honey mahogany. And lots of people in San Francisco know honey mahogany. She was on RuPaul’s Drag Race very famously. She was chair of the Democratic Party, which is how all these politicians know her. She was a legislative aid. She ran for supervisor and then Mark Farrell: goes next and his answer gets a big laugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Farrell: \u003c/strong>Mark Farrell: I’m going to give the same answer. Honey. Mahogany.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Because he basically couldn’t name another drag queen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>To me, it sounded like Mark Farrell: could not name another drag queen in San Francisco. People might ask, why is it important? San Francisco is the birthplace of the gay movement and the LGBTQ plus movement in the United States. Before Stonewall, there’s Compton cafeteria riots for trans folks. We went through the Aids crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Drag queens were key in raising money and raising awareness in making sure that people cared about the issue. So drag and drag queens have far more history in San Francisco than that. There are wonderful pieces out there you can read to to not be able to name one. To me, it’s just just kind of shocking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, there are a lot of questions like this in debates, right? I mean, I know they also asked like, what’s your favorite bar in San Francisco or what’s your favorite burrito? I mean, why do you think these questions matter?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>And that’s an important question, because a lot of people on social media were saying to me, like, why does it matter that you could name your favorite bar, your favorite drag queen? And I will say that these answers can often be very revealing about the character of these people, but also the social spheres they live in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>You want a mayor who you know can see you and see your perspective and see where you’re coming from. And so, you know, like when Daniel Lurie: Yeah, they asked you, what’s your favorite, you know, watering hole in the city? I think you meant bar. Daniel Lurie: answers. Blue Light, which is a place on Union Street in the Cow Hollow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Like that doesn’t you know, Cow Hollow is one of the wealthiest enclaves in San Francisco. And I say that as someone who is who was raised there in a rent controlled apartment and it doesn’t exactly scream everyman, right, right. You know, and, and, those kind of things, they tell you a little bit about the person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Joe, were there any clear winners or losers in this debate, you think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I’ll say in a debate where no one clearly won or clearly lost, where no one did any major flubs that became social media moments necessarily. I think Mark Ferrell’s drag question was probably the closest we got to it, but it didn’t really reverberate that badly. Where there was no major breakout moments of positivity for any of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>In that scenario, I would argue to you that the winner was London Breed:, because when debates don’t have a clear winner, a loser, the incumbent is the one who wins because no one got more recognition and the incumbent walks into a situation with a lot of recognition. So I would say London Breed: won, but by default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Joe, this is your last day watching this race as a KQED reporter and as a lifelong resident of San Francisco. What will you be watching in this race over the next couple of months?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Even if I’m just watching as a San Franciscan who cares about my city? I think what I’ll be watching to see is how the conversation shapes up more than any individual candidate. How do we, as a city, talk about the issues of crime and homelessness and drug use?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Who do we center in these conversations and? And how do our fears shape what we say and what we do as a city? That’s that’s really what I’m looking to see. How driven by fear are we and how driven by unity and the values of San Francisco are we?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>We are named after Saint Francis de Assisi. Saint Francis really was someone who gave, who cared, and who made sure folks, even the people who had the least, had the most. And so do. Do we embody that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Joe, I just want to say I’ve just really appreciated being able to work with you these last couple of years, and I’ve always appreciated the love that you have for San Francisco and always shines through in our episodes with you, and we’re going to miss you here at the Bay. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>I always love what you all do with the Bay. And thank you for what you do. Everyone subscribe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez, a now former KQED reporter. Joe, we wish you the best with whatever is next. By the way, if you’re listening to this on Monday the 17th, the second San Francisco mayoral debate is today at 7:30 p.m. we’ll leave you a link to that in our show notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>This 45 minute conversation with Joe was cut down and edited by senior editor Alan Montecillo. It was produced and scored by me music courtesy of the Audio Network. By the way, if you liked this episode, consider leaving our show a review on Apple Podcasts or wherever you’re listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Can I be indulgent a little bit? Ericka? And may I say my favorite drag queen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Let’s hear it for your last episode with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: \u003c/strong>Sister Roma has always been my absolute favorite sister Roma. That’s just been there at just about every cause I’ve seen. She’s a member of the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, a radical drag nun group that just do everything they can to uplift San Francisco fundraising for homeless, LGBTQ youth, being just champions of fun and positivity. And sister Roma has been at it for more than 30 years. I gosh, just touches me, just touches me.