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"content": "\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007779 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Cristina Cortez keeps two fuzzy blankets and pillows in her car to nap during lunch breaks in the parking lot of the hospital where she works. On a recent afternoon, she opened her trunk to reveal instant ramen packages, a gym bag with clean clothes and soft plush toys her kids gave her so she wouldn’t feel alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mother of three doesn’t have enough time to sleep, see her family or cook meals because she commutes, often seven days a week, between two demanding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/health-care\">health care\u003c/a> jobs to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What hurts me the most, is being away from my family, having to do that with the cost of everything. It’s just so expensive,” said Cortez, 44, a Los Banos resident who starts work as a dialysis technician at 4:30 a.m. in Gilroy, 30 miles south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She picks shifts up as a medical assistant at a hospital emergency room in the afternoons or overnight in nearby Hollister, where she was raised. She’s trying to make enough money to afford to move her family back there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just been really, really hard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes items in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. Due to working double shifts and having a long commute, Cortez carries a blanket and pillow to nap in her car, noodles for when she doesn’t have time for lunch, and two stuffed animals given to her by her children that remind her of them. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cortez is one of hundreds of thousands of health care workers expected to see paycheck raises thanks to a California law that went into effect Wednesday. After months of delays, the mandated minimum wage increase, the first in the United States to target the health care industry, aims to alleviate workforce shortages and improve patient care. The raises could help health employers recruit and retain workers in often tough, frontline jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB525\">law\u003c/a> requires most health care employers to gradually boost their lowest wage to reach $25 an hour in the coming years. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm\">phased-in schedule\u003c/a>, large health systems must pay at least $25 an hour by mid-2026. Smaller ones will have more time to increase the pay of nursing assistants, pharmacy technicians, janitors, receptionists and other positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a well-deserved increase,” said Tia Orr, executive director of the Service Employees International Union California, which sponsored SB 525. “This is going to prove to be more beneficial for patients, more beneficial for California, and hugely beneficial to the workers who sacrifice their lives literally every single day to provide us the health care that we all need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 350,000 health care employees, most of them people of color and women, are projected to see an annual average increase of $6,400 in the first year of the policy, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/california-health-care-minimum-wage-new-estimates-february-2024.pdf\">analysis\u003c/a> by the UC Berkeley Labor Center. In earlier estimates, the labor center calculated up to 426,000 people would be impacted, but that figure included workers at skilled nursing facilities who are currently not covered by the law, according to Laurel Lucia, who directs the center’s health care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">mandates most fast-food employers\u003c/a> pay at least $20 an hour. Fast food, as well as the retail industry, often compete with health care for workers, said Bianca Frogner, who directs the Center for Health Workforce Studies at the University of Washington School of Medicine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives health care maybe a fighting chance against other industries that might be raising wages and are competing for workers,” Frogner, a health economist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-28-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, displays a Dialysis Workers United sticker on her shirt of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed SB 525 last fall, with an original implementation date of June 1. However, Newsom and lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992165/why-the-budget-deal-delaying-the-health-care-minimum-wage-hike-is-not-as-big-as-you-might-think\">defer the measure twice\u003c/a> due to concerns that costs would exacerbate a state budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortez said she was crushed by the delays and kept checking social media for updates from the governor on whether the Oct. 16 implementation date would stick. Earning more at her dialysis job, she said, will allow her to spend time with her children. She said she might cry when she finally sees a paycheck from her employer, Satellite Healthcare, reflecting the raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Going from $20 to $23 from one month to the next is, like, to me winning a lotto because, yeah, it’s $3, but that’s going to make a big difference for me and my family,” Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, speaks with a colleague outside of Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024, where she and fellow health care workers were protesting unfair labor practices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A long list of health care employers initially opposed the measure because they worried about how to pay for it. Some said that raising their wage floor could lead to cuts in jobs or services. But many ended up supporting the bill — or withdrew their opposition — after weighing in on amendments that gave them additional time to adjust to a more expensive payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most research on minimum wage increases shows they do not lead to big job losses, as opponents often argue. Some health care employers may initially reduce hours or lay off employees, but those measures will likely be temporary, according to Frogner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hoping that in the long run, as they see the phased-in approach of wages, that they can build that into their plan, into the future,” she said. “So it might be a very short-term challenge for a long-term gain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law has already had a big impact on some workplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-04-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cristina Cortez, a dialysis technician, organizes the extra uniform in her trunk outside Satellite Healthcare in Gilroy on Oct. