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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005009 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/iStock_000039661108_Large_qed-1020x678.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California Attorney General Rob Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated state law by denying life-saving emergency services.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[Updated at 3:15 p.m. Sept. 30]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> sued a Catholic hospital in Northern California for denying a pregnant patient emergency abortion care, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> announced during a Monday press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lawsuit, filed in Humboldt County Superior Court, Bonta alleges Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka violated multiple laws, including the state’s Emergency Services Law, which mandates hospitals to provide care “necessary to relieve or eliminate the emergency medical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case reveals the limits and challenges of abortion access in California despite the state having some of the nation’s strongest reproductive health protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Eureka resident Dr. Anna Nusslock was 15 weeks pregnant when her water broke, she said at the press conference. Multiple doctors told her that the twins she was carrying would not survive, and if she didn’t receive an emergency abortion, neither would she. But Providence St. Joseph Hospital told Nusslock that it could not provide her with an abortion due to a hospital policy prohibiting medical intervention so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While experiencing bleeding and “blinding pain,” Nusslock was rushed 12 miles to Mad River Community Hospital in Arcata, California, where she received a life-saving surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am here today to tell my story for one simple reason, because I don’t want other people in my community to experience the same life-threatening trauma that I experienced,” Nusslock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said that it’s not unusual to hear tragic stories of women denied life-saving treatment coming out of the 22 states with full or partial abortion bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as Anna’s story illustrates, even here in California, we are not immune from this problem,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence, which operates 51 hospitals and 1,000 clinics on the West Coast, a spokesperson said the hospital learned about the lawsuit Monday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are currently reviewing the filings to understand what is being alleged,” Bryan Kawasaki wrote in a statement, which added that the hospital was “heartbroken” over Nusslock’s experience. “We review every event that may not have met our patient needs or expectations to understand what happened and take appropriate steps to meet those needs and expectations for every patient we encounter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s suit also alleges that Providence’s policy discriminates against pregnant patients, providing different choices than they would for other patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hospital ignores the medical advice of their physicians and the desires of their patients, subjecting them to intrusive hospital policies that are of no benefit to the patient’s health,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Mary Ziegler, an abortion law expert at UC Davis, said that although the state has some of the strongest abortion rights in the country, there are “parts of California where those rights aren’t being realized.” That tends to be in disproportionately rural, conservative and smaller communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve also seen the influence of which kinds of hospitals operate in those communities,” Ziegler said. “Catholic and conservative hospitals tend to have different policies regarding access to these rights than others do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Widely seen as a potential candidate for governor in 2026, Bonta has used his enforcement powers to preserve and strengthen reproductive rights in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Bonta welcomed abortion care providers from states with restrictive laws like Arizona and Idaho, promising to protect them from anti-abortion laws. Last year, Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11962088/california-sues-anti-abortion-counseling-centers-says-they-misled-women\">sued an anti-abortion group\u003c/a> and a chain of anti-abortion counseling centers, alleging the organizations misled women when they offered unproven treatments to reverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990192/what-the-supreme-court-ruling-on-the-abortion-pill-means-for-access-in-california\">medication abortions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said his attorneys believe there may be others who have endured experiences similar to Nusslock and urged others who may have been denied medical care to share their stories with the state Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler said the state government has made major financial and political commitments facilitating abortion access, positioning itself as an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002780/california-democrats-strike-back-against-local-conservative-rebellions-on-lgbtq-rights-abortion\">abortion sanctuary\u003c/a>” since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to an abortion two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge now is to make those resources work in underprivileged parts of California,” Ziegler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There may need to be more kind of targeted work done at the local level — as opposed to the state level — to make sure that the people we know are still not aware of or able to access those resources are able to do so,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3129\">bill\u003c/a> that would have given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> the ability to block private equity acquisitions of health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would have empowered the state’s attorney general to review and veto deals garnered by private equity firms deemed bad for consumers and patients. It covered transactions involving public hospitals, health systems, physician groups and long-term care facilities operating in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key provision aimed to prevent investors from meddling in health care decisions, ensuring that physicians and medical professionals retain autonomy over patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill was redundant because the \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/affordability/ohca/\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> already has the authority to review and evaluate health care transactions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private equity firms spend about \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/private-equity-in-health-care-prevalence-impact-and-policy-options-for-california-and-the-u-s/#:~:text=View%20the%20Report&text=At%20its%20most%20recent%20peak,and%20%2420%20billion%20in%20California.\">$20 billion\u003c/a> a year on health care transactions in California alone and $83 billion nationally. Physician practices are particularly appealing targets, with the number of transactions increasing \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">sixfold over the past decade\u003c/a>. While financial firms promise operational efficiency and management expertise, critics said the need for rapid returns — typically within three to seven years — could lead to aggressive cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investors often decrease staffing ratios, increase prices and buy up multiple health care entities in the same region or specialty to use that market power to hike prices,” said Dr. Christopher Cai, a physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and a Harvard Medical School researcher specializing in pharmacoeconomics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley, the financial pressures created by private equity ownership can push physicians to meet patient quotas, prioritize more lucrative procedures or cut back on less profitable services. Over time, this can erode the quality of care patients receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1994424 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/09/240617-HealthcareMinWage-14-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, labor unions and the California Medical Association called the measure crucial to patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is a sad day for health care consumers,” said Assemblymember Jim Wood (D-Healdsburg), the bill’s sponsor, in a statement. “When we look across the nation, we see private equity’s encroachment into health care growing by leaps and bounds — and I had hoped California would be the first state to provide a preventive and reasonable initial review to protect health care consumers from being the victims of profit-driven investors who are not interested in ensuring that Californians get quality care where they need it and at an affordable price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill faced fierce opposition from the California Hospital Association and industry groups such as the American Investment Council (AIC) that argued the extra regulation could discourage investment in health care and limit innovation and access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s well-reasoned decision will help patients and communities continue to have access to quality care,” said Drew Maloney, the Council’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto may negatively influence support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.markey.senate.gov/HealthOverWealth\">similar proposal\u003c/a> at the national level, where it was introduced by Sen. Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3129\">bill\u003c/a> that would have given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> the ability to block private equity acquisitions of health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would have empowered the state’s attorney general to review and veto deals garnered by private equity firms deemed bad for consumers and patients. It covered transactions involving public hospitals, health systems, physician groups and long-term care facilities operating in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key provision aimed to prevent investors from meddling in health care decisions, ensuring that physicians and medical professionals retain autonomy over patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill was redundant because the \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/affordability/ohca/\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> already has the authority to review and evaluate health care transactions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private equity firms spend about \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/private-equity-in-health-care-prevalence-impact-and-policy-options-for-california-and-the-u-s/#:~:text=View%20the%20Report&text=At%20its%20most%20recent%20peak,and%20%2420%20billion%20in%20California.