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"content": "\u003cp>Voters began seeing dueling ads last month in one of California’s most contested congressional districts — a rematch between former Democratic Assemblymember Rudy Salas and GOP Rep. David Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only a sliver of those ads were paid for by their own campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates have each released a 30-second spot, touting their \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1830883550772996\">farming roots\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=3801391993407244&ref=sharing\">their pledge to represent working families\u003c/a>. But in far more TV ads, funded by other political groups, they are \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Iylxvx63WPo\">portrayed as out of touch with the working class\u003c/a> and cast in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkl-eqLEb0U\">gloomy monotone color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside political organizations, independent from candidates’ campaigns, are buying airtime and \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/outside-spending/outvscand/2024?chrt=2022&disp=O&type=\">driving the spending war\u003c/a> between Democratic and Republican candidates in five of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/\">California’s tightest congressional races\u003c/a>, campaign finance records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those close contests from the Central Valley to Southern California, outside groups spent a total of $71 million as of Thursday — almost twice the amount candidates themselves have spent this election, according to data from OpenSecrets, a Washington, D.C.-based campaign finance watchdog group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money war highlights the importance of California to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-election-results/#bb309280-b755-4f9a-8e25-836216d3ce2b\">control of the U.S. House\u003c/a>, even though the state is overall safely Democratic, said Jack Pitney, a politics professor at Claremont McKenna College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The path to the speakership runs through California,” Pitney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending blitz comes as Republicans try to fend off Democratic challengers and defend their \u003ca href=\"https://pressgallery.house.gov/member-data/party-breakdown\">eight-seat House majority\u003c/a>. Both GOP House Speaker Mike Johnson and House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2024-10-13/california-house-races-congress-hakeem-jeffries-mike-johnson-rollins-calvert-whitesides-garcia\">campaigned for swing district candidates in California this week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in six of the most competitive California districts, Republicans were outraised by Democrats by almost 300% between July and September, according to the latest federal campaign finance filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salas, for example, raised $1.8 million from individuals and political committees, while Valadao raised just $727,000, records show. In another competitive Central Valley seat, Democratic businessman Adam Gray raised $2.3 million while incumbent GOP Rep. John Duarte raised just shy of $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, in southern California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-27\">27th\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-41\">41st\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-47\">47th\u003c/a> congressional districts, Democrats more than doubled Republicans’ fundraising for the third quarter. In Orange County’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-45\">45th\u003c/a> District, Derek Tran — a Democratic workers rights advocate — raised almost $2 million, while GOP Rep. Michelle Steel reported raising $1.3 million, including \u003ca href=\"https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00704981/1829515/sa/13A\">$1 million\u003c/a> from herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shows the waning influence of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996144/from-sacramento-to-washington-gop-rep-vince-fong-on-following-kevin-mccarthy-to-the-house\">former GOP House Speaker Kevin McCarthy\u003c/a> of Bakersfield and the rise of California’s Democratic Reps. Peter Aguilar and Ted Lieu as chairperson and vice chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dems.gov/who-we-are\">House Democratic Caucus\u003c/a>, respectively, said Democratic strategist Garry South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the seats that Democrats are going to have to flip … if they are going to take back the House,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But fundraising by candidates is only part of the money game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional Leadership Fund, a juggernaut Republican political action committee tied to House Speaker Johnson, plans to spend a total $40 million in California’s battleground districts — more than in any other state, a spokesperson confirmed to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California remains an essential battleground for holding the House majority, which is why we’ve made such substantial and comprehensive investments in the state,” Dan Conston, president of the group, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Majority PAC, its Democratic counterpart, has also booked more than $40 million in ads across the state, according to press secretary Alisha Heng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“House Democrats are well-positioned and have the momentum, and we will flip the House blue and elect Hakeem Jeffries as Speaker in November,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010282\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010282\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic congressional candidate Rudy Salas speaks to a crowd of volunteers at the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers in Bakersfield on Oct. 15, 2022. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar rivalry is playing out between the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and the National Republican Congressional Committee, the campaign arms of House Democrats and Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of last week, the House Democratic campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00000935/?tab=spending#independent-expenditures\">had spent $6.3 million\u003c/a> airing ads in California’s Central Valley districts and has since launched a mobile billboard campaign across 27 swing districts nationwide — including \u003ca href=\"https://dccc.org/dccc-launches-billboard-campaign-targeting-house-republicans-project-2025/\">six in California\u003c/a> — to target the conservative \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998288/what-is-project-2025-donald-trump-heritage-foundation-director-steps-down\">“Project 2025”\u003c/a> policy playbook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our California challengers are lapping the competition in fundraising and meeting voters where they are,” Dan Gottlieb, spokesperson for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its GOP counterpart had spent \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00075820/?tab=filings#notices\">$4 million\u003c/a> as of last week running ads in four districts in the Central Valley and northern Los Angeles County, according to federal campaign finance filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California House Republicans built strong fundraising totals this cycle, our message is resonating with voters and we have significant investments to reach voters in the final stretch,” said spokesperson Ben Petersen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are also jumping into the fray.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America PAC, a pro-Donald Trump super PAC created by Tesla CEO Elon Musk, has spent $3 million boosting Republicans in three California House races — more than any other state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/political-action-committees-pacs//C00879510/independent-expenditures/2024\">according to data from OpenSecrets\u003c/a>. And cryptocurrency-linked super PACs have also invested millions of dollars supporting Republican incumbents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/15/crypto-election-ads-fairshake-00183700\">three swing districts in California\u003c/a>: $2.8 million for Steel, $1.3 million for Valadao, and $1 million for Rep. Mike Garcia, POLITICO reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad blitzes by outside groups, however, aren’t always as cost-effective as candidates’ own spending, experts say. Non-candidate political groups must pay higher ad rates — sometimes in California’s most expensive TV markets, they noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You talk about advertising in L.A., one week of television for a super PAC buy for a congressional race can be $2.5 million,” said GOP consultant Jon Fleischman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And attack ads funded by outside organizations could be so negative that they risk turning voters off, strategists say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters don’t read the fine print. They don’t read the disclaimers on the ads,” South said. “All of that negative advertising is basically attributed by the voters to the candidate, not to some outside PAC they’ve never heard of.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voters began seeing dueling ads last month in one of California’s most contested congressional districts — a rematch between former Democratic Assemblymember Rudy Salas and GOP Rep. David Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only a sliver of those ads were paid for by their own campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates have each released a 30-second spot, touting their \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=1830883550772996\">farming roots\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=3801391993407244&ref=sharing\">their pledge to represent working families\u003c/a>. But in far more TV ads, funded by other political groups, they are \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Iylxvx63WPo\">portrayed as out of touch with the working class\u003c/a> and cast in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkl-eqLEb0U\">gloomy monotone color\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside political organizations, independent from candidates’ campaigns, are buying airtime and \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/outside-spending/outvscand/2024?chrt=2022&disp=O&type=\">driving the spending war\u003c/a> between Democratic and Republican candidates in five of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/\">California’s tightest congressional races\u003c/a>, campaign finance records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In those close contests from the Central Valley to Southern California, outside groups spent a total of $71 million as of Thursday — almost twice the amount candidates themselves have spent this election, according to data from OpenSecrets, a Washington, D.C.-based campaign finance watchdog group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money war highlights the importance of California to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-election-results/#bb309280-b755-4f9a-8e25-836216d3ce2b\">control of the U.S. House\u003c/a>, even though the state is overall safely Democratic, said Jack Pitney, a politics professor at Claremont McKenna College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The path to the speakership runs through California,” Pitney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending blitz comes as Republicans try to fend off Democratic challengers and defend their \u003ca href=\"https://pressgallery.house.gov/member-data/party-breakdown\">eight-seat House majority\u003c/a>. Both GOP House Speaker Mike Johnson and House Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2024-10-13/california-house-races-congress-hakeem-jeffries-mike-johnson-rollins-calvert-whitesides-garcia\">campaigned for swing district candidates in California this week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in six of the most competitive California districts, Republicans were outraised by Democrats by almost 300% between July and September, according to the latest federal campaign finance filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salas, for example, raised $1.8 million from individuals and political committees, while Valadao raised just $727,000, records show. In another competitive Central Valley seat, Democratic businessman Adam Gray raised $2.3 million while incumbent GOP Rep. John Duarte raised just shy of $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, in southern California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-27\">27th\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-41\">41st\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-47\">47th\u003c/a> congressional districts, Democrats more than doubled Republicans’ fundraising for the third quarter. In Orange County’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-45\">45th\u003c/a> District, Derek Tran — a Democratic workers rights advocate — raised almost $2 million, while GOP Rep. Michelle Steel reported raising $1.3 million, including \u003ca href=\"https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00704981/1829515/sa/13A\">$1 million\u003c/a> from herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shows the waning influence of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996144/from-sacramento-to-washington-gop-rep-vince-fong-on-following-kevin-mccarthy-to-the-house\">former GOP House Speaker Kevin McCarthy\u003c/a> of Bakersfield and the rise of California’s Democratic Reps. Peter Aguilar and Ted Lieu as chairperson and vice chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dems.gov/who-we-are\">House Democratic Caucus\u003c/a>, respectively, said Democratic strategist Garry South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the seats that Democrats are going to have to flip … if they are going to take back the House,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But fundraising by candidates is only part of the money game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressional Leadership Fund, a juggernaut Republican political action committee tied to House Speaker Johnson, plans to spend a total $40 million in California’s battleground districts — more than in any other state, a spokesperson confirmed to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California remains an essential battleground for holding the House majority, which is why we’ve made such substantial and comprehensive investments in the state,” Dan Conston, president of the group, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Majority PAC, its Democratic counterpart, has also booked more than $40 million in ads across the state, according to press secretary Alisha Heng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“House Democrats are well-positioned and have the momentum, and we will flip the House blue and elect Hakeem Jeffries as Speaker in November,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010282\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010282\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101922_Rudy_Salas_Bakersfield_LV_CM__30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic congressional candidate Rudy Salas speaks to a crowd of volunteers at the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers in Bakersfield on Oct. 15, 2022. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A similar rivalry is playing out between the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and the National Republican Congressional Committee, the campaign arms of House Democrats and Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of last week, the House Democratic campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00000935/?tab=spending#independent-expenditures\">had spent $6.3 million\u003c/a> airing ads in California’s Central Valley districts and has since launched a mobile billboard campaign across 27 swing districts nationwide — including \u003ca href=\"https://dccc.org/dccc-launches-billboard-campaign-targeting-house-republicans-project-2025/\">six in California\u003c/a> — to target the conservative \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998288/what-is-project-2025-donald-trump-heritage-foundation-director-steps-down\">“Project 2025”\u003c/a> policy playbook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our California challengers are lapping the competition in fundraising and meeting voters where they are,” Dan Gottlieb, spokesperson for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its GOP counterpart had spent \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00075820/?tab=filings#notices\">$4 million\u003c/a> as of last week running ads in four districts in the Central Valley and northern Los Angeles County, according to federal campaign finance filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California House Republicans built strong fundraising totals this cycle, our message is resonating with voters and we have significant investments to reach voters in the final stretch,” said spokesperson Ben Petersen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are also jumping into the fray.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>America PAC, a pro-Donald Trump super PAC created by Tesla CEO Elon Musk, has spent $3 million boosting Republicans in three California House races — more than any other state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/political-action-committees-pacs//C00879510/independent-expenditures/2024\">according to data from OpenSecrets\u003c/a>. And cryptocurrency-linked super PACs have also invested millions of dollars supporting Republican incumbents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/15/crypto-election-ads-fairshake-00183700\">three swing districts in California\u003c/a>: $2.8 million for Steel, $1.3 million for Valadao, and $1 million for Rep. Mike Garcia, POLITICO reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ad blitzes by outside groups, however, aren’t always as cost-effective as candidates’ own spending, experts say. Non-candidate political groups must pay higher ad rates — sometimes in California’s most expensive TV markets, they noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You talk about advertising in L.A., one week of television for a super PAC buy for a congressional race can be $2.5 million,” said GOP consultant Jon Fleischman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And attack ads funded by outside organizations could be so negative that they risk turning voters off, strategists say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters don’t read the fine print. They don’t read the disclaimers on the ads,” South said. “All of that negative advertising is basically attributed by the voters to the candidate, not to some outside PAC they’ve never heard of.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Former Mayor Libby Schaaf Endorses Recall of Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the election less than three weeks away, the temperature is rising, the attacks are escalating and the candidates are making last minute moves with an eye toward the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, the proposed recall of Mayor Sheng Thao is heating up. Thao has been on a media blitz this week, pushing back against the recall, which will appear on the November ballot. This morning, former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010065/exclusive-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-should-be-recalled-libby-schaaf-says\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf told Scott that she supports the recall\u003c/a> of Thao. Marisa, Scott and Guy discuss this East Bay political battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to Thao’s interview on Political Breakdown from earlier this week: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009615/oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-makes-her-case-against-a-recall\">Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao Makes Her Case Against A Recall\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "With the election less than three weeks away, the temperature is rising, the attacks are escalating and the candidates are making last minute moves with an eye toward the finish line. In Oakland, the proposed recall of Mayor Sheng Thao is heating up. Thao has been on a media blitz this week, pushing back against the recall, which will appear on the November ballot. This morning, former Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf told Scott that she supports the recall of Thao. Marisa, Scott and Guy discuss this East Bay political battle. Listen to Thao's interview on Political Breakdown from earlier this",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the election less than three weeks away, the temperature is rising, the attacks are escalating and the candidates are making last minute moves with an eye toward the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, the proposed recall of Mayor Sheng Thao is heating up. Thao has been on a media blitz this week, pushing back against the recall, which will appear on the November ballot. This morning, former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010065/exclusive-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-should-be-recalled-libby-schaaf-says\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf told Scott that she supports the recall\u003c/a> of Thao. Marisa, Scott and Guy discuss this East Bay political battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to Thao’s interview on Political Breakdown from earlier this week: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009615/oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-makes-her-case-against-a-recall\">Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao Makes Her Case Against A Recall\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "This Heated Orange County Congressional Race Could Determine Control of the House",