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Scripps Health, which provides a significant amount of free or discounted medical care at its four hospitals and dozens of outpatient centers in San Diego, adjusted pay for more than half of its nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scripps.org/about-us/who-we-are\">17,000 employees\u003c/a>, spokesperson Steve Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about 700 of those workers earned below the now required $23 an hour for large health employers, but Scripps also raised wages for others to “ensure fair pay and equity.” The move will cost Scripps about $20 million in the first year of the law’s implementation, Carpowich said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Scripps having to absorb the cost of this unfunded mandate comes against a backdrop of serious financial challenges for health systems,” he said in a statement. “These include government and commercial insurance payers whose reimbursements often don’t cover the cost of the care we provide; increased costs for supplies, pharmaceuticals and energy; and other unfunded government mandates, like SB 1953, the Seismic Safety Act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large medical systems that serve more patients with private health insurance might have an easier time negotiating for higher rates to cover costs, according to Frogner and other health workforce experts. Community health centers, by comparison, rely heavily on more fixed reimbursements from Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, community and rural health clinics may apply to delay having to raise their wage floor. The Department of Industrial Relations, which issues the waivers, did not immediately respond to questions about how many clinics have applied for or received them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration is considering changes to Medi-Cal rates as part of the budget process, but updates won’t be known until January, said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson with the Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its latest estimate, the department calculated the law would cost the state $1.4 billion in its first year and more later on, including higher Medi-Cal reimbursements for providers and wage hikes for about 26,000 state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Thompson, chief human resources officer at Clinica Sierra Vista, said the organization is dedicated to providing affordable health care to its primarily low-income patients in Fresno and Kern counties. To stay afloat, the community clinic, which started paying hundreds of its employees at least $21 per hour in May, hopes the state will increase Medi-Cal service rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not able to increase prices, nor do we want to,” Thompson said. “We do expect payments eventually to match the financial pressures that we are seeing. However, immediate state financial support is crucial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-contractor-accused-of-firing-farmworkers-who-suffered-in-extreme-heat-is-fined",
"title": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined",
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"headTitle": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999978 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SFUSDStudentsGetty-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California regulators issued nearly $17,600 in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor, months after former employees said they were fired for walking out amid triple-digit heat.",
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"title": "California Contractor Accused of Firing Farmworkers Who Suffered in Extreme Heat Is Fined | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> workplace safety regulators have fined a farm labor contractor for heat-related issues, months after former employees alleged they were fired for walking out amid extreme temperatures and called out the contractor as an example of the need for bolstering heat-illness protections for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Division of Occupational Safety and Health, known as Cal/OSHA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2024/2024-85.html\">issued nearly $17,600\u003c/a> in initial penalties against Ruiz Farm Labor on Monday for three serious heat-related safety violations, including failing to train employees on steps to prevent overheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees deserve a safe work environment, especially in extreme conditions, and businesses that fail to follow the rules will be held accountable,” Cal/OSHA Chief Debra Lee said in a statement. “Every worker should be treated with dignity and respect, and no one should face retaliation for protecting their health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six workers who picked tomatoes for Ruiz Farm Labor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999978/california-farmworkers-call-for-more-employers-to-comply-with-heat-illness-prevention\">said they were fired\u003c/a> in June after leaving their shifts early during triple-digit heat in Yolo County. Erika Barros, one of the farmworkers now known as the “Yolo Six,” said she experienced heat stroke symptoms, such as nausea and shivering, but didn’t know that she had the right to rest in the shade while on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barros told KQED she’s hopeful that the Cal/OSHA citations will push her former employer to improve conditions for current and future employees as heat waves continue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008547\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008547\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Carrillo-1_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A farmworker harvests mandarins in an orchard west of Fresno on March 21, 2017. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shade, the lack of water, it was just something he wasn’t doing right,” Barros, a 32-year-old single mother of three who lives in Davis, said in Spanish. “One way or another, he’s going to have to comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ruiz Farm Labor, based in Dixon, near Sacramento, has appealed the initial penalties. The company, which also contested a Cal/OSHA fine of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1483044.015\">$7,800\u003c/a> in 2020, could not be reached for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California employers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/heatillnessinfo.html#:~:text=On%20June%2020%2C%202024%2C%20the,both%20indoor%20and%20outdoor%20workplaces.\">are required\u003c/a> to allow outdoor workers to take cool-down breaks in the shade when temperatures exceed 80 degrees Fahrenheit and provide clean drinking water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agricultural laborers, who often do strenuous physical labor in direct sun, are \u003ca href=\"https://www.lung.org/blog/climate-change-impacts-farmworkers#:~:text=As%20outdoor%20workers%2C%20they%20are,harmful%20exposures%20to%20wildfire%20smoke.