\">$20 billion\u003c/a> a year on health care transactions in California alone and $83 billion nationally. Physician practices are particularly appealing targets, with the number of transactions increasing \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">sixfold over the past decade\u003c/a>. While financial firms promise operational efficiency and management expertise, critics said the need for rapid returns — typically within three to seven years — could lead to aggressive cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investors often decrease staffing ratios, increase prices and buy up multiple health care entities in the same region or specialty to use that market power to hike prices,” said Dr. Christopher Cai, a physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and a Harvard Medical School researcher specializing in pharmacoeconomics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley, the financial pressures created by private equity ownership can push physicians to meet patient quotas, prioritize more lucrative procedures or cut back on less profitable services. Over time, this can erode the quality of care patients receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, labor unions and the California Medical Association called the measure crucial to patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is a sad day for health care consumers,” said Assemblymember Jim Wood (D-Healdsburg), the bill’s sponsor, in a statement. “When we look across the nation, we see private equity’s encroachment into health care growing by leaps and bounds — and I had hoped California would be the first state to provide a preventive and reasonable initial review to protect health care consumers from being the victims of profit-driven investors who are not interested in ensuring that Californians get quality care where they need it and at an affordable price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill faced fierce opposition from the California Hospital Association and industry groups such as the American Investment Council (AIC) that argued the extra regulation could discourage investment in health care and limit innovation and access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s well-reasoned decision will help patients and communities continue to have access to quality care,” said Drew Maloney, the Council’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto may negatively influence support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.markey.senate.gov/HealthOverWealth\">similar proposal\u003c/a> at the national level, where it was introduced by Sen. Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill that would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco pedestrian advocates had been ramping up pressure on Newsom to sign the state bill, saying it would have helped reduce traffic-related deaths and serious injuries in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calls for Newsom to sign the bill, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, intensified after two pedestrians were killed on Lombard St. in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk SF’s Marta Lindsey said that, despite the efforts by officials to curtail traffic-related fatalities, the data speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dealing with a multi-headed beast,” Lindsey said. “How our streets are designed is so important in terms of how drivers behave, and so in the last 10 years, the city has been doing a lot of the right things, but it hasn’t happened at the scale or the number of layers needed to address the fact that the threat has risen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rise in road deaths in California is a completely preventable tragedy,” Wiener said in a statement. “The evidence is clear: Rising levels of dangerous speeding are placing all Californians in danger, and by taking prudent steps to improve safety, we can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police are still pursuing their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413631/san-francisco-fire-department-signs-on-to-vision-zero-pedestrian-safety-plan\">Vision Zero \u003c/a>goal, six months after the deadline that the city set in its 2014 initiative to reduce citywide traffic-related deaths to zero within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"pedestrian-safety\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed SB 961, which would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6 p.m. Saturday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has vetoed a bill that would have required most passenger vehicles sold in California to have additional passive intelligent speed assistance systems to alert drivers when they go 10 miles per hour or more over the speed limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco pedestrian advocates had been ramping up pressure on Newsom to sign the state bill, saying it would have helped reduce traffic-related deaths and serious injuries in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The calls for Newsom to sign the bill, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, intensified after two pedestrians were killed on Lombard St. in just the last two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walk SF’s Marta Lindsey said that, despite the efforts by officials to curtail traffic-related fatalities, the data speaks for itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are dealing with a multi-headed beast,” Lindsey said. “How our streets are designed is so important in terms of how drivers behave, and so in the last 10 years, the city has been doing a lot of the right things, but it hasn’t happened at the scale or the number of layers needed to address the fact that the threat has risen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The rise in road deaths in California is a completely preventable tragedy,” Wiener said in a statement. “The evidence is clear: Rising levels of dangerous speeding are placing all Californians in danger, and by taking prudent steps to improve safety, we can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police are still pursuing their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10413631/san-francisco-fire-department-signs-on-to-vision-zero-pedestrian-safety-plan\">Vision Zero \u003c/a>goal, six months after the deadline that the city set in its 2014 initiative to reduce citywide traffic-related deaths to zero within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco has seemingly made little consistent progress on that front: \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/traffic-fatalities#traffic-fatalities\">39 pedestrians \u003c/a>were killed in 2022 alone, the deadliest year for traffic-related fatalities since 2007.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the city’s Department of Public Health has already reported 23 traffic fatalities so far this year, exceeding the 22 recorded in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Riggs, a USCF professor who focuses on mobility and transportation issues, believes that educating the public in simple terms is an often overlooked piece of the Vision Zero puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we consider Vision Zero, I think we forget substantive components about how we influence not only drivers but bicyclists and pedestrians to be responsible roadway users,” Riggs said. He points to a unique approach that San Francisco police took last week when an officer donned an inflatable chicken suit and crossed the road at the intersection of Alemany Boulevard and Rousseau Street in the city’s Excelsior neighborhood, where a 76-year-old man \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/pedestrian-dies-hit-and-run-s-f-18690047.php\"> was killed in a hit-and-run earlier this year.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers who didn’t stop for the officer in the chicken suit were immediately flagged by other officers standing by and issued citations for failing to yield to a pedestrian. A video of the chicken exercise was \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/collinrugg/status/1837639499247178090?s=12\"> posted on X\u003c/a>, drawing about 6 million views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different kinds of educational frames we can put on what is happening on the roadway that don’t involve planner speak or engineering speak,” Riggs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a formal veto request letter to Newsom, the California Senate Republican Caucus called SB 961 “overly prescriptive” and said that “the real focus should be on increasing law enforcement presence in our communities and appropriately punishing those who blatantly disregard traffic laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Cathy Chase, the president of Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety, which supported the bill, said, “We need to flip the script and think about how many people are being killed on our roadways — preventably — when we have solutions at hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We need a multipronged approach where there is more effective law enforcement of traffic safety violations, and also the use of available technology to slow cars down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsey, of Walk SF, said she was not at all surprised about pushback against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They fought seatbelts, by the way, they fought windshield wipers, they fought airbags, they fought the rearview cameras,” she said, referring to the auto industry and anti-regulatory lawmakers. “They fight all of this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Yesterday the state Assembly passed two bills taking aim at gasoline price spikes, after hours of hearings in a special session called by Gov. Gavin Newsom. Plus, the governor signs a package of reparation bills including one issuing a formal apology for California perpetuating slavery in its early days as a state. Scott and Guy are joined by Politico senior California politics and policy reporter Jeremy B. White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"slug": "california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will offer a formal apology for the state government’s role in advancing slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a handful of bills on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">seeking to make amends for the treatment\u003c/a> of African Americans in the state. The ambitious effort to provide reparations for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a> emanated from a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">2023 report\u003c/a> by the California Reparations Task Force on the state’s role in advancing slavery and inflicting harm on Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Together with Gov. Newsom, we are sending a powerful message that California is leading the way in repairing harm done to Black communities,” Lori Wilson (D-Suisun City) said. “Today marks a victory, but only the first in the continued fight for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, though, the first year of reparations proposals failed to live up to the expectations of many reparations supporters. The bill that many reparations advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">considered the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to repair harm\u003c/a> endured by Black Californians failed to reach Newsom’s desk. SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the legislative session, Wilson and the leadership of the California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized achievability over ambition. The caucus pursued meaningful and realizable measures, not controversial and potentially transformative ideas like direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson, representing the 11th District, is also the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Success, Wilson said in the spring, would mean winning approval for all 14 of the CLBC’s original reparations bills in the Legislature. Nine bills ultimately passed the Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed six into law, including AB 3089, an official apology for state officials who promoted and advanced slavery in California’s earliest days and for “perpetuating the harms African Americans have faced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California accepts responsibility for the role we played in promoting, facilitating, and permitting the institution of slavery, as well as its enduring legacy of persistent racial disparities,” Newsom said in a statement. “Building on decades of work, California is now taking another important step forward in recognizing the grave injustices of the past — and making amends for the harms caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California entered the nation as a free state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">many of the state’s early leaders supported chattel slavery and passed laws\u003c/a> to help slave owners recapture free Black people in the state. Multiple enslavers even served in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a suite sits next to a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), author of AB 3089, during an interview on KQED’s Political Breakdown on Sept. 7, 2023 in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Healing can only begin with an apology,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), who served on the reparations task force, in a statement. “The State of California acknowledges its past actions and is taking this bold step to correct them, recognizing its role in hindering the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness for Black individuals through racially motivated punitive laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom signed AB 1815, which expands the definition of race in some state laws to include traits associated with race, such as hairstyles, to widen protections against discrimination. SB 1089 will require supermarkets and pharmacies to provide advanced notice of closures to employees and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1986 gives the state’s Office of the Inspector General the power to publish a list of books banned in state prisons. But the bill, like others in the CLBC’s reparations package, was watered down before reaching Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier versions of AB 1986 would have given the Inspector General the ability to reverse prison book bans, an idea met with resistance by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. Notification requirements in SB 1089 were narrowed as the bill moved through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to advance reparations work failed to pass the Assembly. SB 1403 had the support of advocates who believed an agency that would determine eligibility was necessary to establish a viable reparations program. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403\u003c/a> divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom vetoed two other reparations proposals. One would have required Medi-Cal to cover food interventions, such as grocery boxes or nutrition education, an idea Newsom argued was too expensive. He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">rejected a bill that would have created a state process\u003c/a> for reviewing claims of racist land-takings because the bill relied on the creation of the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last word on this year’s reparations proposals will go to California voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">Proposition 6, placed on the ballot by the Legislature\u003c/a>, would remove California’s allowance of involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime by banning state prisons from punishing inmates who refuse to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Advocates say California's first-year reparations plan for Black residents fell short of expectations, but voters will decide its future in November.",
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"title": "California to Issue Apology for Slavery as Newsom Signs Reparations Bills | KQED",
"description": "Advocates say California's first-year reparations plan for Black residents fell short of expectations, but voters will decide its future in November.",
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"headline": "California to Issue Apology for Slavery as Newsom Signs Reparations Bills",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will offer a formal apology for the state government’s role in advancing slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a handful of bills on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">seeking to make amends for the treatment\u003c/a> of African Americans in the state. The ambitious effort to provide reparations for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a> emanated from a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">2023 report\u003c/a> by the California Reparations Task Force on the state’s role in advancing slavery and inflicting harm on Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Together with Gov. Newsom, we are sending a powerful message that California is leading the way in repairing harm done to Black communities,” Lori Wilson (D-Suisun City) said. “Today marks a victory, but only the first in the continued fight for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, though, the first year of reparations proposals failed to live up to the expectations of many reparations supporters. The bill that many reparations advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">considered the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to repair harm\u003c/a> endured by Black Californians failed to reach Newsom’s desk. SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the legislative session, Wilson and the leadership of the California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized achievability over ambition. The caucus pursued meaningful and realizable measures, not controversial and potentially transformative ideas like direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson, representing the 11th District, is also the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Success, Wilson said in the spring, would mean winning approval for all 14 of the CLBC’s original reparations bills in the Legislature. Nine bills ultimately passed the Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed six into law, including AB 3089, an official apology for state officials who promoted and advanced slavery in California’s earliest days and for “perpetuating the harms African Americans have faced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California accepts responsibility for the role we played in promoting, facilitating, and permitting the institution of slavery, as well as its enduring legacy of persistent racial disparities,” Newsom said in a statement. “Building on decades of work, California is now taking another important step forward in recognizing the grave injustices of the past — and making amends for the harms caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California entered the nation as a free state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">many of the state’s early leaders supported chattel slavery and passed laws\u003c/a> to help slave owners recapture free Black people in the state. Multiple enslavers even served in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a suite sits next to a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), author of AB 3089, during an interview on KQED’s Political Breakdown on Sept. 7, 2023 in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Healing can only begin with an apology,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), who served on the reparations task force, in a statement. “The State of California acknowledges its past actions and is taking this bold step to correct them, recognizing its role in hindering the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness for Black individuals through racially motivated punitive laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom signed AB 1815, which expands the definition of race in some state laws to include traits associated with race, such as hairstyles, to widen protections against discrimination. SB 1089 will require supermarkets and pharmacies to provide advanced notice of closures to employees and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1986 gives the state’s Office of the Inspector General the power to publish a list of books banned in state prisons. But the bill, like others in the CLBC’s reparations package, was watered down before reaching Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier versions of AB 1986 would have given the Inspector General the ability to reverse prison book bans, an idea met with resistance by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. Notification requirements in SB 1089 were narrowed as the bill moved through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to advance reparations work failed to pass the Assembly. SB 1403 had the support of advocates who believed an agency that would determine eligibility was necessary to establish a viable reparations program. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403\u003c/a> divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom vetoed two other reparations proposals. One would have required Medi-Cal to cover food interventions, such as grocery boxes or nutrition education, an idea Newsom argued was too expensive. He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">rejected a bill that would have created a state process\u003c/a> for reviewing claims of racist land-takings because the bill relied on the creation of the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last word on this year’s reparations proposals will go to California voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">Proposition 6, placed on the ballot by the Legislature\u003c/a>, would remove California’s allowance of involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime by banning state prisons from punishing inmates who refuse to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "remembering-the-rainbow-sign-the-short-but-powerful-reign-of-berkeleys-1970s-black-cultural-center",
"title": "How Kamala Harris Was Shaped by The Rainbow Sign, Berkeley’s 1970s Black Cultural Center",
"publishDate": 1727434842,
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"headTitle": "How Kamala Harris Was Shaped by The Rainbow Sign, Berkeley’s 1970s Black Cultural Center | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an updated version of a story originally published in January, 2022. As Kamala Harris takes center stage as a presidential candidate and tries to tell the nation her story, we wanted to revisit The Rainbow Sign and its influence on her as a child growing up in Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]oday, it’s an unassuming beige building on a busy Berkeley street. But in the 1970s, it housed a groundbreaking center for Black culture, politics and art — a place that profoundly shaped Vice President Kamala Harris’ young life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rainbow Sign hosted dozens of high-profile Black luminaries, including James Baldwin, Nina Simone, Maya Angelou and Shirley Chisholm, the first Black woman elected to Congress who, in another first, went on to run for president in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901153\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1340px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901153\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5.png\" alt=\"Author James Baldwin greet a young child and mother at the door.\" width=\"1340\" height=\"1308\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5.png 1340w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5-800x781.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5-1020x996.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5-160x156.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1340px) 100vw, 1340px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author James Baldwin greets visitors to The Rainbow Sign in Berkeley in the 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1370px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901155\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14.png\" alt=\"Author James Baldwin smokes a cigarette with a woman.\" width=\"1370\" height=\"1376\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14.png 1370w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14-800x804.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14-1020x1024.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14-160x161.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1370px) 100vw, 1370px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Baldwin and The Rainbow Sign founder Mary Ann Pollar take a smoke break. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Located at the corner of Grove (now Martin Luther King Jr. Way) and Derby streets in Berkeley, The Rainbow Sign was a Black-centered space that was open to all — as a performance venue, a political organizing nexus and a legendary cafe. Its founder, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13926548/mary-ann-pollar-presents-rainbow-sign-berkeley-nina-simone-bob-dylan\">Mary Ann Pollar\u003c/a>, saw it as part of a movement for the liberation of all people through art, education and community building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1086px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024.jpg\" alt=\"A flyer that says 'The Rainbow Sign' with a picture of a man.