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"content": "\u003cp>COSTA MESA — Here, along the sandy shores of Orange County, is where the Democrats’ 2018 ‘Blue Wave’ first made landfall. Six years later, California’s coastal 47th Congressional District will once again play a key role in deciding control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district, which includes the cities of Irvine, Huntington Beach, Newport Beach and Laguna Beach, embodies the shift of socially liberal, suburban voters away from the Republican Party since the election of Donald Trump. However, streaks of conservatism remain in the electorate, and Democrats will seek victory here without the star power of the district’s incumbent congresswoman, Rep. Katie Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among the competitive districts in California this year, it’s the only open seat,” said Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California.[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']Instead of seeking a fourth term, Porter ran for the U.S. Senate and placed third in the March primary. Now, Democrats hope that Dave Min, a state senator, will be able to replicate Porter’s success against Republican Scott Baugh, a former state Assembly member who narrowly lost to Porter in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates face significant hurdles: Baugh’s ties to Trump and some of the party’s conservative positions could turn off moderate voters, while Min must overcome a damaging DUI arrest that remains on voters’ minds. In this closely divided district, even small shifts in voter preferences could be decisive — Republicans currently hold a slim registration advantage of just 119 voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a more socially liberal bent to the district,” said political consultant Erica Kwiatkowski Nielsen, who managed Porter’s 2018 campaign. “But there is that traditional conservative values that you find in Orange County that people still adhere to … there’s a reason that [even] after Trump got elected and after 2018, this remains a battleground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2022 midterm results reflect the district’s split. Porter narrowly defeated Baugh by 3 percentage points despite outspending him significantly. In the same election, voters in the 47th supported Republican Brian Dahle for governor over Democratic incumbent Gavin Newsom. However, a ballot measure to enshrine reproductive rights into the California constitution won 61% of the vote here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing that you’ve seen, which I think is really a part of the reason why we’re going to continue to see success for Democrats to continue to compete here, is the issue of choice and reproductive freedom,” Nielsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Porter, Min is a former professor at the UC Irvine School of Law. He was elected to the state Senate in 2020. During his first term, Min largely voted with the Democratic supermajority, particularly on social issues. He’s been more likely to break with his caucus on legislation like rent protections and he recently declined to vote on a Newsom-backed bill regulating oil refineries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009934\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009934\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scott Baugh (left) and Dave Min. \u003ccite>(Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been strong on women’s reproductive rights, on gun safety, on climate,” Min told KQED in an interview. “And you’ll note that the Republican Party’s not attacking me on those issues, right? Because they’re popular issues. I think I reflect the values of this district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min and his allies have focused their attacks on Baugh’s stance on reproductive rights. While Min favors national protections for abortion, Baugh described it as a “state-by-state issue.” His current stance closely aligns with Trump’s — which, in the wake of the Supreme Court’s \u003cem>Dobbs \u003c/em>decision, has led to wide abortion protections in California but outright bans in states such as Louisiana and Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe Congress should be involved in banning abortions for the states,” Baugh told KQED. “The state of California has enshrined in its constitution women’s reproductive health, and so the federal government shouldn’t come over and overrule the will of the voters in California — I wouldn’t let them do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baugh’s staunch support for Trump presents another challenge for Republicans: Voters in the 47th District supported Joe Biden over Trump by a 54%–44% margin in 2020. To win, Baugh will need support from ticket splitters, who may reject Trump but still consider voting for a Republican for Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you have is some people just don’t like his style in this community,” Baugh said of Trump. “But they still don’t want a liberal running the U.S. Congress and continuing on our debt and open borders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baugh spent nearly a decade as the chairman of the Orange County GOP. He has pledged that his top priority in Congress will be fighting the fentanyl epidemic, tying it to border security and homelessness. He has also spoken about his brother’s death from a fentanyl overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants to secure our borders, he wants to help with the homelessness crisis, and he has conservative values,” said Stefanie Barela, a Baugh supporter in Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min’s problems are more personal: He was arrested in May 2023 for drunk driving and was sentenced to probation after pleading no contest. During the March primary campaign, fellow Democrat Joanna Weiss hammered Min with ads about the DUI, and the message seems to have stuck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey conducted in September by Cal State Long Beach, the University of Southern California and Cal Poly Pomona asked likely voters in the 47th District to respond with words that come to mind when they think of Min. The top response: “DUI/Drunk/Drunk driving/Drunk driver.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was the worst mistake of my life, and I want to be clear — it was not characteristic of who I am, of anything I’d ever done before,” Min said. “I will never do anything like that again. You have my word.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min and Democratic groups are hoping to counter the damage with a flurry of ads hitting Baugh over a $47,900 fine he paid in the late 1990s for violating state campaign finance law.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12008793,forum_2010101907100,forum_2010101892849\"]Campaign reports released this week show Min spending $2.6 million between July and September, leaving $915,805 on hand. Baugh spent $1 million but has $2.2 million left for the closing stretch. Outside groups have spent more than $10 million in the general election, to the tune of $6.2 million in favor of Min and $3.9 million aiding Baugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice President Kamala Harris’ ascendance to the top of the ticket adds a new wrinkle to the race. The CSU Long Beach-USC-Cal Poly Pomona poll found Harris lagging behind Biden’s 2020 levels of support in the district — but Min credits Harris for a rise in campaign donations and volunteer enthusiasm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris could help Democrats solve a key challenge in the district: turning out voters in and around UC Irvine — particularly students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The youngest voters in District 47 were much less likely to vote in the midterm than they were in the 2020 election,” McGhee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Bui, a UC Irvine student and communications director with the Orange County Young Democrats, agreed that the student vote would be crucial for Min and said Democratic campaigns have an opportunity to increase their margins if they engage young voters on issues like college affordability and climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know as Democrats that young voters can be a reliable voting bloc, but we are not catered to,” Bui said. “When campaigns make the effort to outreach to us, ask us questions and get us engaged, that makes us believe in a candidate and believe in what they’re doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>COSTA MESA — Here, along the sandy shores of Orange County, is where the Democrats’ 2018 ‘Blue Wave’ first made landfall. Six years later, California’s coastal 47th Congressional District will once again play a key role in deciding control of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district, which includes the cities of Irvine, Huntington Beach, Newport Beach and Laguna Beach, embodies the shift of socially liberal, suburban voters away from the Republican Party since the election of Donald Trump. However, streaks of conservatism remain in the electorate, and Democrats will seek victory here without the star power of the district’s incumbent congresswoman, Rep. Katie Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among the competitive districts in California this year, it’s the only open seat,” said Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Instead of seeking a fourth term, Porter ran for the U.S. Senate and placed third in the March primary. Now, Democrats hope that Dave Min, a state senator, will be able to replicate Porter’s success against Republican Scott Baugh, a former state Assembly member who narrowly lost to Porter in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates face significant hurdles: Baugh’s ties to Trump and some of the party’s conservative positions could turn off moderate voters, while Min must overcome a damaging DUI arrest that remains on voters’ minds. In this closely divided district, even small shifts in voter preferences could be decisive — Republicans currently hold a slim registration advantage of just 119 voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a more socially liberal bent to the district,” said political consultant Erica Kwiatkowski Nielsen, who managed Porter’s 2018 campaign. “But there is that traditional conservative values that you find in Orange County that people still adhere to … there’s a reason that [even] after Trump got elected and after 2018, this remains a battleground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2022 midterm results reflect the district’s split. Porter narrowly defeated Baugh by 3 percentage points despite outspending him significantly. In the same election, voters in the 47th supported Republican Brian Dahle for governor over Democratic incumbent Gavin Newsom. However, a ballot measure to enshrine reproductive rights into the California constitution won 61% of the vote here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing that you’ve seen, which I think is really a part of the reason why we’re going to continue to see success for Democrats to continue to compete here, is the issue of choice and reproductive freedom,” Nielsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Porter, Min is a former professor at the UC Irvine School of Law. He was elected to the state Senate in 2020. During his first term, Min largely voted with the Democratic supermajority, particularly on social issues. He’s been more likely to break with his caucus on legislation like rent protections and he recently declined to vote on a Newsom-backed bill regulating oil refineries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009934\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009934\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241017-Baugh-Min-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scott Baugh (left) and Dave Min. \u003ccite>(Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been strong on women’s reproductive rights, on gun safety, on climate,” Min told KQED in an interview. “And you’ll note that the Republican Party’s not attacking me on those issues, right? Because they’re popular issues. I think I reflect the values of this district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min and his allies have focused their attacks on Baugh’s stance on reproductive rights. While Min favors national protections for abortion, Baugh described it as a “state-by-state issue.” His current stance closely aligns with Trump’s — which, in the wake of the Supreme Court’s \u003cem>Dobbs \u003c/em>decision, has led to wide abortion protections in California but outright bans in states such as Louisiana and Tennessee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe Congress should be involved in banning abortions for the states,” Baugh told KQED. “The state of California has enshrined in its constitution women’s reproductive health, and so the federal government shouldn’t come over and overrule the will of the voters in California — I wouldn’t let them do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baugh’s staunch support for Trump presents another challenge for Republicans: Voters in the 47th District supported Joe Biden over Trump by a 54%–44% margin in 2020. To win, Baugh will need support from ticket splitters, who may reject Trump but still consider voting for a Republican for Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you have is some people just don’t like his style in this community,” Baugh said of Trump. “But they still don’t want a liberal running the U.S. Congress and continuing on our debt and open borders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baugh spent nearly a decade as the chairman of the Orange County GOP. He has pledged that his top priority in Congress will be fighting the fentanyl epidemic, tying it to border security and homelessness. He has also spoken about his brother’s death from a fentanyl overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wants to secure our borders, he wants to help with the homelessness crisis, and he has conservative values,” said Stefanie Barela, a Baugh supporter in Irvine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min’s problems are more personal: He was arrested in May 2023 for drunk driving and was sentenced to probation after pleading no contest. During the March primary campaign, fellow Democrat Joanna Weiss hammered Min with ads about the DUI, and the message seems to have stuck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey conducted in September by Cal State Long Beach, the University of Southern California and Cal Poly Pomona asked likely voters in the 47th District to respond with words that come to mind when they think of Min. The top response: “DUI/Drunk/Drunk driving/Drunk driver.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was the worst mistake of my life, and I want to be clear — it was not characteristic of who I am, of anything I’d ever done before,” Min said. “I will never do anything like that again. You have my word.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min and Democratic groups are hoping to counter the damage with a flurry of ads hitting Baugh over a $47,900 fine he paid in the late 1990s for violating state campaign finance law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Campaign reports released this week show Min spending $2.6 million between July and September, leaving $915,805 on hand. Baugh spent $1 million but has $2.2 million left for the closing stretch. Outside groups have spent more than $10 million in the general election, to the tune of $6.2 million in favor of Min and $3.9 million aiding Baugh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice President Kamala Harris’ ascendance to the top of the ticket adds a new wrinkle to the race. The CSU Long Beach-USC-Cal Poly Pomona poll found Harris lagging behind Biden’s 2020 levels of support in the district — but Min credits Harris for a rise in campaign donations and volunteer enthusiasm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris could help Democrats solve a key challenge in the district: turning out voters in and around UC Irvine — particularly students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The youngest voters in District 47 were much less likely to vote in the midterm than they were in the 2020 election,” McGhee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Bui, a UC Irvine student and communications director with the Orange County Young Democrats, agreed that the student vote would be crucial for Min and said Democratic campaigns have an opportunity to increase their margins if they engage young voters on issues like college affordability and climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know as Democrats that young voters can be a reliable voting bloc, but we are not catered to,” Bui said. “When campaigns make the effort to outreach to us, ask us questions and get us engaged, that makes us believe in a candidate and believe in what they’re doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Political Breakdown continues their series “Balance of Power” examining the key California congressional races that could determine which party controls the House of Representatives next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Marisa and Scott have conversations with the candidates in the 13th congressional district — a Central Valley district including all of Merced County and parts of Madera, Stanislaus, Fresno and San Joaquin counties. The Republican incumbent John Duarte faces a rematch against Democrat and former state Assemblyman Adam Gray.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors on Thursday grilled city officials tasked with overseeing spending plans for Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a>’s Dream Keeper Initiative, an ambitious social equity program that has landed at the center of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004947/sf-mayor-breed-pushes-back-against-corruption-criticism-from-opponents\">spiraling scandal at the Human Rights Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes amid an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">increasingly tense election cycle\u003c/a> in which multiple candidates face allegations of ethical lapses and follows several major City Hall scandals that have cracked open during Breed’s tenure — including allegations that former HRC director Sheryl Davis was misspending public funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004687/mayor-breed-taps-new-sf-human-rights-director-as-misspending-scrutiny-intensifies\">resigned last month\u003c/a> after reports that she had overseen and signed off on problematic spending of Dream Keeper funds, including a lack of documentation and overpaying in some cases by tens of thousands of dollars. Breed spearheaded the initiative to steer tens of millions of dollars from law enforcement budgets to programs aimed at providing job training, homeownership opportunities and other social and economic support for Black San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin, who are both running to unseat Breed for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear, there was a whistleblower complaint and some of those allegations seem to have been validated,” Peskin said. “What I am trying to do here is to be transparent. I think that aids in our collective goal, which is to change health outcomes [and] economic outcomes in a community that has long fought for and deserved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor has paused funding for future contracts with the Dream Keeper Initiative — though existing contracts are still active — while an investigation into the potential misspending is underway. Still, supervisors and officials who spoke on Thursday suggested there is widespread support in City Hall for preserving the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston pressed the Human Rights Commission’s interim director, Mawuli Tugbenyoh, for a timeline on when funding could be released for programs that are meeting the city’s standards. Tugbenyoh, who was tapped to replace Davis last month, said a timeline is not yet available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like there is a lack of urgency on that [creating a timeline] compared to what I hear from community-based organizations and folks receiving services. People are going to literally lay off staff or have already because funding is paused,” Preston said. “There should be a timeline with an initial review … and do that with urgency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006395 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240725-BreedEndorsementPresser-75-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">passed unanimously in 2021\u003c/a> and was inspired by the protests over the police killing of George Floyd, has aimed to redirect $120 million to address systemic racism in San Francisco. The city’s Black community faces disproportionate challenges, including having the lowest household income and lowest rate of homeownership among all racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several supporters spoke during the meeting’s public comment in favor of continuing the funding. One Black resident said she was able to successfully launch her own consulting firm with the program’s support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others criticized the way city officials and media have focused scrutiny on the program, which also funds food security, after-school and extracurricular activities for youth and other programs for the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have villainized the black community through DKI,” said Phelicia Jones, a longtime civil rights and community advocate for the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. “People are scared about how the Chronicle will see them and scared how the Standard will see them, and it’s not fair to the Black community. This is a smear campaign against Mayor Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh shared several changes that the Human Rights Commission has introduced following Davis’ resignation. Those include bringing on a financial support team from the Controller’s Office to assist with accounting oversight and suspending the commission’s Authority to make purchases without a competitive bid process, so all procurement must now go through the Office of Contract Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh also shared that the Human Rights Commission has still not selected anyone to temporarily oversee the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am losing sleep over getting this money out. I know that community organizations have been in a bit of a holding pattern for a number of months,” he said. “There certainly is urgency on my part and my staff’s part to get these funds out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story said Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Dean Preston and Aaron Peskin. It has been updated to reflect that the hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin. It has also been updated to reflect that the mayor, not the city as a whole, paused funding for the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors on Thursday grilled city officials tasked with overseeing spending plans for Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a>’s Dream Keeper Initiative, an ambitious social equity program that has landed at the center of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004947/sf-mayor-breed-pushes-back-against-corruption-criticism-from-opponents\">spiraling scandal at the Human Rights Commission\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes amid an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">increasingly tense election cycle\u003c/a> in which