\">more likely to die\u003c/a> from heat-related stress than workers in other industries. The federal government estimates that roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/#legalstatus\">half of the farmworkers\u003c/a> in the U.S. are undocumented. Many don’t know about their rights or worry that they could be fired if they complain about problems at their worksite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1299\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill supported by the Yolo Six as well as the United Farm Workers. SB 1299 would have made it easier for agricultural laborers to win workers’ compensation insurance if they were hurt by heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed measure, opposed by a long list of agricultural and business groups, created a presumption that a farmworker’s heat-related injury or death arose from their job if the employer was shown to have violated heat safety rules. Newsom concluded that it was not an effective way to protect farmworkers from increasing heat hazards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stand firmly committed to continuing to work with the Legislature and worker advocates on strengthening safety and health enforcement strategies to ensure aggrieved workers can come forward without fear of retaliation,” Newsom wrote in his veto message. “However, conditioning a workers’ compensation presumption on compliance with standards set and enforced by another regulatory division is not an effective way to improve working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Commissioner’s Office continues investigating the allegation of retaliation against Ruiz Farm Labor involving the Yolo Six. If the contractor is found guilty, remedies may include lost wages for the workers and other penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Barros said she hasn’t been able to find steady work to support her family, working only a couple of weeks in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complicated and difficult situation,” she said. “But we are trying. Surviving day by day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-frontline-workers-who-help-people-on-streets-in-shelters-call-for-fair-pay",
"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay",
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"headTitle": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007119 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230828-ROB-BONTA-AP-MJS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "UCSF campus social workers who serve non-hospitalized individuals in streets, shelters, and outpatient clinics earn approximately one-third less than their counterparts at the university's large medical centers. This pay disparity has left many feeling discouraged and undervalued.",
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"title": "SF Frontline Workers Who Help People on Streets, In Shelters Call for Fair Pay | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story was updated at 10:30 a.m. to clarify UCSF’s response to a KQED reporter’s questions about pay parity.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenna Alexander fills her backpack before her shift with granola bars, taxi vouchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/narcan\">Narcan\u003c/a>, the opioid overdose reversal medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-san-francisco\"> UC San Francisco\u003c/a> clinical social worker then goes to single-room occupancy hotels in the city, knocking on doors and slowly gaining the trust of residents, many with mental health conditions, so she can help them stay housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety is always a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her colleagues on the roving teams in the Tenderloin and the Mission have witnessed stabbings and have been robbed, she said. They endure verbal abuse almost daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF “campus” social workers like Alexander earn about one-third less than employees with similar qualifications at the university’s large medical centers, according to the union that represents the employees. Many campus social workers, who treat non-hospitalized people in streets, shelters and outpatient clinics, say they feel discouraged and undervalued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot show up for clients like we need to when we are burnt out and left to feel like the last priority,” said Alexander, 32. “This cannot be the way forward. Campus social workers deserve equitable compensation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenna Alexander speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The pay disparity contributes to understaffing and burnout for a workforce that is critical to San Francisco’s response to substance abuse, homelessness and mental health crises, University Professional and Technical Employees members and officials said. As campus social workers quit their jobs for higher-paying positions at UCSF medical centers or elsewhere, disadvantaged patients are left languishing on growing waitlists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a town hall organized by UPTE on Oct. 3, dozens of clinical social workers booed loudly when speakers said colleagues at UCSF’s Parnassus, Mission Bay and other medical centers made 31% more on average per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem stems from UCSF hiring campus social workers at lower-paid job classifications, making it more difficult for these employees to move up, even when they have the same licensure and experience as higher-paid colleagues at medical centers and hospitals, according to salary data the union obtained from the public university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007902\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007902\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin speaks at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF, the city’s second-largest employer, reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/about/ucsf-budget#:~:text=The%20second%2Dlargest%20employer%20in,the%20National%20Institutes%20of%20Health.\">$10.2 billion in revenue\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2022-2023. San Francisco has approved 13 contracts worth roughly $300 million with UCSF since 2017 for public health and homelessness services, according to a union analysis of records from the Controller’s Office. But that’s not a comprehensive list, so total city and county payments to the university could be higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who attended the town hall, said San Francisco must use its economic power to push for equitable pay at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these people leave these jobs, it is just going to exacerbate the spiraling problem that we have on our streets,” said Peskin, a mayoral candidate who was one of seven supervisors to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6869100&GUID=EF2B0D58-6D96-4440-A921-F95965BE1816\">resolution\u003c/a> last month urging the university to address the wage and advancement inequities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s rightfully a cry to address the abject misery we see on our streets,” he said. “We have to have these workers devote their lives and their professional training to making a difference, and it starts with making sure that they’re compensated appropriately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The audience applauds the speakers at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UCSF failed to deliver services to help transition people into housing in at least one contract staffed by campus social workers, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25194948-department-of-homelessness-and-supportive-housing-letter-050224\">letter\u003c/a> sent