\" width=\"1086\" height=\"724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024.jpg 1086w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1086px) 100vw, 1086px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An invitation for the opening night of The Rainbow Sign in 1971. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Rainbow Sign opened its doors in 1971, but was forced to shut down just six years later, in 1977, after its founders couldn’t raise enough money to buy the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite its short existence, the venue left an indelible mark on many young people in the community who attended events in the intimate wood-paneled hall and had the unique opportunity to engage with its legendary performers and guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901143\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Kamala Harris as a young girl.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1753\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-1020x698.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-1536x1052.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-2048x1402.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-1920x1315.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kamala Harris, at age seven, in Berkeley. In her memoir, Harris recalls attending events as a young girl at The Rainbow Sign, including a Nina Simone concert. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Kamala Harris/Penguin Random House)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901151\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 187px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11901151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure.jpg\" alt=\"A flyer for a Nina Simone performance.\" width=\"187\" height=\"280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure.jpg 468w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 187px) 100vw, 187px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer for a series of Nina Simone performances at The Rainbow Sign, one of which Kamala Harris attended when she was seven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a young girl in Berkeley in the 1970s, Harris was among those impressionable visitors. In her 2019 autobiography, “The Truths We Hold: An American Journey,” she describes her experience attending concerts and events, including one particular memory from when she was seven of seeing Nina Simone perform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cem>“My favorite night of the week was Thursday. On Thursdays, you could always find us in an unassuming beige building on the corner of what was then Grove Street and Derby. Once a mortuary, the building I knew was bursting with life, home to a pioneering black cultural center, the Rainbow Sign. … It was where I learned that artistic expression, ambition and intelligence were cool. It was where I came to understand that there is no better way to feed someone’s brain than by bringing together food, poetry, politics, music, dance and art.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>This week, The California Report Magazine takes you inside The Rainbow Sign to hear from some of the artists, audience members and cultural and political leaders whose lives were shaped by this remarkable California cultural landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 900px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750.png\" alt=\"Women in a dance class.\" width=\"900\" height=\"601\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750-160x107.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 900px) 100vw, 900px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A dance class at The Rainbow Sign in the 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"The front of a building with columns.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The building on Martin Luther King Jr. Way and Derby streets in Berkeley, where The Rainbow Sign was once located. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Special thanks to Tessa Rissacher and Max Lopez, who as UC Berkeley undergraduate students worked to compile an extensive \u003ca href=\"https://revolution.berkeley.edu/projects/rainbow-sign/\">online archive\u003c/a> of documents, photographs and memorabilia from The Rainbow Sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audio excerpted from “The Truths We Hold: An American Journey” by Kamala Harris, read by the author. Copyright 2019 by Kamala D. Harris. Production copyright 2019, Penguin Random House LLC. All rights reserved.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In its six short years of existence, the center hosted the likes of Nina Simone, James Baldwin, Maya Angelou and Shirley Chisholm — and profoundly affected a young girl from Berkeley named Kamala Harris.",
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"title": "How Kamala Harris Was Shaped by The Rainbow Sign, Berkeley’s 1970s Black Cultural Center | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an updated version of a story originally published in January, 2022. As Kamala Harris takes center stage as a presidential candidate and tries to tell the nation her story, we wanted to revisit The Rainbow Sign and its influence on her as a child growing up in Berkeley. \u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>oday, it’s an unassuming beige building on a busy Berkeley street. But in the 1970s, it housed a groundbreaking center for Black culture, politics and art — a place that profoundly shaped Vice President Kamala Harris’ young life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rainbow Sign hosted dozens of high-profile Black luminaries, including James Baldwin, Nina Simone, Maya Angelou and Shirley Chisholm, the first Black woman elected to Congress who, in another first, went on to run for president in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901153\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1340px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901153\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5.png\" alt=\"Author James Baldwin greet a young child and mother at the door.\" width=\"1340\" height=\"1308\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5.png 1340w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5-800x781.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5-1020x996.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image5-160x156.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1340px) 100vw, 1340px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Author James Baldwin greets visitors to The Rainbow Sign in Berkeley in the 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1370px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901155\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14.png\" alt=\"Author James Baldwin smokes a cigarette with a woman.\" width=\"1370\" height=\"1376\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14.png 1370w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14-800x804.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14-1020x1024.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/image14-160x161.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1370px) 100vw, 1370px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Baldwin and The Rainbow Sign founder Mary Ann Pollar take a smoke break. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Located at the corner of Grove (now Martin Luther King Jr. Way) and Derby streets in Berkeley, The Rainbow Sign was a Black-centered space that was open to all — as a performance venue, a political organizing nexus and a legendary cafe. Its founder, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13926548/mary-ann-pollar-presents-rainbow-sign-berkeley-nina-simone-bob-dylan\">Mary Ann Pollar\u003c/a>, saw it as part of a movement for the liberation of all people through art, education and community building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1086px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901145\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024.jpg\" alt=\"A flyer that says 'The Rainbow Sign' with a picture of a man.\" width=\"1086\" height=\"724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024.jpg 1086w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Copy-of-thumb_513741919.937318_1024-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1086px) 100vw, 1086px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An invitation for the opening night of The Rainbow Sign in 1971. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Rainbow Sign opened its doors in 1971, but was forced to shut down just six years later, in 1977, after its founders couldn’t raise enough money to buy the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite its short existence, the venue left an indelible mark on many young people in the community who attended events in the intimate wood-paneled hall and had the unique opportunity to engage with its legendary performers and guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901143\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Kamala Harris as a young girl.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1753\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-800x548.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-1020x698.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-1536x1052.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-2048x1402.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/Art.16-1920x1315.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kamala Harris, at age seven, in Berkeley. In her memoir, Harris recalls attending events as a young girl at The Rainbow Sign, including a Nina Simone concert. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Kamala Harris/Penguin Random House)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901151\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 187px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11901151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure.jpg\" alt=\"A flyer for a Nina Simone performance.\" width=\"187\" height=\"280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure.jpg 468w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/RS-nina-simone-brochure-160x240.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 187px) 100vw, 187px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A flyer for a series of Nina Simone performances at The Rainbow Sign, one of which Kamala Harris attended when she was seven. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As a young girl in Berkeley in the 1970s, Harris was among those impressionable visitors. In her 2019 autobiography, “The Truths We Hold: An American Journey,” she describes her experience attending concerts and events, including one particular memory from when she was seven of seeing Nina Simone perform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cem>“My favorite night of the week was Thursday. On Thursdays, you could always find us in an unassuming beige building on the corner of what was then Grove Street and Derby. Once a mortuary, the building I knew was bursting with life, home to a pioneering black cultural center, the Rainbow Sign. … It was where I learned that artistic expression, ambition and intelligence were cool. It was where I came to understand that there is no better way to feed someone’s brain than by bringing together food, poetry, politics, music, dance and art.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>This week, The California Report Magazine takes you inside The Rainbow Sign to hear from some of the artists, audience members and cultural and political leaders whose lives were shaped by this remarkable California cultural landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901149\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 900px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11901149\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750.png\" alt=\"Women in a dance class.\" width=\"900\" height=\"601\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750.png 750w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/rainbowsign_dance_750-160x107.