multiple candidates face allegations of ethical lapses and follows several major City Hall scandals that have cracked open during Breed’s tenure — including allegations that former HRC director Sheryl Davis was misspending public funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004687/mayor-breed-taps-new-sf-human-rights-director-as-misspending-scrutiny-intensifies\">resigned last month\u003c/a> after reports that she had overseen and signed off on problematic spending of Dream Keeper funds, including a lack of documentation and overpaying in some cases by tens of thousands of dollars. Breed spearheaded the initiative to steer tens of millions of dollars from law enforcement budgets to programs aimed at providing job training, homeownership opportunities and other social and economic support for Black San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin, who are both running to unseat Breed for mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear, there was a whistleblower complaint and some of those allegations seem to have been validated,” Peskin said. “What I am trying to do here is to be transparent. I think that aids in our collective goal, which is to change health outcomes [and] economic outcomes in a community that has long fought for and deserved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor has paused funding for future contracts with the Dream Keeper Initiative — though existing contracts are still active — while an investigation into the potential misspending is underway. Still, supervisors and officials who spoke on Thursday suggested there is widespread support in City Hall for preserving the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston pressed the Human Rights Commission’s interim director, Mawuli Tugbenyoh, for a timeline on when funding could be released for programs that are meeting the city’s standards. Tugbenyoh, who was tapped to replace Davis last month, said a timeline is not yet available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like there is a lack of urgency on that [creating a timeline] compared to what I hear from community-based organizations and folks receiving services. People are going to literally lay off staff or have already because funding is paused,” Preston said. “There should be a timeline with an initial review … and do that with urgency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11862094/sf-mayor-breed-unveils-plan-for-reinvesting-120-million-from-police-into-black-communities\">passed unanimously in 2021\u003c/a> and was inspired by the protests over the police killing of George Floyd, has aimed to redirect $120 million to address systemic racism in San Francisco. The city’s Black community faces disproportionate challenges, including having the lowest household income and lowest rate of homeownership among all racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several supporters spoke during the meeting’s public comment in favor of continuing the funding. One Black resident said she was able to successfully launch her own consulting firm with the program’s support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others criticized the way city officials and media have focused scrutiny on the program, which also funds food security, after-school and extracurricular activities for youth and other programs for the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have villainized the black community through DKI,” said Phelicia Jones, a longtime civil rights and community advocate for the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. “People are scared about how the Chronicle will see them and scared how the Standard will see them, and it’s not fair to the Black community. This is a smear campaign against Mayor Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh shared several changes that the Human Rights Commission has introduced following Davis’ resignation. Those include bringing on a financial support team from the Controller’s Office to assist with accounting oversight and suspending the commission’s Authority to make purchases without a competitive bid process, so all procurement must now go through the Office of Contract Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tugbenyoh also shared that the Human Rights Commission has still not selected anyone to temporarily oversee the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am losing sleep over getting this money out. I know that community organizations have been in a bit of a holding pattern for a number of months,” he said. “There certainly is urgency on my part and my staff’s part to get these funds out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>An earlier version of this story said Thursday’s hearing was called by Supervisors Dean Preston and Aaron Peskin. It has been updated to reflect that the hearing was called by Supervisors Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin. It has also been updated to reflect that the mayor, not the city as a whole, paused funding for the Dream Keeper Initiative.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the 35th anniversary of the 1989 Loma Prieta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/earthquakes\">earthquake\u003c/a> that rocked San Francisco, a group of Bay Area leaders gathered Thursday at Pier 9 to tell their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780447/the-bay-area-remembers-loma-prieta-30-years-later\">stories of the infamous day\u003c/a> and call for the passage of an earthquake safety bill introduced by a local member of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780552/when-the-big-one-hit-unearthed-images-of-loma-prieta\">6.9 magnitude earthquake\u003c/a>, named after the highest peak of the Santa Cruz Mountains near the quake’s epicenter, resulted in 63 people dead, nearly 3,800 injured and over $6 billion in damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Kevin Mullin (D-South San Francisco) recalled being home with his mother, getting ready for Game 3 of the Giants-Athletics World Series when his house began to rock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember running down the hall and actually banging into the walls of the hall. As I ran down, the pictures were coming off, books were falling off the shelves,” said Mullin, whose proposed federal legislation aims to build on earthquake resiliency efforts already underway in San Francisco and other California cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing in front of the Bay Bridge, Mullin also recounted learning about the widespread devastation, including the bridge’s partial collapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009890\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009890\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Rep. Kevin Mullin (center) at an event commemorating the 35th anniversary of the 1989 earthquake on Thursday, Oct. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He called the anniversary a sober reminder of the destructive power of earthquakes and spoke of the need to prepare for those that lie ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is earthquake country, but we’re not alone in facing risks. This is a national problem that deserves national attention,” Mullin said. “75% of the United States could experience a major earthquake, and almost half of the U.S. population, 150 million people, reside in areas that are at risk of experiencing a damaging earthquake in the next 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the first-term representative formally introduced the Earthquake Resilience Act, which would direct federal authorities to conduct a risk assessment of earthquake preparedness throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On average, earthquakes cost the nation billions of dollars annually in building damage and associated losses,” Mullin said. “Yet despite these known losses, we still don’t have a firm understanding of how prepared communities are in this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999982 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/MyShakeUCBerkeley-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The risk assessment would look at both the progress made to strengthen earthquake resilience through things like building codes and also look for any gaps in preparation, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/9375/text\"> the bill’s text.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other cities in California, San Francisco has already taken similar steps. After the Loma Prieta quake \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1949362/how-loma-prieta-changed-earthquake-science-building-codes-and-the-bay-area\">revealed structural deficiencies\u003c/a> in unreinforced masonry buildings and wood-frame “soft story” buildings, which have residential units above ground-floor parking or retail, the city mandated a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10436483/san-franciscos-seismic-retrofit-program-finds-some-success\">seismic retrofit program\u003c/a> covering thousands of older buildings that are susceptible to crumbling during a disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Breed also directed the Office of Resilience and Capital Planning and the Department of Building Inspection to draft proposed legislation to assess potentially vulnerable \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941631/thousands-of-buildings-in-the-bay-area-state-have-weakness-similar-to-those-damaged-in-turkey-and-syria-quake\">concrete buildings\u003c/a> and provide owners with clear retrofit standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking from the deck of the historic Klamath ferry at Pier 9, she compared the boat’s rocking to the feeling of earthquake aftershocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Loma Prieta struck, Breed was in high school. She recalled seeing fallen buildings across the city and referenced San Francisco’s recent retrofit work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what this is about. It’s about preparedness,” Breed said. “It’s about taking an opportunity to remind the public that it’s not a matter of if, it’s a matter of when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mullin’s bill, which Breed is supporting, also would direct the National Earthquake Hazard Reduction Program, a collaboration between several federal agencies, to develop new federal standards and guidelines for getting lifeline infrastructure systems up and running after an earthquake. Lifeline infrastructure, Mullin explained, includes things like power, water, communications and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are more reliant than ever before on these lifeline systems to live, to work, to communicate with each other,” Mullin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, the bill calls for the U.S. Geological Survey to update its seismic monitoring systems with new technology aimed at improving the predictions of aftershocks and large-magnitude earthquakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investing in preparedness now will save lives and money in the future. That is why Congress should act to help ensure the nation is better prepared for the next disaster,” Mullin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the 35th anniversary of the 1989 Loma Prieta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/earthquakes\">earthquake\u003c/a> that rocked San Francisco, a group of Bay Area leaders gathered Thursday at Pier 9 to tell their \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780447/the-bay-area-remembers-loma-prieta-30-years-later\">stories of the infamous day\u003c/a> and call for the passage of an earthquake safety bill introduced by a local member of Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780552/when-the-big-one-hit-unearthed-images-of-loma-prieta\">6.9 magnitude earthquake\u003c/a>, named after the highest peak of the Santa Cruz Mountains near the quake’s epicenter, resulted in 63 people dead, nearly 3,800 injured and over $6 billion in damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Kevin Mullin (D-South San Francisco) recalled being home with his mother, getting ready for Game 3 of the Giants-Athletics World Series when his house began to rock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember running down the hall and actually banging into the walls of the hall. As I ran down, the pictures were coming off, books were falling off the shelves,” said Mullin, whose proposed federal legislation aims to build on earthquake resiliency efforts already underway in San Francisco and other California cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing in front of the Bay Bridge, Mullin also recounted learning about the widespread devastation, including the bridge’s partial collapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009890\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009890\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/EarthquakeStory-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed and Rep. Kevin Mullin (center) at an event commemorating the 35th anniversary of the 1989 earthquake on Thursday, Oct. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He called the anniversary a sober reminder of the destructive power of earthquakes and spoke of the need to prepare for those that lie ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is earthquake country, but we’re not alone in facing risks. This is a national problem that deserves national attention,” Mullin said. “75% of the United States could experience a major earthquake, and almost half of the U.S. population, 150 million people, reside in areas that are at risk of experiencing a damaging earthquake in the next 50 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the first-term representative formally introduced the Earthquake Resilience Act, which would direct federal authorities to conduct a risk assessment of earthquake preparedness throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On average, earthquakes cost the nation billions of dollars annually in building damage and associated losses,” Mullin said. “Yet despite these known losses, we still don’t have a firm understanding of how prepared communities are in this country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The risk assessment would look at both the progress made to strengthen earthquake resilience through things like building codes and also look for any gaps in preparation, according to\u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/9375/text\"> the bill’s text.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other cities in California, San Francisco has already taken similar steps. After the Loma Prieta quake \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1949362/how-loma-prieta-changed-earthquake-science-building-codes-and-the-bay-area\">revealed structural deficiencies\u003c/a> in unreinforced masonry buildings and wood-frame “soft story” buildings, which have residential units above ground-floor parking or retail, the city mandated a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10436483/san-franciscos-seismic-retrofit-program-finds-some-success\">seismic retrofit program\u003c/a> covering thousands of older buildings that are susceptible to crumbling during a disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Breed also directed the Office of Resilience and Capital Planning and the Department of Building Inspection to draft proposed legislation to assess potentially vulnerable \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941631/thousands-of-buildings-in-the-bay-area-state-have-weakness-similar-to-those-damaged-in-turkey-and-syria-quake\">concrete buildings\u003c/a> and provide owners with clear retrofit standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking from the deck of the historic Klamath ferry at Pier 9, she compared the boat’s rocking to the feeling of earthquake aftershocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Loma Prieta struck, Breed was in high school. She recalled seeing fallen buildings across the city and referenced San Francisco’s recent retrofit work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what this is about. It’s about preparedness,” Breed said. “It’s about taking an opportunity to remind the public that it’s not a matter of if, it’s a matter of when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mullin’s bill, which Breed is supporting, also would direct the National Earthquake Hazard Reduction Program, a collaboration between several federal agencies, to develop new federal standards and guidelines for getting lifeline infrastructure systems up and running after an earthquake. Lifeline infrastructure, Mullin explained, includes things like power, water, communications and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are more reliant than ever before on these lifeline systems to live, to work, to communicate with each other,” Mullin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, the bill calls for the U.S. Geological Survey to update its seismic monitoring systems with new technology aimed at improving the predictions of aftershocks and large-magnitude earthquakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investing in preparedness now will save lives and money in the future. That is why Congress should act to help ensure the nation is better prepared for the next disaster,” Mullin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-k\">San Francisco’s Proposition K\u003c/a>, which would ban car traffic along the city’s oceanside Great Highway and turn the road into a park, say a new environmental report bolsters their argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sea-level rise and coastal erosion already threaten the Great Highway, which frequently must be closed to clear windblown sand, and nonnative vegetation like ice plants abound. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfei.org/documents/future-opportunities-great-highway-what-are-benefits-people-and-nature\">The report, released by the San Francisco Estuary Institute this week\u003c/a>, recommends ways to reduce sand encroachment and promote biodiversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It lays out actions that could be taken under three scenarios: a full transformation of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991995/sen-wiener-alters-position-on-sf-coastal-boundary-to-balance-housing-and-conservation\">Great Highway\u003c/a> into a park, which Proposition K calls for; maintaining the status quo, in which the road is off limits to cars over the weekends; and bringing back full-time car access to the roadway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were interested in particular because the future of this treasured space is so discussed, and right now, there are a lot of opportunities to support wildlife,” said Cate Jaffe, an associate environmental scientist at SFEI and one of the report’s authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaffe added that the Great Highway’s position between Ocean Beach, Lake Merced and Golden Gate Park, three of the city’s largest open spaces, makes it a critical connector for wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009726\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sandy path leads from Ocean Beach to the Great Highway and the Sunset District in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several of the recommendations are possible regardless of Proposition K’s fate, including improving trash management and revegetating the area with native plants that both contribute to local biodiversity and reduce the amount of sand that gets blown inland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other recommendations, like planting large shrubs to encourage wildlife habitats or reducing street lights that are bothersome to wildlife, aren’t as practical unless the road becomes a pedestrian-only zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Election Day just weeks away, proponents of Proposition K celebrated the report’s release as an affirmation of one of their chief arguments for the road’s conversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City’s major environmental groups join in the consensus that Proposition K will greatly benefit the Ocean Beach ecosystem and the wildlife that call it home,” wrote the Yes on K campaign in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the report really makes clear that voters have a great opportunity to make a step forward for the environment,” said Peter Belden, political chair of the Sierra Club’s San Francisco group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belden noted other environmental concerns should the ballot measure fail, including ongoing pollution from car traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone who’s looked at a supermarket parking lot … you often see this little dark spot where there’s a pool of the oil as some cars drip oil,” Belden said. “On the Great Highway, those liquids end up on the road, then wash into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaffe and the report both made clear that SFEI’s goal is not to advocate for a specific vote but to recommend ways to support the health of the ecosystem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a nonadvocacy organization, so we’re trying to provide the best available independent science to inform ongoing planning efforts,” Jaffe said. “So even with cars, Great Highway could be made friendlier to wildlife.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the institute doesn’t take an official position, it seems the environment has a preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While all planning scenarios for the Great Highway present some opportunities to enhance or protect ecosystem health, closing the roadway to cars entirely has the greatest and most immediate ecological benefits,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if revegetation efforts succeeded in attracting more pollinator and bird species, the report notes that continued car traffic would have negative effects on wildlife, including “wildlife disorientation or avoidance behaviors caused by traffic, noise, and artificial light, in addition to wildlife-vehicle collisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The No on Prop K campaign did not respond to a request for comment, but opponents of the ballot measure have previously argued that the Great Highway is a crucial transportation corridor for the city’s westside communities and that the harms of closing the roadway to cars outweigh any benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition K opponents have also warned that if the Great Highway were to close, traffic would be diverted to adjacent residential streets, increasing risk to pedestrians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-k\">San Francisco’s Proposition K\u003c/a>, which would ban car traffic along the city’s oceanside Great Highway and turn the road into a park, say a new environmental report bolsters their argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sea-level rise and coastal erosion already threaten the Great Highway, which frequently must be closed to clear windblown sand, and nonnative vegetation like ice plants abound. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfei.org/documents/future-opportunities-great-highway-what-are-benefits-people-and-nature\">The report, released by the San Francisco Estuary Institute this week\u003c/a>, recommends ways to reduce sand encroachment and promote biodiversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It lays out actions that could be taken under three scenarios: a full transformation of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1991995/sen-wiener-alters-position-on-sf-coastal-boundary-to-balance-housing-and-conservation\">Great Highway\u003c/a> into a park, which Proposition K calls for; maintaining the status quo, in which the road is off limits to cars over the weekends; and bringing back full-time car access to the roadway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were interested in particular because the future of this treasured space is so discussed, and right now, there are a lot of opportunities to support wildlife,” said Cate Jaffe, an associate environmental scientist at SFEI and one of the report’s authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaffe added that the Great Highway’s position between Ocean Beach, Lake Merced and Golden Gate Park, three of the city’s largest open spaces, makes it a critical connector for wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009726\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sandy path leads from Ocean Beach to the Great Highway and the Sunset District in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Several of the recommendations are possible regardless of Proposition K’s fate, including improving trash management and revegetating the area with native plants that both contribute to local biodiversity and reduce the amount of sand that gets blown inland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other recommendations, like planting large shrubs to encourage wildlife habitats or reducing street lights that are bothersome to wildlife, aren’t as practical unless the road becomes a pedestrian-only zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Election Day just weeks away, proponents of Proposition K celebrated the report’s release as an affirmation of one of their chief arguments for the road’s conversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City’s major environmental groups join in the consensus that Proposition K will greatly benefit the Ocean Beach ecosystem and the wildlife that call it home,” wrote the Yes on K campaign in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the report really makes clear that voters have a great opportunity to make a step forward for the environment,” said Peter Belden, political chair of the Sierra Club’s San Francisco group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belden noted other environmental concerns should the ballot measure fail, including ongoing pollution from car traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone who’s looked at a supermarket parking lot … you often see this little dark spot where there’s a pool of the oil as some cars drip oil,” Belden said. “On the Great Highway, those liquids end up on the road, then wash into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jaffe and the report both made clear that SFEI’s goal is not to advocate for a specific vote but to recommend ways to support the health of the ecosystem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a nonadvocacy organization, so we’re trying to provide the best available independent science to inform ongoing planning efforts,” Jaffe said. “So even with cars, Great Highway could be made friendlier to wildlife.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the institute doesn’t take an official position, it seems the environment has a preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While all planning scenarios for the Great Highway present some opportunities to enhance or protect ecosystem health, closing the roadway to cars entirely has the greatest and most immediate ecological benefits,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if revegetation efforts succeeded in attracting more pollinator and bird species, the report notes that continued car traffic would have negative effects on wildlife, including “wildlife disorientation or avoidance behaviors caused by traffic, noise, and artificial light, in addition to wildlife-vehicle collisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The No on Prop K campaign did not respond to a request for comment, but opponents of the ballot measure have previously argued that the Great Highway is a crucial transportation corridor for the city’s westside communities and that the harms of closing the roadway to cars outweigh any benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition K opponents have also warned that if the Great Highway were to close, traffic would be diverted to adjacent residential streets, increasing risk to pedestrians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao is facing a recall less than two years after taking office. Her critics say the city is out of control with crime, homelessness and a general lack of leadership. Adding to her problems, the FBI raided her home a several months ago as part of a federal investigation into a recycling company. Thao joins Scott to answer her critics and make her case for defeating the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump Ad Blames Harris for Freeing Oakland Journalist’s Killer. It’s Not True, Reporters Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new Donald Trump campaign ad that blames then-San Francisco District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for the 2007 killing of an Oakland journalist is “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/bobbutler7/status/1846221901708083261\">low and lacks context\u003c/a>,” according to reporters who covered the murder and called the ad factually inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chauncey Bailey was the editor of the\u003cem> Oakland Post\u003c/em>, a Black newspaper in the East Bay, when he was shot and killed on his walk to work, targeted by a company he planned to release a report on. Trump’s latest ad suggests that the man who shot him — who was previously incarcerated for an unrelated assault — was only out of jail because Harris had released him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1846054604556865782\">The ad\u003c/a> opens with footage that appears to be of Bailey’s body lying covered on 14th Street in downtown Oakland. A narrator says that his face isn’t viewable because it was “blown away” by a “repeat criminal” — Devaughndre Broussard — thanks to Harris’ “liberal” leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement isn’t true, according to Thomas Peele, who released the book \u003cem>Killing the Messenger\u003c/em> investigating Bailey’s murder in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broussard had been convicted of a previous assault on a Muni bus in 2005 after he was charged with robbery, battery and assault with a deadly weapon by a prosecutor in Harris’ office. He took a plea deal, which Peele says was typical for such crimes, and was sentenced by a judge to one year in prison followed by probation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More than 95% of [criminal cases] are in plea bargain,” Peele says. “That’s what happened. He got out. This is not a case that ever reached the level of the district attorney herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he was released, Broussard, then 19, needed work. One of his friends connected him to Yusuf Bey, who owned a chain of bakeries called Your Black Muslim Bakery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A friend of his … had been Mr. Bey’s cellmate — also in jail in San Francisco for a couple of months — and told Broussard he knew of this bakery in Oakland that hired Black people who were in dire financial straits, who needed work,” Peele says. “And Mr. Broussard went there and was hired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006200 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Project2025Getty1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bey called the business a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/28152/chauncey-bailey-murder-trial-a-primer\">model of economic self-reliance\u003c/a> in Oakland’s Black community, according to previous KQED reporting. It was also a front for his polygamist cult that had years of allegations of rape, assault and fraud, according to \u003cem>Oaklandside \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/10/15/trump-uses-murder-of-oakland-journalist-in-dishonest-attack-ad/\">reporting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Bailey began to investigate Your Black Muslim Bakery’s criminal activity, one of Bey’s sons, Yusuf Bey IV, found out and ordered Broussard and another employee to kill him to prevent the story from going public. Bey IV had taken over the business after his father died in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broussard originally admitted to killing Bailey on his own, but he recanted and eventually aided the defense in convicting Bey IV and the other man present at the murder. He pleaded guilty to voluntary manslaughter and is serving a 25-year sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing and missteps by Oakland police led a group of Bay Area journalists to form the \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/\">Chauncey Bailey Project\u003c/a> to investigate the story. Peele was a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peele noted that the killing doesn’t seem to have had anything to do with Harris, who has released her own campaign ads touting her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000397/what-9-cases-from-kamala-harris-past-say-about-her-record-as-a-california-prosecutor\">history as a prosecutor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/thomas_peele/status/1846297747554816297\">post on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the ad was released, Peele called it “factually wrong” for Trump to suggest that prosecutorial leniency by Harris led to Bailey’s murder. “Dre Broussard beat a man, pled guilty [and was] sentenced to a year in jail,” he says. “If Dre had still been in jail on [Aug. 2, 2007], 2 other [Your Black Muslim Bakery] hitters would’ve carried out the killing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new Donald Trump campaign ad that blames then-San Francisco District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for the 2007 killing of an Oakland journalist is “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/bobbutler7/status/1846221901708083261\">low and lacks context\u003c/a>,” according to reporters who covered the murder and called the ad factually inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chauncey Bailey was the editor of the\u003cem> Oakland Post\u003c/em>, a Black newspaper in the East Bay, when he was shot and killed on his walk to work, targeted by a company he planned to release a report on. Trump’s latest ad suggests that the man who shot him — who was previously incarcerated for an unrelated assault — was only out of jail because Harris had released him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1846054604556865782\">The ad\u003c/a> opens with footage that appears to be of Bailey’s body lying covered on 14th Street in downtown Oakland. A narrator says that his face isn’t viewable because it was “blown away” by a “repeat criminal” — Devaughndre Broussard — thanks to Harris’ “liberal” leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement isn’t true, according to Thomas Peele, who released the book \u003cem>Killing the Messenger\u003c/em> investigating Bailey’s murder in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broussard had been convicted of a previous assault on a Muni bus in 2005 after he was charged with robbery, battery and assault with a deadly weapon by a prosecutor in Harris’ office. He took a plea deal, which Peele says was typical for such crimes, and was sentenced by a judge to one year in prison followed by probation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More than 95% of [criminal cases] are in plea bargain,” Peele says. “That’s what happened. He got out. This is not a case that ever reached the level of the district attorney herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he was released, Broussard, then 19, needed work. One of his friends connected him to Yusuf Bey, who owned a chain of bakeries called Your Black Muslim Bakery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A friend of his … had been Mr. Bey’s cellmate — also in jail in San Francisco for a couple of months — and told Broussard he knew of this bakery in Oakland that hired Black people who were in dire financial straits, who needed work,” Peele says. “And Mr. Broussard went there and was hired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bey called the business a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/28152/chauncey-bailey-murder-trial-a-primer\">model of economic self-reliance\u003c/a> in Oakland’s Black community, according to previous KQED reporting. It was also a front for his polygamist cult that had years of allegations of rape, assault and fraud, according to \u003cem>Oaklandside \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/10/15/trump-uses-murder-of-oakland-journalist-in-dishonest-attack-ad/\">reporting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Bailey began to investigate Your Black Muslim Bakery’s criminal activity, one of Bey’s sons, Yusuf Bey IV, found out and ordered Broussard and another employee to kill him to prevent the story from going public. Bey IV had taken over the business after his father died in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broussard originally admitted to killing Bailey on his own, but he recanted and eventually aided the defense in convicting Bey IV and the other man present at the murder. He pleaded guilty to voluntary manslaughter and is serving a 25-year sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing and missteps by Oakland police led a group of Bay Area journalists to form the \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/\">Chauncey Bailey Project\u003c/a> to investigate the story. Peele was a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peele noted that the killing doesn’t seem to have had anything to do with Harris, who has released her own campaign ads touting her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000397/what-9-cases-from-kamala-harris-past-say-about-her-record-as-a-california-prosecutor\">history as a prosecutor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/thomas_peele/status/1846297747554816297\">post on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the ad was released, Peele called it “factually wrong” for Trump to suggest that prosecutorial leniency by Harris led to Bailey’s murder. “Dre Broussard beat a man, pled guilty [and was] sentenced to a year in jail,” he says. “If Dre had still been in jail on [Aug. 2, 2007], 2 other [Your Black Muslim Bakery] hitters would’ve carried out the killing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "oakland-nonprofit-urges-no-vote-on-prop-36-to-protect-rehabilitation-funding",
"title": "Oakland Nonprofit Urges No Vote on Proposition 36 to Protect Rehabilitation Funding",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland’s first trauma recovery center is urging the public to vote no on Proposition 36, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop36-110524.pdf\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would slash millions in funding for rehabilitation centers and other treatment programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would also toughen penalties and lengthen prison sentences for some low-level theft and drug possession crimes — reclassifying these misdemeanors as felonies if the measure is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), a nonprofit funded by Proposition 47 grants, provides vital community services such as clinical psychology treatment and connections to employment and housing opportunities. That funding would be largely wiped out if voters approved Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Prop. 36 passes, it will impact all of the Prop. 47 funded programs that are in place to help individuals get their lives back,” said Donald Frazier, the founder and CEO of BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 allowed for the reclassification of felonies like theft and drug possession to misdemeanors and required that state funds be allocated to public agencies specializing in mental health, substance abuse, and other treatment programs – virtually reversive to the tenets of Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frazier said that stripping programs like BOSS of its funding and instead reallocating those funds to incarceration centers would only perpetuate cycles of violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009715\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009715\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At BOSS’s ribbon-cutting ceremony on Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers that focus on rehabilitation and healing. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He stressed that rehabilitation services benefit more than just victims — many of the nonprofit’s patients are also formerly incarcerated individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taxpayers have to make a decision,” he said. “Do we want to continue funding incarceration and not funding services for people with the understanding that people will be released and be back in the community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through grants from the California Victims Compensation Board and Proposition 47, BOSS provides a range of services, including licensed clinicians and psychiatrists, housing and employment opportunities and other support to help victims recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its ribbon-cutting ceremony, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers like BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latosha Spruell, a coordinator for Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice, spoke at the BOSS ceremony on Wednesday. She lost several family members and friends to violence and drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 undermines the core principles of restorative justice. It perpetuates a system that focuses solely on punishment rather than rehabilitation and healing for both victims and offenders,” Spruell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in a justice system that does more than punish — it should heal entire communities. Accountability must be paired with restoration and support,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philippe Kelly, a formerly incarcerated organizer for human rights, said that centers like BOSS are more effective in addressing the effects of violent crime than the criminal justice system is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the solutions that keep our people safe. Prop. 36 will not do that. Having recovery centers like this is what’s going to help our people,” Kelly said. “These are the folks who know what it means to overcome, but they also know what it means to keep us safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 36 would direct millions of taxpayer dollars into prison costs over the next decade — a cycle BOSS staffers described as “the revolving door of locking people up and releasing them without rehabilitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, said that the measure would create “the worst outcomes” yet for East Oakland and other communities deeply impacted by violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have issues in our community that require a different response. You cannot use a screwdriver when you need a hammer,” Hollins said. “So while we have a bunch of hammers driving around our communities, there are some screws that need to be put in place\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland’s first trauma recovery center is urging the public to vote no on Proposition 36, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop36-110524.pdf\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would slash millions in funding for rehabilitation centers and other treatment programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would also toughen penalties and lengthen prison sentences for some low-level theft and drug possession crimes — reclassifying these misdemeanors as felonies if the measure is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), a nonprofit funded by Proposition 47 grants, provides vital community services such as clinical psychology treatment and connections to employment and housing opportunities. That funding would be largely wiped out if voters approved Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Prop. 36 passes, it will impact all of the Prop. 47 funded programs that are in place to help individuals get their lives back,” said Donald Frazier, the founder and CEO of BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 allowed for the reclassification of felonies like theft and drug possession to misdemeanors and required that state funds be allocated to public agencies specializing in mental health, substance abuse, and other treatment programs – virtually reversive to the tenets of Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frazier said that stripping programs like BOSS of its funding and instead reallocating those funds to incarceration centers would only perpetuate cycles of violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009715\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009715\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At BOSS’s ribbon-cutting ceremony on Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers that focus on rehabilitation and healing. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He stressed that rehabilitation services benefit more than just victims — many of the nonprofit’s patients are also formerly incarcerated individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taxpayers have to make a decision,” he said. “Do we want to continue funding incarceration and not funding services for people with the understanding that people will be released and be back in the community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through grants from the California Victims Compensation Board and Proposition 47, BOSS provides a range of services, including licensed clinicians and psychiatrists, housing and employment opportunities and other support to help victims recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its ribbon-cutting ceremony, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers like BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latosha Spruell, a coordinator for Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice, spoke at the BOSS ceremony on Wednesday. She lost several family members and friends to violence and drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 undermines the core principles of restorative justice. It perpetuates a system that focuses solely on punishment rather than rehabilitation and healing for both victims and offenders,” Spruell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in a justice system that does more than punish — it should heal entire communities. Accountability must be paired with restoration and support,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philippe Kelly, a formerly incarcerated organizer for human rights, said that centers like BOSS are more effective in addressing the effects of violent crime than the criminal justice system is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the solutions that keep our people safe. Prop. 36 will not do that. Having recovery centers like this is what’s going to help our people,” Kelly said. “These are the folks who know what it means to overcome, but they also know what it means to keep us safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 36 would direct millions of taxpayer dollars into prison costs over the next decade — a cycle BOSS staffers described as “the revolving door of locking people up and releasing them without rehabilitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, said that the measure would create “the worst outcomes” yet for East Oakland and other communities deeply impacted by violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have issues in our community that require a different response. You cannot use a screwdriver when you need a hammer,” Hollins said. “So while we have a bunch of hammers driving around our communities, there are some screws that need to be put in place\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San José Mayor and Council Call on Councilmember Omar Torres to Resign Amid Sexual Misconduct Allegations",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan and the rest of the City Council are calling on fellow Councilmember Omar Torres to resign in light of details from an ongoing police investigation into allegations that he committed sex acts with a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan and the nine other council members issued their call in a joint statement Wednesday afternoon, about a week after a police affidavit was made public that showed Torres was being investigated on suspicion of “oral copulation of a minor” and “having an abnormal interest in children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all live in a nation in which we are innocent until proven guilty — that applies to every single person in our city, including those in elected office. We are in the midst of an active and ongoing investigation, and as our police department uncovers the truth, that truth will be shared with the community,” the Council statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the appalling nature of Omar Torres’ own words and the allegations against him, we believe that he has lost the trust of the community and is no longer able to effectively serve the residents of District 3,” the statement continued. “As his own words call into question his ability to lead and make decisions on the behalf of the community, we are calling on him to resign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term councilmember who previously served as a council staffer and a community college district board member, has largely withdrawn from public view since the allegations against him were first revealed earlier this month, and further details were made public in the affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, police officials said, and no criminal charges have been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no intention of resigning, he intends to continue fully serving his constituency,” his attorney, Nelson McElmurry, said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He absolutely wants to address the public concern surrounding the bits and pieces of information that have been released throughout the course of the investigation,” he added, emphasizing that much of what has been reported thus far has been “speculation” and doesn’t include full context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would rather wait until the investigation is completed and then address the issue, as well as responding to everyone’s questions regarding the details,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Wednesday, Mahan told KQED there is a higher bar for elected officials. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe he is fit to lead and represent our community. I was sick to my stomach as I read some of the text messages in the affidavit,” Mahan said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said the case is a big distraction for Torres and for a city trying to address major civic issues of homelessness, housing and crime. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s distracted by this. I’ve gone to community meetings over the last week in his district where he’s been unable to attend. There’s no way to get around the fact that this is going to take a lot of his time and attention and he needs to focus on the rest of that process,” Mahan said. “But in the meantime, the residents of District Three deserve strong representation, a leader who they trust and progress on the issues that affect their daily lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more on San José\" tag=\"san-jose-city-council\"]The investigation apparently started when \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/03/san-jose-police-warrant-city-councilmember-omar-torres/\">Torres contacted San José police\u003c/a> on Aug. 29 to report that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man in Chicago named Terry Beeks, with whom, investigators later said, Torres had an “online sexual relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres told police that during their relationship over the course of the past two years, he sent Beeks “nude photos and videos of himself, some of which include his face,” investigators said, after which Beeks demanded money, threatening to release nude photos or videos if he didn’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Torres admitted that this extortion had been going on for a long time,” the affidavit said, stating that he had paid Beeks a total of roughly $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres showed police investigators his messages with Beeks, as well as screenshots of receipts with payments he made to him. He also told investigators that Beeks had a history of harassing his partner and his Council staff members when his demands were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators then interviewed Beeks and seized his electronics, determining from messages on those devices that it appeared “Torres was paying Beeks for masturbation videos and nude photos” and “paying to Facetime with Beeks while he masturbated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/15/condemns-councilmember-sex-crime-investigation-minors/\">During their ongoing text correspondence, \u003c/a>Torres, in February 2022, sent Beeks a photo of a boy who he referred to as his “autistic son,” saying he was 11 years old and that he was “like daddy lol he already has a big penis haha,” according to text exchanges listed in the affidavit. He also talked about the boy’s pubic hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, however, does not have any children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text exchange with Beeks the following month, Torres described performing oral sex on a 17-year-old while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another 2022 text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous statements to the media, McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not refute the authenticity of the text messages but downplayed their significance, calling them “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These communications do not reflect any real-world actions or intentions and were entirely fictitious,” McElmurry said. He described Beeks as a “friend-turned-stalker” of Torres’,” who steered conversations into topics that would be damaging to Torres, as part of his extortion plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry said that Torres “felt trapped in a cycle of manipulation” and chose to take “the difficult yet honorable path, reporting the situation to law enforcement despite the significant personal risks involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he made it clear that Torres “maintains his innocence.” “He has no interest in minors. He’s never had a relationship with minors in terms of that manner,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his election to the District 3 seat in 2022, Torres became the first openly gay Latino to hold a council seat in the county, according to his council website profile. Torres, 42, said he has dedicated much of his life to advocating for youth and families in San José and in the Guadalupe-Washington community where he was raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose Police Officers’ Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/04/01/san-joses-district-3-race-candidates-aim-for-a-downtown-core-where-everyone-feels-safe/\">who supported Torres’ opponent\u003c/a> in his council race, has publicly called on him to resign and had previously expressed disappointment that Torres’ colleagues on the Council were not asking for the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Councilmember Omar Torres criminal investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a minor will run its course, but through his criminal defense attorney, he has admitted he sent multiple text messages about an 11-year-old autistic boy’s genitals and asked for help in procuring underage minors for sex,” Sgt. Steve Slack, the president of the police union, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s repugnant, and his own words meet the SJPOA’s threshold for resignation,” Slack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, after the Council released its joint statement, the police union questioned why it took so long for city leaders to call on Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we commend this action, we are left wondering: what took them so long?” the union statement said. “After reading Torres’s self-admitted text messages seeking sex with underage minors and participating in an extortion scheme to keep his “fantasies” and “role-playing” about minors quiet, when are other leaders and organizations going to demand Torres resign?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan and the rest of the City Council are calling on fellow Councilmember Omar Torres to resign in light of details from an ongoing police investigation into allegations that he committed sex acts with a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan and the nine other council members issued their call in a joint statement Wednesday afternoon, about a week after a police affidavit was made public that showed Torres was being investigated on suspicion of “oral copulation of a minor” and “having an abnormal interest in children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all live in a nation in which we are innocent until proven guilty — that applies to every single person in our city, including those in elected office. We are in the midst of an active and ongoing investigation, and as our police department uncovers the truth, that truth will be shared with the community,” the Council statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the appalling nature of Omar Torres’ own words and the allegations against him, we believe that he has lost the trust of the community and is no longer able to effectively serve the residents of District 3,” the statement continued. “As his own words call into question his ability to lead and make decisions on the behalf of the community, we are calling on him to resign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term councilmember who previously served as a council staffer and a community college district board member, has largely withdrawn from public view since the allegations against him were first revealed earlier this month, and further details were made public in the affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, police officials said, and no criminal charges have been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no intention of resigning, he intends to continue fully serving his constituency,” his attorney, Nelson McElmurry, said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He absolutely wants to address the public concern surrounding the bits and pieces of information that have been released throughout the course of the investigation,” he added, emphasizing that much of what has been reported thus far has been “speculation” and doesn’t include full context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would rather wait until the investigation is completed and then address the issue, as well as responding to everyone’s questions regarding the details,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Wednesday, Mahan told KQED there is a higher bar for elected officials. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe he is fit to lead and represent our community. I was sick to my stomach as I read some of the text messages in the affidavit,” Mahan said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said the case is a big distraction for Torres and for a city trying to address major civic issues of homelessness, housing and crime. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s distracted by this. I’ve gone to community meetings over the last week in his district where he’s been unable to attend. There’s no way to get around the fact that this is going to take a lot of his time and attention and he needs to focus on the rest of that process,” Mahan said. “But in the meantime, the residents of District Three deserve strong representation, a leader who they trust and progress on the issues that affect their daily lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The investigation apparently started when \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/03/san-jose-police-warrant-city-councilmember-omar-torres/\">Torres contacted San José police\u003c/a> on Aug. 29 to report that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man in Chicago named Terry Beeks, with whom, investigators later said, Torres had an “online sexual relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres told police that during their relationship over the course of the past two years, he sent Beeks “nude photos and videos of himself, some of which include his face,” investigators said, after which Beeks demanded money, threatening to release nude photos or videos if he didn’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Torres admitted that this extortion had been going on for a long time,” the affidavit said, stating that he had paid Beeks a total of roughly $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres showed police investigators his messages with Beeks, as well as screenshots of receipts with payments he made to him. He also told investigators that Beeks had a history of harassing his partner and his Council staff members when his demands were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators then interviewed Beeks and seized his electronics, determining from messages on those devices that it appeared “Torres was paying Beeks for masturbation videos and nude photos” and “paying to Facetime with Beeks while he masturbated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/15/condemns-councilmember-sex-crime-investigation-minors/\">During their ongoing text correspondence, \u003c/a>Torres, in February 2022, sent Beeks a photo of a boy who he referred to as his “autistic son,” saying he was 11 years old and that he was “like daddy lol he already has a big penis haha,” according to text exchanges listed in the affidavit. He also talked about the boy’s pubic hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, however, does not have any children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text exchange with Beeks the following month, Torres described performing oral sex on a 17-year-old while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another 2022 text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous statements to the media, McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not refute the authenticity of the text messages but downplayed their significance, calling them “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These communications do not reflect any real-world actions or intentions and were entirely fictitious,” McElmurry said. He described Beeks as a “friend-turned-stalker” of Torres’,” who steered conversations into topics that would be damaging to Torres, as part of his extortion plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry said that Torres “felt trapped in a cycle of manipulation” and chose to take “the difficult yet honorable path, reporting the situation to law enforcement despite the significant personal risks involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he made it clear that Torres “maintains his innocence.” “He has no interest in minors. He’s never had a relationship with minors in terms of that manner,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his election to the District 3 seat in 2022, Torres became the first openly gay Latino to hold a council seat in the county, according to his council website profile. Torres, 42, said he has dedicated much of his life to advocating for youth and families in San José and in the Guadalupe-Washington community where he was raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose Police Officers’ Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/04/01/san-joses-district-3-race-candidates-aim-for-a-downtown-core-where-everyone-feels-safe/\">who supported Torres’ opponent\u003c/a> in his council race, has publicly called on him to resign and had previously expressed disappointment that Torres’ colleagues on the Council were not asking for the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Councilmember Omar Torres criminal investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a minor will run its course, but through his criminal defense attorney, he has admitted he sent multiple text messages about an 11-year-old autistic boy’s genitals and asked for help in procuring underage minors for sex,” Sgt. Steve Slack, the president of the police union, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s repugnant, and his own words meet the SJPOA’s threshold for resignation,” Slack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, after the Council released its joint statement, the police union questioned why it took so long for city leaders to call on Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we commend this action, we are left wondering: what took them so long?” the union statement said. “After reading Torres’s self-admitted text messages seeking sex with underage minors and participating in an extortion scheme to keep his “fantasies” and “role-playing” about minors quiet, when are other leaders and organizations going to demand Torres resign?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "notoriously-slow-lengthy-investigations-into-california-politicians-leave-voters-in-the-dark",
"title": "‘Notoriously Slow:’ Lengthy Investigations Into California Politicians Leave Voters in the Dark",
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"headTitle": "‘Notoriously Slow:’ Lengthy Investigations Into California Politicians Leave Voters in the Dark | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A $1,044 outing at a glitzy Hollywood nightclub. A $1,316 meal at a Los Angeles steak and seafood restaurant. A $4,500 experience to see the L.A. Dodgers. Isaac Galvan paid for them all — with campaign cash, a state probe found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his nine years on the Compton City Council, Galvan frequently spent campaign donations for personal purposes, kept shoddy financial records and repeatedly failed to disclose donors and expenditures accurately and on time, if at all, the California Fair Political Practices Commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/EnfDivCaseResults/stipulated-agreements/2022-sdo/august-sdo/isaac-galvan.html\">concluded in its investigation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the probe lasted six years — so long that voters reelected Galvan twice, and he left office before those \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/hearings-meetings-workshops/current-agenda/past-agendas/2022-agendas/aug-2022-agenda.html\">violations were made public\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-14/ex-compton-councilman-isaac-galvan-campaign-finance-fine-election-rigging-scandal\">July 2022\u003c/a>. During the investigation, he continued to miss filing deadlines, allegedly participated in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-09-19/former-compton-city-councilman-isaac-galvan-indicted-for-allegedly-bribing-baldwin-park-councilman-for-marijuana-permits\">a bribery scheme\u003c/a> that led to his indictment, and was tossed out of office by a judge in May 2022 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/investigations/illegal-votes-cast-compton-councilman-isaac-galvan-election-overturned/2904393/\">election fraud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What took them so long?” asked lifelong Compton resident Gilda Blueford, who only learned of Galvan’s campaign finance violations from CalMatters. “If we could have known what was going on … perhaps he would not have been reelected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically plagued by what some staff called an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">enormous\u003c/a>” backlog, California’s campaign watchdog has sometimes taken years to resolve cases — exposing violations or exonerating politicians only after they left office or won an election, a CalMatters analysis has found. While the agency has worked to expedite enforcement, advocates, officials and past and current commissioners say delayed actions can diminish public trust in the state’s ability to prosecute corruption effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the FPPC doesn’t really clamp down on those obvious abuses quickly, then it’s a toothless watchdog,” said state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-glazer-165414\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, an Orinda Democrat who has championed laws to tighten \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/05/california-pay-to-play-law/\">campaign ethics regulations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lag in enforcement could leave some voters in the dark in upcoming elections. As of last week:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>On the November ballot, 20 of the 305 candidates for the state Legislature, U.S. House and U.S. Senate have an open case against them, commission data shows.