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The state legislature passed its plan on Thursday to close a $45 billion budget shortfall, but negotiations continue with Governor Gavin Newsom on a final state spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, a controversial proposal to crack down on retail and drug crime by rolling back parts of California’s landmark criminal justice reform law is heading to the ballot … for now. Guy is joined by Lara Korte, state politics reporter and co-author of the California Playbook for POLITICO, and Lindsey Holden, legislative reporter for The Sacramento Bee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>I went to Ruth Whippman’s Berkeley home for tea in early May because it was time for my anxiety check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I arrived, I realized that my appointments with Whippman, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/05/opinion/boys-parenting-loneliness.html\">British author and cultural critic\u003c/a>, were aligned with presidential election cycles. I find Whippman’s candor refreshing and rational. She doesn’t sugarcoat but adds sugar to the tea that she serves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whippman’s husband, Neil Levine, was working downstairs and Zephy, 10, was at band practice. Solly, 13, breezed through the kitchen on his way out the door to play Dungeons & Dragons at Games of Berkeley. As he held the toy leaf blower he was delivering to his 6-year-old brother, Abe, we briefly talked about game strategy. He flinched when Whippman lifted her light blue mug, which was the same color as her phone case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Whippman published \u003cem>BoyMom: Reimagining Boyhood in the Age of Impossible Masculinity\u003c/em>, a treatise on the difficult challenge of raising decent men in an era when masculinity is weaponized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>BoyMom\u003c/em> is a memoir of a six-year stretch that included the election of a rapacious, misogynistic and xenophobic president, the #MeToo movement, the rise of the masculinity influencer and the isolation of the pandemic. Whippman, a mother of three boys, was concerned about raising her sons alongside a generation of boys that insecure tough guys are exploiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using reporting and analysis, she interrogated the toxic patterns in boys and men. In the book, you’ll meet insecure teenage boys. You’ll meet hopeless incels — the portmanteau of “involuntary celibate” — who are susceptible to the agitators who play on the fears of white male emasculation for likes. You’ll also meet fathers, mothers and therapists who are battling the invisible ways we separate boys from their humanity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wait a minute, how did we get here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go back to 2017, when women began using a hashtag to shine awareness on sexual abuse, sexual harassment and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987769\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Whippman poses for a photo at her home in Berkeley on May 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As much as it was a revelation of substance, #MeToo was a revolution of storytelling,” Whippman writes in \u003cem>BoyMom\u003c/em>. “Perhaps the ultimate power available to any human being is to have control of the narrative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>#MeToo exposed men who used privilege, power and wealth to assault women and dodge consequences. The left branded masculinity as toxic, while the right, if you will, leaned in and packaged toxic masculinity, as Whippman writes, “the answer to all our problems, both politicians and online influencers peddling a new brand of wounded, furious manhood, drawn from a combination of superhero fantasies and defensive rage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oh boy, we are in trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Whippman’s reporting, boys mature more slowly than girls socially, cognitively and physically, and are about 10 times more likely than girls to develop into antisocial adolescents. But what is less well known is that boys are more vulnerable emotionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sad irony is that while masculinity norms push boys to be tough — to squash their feelings and hide their weaknesses, right from birth and throughout childhood — young boys are actually more sensitive and emotionally fragile than young girls,” Whippman writes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because society expects rigid stoicism from men, mental health for boys often goes undetected, Whippman posits. Instead of emotional support, boys are getting infected by men who project an impossible standard of masculinity. To some, men are supposed to be without flaws, feelings or vulnerabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last month, Jerry Seinfeld said he \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/pop-culture/pop-culture-news/-real-man-jerry-seinfeld-says-misses-dominant-masculinity-rcna154708\">missed dominant masculinity\u003c/a>. Andrew Tate spews toxic, misogynistic commentary that is parroted by YouTubers, podcasters and social media influencers who get rich by preaching about alpha male achievements. They want you to believe that masculinity is under attack and only a strongman — you know, the kind anointed to sell Bibles for 60 bucks — is capable of making manhood great again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Whippman writes notes in her office at her home in Berkeley on May 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For something that is supposed to be so innate, masculinity sure seems to take a lot of hard work,” Whippman quips in the book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand the “scripts of masculinity,” Whippman went to Iron Gate, a therapeutic center for adolescent boys and young men in southern Utah. When I first met Whippman in 2016, the pursuit of happiness had prompted her to visit happy Mormons in Utah to report