to the Homelessness Oversight Commission in May, department staffers noted that the university had spent just 45% of a $1.5 million budget over two years of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The underspending of funds can be attributed primarily to challenges in staff hiring, turnover and retention. Moreover, the constant flux in personnel led to noncompliance in service delivery,” Marion Sanders, the department’s chief deputy director, wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials said they are pushing for UCSF to offer fair pay and career progression, including by reclassifying employees into job titles that accurately reflect their credentials and work. UC and the union have been negotiating a new contract covering more than 18,000 employees since June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university’s most \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-offers-historic-wage-increases-upte-represented-employees\">recent offer\u003c/a> includes raises of 5% starting in mid-2025, 3% in 2026 and up to 3% in 2027. The union \u003ca href=\"https://upte.org/updates/bargaining-update-5-uc-finally-makes-a-compensation-proposal-and-it-leaves-a-lot-to-be-desired\">countered\u003c/a> that the proposal doesn’t make up for inflation costs and shrinks some existing benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF forwarded KQED’s questions to the UC Office of the President, which declined to comment on specific questions about pay parity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UC is optimistic we’ll reach an agreement soon,” Heather Hansen, a spokesperson with the Office of the President, said in a statement. “As part of our negotiations, we have representatives from each of our campuses and health centers to collaborate to address union concerns and put forth meaningful proposals so that UPTE-represented members are recognized for their contributions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Differences in the daily tasks of campus and medical center social workers, as well as the sources of funding for each group, could impact their salaries, according to experts at the National Association of Social Workers and the Clinical Social Work Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campus professionals often provide one-on-one psychotherapy services, while clinical social workers at hospitals coordinate the care of patients who are discharged, for instance. Medi-Cal, California’s public health insurance program, is an important source of funding for campus social work. Private insurance pays for a larger share of services at medical centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007895\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-UCSF-CLINICAL-SOCIAL-WORKERS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matias Campos at a UPTE-CWA union meeting at UCSF on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, UPTE’s statewide executive vice president, said that regardless of how UCSF crafts its budget, it can easily stop underpaying campus social workers in San Francisco. He pointed to UCSF’s construction of new hospitals in San Francisco and Oakland and the big raise in its chancellor’s pay to nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-20/uc-chancellors-get-big-raises\">$1.2 million\u003c/a> per year, which was approved last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are these the priorities of a university and not fixing the inequities that they already have? The funds are there,” said Campos, a UCSF pharmacist who is part of the union’s bargaining team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another large health care employer, Kaiser Permanente, does not have significant compensation disparities among behavioral and social services employees with similar licensure requirements, according to the workers’ union, Service Employees International Union-United Healthcare Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our contract negotiations with the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions last year was to ensure wage parity amongst workers in various locations and settings,” said Renée Saldaña, a SEIU-UHW spokeswoman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juliette Suarez, a campus clinical social worker at UCSF for four years, said she was deeply bothered that choosing to provide therapy and other services at a small clinic in the Mission for people with severe trauma meant taking a pay cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 31-year-old San Francisco native, who grew up in the Mission neighborhood, said she was priced out of the city. She would like to live closer to the community that she serves, but she can’t afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m in the red. I can’t afford a medical emergency as a health care provider,” said Suarez, who works at the UCSF Trauma Recovery Center. “I’ve seen colleagues that are struggling with the physical and emotional impacts of the stress and also the inability to fully afford taking care of themselves while they do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Supreme Court justices on Monday declined to hear an appeal from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\">Lyft\u003c/a> that sought to block California state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision — or lack thereof — let stand a California appeals court ruling from 2023 that allowed the state lawsuits to proceed because state officials never agreed to be bound by employer arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Court of Appeal basically said, look, these state agencies, they get to go into court, and they have the authority to undertake enforcement actions to enforce the law,” said Cheryl Sabnis, who practices employer-side labor law in San Francisco for Vedder Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a private dispute necessarily between an individual and a company where you would definitely see a motion to compel arbitration. You know, often those are granted. This is a very different animal,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Here’s what you need to know:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta and Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower sued the ride-hailing companies for the “misclassification of drivers as independent contractors” rather than as employees. The suit sought money “for unpaid wages and penalties owed to workers which will be distributed to all drivers who worked for Uber or Lyft during the time period covered by the lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit continued even after voters approved Proposition 22 in 2020 to uphold the authority of companies to classify drivers as independent contractors. Uber, Lyft and DoorDash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back the ballot measure, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The initiative was in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg\" alt='A white bumpersticker with the word \"Uber\" written on it on a car bumper.