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Two of the state’s eight constitutional officers \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/complaint-and-case-information-portal.html\">are now under investigation\u003c/a> — Gov. Gavin Newsom for late filings and Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara for allegations of “laundered campaign contributions” — and both won reelection as their cases were pending.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Seven of the eight top constitutional officers — all but Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis — have had past violations, ranging from improper disclosures to illegal campaign contributions, according to commission enforcement records.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-fppc-enforcement.netlify.app/ballot-lookup?initialWidth=780&childId=pym_0&parentTitle=California%20campaign%20finance%20investigations%20leave%20voters%20in%20the%20dark%20-%20CalMatters&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fpolitics%2Felections%2F2024%2F10%2Fcampaign-finance-california-fppc-enforcement%2F\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission, created by California voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/about-the-political-reform-act.html\">through a 1974 ballot measure\u003c/a> following \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/topics/1970s/watergate\">the Watergate scandal\u003c/a>, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc.html\">policed campaign and ethics violations statewide and in local races\u003c/a> for 50 years. The backlog was an open secret among staffers and commissioners, with some senior counsels arguing in 2022 that the problem had \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">existed for “at least 20 years.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the agency has seen its caseload wax and wane, peaking in April 2020 at 1,874 unresolved cases, staff reports show. Among cases resolved between 2017 and 2023, 15% took more than two years to close, with the longest lasting almost seven years, according to a CalMatters analysis of data obtained through a public records request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has added staff, expanded programs to educate political candidates and streamlined enforcement of minor cases while freeing up resources for more serious violations, said commission Chairperson Adam E. Silver. In 2022, it adopted a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/EnforcementDiv/policy-directives/15.0-Enforcement-directives.pdf\">policy directive \u003c/a>to cap the carryover caseload at 625 each year and mandated a 75% reduction in cases opened before 2023, causing the backlog to plunge, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So long as that continues, then I would say the problem of cases building up and having a ‘backlog’ that grows and grows and grows, that’s resolved,” Silver said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some were concerned that the agency may have become more lenient as it closed cases more quickly. Last year, the commission issued the lowest dollar amount of penalties and the highest percentage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/transparency/form-700-filed-by-public-officials/case-resolutions/case-closure-letter-search.html\">warning letters\u003c/a> — a method reserved for low-level offenses with minimal public harm — in the past decade, according to commission reports. Four in five cases where violations were found resulted in a letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/P72zW/\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Lindsay, enforcement chief of the commission, said in multiple public meetings that the increased use of warning letters was partly because the agency prioritized closing minor cases and acknowledged in June that it would become more difficult to find \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/nXSSZP2POHs?feature=shared&t=10279\">“easy closures.” \u003c/a>But he assured the commission in January that the letters were never issued “in scenarios that were not justified in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some ethics advocates, however, warned against the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of a policy to be caught up on mandates, you don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater,” said Sean McMorris, transparency, ethics, and accountability manager at the California Common Cause. “The answer is not less enforcement or diminished fines. The answer is more person power to enforce the law adequately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t believe in the system’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Galvan — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/la-me-adv-compton-councilman-20130729-story.html\">first Latino\u003c/a> to ever serve on the Compton City Council — was a symbol of hope for diverse representation, Blueford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Galvan’s career was littered with violations, according to state and court records. He failed to file any disclosures before being elected in 2013, drawing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/EnfDivCaseResults/stipulated-agreements/2013-sdo/november-sdo/galvan-for-compton-city-council-2013,-and-isaac-galvan1.html\">$1,000 fine from the commission\u003c/a> that \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/hearings-meetings-workshops/current-agenda/past-agendas/2013-agendas/nov-2013-agenda.html\">November\u003c/a>. That did not stop him: He continued to file paperwork late until, in March 2017, he stopped filing altogether, according to the commission’s investigation, details of which have not been previously reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.comptoncity.org/departments/city-clerk/elections/election-results\">A month later\u003c/a>, he was reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent more than $55,000 of the money he raised between 2013 and 2017 for personal use, the investigation said. In 2017, he even \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BV3wF2iBP0e/\">posted about one of those expenses\u003c/a> at a Beverly Hills winery on social media, according to bank records included in the probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04.png\" alt=\"An illustration of five tear sheets with highlighted text.\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1481\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04.png 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-800x741.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-1020x944.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-160x148.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-1536x1422.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tear sheets \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the investigation, Galvan was hard to find, at times promising to provide records he never delivered, and efforts to directly serve him the subpoena for those records failed, commission documents show. Once, he was celebrating the premiere of the movie “\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BbI7MY7BM2E/\">Daddy’s Home 2\u003c/a>” on the day the subpoena server tried to reach him, according to his social media post. On another occasion, Galvan entered the City Hall through a “private entrance,” documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-14/ex-compton-councilman-isaac-galvan-campaign-finance-fine-election-rigging-scandal\">fined Galvan $240,000\u003c/a> in 2022. However, the agency had not received a payment as of Oct. 9, commission spokesperson Jay Wierenga confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency opened the case in February 2016 and assigned it that September, adding more staff and devising a plan to investigate in June 2017, according to Wierenga and the agency’s own case chronology obtained via a public records request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s leaders acknowledged that Galvan’s case “took too long to resolve and that staff should have been assigned sooner,” Wierenga said in an email. But he said that Galvan’s extensive violations and lack of responsiveness was why the case took longer than normal, and asserted that recent reforms will “prevent significant delays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compton City Council member Andre Spicer, who replaced Galvan in 2022, called the long duration of the case “a disservice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that our lack of engagement is because we don’t believe in the system,” Spicer said. “If you have issues like this that take 10 years, eight years to sort out and damage is done, it reinforces the reasons why people don’t engage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galvan and his then-bookkeeper, Gary Crummitt, did not respond to multiple inquiries over two weeks for comment. When reached by CalMatters last month, Galvan’s attorney during the investigation, Anthony Willoughby, said in an email: “There are a lot of moving parts to the matter you are seeking comment on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Notoriously slow’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Galvan’s case is among many where, by the time they were resolved, the officials in question had won an election or left office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the city of Campbell in 2017, council members \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/november/3-City-of-Campbell-Stip.pdf\">paid for ads\u003c/a> with taxpayer dollars to influence election outcomes on three ballot measures about marijuana regulations, the commission found. However, the findings were only made public \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/hearings-meetings-workshops/current-agenda/past-agendas/2023-agendas/November-2023-agenda.html\">six years later\u003c/a>, after most of those officials had left office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-24/a-trip-to-boston-a-cigar-humidor-and-a-dutch-distillery-tour-how-one-oc-politician-abused-campaign-funds-for-a-100-000-fine\">Former state Assemblymember Bill Brough\u003c/a> spent campaign cash on family cell phone plans, hotel stays and a trip to a Boston Red Sox game, according to the commission, which didn’t conclude his case until last year, three years after he left office. Even he complained: “I just wanted to go on with my life,” the Los Angeles Times reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a three-year investigation into state Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/diane-papan-165423\">Diane Papan\u003c/a> wrapped in May, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/2021-00158-Papan-Warning-Letter.pdf\">resulting in a warning letter\u003c/a> for improper reporting of contributions when she ran for San Mateo City Council in 2020, according to records obtained by CalMatters. Papan’s campaign provided records to the agency in 2021, but the staff waited three years before reaching back out — so long that Papan’s attorney, former FPPC enforcement chief Gary Winuk, questioned the lack of action in an email to the staff and one witness the agency interviewed said he no longer remembered details of the contributions in question, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delays could create a sense that “there’s justice denied,” said Catharine Baker, the commission vice chairperson. “If you act too slowly if there isn’t a resolution, potential bad actors aren’t brought to any real significant justice, and the public can’t have faith that the rules are being enforced — that there is someone watching the henhouse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some open cases have also lasted years. Newsom, for instance, has been under a previously unreported investigation since 2021 for late disclosure of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/transparency/behested-payments.html\">behested payments\u003c/a> — donations to a person, nonprofit or a state agency at the behest of the public official that ethics experts say can be another avenue for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-lawmaker-nonprofits-politics-charity-campaign-finance-foundation-dark-money/\">special interests to curry favor\u003c/a>. Another probe for potential campaign reporting violations has also been open since 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/complaint-and-case-information-portal.html\">commission records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials are \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/transparency/behested-payments.html\">required by state law\u003c/a> to disclose behested payments that total $5,000 or more from a single donor in a year, and upon meeting that dollar threshold, the official must report the payments within 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2019 and 2021, Newsom’s office failed to file 17 behested payments totaling more than $14 million on time, including one filed more than a year after the due date, according to records obtained by CalMatters via a public records request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In emails to the commission, Newsom’s staff blamed the delays on donors notifying the governor’s office of the payments after filing deadlines. They also said the governor takes his “reporting obligations very seriously” and submitted the documents within days of discovering the payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those behested payments were made during the pandemic, “when the Governor’s office was focused on the quick mobilization of resources,” Newsom spokesperson Izzy Gardon said in a statement last week. “Our office remains committed to transparency and complying with FPPC requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara — who accepted money in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2019/07/20/state-insurance-commissioner-accepted-contributions-and-intervened-in-cases-affecting-donor-records-show/\">from donors with ties to insurers\u003c/a> his agency oversaw — has been under investigation for two years for allegations of laundering campaign donations, records show. Between 2021 and 2022, insurance companies funneled $122,500 through the leadership fund of the California Legislative LGBTQ caucus — where Lara served as vice chairperson and remains an ex-officio member — to support Lara, \u003ca href=\"https://consumerwatchdog.org/sites/default/files/2022-05/FPPCComplaint051922_0.pdf\">according to a complaint \u003c/a>filed by Carmen Balber, executive director of the advocacy group Consumer Watchdog, which has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-consumer-watchdog-nonprofit-payments-20171215-story.html\">faced criticism for not disclosing its donors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time she heard from the commission, Balber said, was when it opened the investigation in May 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara told CalMatters last month he was not in touch with the agency and referred questions to his campaign attorney. The attorney, along with other groups named in the investigation, did not respond to a CalMatters inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former commission chairperson Ann Ravel said while some cases are complicated and time-consuming, late filings of behested payments and campaign finance forms should be easy cases to close. “We know there are deadlines,” Ravel said. “If they cannot monitor that, what are they monitoring?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with complex cases, Ravel argued, swift resolution is possible. Right before the November 2012 election, the agency under her leadership forced Koch Brothers-associated groups to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2012/11/05/california-political-watchdog-names-secret-11-million-campaign-contributors-claims-they-were-money-laundering/\">disclose $11 million\u003c/a> in illegal spending on a pair of propositions through an emergency ruling from the California Supreme Court. The groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/political/la-me-pc-fppc-koch-brothers-campaign-finance-penalties-california-proposition-30-20131023-story.html\">were fined $1 million\u003c/a> a year later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That transparency was so important to the public, to the press, in order for there to be fairness in the system and also for people to have trust in government,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But speed is not all, Silver argued. “Just because you are spending a lot of time on one case doesn’t make it a waste of time,” he said. “It could have the effect of limiting complaints and violations in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup image of the left side of a white man's face.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adam E. Silver, chair of the Fair Political Practices Commission, delivers closing remarks at an event marking the 50th anniversary of the Political Reform Act at McGeorge School of Law in Sacramento on Sept. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And cases must be investigated fully for due process, even if no violations are ultimately found, said commission executive director Galena West, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/organization-and-responsibilities/commissioners-and-executive-staff.html\">led the enforcement division for five years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t exonerating someone also valuable for the public to know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agency’s goals\u003c/a> are to ensure public officials “act in a fair and unbiased manner,” promote government transparency, and build public trust in the political system, according to its website. State law and commission regulations do not explicitly require staff to resolve cases before elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But frustration lingers among campaign finance attorneys, those who filed complaints and even politicians under investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FPPC is so notoriously slow that it’s not worth bugging them,” Balber said. “If campaign violations are not identified and prosecuted in a timely manner, then after-the-fact penalties have no impact on the elected officials who are being investigated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delays create loopholes for officials willing to chalk up the penalties as the cost of winning an election, said McMorris of California Common Cause, who likened the state campaign finance laws to “a tube of toothpaste under pressure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s multiple holes in it. You plug one, those bad actors immediately go find the other hole that they can exploit,” he said. “It diminishes public trust in the democratic process and in our representatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for public officials who “inadvertently” made a mistake or who are innocent, the lengthy probe is “like a sword hanging over your head” even after leaving office, said Glazer, the state legislator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Treasurer Fiona Ma — who was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/budget-cuts-newsom-california/#wm-story-2\">fined $11,500\u003c/a> earlier this year for failing to disclose more than $860,000 in payments in her 2018 campaign — said the yearslong investigation meant extra costs to retain her treasurer and attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just going to have to pay a fine at some point, so just send me the bill,” Ma, a 2026 candidate for lieutenant governor, told CalMatters. “But you know what? This is … the cost of doing business in elected office. It just is. Everybody gets fined, just how much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What caused the backlog?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anecdotes of backlogs and delays reached Baker before she was appointed to the commission in 2021, she said. And early in her tenure, she quickly noticed how old cases were by the time staff presented them for commission decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Look, there’s a problem. It’s severe. And we must do something,’” Baker said in an interview with CalMatters, joined by Wierenga, the spokesperson. “If we don’t, our tenures on this commission … will be partly a failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of complaints and referrals from state and local agencies contributed to the backlog, Baker said. Over the past decade, the number of complaints and referrals has generally crept up and surged in election years, peaking in 2022 with 3,103, compared to a low of 1,205 in 2015, according to the CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers also assigned the agency more duties over the years, Baker and Wierenga noted. Wierenga said the agency’s caseload jumped in 2015 when the California Secretary of State \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2015/May/Streamline%20memo%20-%205-11-15.pdf\">began referring campaigns\u003c/a> that failed to file a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201120120SB1001\">$50 annual fee\u003c/a>. The commission received 2,460 referrals on May 1, 2015 — almost five times the number of referrals from all other agencies combined that year, he wrote in an email. In 2021,\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1590\"> the enforcement of the law\u003c/a> was transferred back to the Secretary of State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laws increasing disclosure of donors in campaign ads — including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2188\">2018 law\u003c/a> that regulated the text, color and font size — added more work for the commission, Wierenga said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/lawandpolicy/2022/november/comment-letter-intake.pdf\">staff responsible for parsing out complaints and referrals worth investigating \u003c/a>sometimes opened cases when they shouldn’t have, especially under the pressure of high caseloads, Lindsay told the commission in January. Inexperienced staff also lacked understanding of the law, leaving the manager scrambling to train them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/lawandpolicy/2022/november/comment-letter-intake.pdf\">according to a 2022 memorandum\u003c/a> by unit manager Tara Stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re overwhelmed, you’re not sure what the right answer is, the thought process is: ‘There’s no harm in moving that case forward,’” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/30lsfBeIboE?feature=shared&t=8064\">Lindsay said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burdensome “red tape” — including layers of reviews and approvals required to escalate a case — and a digital recordkeeping system that’s hard to navigate compounded the problem, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">staff said\u003c/a>. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">2022 letter\u003c/a>, staff described the system as “slow, cumbersome, and sometimes, downright tedious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/DDtUf/\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers and ethics advocates — while bemoaning slow enforcement — argue the agency is chronically understaffed and underfunded. The department’s budget and its number of employees, however, have steadily climbed — from $11.8 million and 66 employees in \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/publication/#/e/2017-18/Agency/8000\">fiscal year 2017–18\u003c/a> to $19.6 million and 109 employees \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2024-25EN/#/Agency/8000\">this year\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/publication/#/e/2017-18/Agency/8000\">state budget\u003c/a> records.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increases were largely tied to additional duties, however, and the agency’s base funding is not adequate, argued McMorris of California Common Cause. Elected officials may lack the political will to dedicate more money to the agency or to expand the agency’s authority, McMorris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are essentially asking the politicians who are being policed by this agency to increase the budget for policing,” he said. “There’s a tendency to do the least amount and only do it when there’s a scandal or evidence that something’s being exploited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has only been audited once — in 1998 — in its entire 50-year history. That’s because “elected leaders have decided it’s not in their interest to do so,” Glazer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Efforts to speed up enforcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the agency has \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18360.1.%20Eligibility%20Requirements%20and%20Considerations%20for%20Campaign%20Violations%20--%20Streamline%20(Tiers%20One%20and%20Two),%20Warning%20Letters%20and%20the%20Political%20Reform%20Education%20Program%20(PREP)%20(amended%206-12-24)%20ADA.pdf\">created and expanded programs\u003c/a> to expedite cases with minor violations. While commission leaders argue the steps can prevent backlogs, some ethics advocates say some programs are applied too broadly and could give bad actors too much leniency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To free up staff to pursue more egregious cases, the commission created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18360.1.%20Eligibility%20Requirements%20and%20Considerations%20for%20Campaign%20Violations%20--%20Streamline%20(Tiers%20One%20and%20Two),%20Warning%20Letters%20and%20the%20Political%20Reform%20Education%20Program%20(PREP)%20(amended%206-12-24)%20ADA.pdf\">“streamline program”\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2024/march/9.0-Staff-Memo.pdf\">May 2015\u003c/a> and has since expanded it to include lower-tier violations, such as late filings, contributions above limits and recordkeeping errors. The cases often result in \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18360.3.%20Penalties%20in%20Streamline%20Cases%20(amended%206-12-2024)%20ADA.pdf\">lower penalties\u003c/a> approved by the enforcement chief. Between 2015 and 2023, an average of 20% of cases closed with violations found each year went through that program, according to executive staff reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission also has had an \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/learn/PREP.html\">educational program\u003c/a> since \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/media/press-releases/2024-news-releases/FPPC-News-Release-PREP-Program.html\">2022\u003c/a> to allow inexperienced offenders with low-harm violations to complete a class to avoid penalties. The Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB29\">funded three full-time staffers\u003c/a> for the program last year, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/media/press-releases/2024-news-releases/FPPC-News-Release-PREP-Program.html\">280 public officials\u003c/a> had completed the courses by August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program helps the commission spot those who flout the law, Silver said. “If you are taking that course for three hours, and you engage in the same violation … this person is acting in bad faith.”[aside postID=\"news_12001120\" label=\"Related Story\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the agency adopted the policy directive to clear the enforcement backlog and has added staff attorneys to weed out frivolous complaints, West told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the policy stopped short of setting hard deadlines after roughly 20 investigators, attorneys and consultants argued it would worsen “out of control” caseloads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The backlog was so severe that some enforcement staffers recommended \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">closing all cases on alleged violations more than three years old\u003c/a> as long as they had not issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18361.4%20Probable%20Cause%20Proceedings.pdf\">“probable cause” report\u003c/a> against them. “There are no amount of hours in the day to resolve the current number of cases open,” said a December 2022 staff letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other staff warned that the approach may be a quick fix, arguing that previous attempts to close cases en masse due to insufficient resources “only treated the symptom — not the cause.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03.jpg\" alt='A blue illustration that reads \"FAIR POLITICAL PRACTICE COMMISSION.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for the Fair Political Practices Commission at an event marking the 50th anniversary of the Political Reform Act at the McGeorge School of Law in Sacramento on Sept. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Legislative efforts to set enforcement deadlines have failed. This year, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2990\">a bill\u003c/a> introduced by state Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/evan-low-11\">Evan Low\u003c/a>, a Cupertino Democrat, would have required enforcement actions against most violations within two years. Low, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-16\">who is running for Congress\u003c/a>, is still under investigation by the commission for alleged violations in 2020, when CalMatters reported that he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">failed to disclose donors to a nonprofit affiliated with a legislative caucus he helps lead.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low told CalMatters the bill wouldn’t have applied to his case but declined to comment on his own investigation. Expeditious enforcement, he said, would absolve the innocent quickly when ethics complaints are “weaponized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s not concluded in real-time, then you have a cloud hanging over you for perpetuity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy directive — and more warning letters — has worked, however. By September 2023, the division had already closed 35% of cases opened before 2023, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/EnforcementDiv/policy-directives/Policy%20Directives.pptx\">a quarterly report\u003c/a>. By January 2024, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2024/january/Policy_Directivies_Update_Jan.pdf\">the closure rate climbed to 56%\u003c/a>. And by the end of May, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2024/june/10-ppt.pdf\">reached 68%\u003c/a>, with 917 unresolved cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warning letters work to deter violations because, like penalties, they are a bad look “on a campaign mailer,” Silver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some ethics advocates, such as McMorris, argued that too many types of violations are eligible for warning letters or a streamlined process. “You now have a situation where you can take that backlog and scoop up a big load of those … complaints” and clear them, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balber cautioned against the heightened use of warning letters if the goal is solely to close cases more quickly, though a \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2707814&amendid=0\">Consumer Watchdog-backed\u003c/a> political committee — formed in 2022 to support a proposed ballot measure \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/04/medical-malpractice-california-deal/\">increasing compensation cap for medical malpractice victims\u003c/a> — \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/documents/enf_letter/2023/6-16-23/Consumer-Watchdog-Campaign-for-the-Fairness-for-Injured-Patients-Act-202101129.pdf\">received a letter\u003c/a> last year for failing to file disclosure reports on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you prioritize speed over quality, you get lesser results,” she said. “That, to me, says staff is being pressured to get done faster no matter the outcome, and that’s troubling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For the record:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem> This story was updated to correct when Isaac Galvan was indicted for an alleged bribery scheme.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A CalMatters analysis shows that California’s campaign finance watchdog has sometimes taken years to resolve cases, sometimes after politicians have won election or left office.",
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"title": "‘Notoriously Slow:’ Lengthy Investigations Into California Politicians Leave Voters in the Dark | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A $1,044 outing at a glitzy Hollywood nightclub. A $1,316 meal at a Los Angeles steak and seafood restaurant. A $4,500 experience to see the L.A. Dodgers. Isaac Galvan paid for them all — with campaign cash, a state probe found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his nine years on the Compton City Council, Galvan frequently spent campaign donations for personal purposes, kept shoddy financial records and repeatedly failed to disclose donors and expenditures accurately and on time, if at all, the California Fair Political Practices Commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/EnfDivCaseResults/stipulated-agreements/2022-sdo/august-sdo/isaac-galvan.html\">concluded in its investigation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the probe lasted six years — so long that voters reelected Galvan twice, and he left office before those \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/hearings-meetings-workshops/current-agenda/past-agendas/2022-agendas/aug-2022-agenda.html\">violations were made public\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-14/ex-compton-councilman-isaac-galvan-campaign-finance-fine-election-rigging-scandal\">July 2022\u003c/a>. During the investigation, he continued to miss filing deadlines, allegedly participated in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-09-19/former-compton-city-councilman-isaac-galvan-indicted-for-allegedly-bribing-baldwin-park-councilman-for-marijuana-permits\">a bribery scheme\u003c/a> that led to his indictment, and was tossed out of office by a judge in May 2022 for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/investigations/illegal-votes-cast-compton-councilman-isaac-galvan-election-overturned/2904393/\">election fraud\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What took them so long?” asked lifelong Compton resident Gilda Blueford, who only learned of Galvan’s campaign finance violations from CalMatters. “If we could have known what was going on … perhaps he would not have been reelected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically plagued by what some staff called an “\u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">enormous\u003c/a>” backlog, California’s campaign watchdog has sometimes taken years to resolve cases — exposing violations or exonerating politicians only after they left office or won an election, a CalMatters analysis has found. While the agency has worked to expedite enforcement, advocates, officials and past and current commissioners say delayed actions can diminish public trust in the state’s ability to prosecute corruption effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the FPPC doesn’t really clamp down on those obvious abuses quickly, then it’s a toothless watchdog,” said state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-glazer-165414\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, an Orinda Democrat who has championed laws to tighten \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/05/california-pay-to-play-law/\">campaign ethics regulations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lag in enforcement could leave some voters in the dark in upcoming elections. As of last week:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>On the November ballot, 20 of the 305 candidates for the state Legislature, U.S. House and U.S. Senate have an open case against them, commission data shows.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Two of the state’s eight constitutional officers \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/complaint-and-case-information-portal.html\">are now under investigation\u003c/a> — Gov. Gavin Newsom for late filings and Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara for allegations of “laundered campaign contributions” — and both won reelection as their cases were pending.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Seven of the eight top constitutional officers — all but Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis — have had past violations, ranging from improper disclosures to illegal campaign contributions, according to commission enforcement records.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-fppc-enforcement.netlify.app/ballot-lookup?initialWidth=780&childId=pym_0&parentTitle=California%20campaign%20finance%20investigations%20leave%20voters%20in%20the%20dark%20-%20CalMatters&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fpolitics%2Felections%2F2024%2F10%2Fcampaign-finance-california-fppc-enforcement%2F\" width=\"800\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission, created by California voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/about-the-political-reform-act.html\">through a 1974 ballot measure\u003c/a> following \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/topics/1970s/watergate\">the Watergate scandal\u003c/a>, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc.html\">policed campaign and ethics violations statewide and in local races\u003c/a> for 50 years. The backlog was an open secret among staffers and commissioners, with some senior counsels arguing in 2022 that the problem had \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">existed for “at least 20 years.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the agency has seen its caseload wax and wane, peaking in April 2020 at 1,874 unresolved cases, staff reports show. Among cases resolved between 2017 and 2023, 15% took more than two years to close, with the longest lasting almost seven years, according to a CalMatters analysis of data obtained through a public records request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has added staff, expanded programs to educate political candidates and streamlined enforcement of minor cases while freeing up resources for more serious violations, said commission Chairperson Adam E. Silver. In 2022, it adopted a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/EnforcementDiv/policy-directives/15.0-Enforcement-directives.pdf\">policy directive \u003c/a>to cap the carryover caseload at 625 each year and mandated a 75% reduction in cases opened before 2023, causing the backlog to plunge, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So long as that continues, then I would say the problem of cases building up and having a ‘backlog’ that grows and grows and grows, that’s resolved,” Silver said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some were concerned that the agency may have become more lenient as it closed cases more quickly. Last year, the commission issued the lowest dollar amount of penalties and the highest percentage of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/transparency/form-700-filed-by-public-officials/case-resolutions/case-closure-letter-search.html\">warning letters\u003c/a> — a method reserved for low-level offenses with minimal public harm — in the past decade, according to commission reports. Four in five cases where violations were found resulted in a letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/P72zW/\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Lindsay, enforcement chief of the commission, said in multiple public meetings that the increased use of warning letters was partly because the agency prioritized closing minor cases and acknowledged in June that it would become more difficult to find \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/nXSSZP2POHs?feature=shared&t=10279\">“easy closures.” \u003c/a>But he assured the commission in January that the letters were never issued “in scenarios that were not justified in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some ethics advocates, however, warned against the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of a policy to be caught up on mandates, you don’t throw the baby out with the bathwater,” said Sean McMorris, transparency, ethics, and accountability manager at the California Common Cause. “The answer is not less enforcement or diminished fines. The answer is more person power to enforce the law adequately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We don’t believe in the system’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Galvan — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/la-me-adv-compton-councilman-20130729-story.html\">first Latino\u003c/a> to ever serve on the Compton City Council — was a symbol of hope for diverse representation, Blueford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Galvan’s career was littered with violations, according to state and court records. He failed to file any disclosures before being elected in 2013, drawing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/EnfDivCaseResults/stipulated-agreements/2013-sdo/november-sdo/galvan-for-compton-city-council-2013,-and-isaac-galvan1.html\">$1,000 fine from the commission\u003c/a> that \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/hearings-meetings-workshops/current-agenda/past-agendas/2013-agendas/nov-2013-agenda.html\">November\u003c/a>. That did not stop him: He continued to file paperwork late until, in March 2017, he stopped filing altogether, according to the commission’s investigation, details of which have not been previously reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.comptoncity.org/departments/city-clerk/elections/election-results\">A month later\u003c/a>, he was reelected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also spent more than $55,000 of the money he raised between 2013 and 2017 for personal use, the investigation said. In 2017, he even \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BV3wF2iBP0e/\">posted about one of those expenses\u003c/a> at a Beverly Hills winery on social media, according to bank records included in the probe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04.png\" alt=\"An illustration of five tear sheets with highlighted text.\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1481\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04.png 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-800x741.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-1020x944.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-160x148.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/101024-Galvam-Tear-Sheets-CM-04-1536x1422.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tear sheets \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the investigation, Galvan was hard to find, at times promising to provide records he never delivered, and efforts to directly serve him the subpoena for those records failed, commission documents show. Once, he was celebrating the premiere of the movie “\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BbI7MY7BM2E/\">Daddy’s Home 2\u003c/a>” on the day the subpoena server tried to reach him, according to his social media post. On another occasion, Galvan entered the City Hall through a “private entrance,” documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-14/ex-compton-councilman-isaac-galvan-campaign-finance-fine-election-rigging-scandal\">fined Galvan $240,000\u003c/a> in 2022. However, the agency had not received a payment as of Oct. 9, commission spokesperson Jay Wierenga confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency opened the case in February 2016 and assigned it that September, adding more staff and devising a plan to investigate in June 2017, according to Wierenga and the agency’s own case chronology obtained via a public records request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s leaders acknowledged that Galvan’s case “took too long to resolve and that staff should have been assigned sooner,” Wierenga said in an email. But he said that Galvan’s extensive violations and lack of responsiveness was why the case took longer than normal, and asserted that recent reforms will “prevent significant delays.