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 900px) 100vw, 900px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A dance class at The Rainbow Sign in the 1970s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Odette Pollar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11901148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11901148\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"The front of a building with columns.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/IMG_4523-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The building on Martin Luther King Jr. Way and Derby streets in Berkeley, where The Rainbow Sign was once located. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Special thanks to Tessa Rissacher and Max Lopez, who as UC Berkeley undergraduate students worked to compile an extensive \u003ca href=\"https://revolution.berkeley.edu/projects/rainbow-sign/\">online archive\u003c/a> of documents, photographs and memorabilia from The Rainbow Sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audio excerpted from “The Truths We Hold: An American Journey” by Kamala Harris, read by the author. Copyright 2019 by Kamala D. Harris. Production copyright 2019, Penguin Random House LLC. All rights reserved.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A controversial ballot measure in Sonoma County could reshape agriculture in the region and beyond. Measure J would ban so-called “concentrated animal feeding operations” — essentially a prohibition on large farms, which proponents of the measure derisively call factory farms. It has split the historic agricultural community, pitting, as Politico put it, “people who shop at farmers markets against those who supply them.” Marisa and Guy talk with \u003cem>The Press Democrat’\u003c/em>s Phil Barber and University of Iowa professor Silvia Secchi about how Measure J could affect farming far beyond California’s borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Learn more about \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sonoma/measures#measure-j\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">Measure J\u003c/a> and everything else on your ballot with the \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\">KQED Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The chief investigator for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s public watchdog has announced his resignation, citing a “long-term” failure to provide the independent panel with necessary resources even as it probes a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">high-profile ethics allegations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon Russell, who has worked on Oakland’s Public Ethics Commission for eight years, including two as its chief enforcement officer, told commission leaders in a letter last week that he will resign in late October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His resignation is due to both personal and “structural” circumstances, the primary being a lack of staffing resources that he believes is “largely deliberate,” according to the letter, first obtained by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/25/oaklands-chief-ethics-investigator-quits/\">\u003cem>Oaklandside\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For several years, I have worked long hours far beyond what is reported on my timecard, attempting to do almost single-handedly what other agencies employ entire teams of attorneys and investigators to accomplish,” Russell wrote in the letter. “I persisted in this because I genuinely cared about doing whatever I could to combat the serious bribery, campaign finance exploitation, and other corruption that was undermining the great people of Oakland’s democratic rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PEC’s enforcement department is just two people, and as of its September report, the commission had 140 open complaints, according to executive director Nicolas Heidorn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chief Russell’s service to the Commission and people of Oakland was exceptional,” Heidorn said in an email. “This is a big loss for the Commission and underscores the urgent need for additional enforcement resources for the Commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell said in his letter that the city has “continually failed to allocate any meaningful additional resources” to the enforcement division despite his repeated attempts to highlight the understaffing issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only conclude that this failure is largely deliberate, even despite (or perhaps because of) the considerable public interest in our cases that have been brought partially to light,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005223 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-02_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the PEC has been involved in multiple high-profile probes, including the investigation into an alleged campaign contribution laundering scheme linked to members of the Duong family, the politically connected owners of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider. Attention to the case was reinvigorated in June \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">after the FBI raided a location associated with California Waste Solutions\u003c/a>, along with the homes of the company’s founder, David Duong, and his son, Andy Duong, as well as Mayor Sheng Thao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a declaration filed in a case the PEC brought against one of the alleged straw donors in 2020, Russell alleged that multiple people told him they had received cash from Andy Duong in exchange for checks to political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, members of the Duong family and its company have faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\">accusations\u003c/a> that they funneled tens of thousands of dollars through straw donors to various campaigns, including nearly $10,000 to Thao’s 2018 City Council run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the PEC opened an investigation into Oakland United to Recall Sheng Thao, or OUST, the campaign to recall Oakland’s mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\"> filed a complaint\u003c/a> alleging that OUST was using a recently formed nonprofit and political action committee, Foundational Oakland Unites, as a pass-through to obscure the source of some donations in violation of campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell’s last day with the PEC will be Oct. 25. The commission aims to hire a new enforcement chief as soon as possible, Heidorn said, adding that the ability to allocate additional funds to the enforcement division lies with the mayor and City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Oakland residents will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/measures#measure-oo\">Measure OO\u003c/a>, which, if passed, would increase the commission’s staffing requirements to include an additional ethics investigator by July 2026 amid other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The chief investigator for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s public watchdog has announced his resignation, citing a “long-term” failure to provide the independent panel with necessary resources even as it probes a number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\">high-profile ethics allegations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon Russell, who has worked on Oakland’s Public Ethics Commission for eight years, including two as its chief enforcement officer, told commission leaders in a letter last week that he will resign in late October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His resignation is due to both personal and “structural” circumstances, the primary being a lack of staffing resources that he believes is “largely deliberate,” according to the letter, first obtained by \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/25/oaklands-chief-ethics-investigator-quits/\">\u003cem>Oaklandside\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For several years, I have worked long hours far beyond what is reported on my timecard, attempting to do almost single-handedly what other agencies employ entire teams of attorneys and investigators to accomplish,” Russell wrote in the letter. “I persisted in this because I genuinely cared about doing whatever I could to combat the serious bribery, campaign finance exploitation, and other corruption that was undermining the great people of Oakland’s democratic rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PEC’s enforcement department is just two people, and as of its September report, the commission had 140 open complaints, according to executive director Nicolas Heidorn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chief Russell’s service to the Commission and people of Oakland was exceptional,” Heidorn said in an email. “This is a big loss for the Commission and underscores the urgent need for additional enforcement resources for the Commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell said in his letter that the city has “continually failed to allocate any meaningful additional resources” to the enforcement division despite his repeated attempts to highlight the understaffing issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can only conclude that this failure is largely deliberate, even despite (or perhaps because of) the considerable public interest in our cases that have been brought partially to light,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the PEC has been involved in multiple high-profile probes, including the investigation into an alleged campaign contribution laundering scheme linked to members of the Duong family, the politically connected owners of California Waste Solutions, Oakland’s curbside recycling provider. Attention to the case was reinvigorated in June \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">after the FBI raided a location associated with California Waste Solutions\u003c/a>, along with the homes of the company’s founder, David Duong, and his son, Andy Duong, as well as Mayor Sheng Thao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a declaration filed in a case the PEC brought against one of the alleged straw donors in 2020, Russell alleged that multiple people told him they had received cash from Andy Duong in exchange for checks to political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, members of the Duong family and its company have faced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992073/oakland-fbi-raids-and-straw-donor-probe-spur-allegations-of-corruption\">accusations\u003c/a> that they funneled tens of thousands of dollars through straw donors to various campaigns, including nearly $10,000 to Thao’s 2018 City Council run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the PEC opened an investigation into Oakland United to Recall Sheng Thao, or OUST, the campaign to recall Oakland’s mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989214/ethics-probe-hangs-over-campaign-to-recall-oakland-mayor-as-it-files-signatures\"> filed a complaint\u003c/a> alleging that OUST was using a recently formed nonprofit and political action committee, Foundational Oakland Unites, as a pass-through to obscure the source of some donations in violation of campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell’s last day with the PEC will be Oct. 25. The commission aims to hire a new enforcement chief as soon as possible, Heidorn said, adding that the ability to allocate additional funds to the enforcement division lies with the mayor and City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Oakland residents will vote on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/measures#measure-oo\">Measure OO\u003c/a>, which, if passed, would increase the commission’s staffing requirements to include an additional ethics investigator by July 2026 amid other reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-lebanese-community-unites-amid-growing-sense-of-doom-as-israeli-strikes-mount",