for \u003cem>America the Anxious: How Our Pursuit of Happiness Is Creating a Nation of Nervous Wrecks\u003c/em>, her book about how our cultural obsession with happiness made us crazy. I was then a columnist at the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> and, over tea, we talked about the multibillion-dollar self-improvement industry that sold everything but happiness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/Author-finds-happiness-not-misery-loves-company-9961102.php\">column\u003c/a> was published two days after America became familiar with how a certain presidential candidate \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trump-recorded-having-extremely-lewd-conversation-about-women-in-2005/2016/10/07/3b9ce776-8cb4-11e6-bf8a-3d26847eeed4_story.html\">talks in locker rooms\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003cem>BoyMom\u003c/em>, Whippman also traveled to New York to an exclusive, all-boys private school that boasts politicians, journalists and banking executives as alumni to sit in on Modern Masculinities, a class that challenges toxic masculinity. In the Los Angeles area, she attended Guys Group, a therapy and social group for teen boys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boys are at a social disadvantage because we have failed to model more intimate friendships, according to Whippman. “Online life can open up new worlds and perspectives that might otherwise be closed off to them,” she writes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boys have retreated online to play video games and mingle virtually on communication platforms such as Discord and Telegram, where they are exposed to racism and hate. They socialize less because they don’t have the real-world friendships and relationships they crave. They are isolated. Worse, they are lonely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just easier to just retreat into a screen when they feel like nobody cares about them,” Whippman told me as we sat at her kitchen table. “Everyone thinks they’re terrible. Everyone thinks they’re predators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987771\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Whippman sits with her husband, Neil Levine, and sons Abe, 6, Zephy, 10, and Solly, 13, at their home in Berkeley on May 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whippman’s most illuminative reporting is reserved for the back half of the book. She ventured into the online forums where right-leaning and alt-right people congregate on 4chan, 8chan and other violent communities. It’s where the aggrieved find solace among others who share a deep hatred of women. The spaces are where incels, an online subculture of men frustrated with a lack of sexual experiences, are accepted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a notorious overlap between misogyny, white supremacy, homophobia and anti-semiticism in online spaces,” Whippman writes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There aren’t many interviews with incels about their personal perspectives and experiences. Whippman went beneath surface-level reporting to examine the emotional and psychological triggers that were driving boys and young men to such intolerant spaces. In the book, she shares the stories of young men she interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We must understand the path that leads to hatred if we’re going to offer a course correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I wanted to do was to not give them a platform for their opinions. They absolutely don’t need that,” she told me. “And I in no way wanted to promote these toxic opinions, but I wanted to listen to the feelings that were driving them,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905968/how-to-raise-sons-in-the-age-of-impossible-masculinity\">she said last week in an interview at KQED after appearing on Forum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody’s going to feel some sense of inadequacy or shame that they have to make up for in some way,” she continued. “It’s not their masculinity that makes them violent. It’s the shame that they’re not masculine enough, that they’re not meeting the standard. That’s where the violence is. That’s where the toxicity is. It’s those feelings of shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, a petulant former president who, I imagine, abhors accountability as much as he does facts, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/05/30/g-s1-1848/trump-hush-money-trial-34-counts\">convicted of 34 felony counts of falsified business records\u003c/a>. He still faces indictments for election inference, hoarding national security documents and for attempting to overturn election results. He’s been whining about getting the conviction overturned while obsessively wailing about the election he fairly lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Someone should tell the walking tough guy meme that boys don’t cry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>I went to Ruth Whippman’s Berkeley home for tea in early May because it was time for my anxiety check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I arrived, I realized that my appointments with Whippman, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/05/opinion/boys-parenting-loneliness.html\">British author and cultural critic\u003c/a>, were aligned with presidential election cycles. I find Whippman’s candor refreshing and rational. She doesn’t sugarcoat but adds sugar to the tea that she serves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whippman’s husband, Neil Levine, was working downstairs and Zephy, 10, was at band practice. Solly, 13, breezed through the kitchen on his way out the door to play Dungeons & Dragons at Games of Berkeley. As he held the toy leaf blower he was delivering to his 6-year-old brother, Abe, we briefly talked about game strategy. He flinched when Whippman lifted her light blue mug, which was the same color as her phone case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Whippman published \u003cem>BoyMom: Reimagining Boyhood in the Age of Impossible Masculinity\u003c/em>, a treatise on the difficult challenge of raising decent men in an era when masculinity is weaponized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>BoyMom\u003c/em> is