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compton City Council member Andre Spicer, who replaced Galvan in 2022, called the long duration of the case “a disservice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that our lack of engagement is because we don’t believe in the system,” Spicer said. “If you have issues like this that take 10 years, eight years to sort out and damage is done, it reinforces the reasons why people don’t engage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galvan and his then-bookkeeper, Gary Crummitt, did not respond to multiple inquiries over two weeks for comment. When reached by CalMatters last month, Galvan’s attorney during the investigation, Anthony Willoughby, said in an email: “There are a lot of moving parts to the matter you are seeking comment on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Notoriously slow’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Galvan’s case is among many where, by the time they were resolved, the officials in question had won an election or left office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the city of Campbell in 2017, council members \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/november/3-City-of-Campbell-Stip.pdf\">paid for ads\u003c/a> with taxpayer dollars to influence election outcomes on three ballot measures about marijuana regulations, the commission found. However, the findings were only made public \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/hearings-meetings-workshops/current-agenda/past-agendas/2023-agendas/November-2023-agenda.html\">six years later\u003c/a>, after most of those officials had left office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-24/a-trip-to-boston-a-cigar-humidor-and-a-dutch-distillery-tour-how-one-oc-politician-abused-campaign-funds-for-a-100-000-fine\">Former state Assemblymember Bill Brough\u003c/a> spent campaign cash on family cell phone plans, hotel stays and a trip to a Boston Red Sox game, according to the commission, which didn’t conclude his case until last year, three years after he left office. Even he complained: “I just wanted to go on with my life,” the Los Angeles Times reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And a three-year investigation into state Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/diane-papan-165423\">Diane Papan\u003c/a> wrapped in May, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/2021-00158-Papan-Warning-Letter.pdf\">resulting in a warning letter\u003c/a> for improper reporting of contributions when she ran for San Mateo City Council in 2020, according to records obtained by CalMatters. Papan’s campaign provided records to the agency in 2021, but the staff waited three years before reaching back out — so long that Papan’s attorney, former FPPC enforcement chief Gary Winuk, questioned the lack of action in an email to the staff and one witness the agency interviewed said he no longer remembered details of the contributions in question, records show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delays could create a sense that “there’s justice denied,” said Catharine Baker, the commission vice chairperson. “If you act too slowly if there isn’t a resolution, potential bad actors aren’t brought to any real significant justice, and the public can’t have faith that the rules are being enforced — that there is someone watching the henhouse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some open cases have also lasted years. Newsom, for instance, has been under a previously unreported investigation since 2021 for late disclosure of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/transparency/behested-payments.html\">behested payments\u003c/a> — donations to a person, nonprofit or a state agency at the behest of the public official that ethics experts say can be another avenue for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/california-lawmaker-nonprofits-politics-charity-campaign-finance-foundation-dark-money/\">special interests to curry favor\u003c/a>. Another probe for potential campaign reporting violations has also been open since 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/enforcement/complaint-and-case-information-portal.html\">commission records show\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials are \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/transparency/behested-payments.html\">required by state law\u003c/a> to disclose behested payments that total $5,000 or more from a single donor in a year, and upon meeting that dollar threshold, the official must report the payments within 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2019 and 2021, Newsom’s office failed to file 17 behested payments totaling more than $14 million on time, including one filed more than a year after the due date, according to records obtained by CalMatters via a public records request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In emails to the commission, Newsom’s staff blamed the delays on donors notifying the governor’s office of the payments after filing deadlines. They also said the governor takes his “reporting obligations very seriously” and submitted the documents within days of discovering the payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those behested payments were made during the pandemic, “when the Governor’s office was focused on the quick mobilization of resources,” Newsom spokesperson Izzy Gardon said in a statement last week. “Our office remains committed to transparency and complying with FPPC requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara — who accepted money in 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2019/07/20/state-insurance-commissioner-accepted-contributions-and-intervened-in-cases-affecting-donor-records-show/\">from donors with ties to insurers\u003c/a> his agency oversaw — has been under investigation for two years for allegations of laundering campaign donations, records show. Between 2021 and 2022, insurance companies funneled $122,500 through the leadership fund of the California Legislative LGBTQ caucus — where Lara served as vice chairperson and remains an ex-officio member — to support Lara, \u003ca href=\"https://consumerwatchdog.org/sites/default/files/2022-05/FPPCComplaint051922_0.pdf\">according to a complaint \u003c/a>filed by Carmen Balber, executive director of the advocacy group Consumer Watchdog, which has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-consumer-watchdog-nonprofit-payments-20171215-story.html\">faced criticism for not disclosing its donors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time she heard from the commission, Balber said, was when it opened the investigation in May 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara told CalMatters last month he was not in touch with the agency and referred questions to his campaign attorney. The attorney, along with other groups named in the investigation, did not respond to a CalMatters inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former commission chairperson Ann Ravel said while some cases are complicated and time-consuming, late filings of behested payments and campaign finance forms should be easy cases to close. “We know there are deadlines,” Ravel said. “If they cannot monitor that, what are they monitoring?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with complex cases, Ravel argued, swift resolution is possible. Right before the November 2012 election, the agency under her leadership forced Koch Brothers-associated groups to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2012/11/05/california-political-watchdog-names-secret-11-million-campaign-contributors-claims-they-were-money-laundering/\">disclose $11 million\u003c/a> in illegal spending on a pair of propositions through an emergency ruling from the California Supreme Court. The groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/political/la-me-pc-fppc-koch-brothers-campaign-finance-penalties-california-proposition-30-20131023-story.html\">were fined $1 million\u003c/a> a year later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That transparency was so important to the public, to the press, in order for there to be fairness in the system and also for people to have trust in government,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But speed is not all, Silver argued. “Just because you are spending a lot of time on one case doesn’t make it a waste of time,” he said. “It could have the effect of limiting complaints and violations in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009637\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup image of the left side of a white man's face.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-46-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adam E. Silver, chair of the Fair Political Practices Commission, delivers closing remarks at an event marking the 50th anniversary of the Political Reform Act at McGeorge School of Law in Sacramento on Sept. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And cases must be investigated fully for due process, even if no violations are ultimately found, said commission executive director Galena West, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc/organization-and-responsibilities/commissioners-and-executive-staff.html\">led the enforcement division for five years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t exonerating someone also valuable for the public to know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/about-fppc.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agency’s goals\u003c/a> are to ensure public officials “act in a fair and unbiased manner,” promote government transparency, and build public trust in the political system, according to its website. State law and commission regulations do not explicitly require staff to resolve cases before elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But frustration lingers among campaign finance attorneys, those who filed complaints and even politicians under investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The FPPC is so notoriously slow that it’s not worth bugging them,” Balber said. “If campaign violations are not identified and prosecuted in a timely manner, then after-the-fact penalties have no impact on the elected officials who are being investigated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delays create loopholes for officials willing to chalk up the penalties as the cost of winning an election, said McMorris of California Common Cause, who likened the state campaign finance laws to “a tube of toothpaste under pressure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s multiple holes in it. You plug one, those bad actors immediately go find the other hole that they can exploit,” he said. “It diminishes public trust in the democratic process and in our representatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for public officials who “inadvertently” made a mistake or who are innocent, the lengthy probe is “like a sword hanging over your head” even after leaving office, said Glazer, the state legislator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Treasurer Fiona Ma — who was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/budget-cuts-newsom-california/#wm-story-2\">fined $11,500\u003c/a> earlier this year for failing to disclose more than $860,000 in payments in her 2018 campaign — said the yearslong investigation meant extra costs to retain her treasurer and attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just going to have to pay a fine at some point, so just send me the bill,” Ma, a 2026 candidate for lieutenant governor, told CalMatters. “But you know what? This is … the cost of doing business in elected office. It just is. Everybody gets fined, just how much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What caused the backlog?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Anecdotes of backlogs and delays reached Baker before she was appointed to the commission in 2021, she said. And early in her tenure, she quickly noticed how old cases were by the time staff presented them for commission decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Look, there’s a problem. It’s severe. And we must do something,’” Baker said in an interview with CalMatters, joined by Wierenga, the spokesperson. “If we don’t, our tenures on this commission … will be partly a failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of complaints and referrals from state and local agencies contributed to the backlog, Baker said. Over the past decade, the number of complaints and referrals has generally crept up and surged in election years, peaking in 2022 with 3,103, compared to a low of 1,205 in 2015, according to the CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers also assigned the agency more duties over the years, Baker and Wierenga noted. Wierenga said the agency’s caseload jumped in 2015 when the California Secretary of State \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2015/May/Streamline%20memo%20-%205-11-15.pdf\">began referring campaigns\u003c/a> that failed to file a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201120120SB1001\">$50 annual fee\u003c/a>. The commission received 2,460 referrals on May 1, 2015 — almost five times the number of referrals from all other agencies combined that year, he wrote in an email. In 2021,\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1590\"> the enforcement of the law\u003c/a> was transferred back to the Secretary of State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laws increasing disclosure of donors in campaign ads — including a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2188\">2018 law\u003c/a> that regulated the text, color and font size — added more work for the commission, Wierenga said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/lawandpolicy/2022/november/comment-letter-intake.pdf\">staff responsible for parsing out complaints and referrals worth investigating \u003c/a>sometimes opened cases when they shouldn’t have, especially under the pressure of high caseloads, Lindsay told the commission in January. Inexperienced staff also lacked understanding of the law, leaving the manager scrambling to train them, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/lawandpolicy/2022/november/comment-letter-intake.pdf\">according to a 2022 memorandum\u003c/a> by unit manager Tara Stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re overwhelmed, you’re not sure what the right answer is, the thought process is: ‘There’s no harm in moving that case forward,’” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/30lsfBeIboE?feature=shared&t=8064\">Lindsay said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burdensome “red tape” — including layers of reviews and approvals required to escalate a case — and a digital recordkeeping system that’s hard to navigate compounded the problem, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">staff said\u003c/a>. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">2022 letter\u003c/a>, staff described the system as “slow, cumbersome, and sometimes, downright tedious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/DDtUf/\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers and ethics advocates — while bemoaning slow enforcement — argue the agency is chronically understaffed and underfunded. The department’s budget and its number of employees, however, have steadily climbed — from $11.8 million and 66 employees in \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/publication/#/e/2017-18/Agency/8000\">fiscal year 2017–18\u003c/a> to $19.6 million and 109 employees \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2024-25EN/#/Agency/8000\">this year\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/publication/#/e/2017-18/Agency/8000\">state budget\u003c/a> records.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increases were largely tied to additional duties, however, and the agency’s base funding is not adequate, argued McMorris of California Common Cause. Elected officials may lack the political will to dedicate more money to the agency or to expand the agency’s authority, McMorris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are essentially asking the politicians who are being policed by this agency to increase the budget for policing,” he said. “There’s a tendency to do the least amount and only do it when there’s a scandal or evidence that something’s being exploited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has only been audited once — in 1998 — in its entire 50-year history. That’s because “elected leaders have decided it’s not in their interest to do so,” Glazer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Efforts to speed up enforcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the years, the agency has \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18360.1.%20Eligibility%20Requirements%20and%20Considerations%20for%20Campaign%20Violations%20--%20Streamline%20(Tiers%20One%20and%20Two),%20Warning%20Letters%20and%20the%20Political%20Reform%20Education%20Program%20(PREP)%20(amended%206-12-24)%20ADA.pdf\">created and expanded programs\u003c/a> to expedite cases with minor violations. While commission leaders argue the steps can prevent backlogs, some ethics advocates say some programs are applied too broadly and could give bad actors too much leniency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To free up staff to pursue more egregious cases, the commission created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18360.1.%20Eligibility%20Requirements%20and%20Considerations%20for%20Campaign%20Violations%20--%20Streamline%20(Tiers%20One%20and%20Two),%20Warning%20Letters%20and%20the%20Political%20Reform%20Education%20Program%20(PREP)%20(amended%206-12-24)%20ADA.pdf\">“streamline program”\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2024/march/9.0-Staff-Memo.pdf\">May 2015\u003c/a> and has since expanded it to include lower-tier violations, such as late filings, contributions above limits and recordkeeping errors. The cases often result in \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18360.3.%20Penalties%20in%20Streamline%20Cases%20(amended%206-12-2024)%20ADA.pdf\">lower penalties\u003c/a> approved by the enforcement chief. Between 2015 and 2023, an average of 20% of cases closed with violations found each year went through that program, according to executive staff reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission also has had an \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/learn/PREP.html\">educational program\u003c/a> since \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/media/press-releases/2024-news-releases/FPPC-News-Release-PREP-Program.html\">2022\u003c/a> to allow inexperienced offenders with low-harm violations to complete a class to avoid penalties. The Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB29\">funded three full-time staffers\u003c/a> for the program last year, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/media/press-releases/2024-news-releases/FPPC-News-Release-PREP-Program.html\">280 public officials\u003c/a> had completed the courses by August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program helps the commission spot those who flout the law, Silver said. “If you are taking that course for three hours, and you engage in the same violation … this person is acting in bad faith.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the agency adopted the policy directive to clear the enforcement backlog and has added staff attorneys to weed out frivolous complaints, West told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the policy stopped short of setting hard deadlines after roughly 20 investigators, attorneys and consultants argued it would worsen “out of control” caseloads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The backlog was so severe that some enforcement staffers recommended \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2023/january/15.1-draft-enforcement-policy-goals-Nov22-LP.pdf\">closing all cases on alleged violations more than three years old\u003c/a> as long as they had not issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/LegalDiv/Regulations/Index/Chapter3/18361.4%20Probable%20Cause%20Proceedings.pdf\">“probable cause” report\u003c/a> against them. “There are no amount of hours in the day to resolve the current number of cases open,” said a December 2022 staff letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other staff warned that the approach may be a quick fix, arguing that previous attempts to close cases en masse due to insufficient resources “only treated the symptom — not the cause.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03.jpg\" alt='A blue illustration that reads \"FAIR POLITICAL PRACTICE COMMISSION.\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/091124_FPPC_Event_JK_CM-03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for the Fair Political Practices Commission at an event marking the 50th anniversary of the Political Reform Act at the McGeorge School of Law in Sacramento on Sept. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jungho Kim/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Legislative efforts to set enforcement deadlines have failed. This year, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2990\">a bill\u003c/a> introduced by state Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/evan-low-11\">Evan Low\u003c/a>, a Cupertino Democrat, would have required enforcement actions against most violations within two years. Low, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2024/us-house/#district-16\">who is running for Congress\u003c/a>, is still under investigation by the commission for alleged violations in 2020, when CalMatters reported that he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">failed to disclose donors to a nonprofit affiliated with a legislative caucus he helps lead.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low told CalMatters the bill wouldn’t have applied to his case but declined to comment on his own investigation. Expeditious enforcement, he said, would absolve the innocent quickly when ethics complaints are “weaponized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s not concluded in real-time, then you have a cloud hanging over you for perpetuity,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy directive — and more warning letters — has worked, however. By September 2023, the division had already closed 35% of cases opened before 2023, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/EnforcementDiv/policy-directives/Policy%20Directives.pptx\">a quarterly report\u003c/a>. By January 2024, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2024/january/Policy_Directivies_Update_Jan.pdf\">the closure rate climbed to 56%\u003c/a>. And by the end of May, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/NS-Documents/AgendaDocuments/General%20Items/2024/june/10-ppt.pdf\">reached 68%\u003c/a>, with 917 unresolved cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Warning letters work to deter violations because, like penalties, they are a bad look “on a campaign mailer,” Silver said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some ethics advocates, such as McMorris, argued that too many types of violations are eligible for warning letters or a streamlined process. “You now have a situation where you can take that backlog and scoop up a big load of those … complaints” and clear them, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Balber cautioned against the heightened use of warning letters if the goal is solely to close cases more quickly, though a \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2707814&amendid=0\">Consumer Watchdog-backed\u003c/a> political committee — formed in 2022 to support a proposed ballot measure \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/04/medical-malpractice-california-deal/\">increasing compensation cap for medical malpractice victims\u003c/a> — \u003ca href=\"https://www.fppc.ca.gov/content/dam/fppc/documents/enf_letter/2023/6-16-23/Consumer-Watchdog-Campaign-for-the-Fairness-for-Injured-Patients-Act-202101129.pdf\">received a letter\u003c/a> last year for failing to file disclosure reports on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you prioritize speed over quality, you get lesser results,” she said. “That, to me, says staff is being pressured to get done faster no matter the outcome, and that’s troubling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For the record:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem> This story was updated to correct when Isaac Galvan was indicted for an alleged bribery scheme.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
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