"title": "Bay Area Lebanese Community Unites Amid Growing ‘Sense of Doom’ as Israeli Strikes Mount",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dr. Ramzi Salti met with his new students at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford-university\">Stanford University\u003c/a> earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Arabic language course he has taught at the university for 25 years, students read the news and discuss current events. Salti, an advanced lecturer in the school’s Arabic program, told KQED he’s unsure how to incorporate the most recent conflict in Lebanon into his curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t had time to process any of it,” said Salti, whose family left Lebanon and immigrated to the United States 45 years ago. “But you cannot have a course about current events in the Middle East and not go there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern and anxiety have gripped the Bay Area’s Lebanese diaspora, a community of more than 5,000 people, according to estimates from the West Coast’s \u003ca href=\"https://honoraryconsulateoflebanon-uswestcoast.org/\">Honorary Consulate of Lebanon\u003c/a>, since Israel began pummeling southern Lebanon with airstrikes on Monday. More than 500 people were reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/world/middleeast/lebanon-civilian-death-toll-israel.html\">killed\u003c/a>, including 50 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands fled the region for Beirut, the country’s capital on the Mediterranean coast. The airstrikes follow a series of pager and other device explosions across the country facilitated by Israel. The coordinated attack on Hezbollah killed at least \u003ca href=\"https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/09/24/hezbollah-pager-explosions-lebanon-israel-middle-east-iran-us-policy/\">40 people\u003c/a> and injured 3,000 others. Israel and Hezbollah, an Iran-backed militia and political party in Lebanon, have been locked in almost daily cross-border skirmishes since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Richard Kadi’s family lives near Saida, a city in southern Lebanon. The barrages fuel constant worries about his cousins and uncles. Kadi, who lives in Belmont, checks on them daily. It’s difficult, he said, for them to escape the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006424\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae on Sept. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The roads are congested,” Kadi said. “They are really afraid that there won’t be any gas for the cars, or there won’t be any food or bread. People are worried and scared, and they don’t know how far this is going to escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MJ Azzi, who came to the United States as a student six years ago, is in constant communication with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very scared,” she said. “They say that whatever it is that they have been dreading to happen for the past many months is happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti said that the situation has spiraled more dramatically than his friends and family in Lebanon expected. They’re now afraid the country could get dragged into the worst conflict in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a sense of doom, unfortunately, that has overtaken people who maybe had too rosy of a picture before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti remembers what he calls “a beautiful childhood” in the country. Lebanon was a cultural powerhouse for much of the 20th century. It has the most \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14647308\">liberal media\u003c/a> in any Arab country. Lebanese artists produced Arabic-language pop music, books and movies, and Beirut was known as the “Paris of the Middle East.” Many Lebanese people speak Arabic, English and French, and the country’s many religious and ethnic minorities are guaranteed representation in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005195 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-018-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordered by Syria to the north and east and Israel to the south, Lebanon was stable for three decades after gaining independence from France in the early 1940s. Salti recalled the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, which began as a clash between Lebanese Christians and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Then, the U.S., Syria, Israel and Iran got involved in the 15-year conflict that displaced nearly 1 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waves of Lebanese have left the country since. Many fled when Israel invaded and occupied southern Lebanon in 1982 and again in 2006 during the Israel-Hezbollah war. Hezbollah was founded after Israel’s invasion in 1982.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history looms heavily over this week’s fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the story of Lebanon for the past 50 years,” said Kadi, who emigrated from Lebanon 24 years ago. “Every now and then, there’s been bombardment attacks or airplanes flying over our heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Younger Lebanese, like Azzi, have been traumatized by the periodic violence, as well as the port explosion that rocked Beirut in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can never plan for the future,” said Azzi, 27. “I grew up in a climate of instability, and it just feels like it’s been the same for as long as I’ve known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the second-largest Lebanese diaspora in the U.S. after Michigan. Thousands gather annually at the Bay Area Lebanese Festival held in August in downtown Redwood City. On weekends, Kadi and friends play soccer and cards together, and they meet on Sundays at Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kadi isn’t part of a political organization, he and others in the community share their opinions about the inflamed tensions in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see things differently, from different perspectives,” Kadi said. “Of course, people blame Hezbollah. But at the end of the day, it’s the bigger power who can actually serve justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area politicians have called for an end to the violence. East Bay Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who voted against providing offensive weapons to Israel earlier this year, is among the elected officials urging the Biden administration to pursue a ceasefire in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see America assert that there has to be a regional and international pressure on both sides to stop and to get to a discussion about long-term peace, which means coexistence,” DeSaulnier said. “We’re tempting World War III. Not to be over reactionary, but smaller conflicts, as history has taught us, can escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his final speech addressing the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, President Joe Biden said, “Nobody wants to see full-scale war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A solution is still possible,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salti and Kadi hoped for a stronger statement from Biden. As they wait for a ceasefire, they find hope in community and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not teaching, Salti hosts a radio program and podcast called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993183/ramzi-salti-champions-indie-arab-musicians-with-arabology-podcast\">Arabology\u003c/a>. Each \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/arabology/sets/podcasts\">two-hour episode\u003c/a> is filled with facts about Arabic music and artists, woven through an array of indie-Arabic tracks and remixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s planning an episode on Lebanese music featuring, Salti said, “everything that’s beautiful about Lebanon, not the war and destruction.” Included in the mix is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hb7WKF3WLV0\">I Love You, Lebanon\u003c/a>,” a song released in 1970 by Fairuz, whom he called “the Diva of Lebanon.” The nostalgic lyrics summarize the love that a lot of Lebanese have for their country, Salti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a song about peace, about loving Lebanon through its best times and worst times,” he said. “It’s the best medication I could recommend right now in terms of Lebanese music that can be healing and empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dr. Ramzi Salti met with his new students at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford-university\">Stanford University\u003c/a> earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Arabic language course he has taught at the university for 25 years, students read the news and discuss current events. Salti, an advanced lecturer in the school’s Arabic program, told KQED he’s unsure how to incorporate the most recent conflict in Lebanon into his curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t had time to process any of it,” said Salti, whose family left Lebanon and immigrated to the United States 45 years ago. “But you cannot have a course about current events in the Middle East and not go there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern and anxiety have gripped the Bay Area’s Lebanese diaspora, a community of more than 5,000 people, according to estimates from the West Coast’s \u003ca href=\"https://honoraryconsulateoflebanon-uswestcoast.org/\">Honorary Consulate of Lebanon\u003c/a>, since Israel began pummeling southern Lebanon with airstrikes on Monday. More than 500 people were reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/world/middleeast/lebanon-civilian-death-toll-israel.html\">killed\u003c/a>, including 50 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands fled the region for Beirut, the country’s capital on the Mediterranean coast. The airstrikes follow a series of pager and other device explosions across the country facilitated by Israel. The coordinated attack on Hezbollah killed at least \u003ca href=\"https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/09/24/hezbollah-pager-explosions-lebanon-israel-middle-east-iran-us-policy/\">40 people\u003c/a> and injured 3,000 others. Israel and Hezbollah, an Iran-backed militia and political party in Lebanon, have been locked in almost daily cross-border skirmishes since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Richard Kadi’s family lives near Saida, a city in southern Lebanon. The barrages fuel constant worries about his cousins and uncles. Kadi, who lives in Belmont, checks on them daily. It’s difficult, he said, for them to escape the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006424\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae on Sept. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The roads are congested,” Kadi said. “They are really afraid that there won’t be any gas for the cars, or there won’t be any food or bread. People are worried and scared, and they don’t know how far this is going to escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MJ Azzi, who came to the United States as a student six years ago, is in constant communication with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very scared,” she said. “They say that whatever it is that they have been dreading to happen for the past many months is happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti said that the situation has spiraled more dramatically than his friends and family in Lebanon expected. They’re now afraid the country could get dragged into the worst conflict in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a sense of doom, unfortunately, that has overtaken people who maybe had too rosy of a picture before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti remembers what he calls “a beautiful childhood” in the country. Lebanon was a cultural powerhouse for much of the 20th century. It has the most \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14647308\">liberal media\u003c/a> in any Arab country. Lebanese artists produced Arabic-language pop music, books and movies, and Beirut was known as the “Paris of the Middle East.” Many Lebanese people speak Arabic, English and French, and the country’s many religious and ethnic minorities are guaranteed representation in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordered by Syria to the north and east and Israel to the south, Lebanon was stable for three decades after gaining independence from France in the early 1940s. Salti recalled the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, which began as a clash between Lebanese Christians and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Then, the U.S., Syria, Israel and Iran got involved in the 15-year conflict that displaced nearly 1 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waves of Lebanese have left the country since. Many fled when Israel invaded and occupied southern Lebanon in 1982 and again in 2006 during the Israel-Hezbollah war. Hezbollah was founded after Israel’s invasion in 1982.