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Uber sticker is seen on a car on Aug. 20, 2020 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its ruling last year, the state appeals court in San Francisco said California officials were not suing on behalf of drivers so much as enforcing state labor laws. “The public officials who brought these actions do not derive their authority from individual drivers but from their independent statutory authority to bring civil enforcement actions,” \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/in-re-uber-techs-wage-hour-cases\">Justice Jon Streeter wrote\u003c/a> for the California Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the state Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal. Uber and Lyft then asked the U.S. Supreme Court to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office applauded the high court’s move on Monday. “We’re pleased by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case, allowing the case to proceed in the California Superior Court,” the office said in a statement, adding that it “remains committed to defending the rights of California workers to receive the benefits and protections to which they are legally entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Driving the story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have been locked in a years-long battle with the state of California over how to classify gig workers. In their\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/uber-technologies-inc-v-california/\"> appeal to the Supreme Court, lawyers for Uber\u003c/a> and Lyft, joined by a coalition of California employers, contended that the Federal Arbitration Act overrides state laws and blocks state lawsuits seeking money for employees who already agreed to arbitrate claims as individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007450 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/RS27783_GettyImages-461843616-qut-1180x782.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-1130.html\">provided no explanatio\u003c/a>n along with its determination not to hear appeals from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\"> Uber\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\"> Lyft\u003c/a> asking to block state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers. That kicks the case back to state courts, but it means there’s a continuing lack of clarity, according to UC Santa Cruz sociology professor Steve McKay, who directs the university’s Center for Labor and Community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we have a system where employers pay for a lot of the benefits, who’s covered and how? And that’s actually falling more and more to the state to provide that then if employers aren’t doing it,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of money at stake, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re an independent contractor, you’re not covered by worker protections such as wage and hour laws, anti-discrimination laws, and laws providing the ability for collective bargaining. If you’re a contractor, you don’t receive unemployment benefits. When you’re temporarily jobless, you don’t get worker’s comp if you’re injured, and you’re responsible for paying all the payroll tax,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The company take\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the justices struck down part of California state law that\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-1573_8p6h.pdf\"> authorized private attorneys to sue\u003c/a> on behalf of a group of employees, even though they had agreed to be bound by individual arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theane Evangelis, counsel for Uber, wrote in a statement to KQED, “While the Supreme Court did not take this opportunity to weigh in now, it should do so in the future, holding once again that the FAA preempts state efforts to undermine arbitration agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is also important to note that the Supreme Court is still considering our constitutional challenge to AB5,” she continued. “As we explained in detail in our complaint in that case — and to which a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit unanimously agreed — in enacting AB5, the California legislature unfairly targeted my clients out of animus rather than reason. We’re asking the U.S. Supreme Court to grant review and give us our day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. Supreme Court justices on Monday declined to hear an appeal from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\">Uber\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\">Lyft\u003c/a> that sought to block California state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision — or lack thereof — let stand a California appeals court ruling from 2023 that allowed the state lawsuits to proceed because state officials never agreed to be bound by employer arbitration agreements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California Court of Appeal basically said, look, these state agencies, they get to go into court, and they have the authority to undertake enforcement actions to enforce the law,” said Cheryl Sabnis, who practices employer-side labor law in San Francisco for Vedder Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a private dispute necessarily between an individual and a company where you would definitely see a motion to compel arbitration. You know, often those are granted. This is a very different animal,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Here’s what you need to know:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta and Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower sued the ride-hailing companies for the “misclassification of drivers as independent contractors” rather than as employees. The suit sought money “for unpaid wages and penalties owed to workers which will be distributed to all drivers who worked for Uber or Lyft during the time period covered by the lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit continued even after voters approved Proposition 22 in 2020 to uphold the authority of companies to classify drivers as independent contractors. Uber, Lyft and DoorDash, among other companies, spent more than $200 million to back the ballot measure, which was approved by 59% of voters in November 2020. The initiative was in response to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a>, a state law that made it more difficult to classify drivers as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg\" alt='A white bumpersticker with the word \"Uber\" written on it on a car bumper.