a memoir of a six-year stretch that included the election of a rapacious, misogynistic and xenophobic president, the #MeToo movement, the rise of the masculinity influencer and the isolation of the pandemic. Whippman, a mother of three boys, was concerned about raising her sons alongside a generation of boys that insecure tough guys are exploiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using reporting and analysis, she interrogated the toxic patterns in boys and men. In the book, you’ll meet insecure teenage boys. You’ll meet hopeless incels — the portmanteau of “involuntary celibate” — who are susceptible to the agitators who play on the fears of white male emasculation for likes. You’ll also meet fathers, mothers and therapists who are battling the invisible ways we separate boys from their humanity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wait a minute, how did we get here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go back to 2017, when women began using a hashtag to shine awareness on sexual abuse, sexual harassment and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987769\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-10-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Whippman poses for a photo at her home in Berkeley on May 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As much as it was a revelation of substance, #MeToo was a revolution of storytelling,” Whippman writes in \u003cem>BoyMom\u003c/em>. “Perhaps the ultimate power available to any human being is to have control of the narrative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>#MeToo exposed men who used privilege, power and wealth to assault women and dodge consequences. The left branded masculinity as toxic, while the right, if you will, leaned in and packaged toxic masculinity, as Whippman writes, “the answer to all our problems, both politicians and online influencers peddling a new brand of wounded, furious manhood, drawn from a combination of superhero fantasies and defensive rage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oh boy, we are in trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Whippman’s reporting, boys mature more slowly than girls socially, cognitively and physically, and are about 10 times more likely than girls to develop into antisocial adolescents. But what is less well known is that boys are more vulnerable emotionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sad irony is that while masculinity norms push boys to be tough — to squash their feelings and hide their weaknesses, right from birth and throughout childhood — young boys are actually more sensitive and emotionally fragile than young girls,” Whippman writes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because society expects rigid stoicism from men, mental health for boys often goes undetected, Whippman posits. Instead of emotional support, boys are getting infected by men who project an impossible standard of masculinity. To some, men are supposed to be without flaws, feelings or vulnerabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last month, Jerry Seinfeld said he \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/pop-culture/pop-culture-news/-real-man-jerry-seinfeld-says-misses-dominant-masculinity-rcna154708\">missed dominant masculinity\u003c/a>. Andrew Tate spews toxic, misogynistic commentary that is parroted by YouTubers, podcasters and social media influencers who get rich by preaching about alpha male achievements. They want you to believe that masculinity is under attack and only a strongman — you know, the kind anointed to sell Bibles for 60 bucks — is capable of making manhood great again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-12-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Whippman writes notes in her office at her home in Berkeley on May 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For something that is supposed to be so innate, masculinity sure seems to take a lot of hard work,” Whippman quips in the book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand the “scripts of masculinity,” Whippman went to Iron Gate, a therapeutic center for adolescent boys and young men in southern Utah. When I first met Whippman in 2016, the pursuit of happiness had prompted her to visit happy Mormons in Utah to report for \u003cem>America the Anxious: How Our Pursuit of Happiness Is Creating a Nation of Nervous Wrecks\u003c/em>, her book about how our cultural obsession with happiness made us crazy. I was then a columnist at the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> and, over tea, we talked about the multibillion-dollar self-improvement industry that sold everything but happiness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/Author-finds-happiness-not-misery-loves-company-9961102.php\">column\u003c/a> was published two days after America became familiar with how a certain presidential candidate \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trump-recorded-having-extremely-lewd-conversation-about-women-in-2005/2016/10/07/3b9ce776-8cb4-11e6-bf8a-3d26847eeed4_story.html\">talks in locker rooms\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003cem>BoyMom\u003c/em>, Whippman also traveled to New York to an exclusive, all-boys private school that boasts politicians, journalists and banking executives as alumni to sit in on Modern Masculinities, a class that challenges toxic masculinity. In the Los Angeles area, she attended Guys Group, a therapy and social group for teen boys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boys are at a social disadvantage because we have failed to model more intimate friendships, according to Whippman. “Online life can open up new worlds and perspectives that might otherwise be closed off to them,” she writes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boys have retreated online to play video games and mingle virtually on communication platforms such as Discord and Telegram, where they are exposed to racism and hate. They socialize less because they don’t have the real-world friendships and relationships they crave. They are isolated. Worse, they are lonely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just easier to just retreat into a screen when they feel like nobody cares about them,” Whippman told me as we sat at her kitchen table. “Everyone thinks they’re terrible. Everyone thinks they’re predators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987771\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240522-BoyMom-17-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Whippman sits with her husband, Neil Levine, and sons Abe, 6, Zephy, 10, and Solly, 13, at their home in Berkeley on May 22. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whippman’s most illuminative reporting is reserved for the back half of the book. She ventured into the online forums where right-leaning and alt-right people congregate on 4chan, 8chan and other violent communities. It’s where the aggrieved find solace among others who share a deep hatred of women. The spaces are where incels, an online subculture of men frustrated with a lack of sexual experiences, are accepted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a notorious overlap between misogyny, white supremacy, homophobia and anti-semiticism in online spaces,” Whippman writes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There aren’t many interviews with incels about their personal perspectives and experiences. Whippman went beneath surface-level reporting to examine the emotional and psychological triggers that were driving boys and young men to such intolerant spaces. In the book, she shares the stories of young men she interviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We must understand the path that leads to hatred if we’re going to offer a course correction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I wanted to do was to not give them a platform for their opinions. They absolutely don’t need that,” she told me. “And I in no way wanted to promote these toxic opinions, but I wanted to listen to the feelings that were driving them,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905968/how-to-raise-sons-in-the-age-of-impossible-masculinity\">she said last week in an interview at KQED after appearing on Forum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody’s going to feel some sense of inadequacy or shame that they have to make up for in some way,” she continued. “It’s not their masculinity that makes them violent. It’s the shame that they’re not masculine enough, that they’re not meeting the standard. That’s where the violence is. That’s where the toxicity is. It’s those feelings of shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, a petulant former president who, I imagine, abhors accountability as much as he does facts, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/05/30/g-s1-1848/trump-hush-money-trial-34-counts\">convicted of 34 felony counts of falsified business records\u003c/a>. He still faces indictments for election inference, hoarding national security documents and for attempting to overturn election results. He’s been whining about getting the conviction overturned while obsessively wailing about the election he fairly lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Someone should tell the walking tough guy meme that boys don’t cry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s first mayoral debate was — well, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990106/sf-mayor-candidates-speak-to-their-bases-and-no-one-else-at-1st-debate\">it certainly happened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took in Wednesday night’s political scuffle alongside a pack of journalists sitting in the nosebleed section of the Sydney Goldstein Theater. By the end, I had the distinct impression of not being distinctly impressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed, former Mayor Mark Farrell, Levi Strauss heir Daniel Lurie and Supervisors Aaron Peskin and Ahsha Safaí all argued their visions for San Francisco’s future. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989776/san-franciscos-first-mayoral-debate-is-here-the-stakes-are-high\">They sang the songs we’d heard before\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some new twists emerged. Here are a few from this reporter’s notebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farrell continues to push Breed’s messaging rightward\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Farrell is a Democrat who isn’t afraid to push San Francisco in a conservative direction, like bringing armed National Guard troops to patrol the Tenderloin to stem the fentanyl crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990166 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Mayor Mark Farrell speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. Farrell, a Democrat, isn’t afraid to push San Francisco in a conservative direction and called harm reduction a failure on stage. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farrell called harm reduction a failure on stage. Harm reduction is an approach offering services to drug users even when they continue their habit. Farrell favors abstinence-only treatment. Harm reduction is considered a health-centric approach and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/the-administrations-strategy/the-biden-harris-administrations-first-year-drug-policy-priorities/?utm_medium=Email&utm_source=ExactTarget&utm_campaign=20240327_Political%20Breakdown&mc_key=11576065\">part of President Joe Biden’s drug policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed took the bait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not just using harm reduction to help people with treatment,” she said. “We are using abstinence-based treatment, which was never a part of our public health response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Peskin took a risk, leaning into progressive messaging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin wobbly walked a tightrope, offering solutions for the fentanyl and housing crises that may appeal to centrist Democrats while still keeping his core progressive base happy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990162 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Aaron Peskin speaks during the first San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. Peskin aims to steer San Francisco back toward progressive values many believe it has abandoned. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But his scorched-earth message at the end of the night was aimed squarely at the left, lighting up Farrell for benefiting from contributions from hard-right Republican William Oberndorf, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/William-Oberndorf-in-Boudin-recall-17059555.php\">who has donated millions to Republicans nationally\u003c/a> who favor abortion bans. Breed drew support for her ballot measures from “crypto kings and venture capitalists,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an old saying in politics, ‘Follow the money,’” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farrell needs more gay friends\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Co-moderator Manny Yekutiel tossed a softball to the candidates: Name your favorite drag queen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safaí, who answered first, said Honey Mahogany, who drew fame for her appearance on \u003cem>Ru Paul’s Drag Race \u003c/em>and her stint as San Francisco Democratic Party chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990157\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gaybraham Lincoln (left) and Randy Green stand in the lobby as people stream into the Sydney Goldstein Theater for the San Francisco mayoral debate on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to give the same answer, Honey Mahogany,” said Farrell, who spoke next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd howled. It certainly sounded like Farrell couldn’t think of another drag queen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, at the first mayoral forum, Farrell declined to specifically name his top friends and advisors from the LGBTQ community. Seriously, someone take that man to \u003ca href=\"https://www.studsf.com/\">The Stud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lurie’s performance was OK, but he needed a grand slam\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lurie, the former CEO of Tipping Point, an anti-poverty nonprofit, is a relative unknown in city politics. He needed an explosive night to propel his campaign into the more heated months of the mayor’s race. He didn’t get that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990158\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990158 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Lurie speaks during the San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. The Levi Strauss heir and former CEO of Tipping Point, an anti-poverty nonprofit, is a relative unknown in city politics. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Candidates spent the night dunking on Lurie’s lack of government experience. Lurie also struggled to shed his rich guy persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to name his favorite bar, Lurie answered \u003ca href=\"https://www.yelp.com/biz/the-blue-light-san-francisco-2\">The Blue Light\u003c/a>, a Cow Hollow watering hole. No offense to The Blue Light, and no hate to Cow Hollow, where I grew up in a rent-controlled apartment. It’s one of the city’s wealthiest enclaves and doesn’t exactly radiate everyman vibes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Safaí struggled for recognition and to pick a lane\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most successful candidates craft identities you can describe in a sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990165 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ahsha Safaí speaks during the San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. Along with the other candidates, Safaí shared his vision for the city’s future. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Breed portrays herself as a comeback kid celebrating a rejuvenated San Francisco. Farrell wants to be seen as a pragmatist who will save the city from wayward progressives. Lurie projects as a sensible outsider with CEO know-how. Peskin hopes to be the city’s personal Jiminy Cricket, steering San Francisco back toward progressive values many believe it has abandoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know Safaí’s elevator pitch. And after his debate performance, I’m not sure he knows it himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, during a heated back and forth between Heather Knight, a debate moderator and San Francisco bureau chief of \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> and Breed, Knight completely skipped over Safaí’s turn to answer a question — almost as if she forgot he was on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s first mayoral debate was — well, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990106/sf-mayor-candidates-speak-to-their-bases-and-no-one-else-at-1st-debate\">it certainly happened\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took in Wednesday night’s political scuffle alongside a pack of journalists sitting in the nosebleed section of the Sydney Goldstein Theater. By the end, I had the distinct impression of not being distinctly impressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed, former Mayor Mark Farrell, Levi Strauss heir Daniel Lurie and Supervisors Aaron Peskin and Ahsha Safaí all argued their visions for San Francisco’s future. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989776/san-franciscos-first-mayoral-debate-is-here-the-stakes-are-high\">They sang the songs we’d heard before\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some new twists emerged. Here are a few from this reporter’s notebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farrell continues to push Breed’s messaging rightward\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Farrell is a Democrat who isn’t afraid to push San Francisco in a conservative direction, like bringing armed National Guard troops to patrol the Tenderloin to stem the fentanyl crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990166 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-73-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Mayor Mark Farrell speaks during a San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. Farrell, a Democrat, isn’t afraid to push San Francisco in a conservative direction and called harm reduction a failure on stage. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farrell called harm reduction a failure on stage. Harm reduction is an approach offering services to drug users even when they continue their habit. Farrell favors abstinence-only treatment. Harm reduction is considered a health-centric approach and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp/the-administrations-strategy/the-biden-harris-administrations-first-year-drug-policy-priorities/?utm_medium=Email&utm_source=ExactTarget&utm_campaign=20240327_Political%20Breakdown&mc_key=11576065\">part of President Joe Biden’s drug policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed took the bait.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not just using harm reduction to help people with treatment,” she said. “We are using abstinence-based treatment, which was never a part of our public health response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Peskin took a risk, leaning into progressive messaging\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin wobbly walked a tightrope, offering solutions for the fentanyl and housing crises that may appeal to centrist Democrats while still keeping his core progressive base happy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990162 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-77-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Aaron Peskin speaks during the first San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. Peskin aims to steer San Francisco back toward progressive values many believe it has abandoned. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But his scorched-earth message at the end of the night was aimed squarely at the left, lighting up Farrell for benefiting from contributions from hard-right Republican William Oberndorf, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/William-Oberndorf-in-Boudin-recall-17059555.php\">who has donated millions to Republicans nationally\u003c/a> who favor abortion bans. Breed drew support for her ballot measures from “crypto kings and venture capitalists,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an old saying in politics, ‘Follow the money,’” Peskin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Farrell needs more gay friends\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Co-moderator Manny Yekutiel tossed a softball to the candidates: Name your favorite drag queen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safaí, who answered first, said Honey Mahogany, who drew fame for her appearance on \u003cem>Ru Paul’s Drag Race \u003c/em>and her stint as San Francisco Democratic Party chair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990157\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990157\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-10-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gaybraham Lincoln (left) and Randy Green stand in the lobby as people stream into the Sydney Goldstein Theater for the San Francisco mayoral debate on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to give the same answer, Honey Mahogany,” said Farrell, who spoke next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crowd howled. It certainly sounded like Farrell couldn’t think of another drag queen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, at the first mayoral forum, Farrell declined to specifically name his top friends and advisors from the LGBTQ community. Seriously, someone take that man to \u003ca href=\"https://www.studsf.com/\">The Stud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lurie’s performance was OK, but he needed a grand slam\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lurie, the former CEO of Tipping Point, an anti-poverty nonprofit, is a relative unknown in city politics. He needed an explosive night to propel his campaign into the more heated months of the mayor’s race. He didn’t get that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990158\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990158 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-43-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Lurie speaks during the San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. The Levi Strauss heir and former CEO of Tipping Point, an anti-poverty nonprofit, is a relative unknown in city politics. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Candidates spent the night dunking on Lurie’s lack of government experience. Lurie also struggled to shed his rich guy persona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked to name his favorite bar, Lurie answered \u003ca href=\"https://www.yelp.com/biz/the-blue-light-san-francisco-2\">The Blue Light\u003c/a>, a Cow Hollow watering hole. No offense to The Blue Light, and no hate to Cow Hollow, where I grew up in a rent-controlled apartment. It’s one of the city’s wealthiest enclaves and doesn’t exactly radiate everyman vibes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Safaí struggled for recognition and to pick a lane\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most successful candidates craft identities you can describe in a sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990165 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-82-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ahsha Safaí speaks during the San Francisco mayoral debate at the Sydney Goldstein Theater. Along with the other candidates, Safaí shared his vision for the city’s future. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Breed portrays herself as a comeback kid celebrating a rejuvenated San Francisco. Farrell wants to be seen as a pragmatist who will save the city from wayward progressives. Lurie projects as a sensible outsider with CEO know-how. Peskin hopes to be the city’s personal Jiminy Cricket, steering San Francisco back toward progressive values many believe it has abandoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know Safaí’s elevator pitch. And after his debate performance, I’m not sure he knows it himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, during a heated back and forth between Heather Knight, a debate moderator and San Francisco bureau chief of \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> and Breed, Knight completely skipped over Safaí’s turn to answer a question — almost as if she forgot he was on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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