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history looms heavily over this week’s fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the story of Lebanon for the past 50 years,” said Kadi, who emigrated from Lebanon 24 years ago. “Every now and then, there’s been bombardment attacks or airplanes flying over our heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Younger Lebanese, like Azzi, have been traumatized by the periodic violence, as well as the port explosion that rocked Beirut in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can never plan for the future,” said Azzi, 27. “I grew up in a climate of instability, and it just feels like it’s been the same for as long as I’ve known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the second-largest Lebanese diaspora in the U.S. after Michigan. Thousands gather annually at the Bay Area Lebanese Festival held in August in downtown Redwood City. On weekends, Kadi and friends play soccer and cards together, and they meet on Sundays at Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kadi isn’t part of a political organization, he and others in the community share their opinions about the inflamed tensions in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see things differently, from different perspectives,” Kadi said. “Of course, people blame Hezbollah. But at the end of the day, it’s the bigger power who can actually serve justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area politicians have called for an end to the violence. East Bay Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who voted against providing offensive weapons to Israel earlier this year, is among the elected officials urging the Biden administration to pursue a ceasefire in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see America assert that there has to be a regional and international pressure on both sides to stop and to get to a discussion about long-term peace, which means coexistence,” DeSaulnier said. “We’re tempting World War III. Not to be over reactionary, but smaller conflicts, as history has taught us, can escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his final speech addressing the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, President Joe Biden said, “Nobody wants to see full-scale war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A solution is still possible,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salti and Kadi hoped for a stronger statement from Biden. As they wait for a ceasefire, they find hope in community and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not teaching, Salti hosts a radio program and podcast called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993183/ramzi-salti-champions-indie-arab-musicians-with-arabology-podcast\">Arabology\u003c/a>. Each \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/arabology/sets/podcasts\">two-hour episode\u003c/a> is filled with facts about Arabic music and artists, woven through an array of indie-Arabic tracks and remixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s planning an episode on Lebanese music featuring, Salti said, “everything that’s beautiful about Lebanon, not the war and destruction.” Included in the mix is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hb7WKF3WLV0\">I Love You, Lebanon\u003c/a>,” a song released in 1970 by Fairuz, whom he called “the Diva of Lebanon.” The nostalgic lyrics summarize the love that a lot of Lebanese have for their country, Salti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a song about peace, about loving Lebanon through its best times and worst times,” he said. “It’s the best medication I could recommend right now in terms of Lebanese music that can be healing and empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Barbara Boxer retired from the U.S. Senate in 2016, but she’s still actively engaged in politics. Part of that includes supporting the Democrat Will Rollins against incumbent Republican Rep. Ken Calvert in one of the hotly contested congressional races in California that could determine control of the House. Scott talks with Boxer from her home in Rancho Mirage about that race, the historic 2024 election, thoughts about her friend Joe Biden dropping out and what’s at stake in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "SF School District Should Focus on Budget Before Deciding on Campus Closures, Breed Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco school officials should focus on resolving the district’s budget before making final decisions about possible school closures, Mayor London Breed suggested during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907207/mayor-london-breed-on-why-san-francisco-should-give-her-another-term\">an interview with KQED’s Forum\u003c/a> on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her comments come as the San Francisco Unified School District faces multiple colliding issues, including a budget crisis that puts it at risk of a state takeover and other operational dysfunction. On Sunday, Breed announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">send a team of five experts\u003c/a> led by top city administrators to help the district “stabilize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This year, when we balance this budget without school closures at this time, it’s going to give us an understanding of what the school district has to do long term,” Breed told KQED on Wednesday. “Because the fact is, no one can say, ‘We’re going to keep all the schools open’ or ‘We’re going to close the school.’ No one can say that because we don’t have the facts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s budget deficit is projected to reach $148.5 million this school year, and intervention by the California Department of Education has already begun. While the district is required to pass a balanced budget by December, it has also been moving forward with plans for its first campus closures in 20 years — which district officials have said are meant to make up for steadily declining enrollment, not to cut costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed did not confirm any timeline for the next steps for school closures, which the district ultimately will decide. District officials on Tuesday said they still intend to share out a short list of schools that could face closure by October; that target was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed back from last week\u003c/a> after Superintendent Matt Wayne said officials needed more time to “carefully review everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to set a timeline, which we don’t have at this point, but we hope to have it sometime in October to put parents at ease,” Breed said. “People need to have clarity, they need to have a timeline, and our goal is to get there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12004831 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240916-UNIONSFSCHOOLCLOSURES-42-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the district’s initial timeline, the list of campuses recommended for closure would go up for a school board vote in December, with the affected campuses shutting down at the end of the academic year. While he has not set a new date for releasing the list of schools that will close or merge, Wayne said on Tuesday that he still expects a board vote before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“December will be [a] critical month because this is when we present our updated fiscal stabilization plan, which shows how we’re going to balance the budget and ensure that we maintain local control, and then it’s also when we’re going to present to the board and ask for their action on our school closure plan,” Wayne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staving off school closure plans until after the district balances its budget would align with a resolution that Supervisor Connie Chan introduced on Tuesday, although Breed did not say she is backing the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SFUSD should be focused on shoring up their existing budgetary concerns,” Chan said in a statement. “We need to work with the California Department of Education, school district families, and community stakeholders on solutions to balance the district’s budget deficit in the best interest of San Francisco students and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District 1 supervisor said rushing school closures could also hurt the likelihood of the district passing its $790 million bond on the ballot this November. The measure, Proposition A, would provide critical funding for schools and district infrastructure, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002125/as-san-francisco-school-closures-loom-frustrated-teachers-say-hiring-has-hit-a-wall\">beleaguered hiring and payroll system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is facing a tight reelection this November, announced that she would deploy the so-called School Stabilization Team shortly after an emergency school board meeting on Sunday at which officials said Wayne would stay on as superintendent. During a joint press conference with Wayne on Tuesday, SFUSD Board President Matt Alexander said he called the meeting and requested support from Breed because he felt a sense of urgency to address fiscal and operational problems in the district “immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander and Wayne met Tuesday morning with the leaders of Breed’s emergency team — Maria Su, the executive director of the Department of Children Youth and Their Families, and Phil Ginsburg, the general manager of the Recreation and Parks Department — and started to work out “specific ideas” for how they could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been very clear from the mayor, from Maria Su, from Phil Ginsburg, that this is a partnership,” Alexander said. “It is not the city telling us what to do. It is the city offering resources, supporting us, working in partnership with the school district to address the issues the Superintendent outlined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Forum, Breed asked SFUSD parents to “please be patient with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For sure, this year, the first plan is to balance the budget for December,” Breed said. “We need to look at the data to understand and determine what will happen, and until we do that, I can’t say anything will happen this school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco school officials should focus on resolving the district’s budget before making final decisions about possible school closures, Mayor London Breed suggested during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907207/mayor-london-breed-on-why-san-francisco-should-give-her-another-term\">an interview with KQED’s Forum\u003c/a> on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her comments come as the San Francisco Unified School District faces multiple colliding issues, including a budget crisis that puts it at risk of a state takeover and other operational dysfunction. On Sunday, Breed announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">send a team of five experts\u003c/a> led by top city administrators to help the district “stabilize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This year, when we balance this budget without school closures at this time, it’s going to give us an understanding of what the school district has to do long term,” Breed told KQED on Wednesday. “Because the fact is, no one can say, ‘We’re going to keep all the schools open’ or ‘We’re going to close the school.’ No one can say that because we don’t have the facts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s budget deficit is projected to reach $148.5 million this school year, and intervention by the California Department of Education has already begun. While the district is required to pass a balanced budget by December, it has also been moving forward with plans for its first campus closures in 20 years — which district officials have said are meant to make up for steadily declining enrollment, not to cut costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed did not confirm any timeline for the next steps for school closures, which the district ultimately will decide. District officials on Tuesday said they still intend to share out a short list of schools that could face closure by October; that target was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed back from last week\u003c/a> after Superintendent Matt Wayne said officials needed more time to “carefully review everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to set a timeline, which we don’t have at this point, but we hope to have it sometime in October to put parents at ease,” Breed said. “People need to have clarity, they need to have a timeline, and our goal is to get there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the district’s initial timeline, the list of campuses recommended for closure would go up for a school board vote in December, with the affected campuses shutting down at the end of the academic year. While he has not set a new date for releasing the list of schools that will close or merge, Wayne said on Tuesday that he still expects a board vote before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“December will be [a] critical month because this is when we present our updated fiscal stabilization plan, which shows how we’re going to balance the budget and ensure that we maintain local control, and then it’s also when we’re going to present to the board and ask for their action on our school closure plan,” Wayne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staving off school closure plans until after the district balances its budget would align with a resolution that Supervisor Connie Chan introduced on Tuesday, although Breed did not say she is backing the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SFUSD should be focused on shoring up their existing budgetary concerns,” Chan said in a statement. “We need to work with the California Department of Education, school district families, and community stakeholders on solutions to balance the district’s budget deficit in the best interest of San Francisco students and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District 1 supervisor said rushing school closures could also hurt the likelihood of the district passing its $790 million bond on the ballot this November. The measure, Proposition A, would provide critical funding for schools and district infrastructure, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002125/as-san-francisco-school-closures-loom-frustrated-teachers-say-hiring-has-hit-a-wall\">beleaguered hiring and payroll system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is facing a tight reelection this November, announced that she would deploy the so-called School Stabilization Team shortly after an emergency school board meeting on Sunday at which officials said Wayne would stay on as superintendent. During a joint press conference with Wayne on Tuesday, SFUSD Board President Matt Alexander said he called the meeting and requested support from Breed because he felt a sense of urgency to address fiscal and operational problems in the district “immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander and Wayne met Tuesday morning with the leaders of Breed’s emergency team — Maria Su, the executive director of the Department of Children Youth and Their Families, and Phil Ginsburg, the general manager of the Recreation and Parks Department — and started to work out “specific ideas” for how they could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been very clear from the mayor, from Maria Su, from Phil Ginsburg, that this is a partnership,” Alexander said. “It is not the city telling us what to do. It is the city offering resources, supporting us, working in partnership with the school district to address the issues the Superintendent outlined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Forum, Breed asked SFUSD parents to “please be patient with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For sure, this year, the first plan is to balance the budget for December,” Breed said. “We need to look at the data to understand and determine what will happen, and until we do that, I can’t say anything will happen this school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s senior senator on Wednesday announced proposed federal legislation that would limit people’s ability to bring visible firearms to locations where voting occurs or where election workers do their jobs, coming amid rising concerns about political violence and dangerous rhetoric as the 2024 election approaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla is joining Rep. Chris Deluzio (D–Pa.) in introducing the Freedom from Intimidation in Elections Act, which they said aims to protect voters and election workers from threats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">intimidation at polling places\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we’re saying something simple: In no place in America should a fear of violence prevent somebody from being able to cast their vote,” Padilla said during a press conference on Capitol Hill. “And no election worker should have to fear for their safety or for their life in helping us administer the fundamental process of democracy that we call elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve states, including California — as well as Washington, D.C. — already prohibit firearms at polling places, and nine additional states have limited restrictions on guns that apply to these sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40% of election workers have reported experiencing threats, harassment or some other type of abuse, according to Padilla, who served as California’s chief elections officer before joining the Senate in 2021. He said that even after a “long, dark history” of voter suppression and intimidation in the U.S., there has been a “well-documented rise” in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931157/yes-threats-against-election-officials-and-voters-are-real-but-the-law-is-fighting-back-says-california-election-expert\">threats on election workers\u003c/a> recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this day and age, there’s individuals out there stoked by partisan rhetoric and false narratives about election fraud that have taken it upon themselves to either discourage at a minimum or sometimes outright intimidate people into not letting their voices be heard in the democratic process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005901 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/US-and-California-Flags-Getty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political violence has been on the rise in recent years — during the press conference, Deluzio referenced the insurrection on Jan. 6, 2021, and in recent months, there have been two presumed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005979/how-the-secret-service-is-responding-to-two-failed-assassination-attempts\">assassination attempts on former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>, one of which took place at a campaign rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections officials have also been targeted. Last week, a “suspicious package” was received by the California secretary of state’s Sacramento headquarters, part of what seems to be a “recent trend of suspicious mail sent to election offices” in at least 15 states, according to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and Deluzio’s announcement comes a day after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed expanded election safety legislation in California, making it illegal for people to intimidate, threaten or coerce anyone engaged in election-related activities or attempt to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said protections for voters and election workers should be in place nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to lower the temperature on political rhetoric and make sure that all Americans feel safe enough to participate in our democracy by eliminating the fears of violence from election centers. We will be doing exactly that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s senior senator on Wednesday announced proposed federal legislation that would limit people’s ability to bring visible firearms to locations where voting occurs or where election workers do their jobs, coming amid rising concerns about political violence and dangerous rhetoric as the 2024 election approaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla is joining Rep. Chris Deluzio (D–Pa.) in introducing the Freedom from Intimidation in Elections Act, which they said aims to protect voters and election workers from threats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">intimidation at polling places\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we’re saying something simple: In no place in America should a fear of violence prevent somebody from being able to cast their vote,” Padilla said during a press conference on Capitol Hill. “And no election worker should have to fear for their safety or for their life in helping us administer the fundamental process of democracy that we call elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve states, including California — as well as Washington, D.C. — already prohibit firearms at polling places, and nine additional states have limited restrictions on guns that apply to these sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40% of election workers have reported experiencing threats, harassment or some other type of abuse, according to Padilla, who served as California’s chief elections officer before joining the Senate in 2021. He said that even after a “long, dark history” of voter suppression and intimidation in the U.S., there has been a “well-documented rise” in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931157/yes-threats-against-election-officials-and-voters-are-real-but-the-law-is-fighting-back-says-california-election-expert\">threats on election workers\u003c/a> recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this day and age, there’s individuals out there stoked by partisan rhetoric and false narratives about election fraud that have taken it upon themselves to either discourage at a minimum or sometimes outright intimidate people into not letting their voices be heard in the democratic process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political violence has been on the rise in recent years — during the press conference, Deluzio referenced the insurrection on Jan. 6, 2021, and in recent months, there have been two presumed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005979/how-the-secret-service-is-responding-to-two-failed-assassination-attempts\">assassination attempts on former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>, one of which took place at a campaign rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections officials have also been targeted. Last week, a “suspicious package” was received by the California secretary of state’s Sacramento headquarters, part of what seems to be a “recent trend of suspicious mail sent to election offices” in at least 15 states, according to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and Deluzio’s announcement comes a day after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed expanded election safety legislation in California, making it illegal for people to intimidate, threaten or coerce anyone engaged in election-related activities or attempt to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said protections for voters and election workers should be in place nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to lower the temperature on political rhetoric and make sure that all Americans feel safe enough to participate in our democracy by eliminating the fears of violence from election centers. We will be doing exactly that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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