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230824-UBER-Getty-RB-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An Uber sticker is seen on a car on Aug. 20, 2020 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In its ruling last year, the state appeals court in San Francisco said California officials were not suing on behalf of drivers so much as enforcing state labor laws. “The public officials who brought these actions do not derive their authority from individual drivers but from their independent statutory authority to bring civil enforcement actions,” \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/in-re-uber-techs-wage-hour-cases\">Justice Jon Streeter wrote\u003c/a> for the California Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the state Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal. Uber and Lyft then asked the U.S. Supreme Court to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California attorney general’s office applauded the high court’s move on Monday. “We’re pleased by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case, allowing the case to proceed in the California Superior Court,” the office said in a statement, adding that it “remains committed to defending the rights of California workers to receive the benefits and protections to which they are legally entitled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Driving the story\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Uber and Lyft have been locked in a years-long battle with the state of California over how to classify gig workers. In their\u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/uber-technologies-inc-v-california/\"> appeal to the Supreme Court, lawyers for Uber\u003c/a> and Lyft, joined by a coalition of California employers, contended that the Federal Arbitration Act overrides state laws and blocks state lawsuits seeking money for employees who already agreed to arbitrate claims as individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-1130.html\">provided no explanatio\u003c/a>n along with its determination not to hear appeals from\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uber\"> Uber\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lyft\"> Lyft\u003c/a> asking to block state labor lawsuits over back pay for drivers. That kicks the case back to state courts, but it means there’s a continuing lack of clarity, according to UC Santa Cruz sociology professor Steve McKay, who directs the university’s Center for Labor and Community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we have a system where employers pay for a lot of the benefits, who’s covered and how? And that’s actually falling more and more to the state to provide that then if employers aren’t doing it,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot of money at stake, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re an independent contractor, you’re not covered by worker protections such as wage and hour laws, anti-discrimination laws, and laws providing the ability for collective bargaining. If you’re a contractor, you don’t receive unemployment benefits. When you’re temporarily jobless, you don’t get worker’s comp if you’re injured, and you’re responsible for paying all the payroll tax,” McKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The company take\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, the justices struck down part of California state law that\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-1573_8p6h.pdf\"> authorized private attorneys to sue\u003c/a> on behalf of a group of employees, even though they had agreed to be bound by individual arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theane Evangelis, counsel for Uber, wrote in a statement to KQED, “While the Supreme Court did not take this opportunity to weigh in now, it should do so in the future, holding once again that the FAA preempts state efforts to undermine arbitration agreements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is also important to note that the Supreme Court is still considering our constitutional challenge to AB5,” she continued. “As we explained in detail in our complaint in that case — and to which a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit unanimously agreed — in enacting AB5, the California legislature unfairly targeted my clients out of animus rather than reason. We’re asking the U.S. Supreme Court to grant review and give us our day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The North Bay-based organic food company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amys-kitchen\">Amy’s Kitchen\u003c/a> will lay off 311 employees — nearly 15% of its workforce — just months after the end of a two-year boycott over unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the company’s Petaluma headquarters, Santa Rosa plant and remote workers will be affected. Amy’s said in a statement that the decision was based on “industry headwinds” to “rebalance the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yesterday’s decision was difficult and we are saddened to have to say goodbye to some of our valued team members,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy’s said it will provide severance packages and mental health resources to all laid-off employees. The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/industrynews/amys-kitchen-layoffs-reorganization/\">told the \u003cem>North Bay Business Journal\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that managers, clerical staff and assembly line workers are all affected and that layoffs will be staggered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely the outcome that, if we could have avoided, we would have. It’s heartbreaking and sad,” Amy’s President, Paul Schiefer, told the Business Journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers assemble frozen meals at Amy’s Kitchen in Santa Rosa in 2022. California heat protections for indoor workers include guidelines for those who must wear full-body clothing. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy’s Kitchen is known for its organic and family-owned approach to soups and frozen meals. Founded in 1987, the company boasts on its website that it was organic “before organic was a thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Amy’s laid off a similar number of employees after abruptly closing its San José facility amid a union organizing drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11990197 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298939246-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That came months after a fierce two-year boycott began over working conditions and alleged union-busting practices. The boycott, led by the food justice nonprofit Food Empowerment Project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990197/there-is-such-optimism-activists-workers-welcome-deal-ending-boycott-of-amys-kitchen-products\">ended in June\u003c/a> after Amy’s agreed to a number of improvements for workers, from increased wages to bilingual service representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements followed eight months of negotiations between Amy’s and the Food Empowerment Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who love their job. They just want to be treated with respect and paid a living wage,” Food Empowerment Project founder Lauren Ornelas previously told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the boycott ended, Schiefer said in a statement published on the FEP website that closing the San Jose plant was “a difficult decision in response to a challenging economic climate following the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have learned valuable lessons from this experience and are committed to improvement going forward,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The North Bay-based organic food company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amys-kitchen\">Amy’s Kitchen\u003c/a> will lay off 311 employees — nearly 15% of its workforce — just months after the end of a two-year boycott over unsafe working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the company’s Petaluma headquarters, Santa Rosa plant and remote workers will be affected. Amy’s said in a statement that the decision was based on “industry headwinds” to “rebalance the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yesterday’s decision was difficult and we are saddened to have to say goodbye to some of our valued team members,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy’s said it will provide severance packages and mental health resources to all laid-off employees. The company \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/industrynews/amys-kitchen-layoffs-reorganization/\">told the \u003cem>North Bay Business Journal\u003c/em>\u003c/a> that managers, clerical staff and assembly line workers are all affected and that layoffs will be staggered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is absolutely the outcome that, if we could have avoided, we would have. It’s heartbreaking and sad,” Amy’s President, Paul Schiefer, told the Business Journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999044\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_2471-headline-photo_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers assemble frozen meals at Amy’s Kitchen in Santa Rosa in 2022. California heat protections for indoor workers include guidelines for those who must wear full-body clothing. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Amy’s Kitchen is known for its organic and family-owned approach to soups and frozen meals. Founded in 1987, the company boasts on its website that it was organic “before organic was a thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, Amy’s laid off a similar number of employees after abruptly closing its San José facility amid a union organizing drive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That came months after a fierce two-year boycott began over working conditions and alleged union-busting practices. The boycott, led by the food justice nonprofit Food Empowerment Project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990197/there-is-such-optimism-activists-workers-welcome-deal-ending-boycott-of-amys-kitchen-products\">ended in June\u003c/a> after Amy’s agreed to a number of improvements for workers, from increased wages to bilingual service representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements followed eight months of negotiations between Amy’s and the Food Empowerment Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who love their job. They just want to be treated with respect and paid a living wage,” Food Empowerment Project founder Lauren Ornelas previously told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the boycott ended, Schiefer said in a statement published on the FEP website that closing the San Jose plant was “a difficult decision in response to a challenging economic climate following the pandemic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have learned valuable lessons from this experience and are committed to improvement going forward,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006820 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-35-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California’s $20 Fast Food Minimum Wage Sees No Job Loss, Slight Price Hikes",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001133 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/FastFoodWorkersGetty1-1020x712.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Most fast-food employees in California are adult women of color who, in 2022, made an hourly \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/09/28/california-increases-minimum-wage-protections-for-fast-food-workers/\">average\u003c/a> of $16.21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses, the law Newsom signed in 2023 only applies to fast food restaurants in chains that have 60 or more locations nationwide to mitigate the impacts on smaller businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation also established a first-of-its-kind Fast Food Council made up of worker and employer representatives. It has the authority to keep increasing the industry’s minimum wage by up to 3.5% annually. At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "striking-antioch-georgia-pacific-plant-workers-describe-unsafe-conditions",
"title": "Striking Antioch Georgia-Pacific Plant Workers Describe 'Unsafe' Conditions",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jacob San Miguel said he had frequent nosebleeds from working 12-hour shifts in clouds of fiberglass dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His coworker, Jimmie Arnold III, went to the emergency room several times after waking up at night struggling to breathe. He said it was because air contaminants on the job activated his asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are among the roughly 100 workers striking over wages and safety concerns at a drywall manufacturing plant in Antioch owned by Georgia-Pacific, one of the world’s top manufacturers of paper, tissue and building products. Employees interviewed by KQED said the company has failed to fix health hazards at the facility, ignoring worker complaints for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific is owned by Koch Industries, the second-largest private company in the U.S., according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/largest-private-companies/#:~:text=RANK,14\">\u003cem>Forbes\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Koch Industries has an estimated annual revenue of about $125 billion. The employees at the Antioch plant said they often had difficulty breathing, chronic coughs and severe lightheadedness, including from the smell of known carcinogens and other chemicals hanging thick in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, most of them in their 20s, said insufficient ventilation at the Minaker Road facility causes them to routinely inhale fiberglass dust, formaldehyde and other toxins released from materials used to make drywall, which is also known as gypsum. They worry about long-term exposure to chemicals such as formaldehyde, which has been linked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/risk-prevention/chemicals/formaldehyde.html#:~:text=The%20US%20Occupational%20Safety%20and,only%20occur%20over%2015%20minutes.\">throat cancers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“By the end of your shift, you can barely breathe through your nose,” said Fernando Tapia, 21, who works at the start of the drywall line. “Your nose is clogged up. You are constantly coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other workers said ventilation fans at the facility are often broken or nonexistent, while machines constantly kick up dust and worsen the indoor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fan that we have, they barely fixed it like a couple of weeks ago. But realistically, it’s not circulating any fresh air inside,” Tapia said while coworkers stood behind him at the picket line last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company provides surgical masks that don’t filter tiny particles or N95 masks that quickly clog up, they said. Both kinds of masks are also hard to wear while doing strenuous physical labor with goggles on, so some prefer not to wear the masks at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Employee Jacob San Miguel (right) speaks with fellow members of the International Longshore & Warehouse Workers Union Local 6 (ILWU) during a strike at the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California law mandates employers to monitor for fibrous glass, formaldehyde and other airborne contaminants if it’s reasonable to suspect employees are exposed to concentrations higher than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5155.html\">permissible levels\u003c/a>. If so, businesses must take steps to reduce and prevent workers’ exposure to those chemicals, preferably through local exhaust ventilation, which is considered more efficient than masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Georgia-Pacific, which has more than 30,000 employees at 150 facilities in the U.S., declined to provide information on air monitoring at the Antioch Gypsum plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Georgia-Pacific works to act with proper regard for the rights of others, especially regarding safety and the environment, and we fully comply with all local, state, and federal laws and regulations,” Nicole Linton, external communications manager for the company, said in a statement. “Safety is our company’s top priority. We strive for continuous improvement in our key safety processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Georgia-Pacific facilities across the U.S. have been cited for dozens of violations, most of which are considered serious, according to Occupational Safety and Health Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.search?establishment=Georgia%20Pacific&state=all&officetype=all&office=all&sitezip=100000&startmonth=09&startday=24&startyear=2014&endmonth=09&endday=24&endyear=2019&p_case=all&p_start=20&p_finish=40&p_sort=12&p_desc=DESC&p_direction=Prev&p_show=20&p_violations_exist=yes\">records\u003c/a>. At least three employees have died on the job after falling 85 feet, getting sucked into machinery and drowning in a pulper tub. Others suffered amputations, second- and third-degree burns, skull and leg fractures, and other injuries that required hospitalization, according to OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workplace safety regulators issued initial penalties of nearly $567,000 against the company between September 2014 and September 2024. Georgia-Pacific agreed to pay $376,000 after reaching settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrett Brown, who was a field inspector with Cal/OSHA for 18 years, said the citations indicate the company has a weak safety program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure they would deny it. But if you had a strong safety program, you would not have fatalities, multiple amputations and falls,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck carrying drywall departs the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the Antioch facility, some workers said they hadn’t received the required training on how to protect themselves from fiberglass particles and some of the dry chemicals they handle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give me any mask or anything like that. They didn’t tell me how bad the fiberglass was going to be. And there’s nights I’m waking up, I’m wheezing,” said Arnold, 26, who has worked at the plant for three years. “Not only is it unfair wages, but we have a lot of chemicals at the plant that are unsafe to our bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11969846,news_11956246,news_11992304\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific has brought dozens of workers from Nevada, Texas and other states to continue operating at a reduced capacity since the strike began on Sept. 16, said Pedro de Sá, a business agent with International Longshore & Warehouse Union Local 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company and the union, which represents 85 production and shipping workers at the facility, have been negotiating a contract since May, including recently with the help of a federal mediator. Before the strike, Georgia-Pacific’s last offer included a wage raise of 12% over four years, which workers rejected as insufficient due, in part, to inflation and job health hazards, de Sá said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, this is about fairness,” he said. “It’s a sacrifice. These workers made a stand being like, ‘We will make the sacrifice to make sure that we get where we deserve.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Miguel, 27, said he’s ready to hold out for as long as needed because the company had not addressed workers’ safety complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years that we’ve worked here, we start to feel it on our bodies,” San Miguel, a machine operator, said. “It accumulates in the air. You see the air sparkle and the dust particles getting picked up. It’s just stuff we’ve been talking about over many years, and even the people before us have complained about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Sá said he facilitated a call with the workers and Cal/OSHA on Sept. 17 to file a complaint about unsafe working conditions. It’s unlikely the agency would inspect the Antioch facility during a labor strike, according to Brown, the retired inspector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Employees said they routinely inhale fiberglass particles, known carcinogens and other toxic chemicals on the job, causing them nosebleeds, lightheadedness, shortness of breath and other problems. ",
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"title": "Striking Antioch Georgia-Pacific Plant Workers Describe 'Unsafe' Conditions | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jacob San Miguel said he had frequent nosebleeds from working 12-hour shifts in clouds of fiberglass dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His coworker, Jimmie Arnold III, went to the emergency room several times after waking up at night struggling to breathe. He said it was because air contaminants on the job activated his asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are among the roughly 100 workers striking over wages and safety concerns at a drywall manufacturing plant in Antioch owned by Georgia-Pacific, one of the world’s top manufacturers of paper, tissue and building products. Employees interviewed by KQED said the company has failed to fix health hazards at the facility, ignoring worker complaints for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific is owned by Koch Industries, the second-largest private company in the U.S., according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/largest-private-companies/#:~:text=RANK,14\">\u003cem>Forbes\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Koch Industries has an estimated annual revenue of about $125 billion. The employees at the Antioch plant said they often had difficulty breathing, chronic coughs and severe lightheadedness, including from the smell of known carcinogens and other chemicals hanging thick in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers, most of them in their 20s, said insufficient ventilation at the Minaker Road facility causes them to routinely inhale fiberglass dust, formaldehyde and other toxins released from materials used to make drywall, which is also known as gypsum. They worry about long-term exposure to chemicals such as formaldehyde, which has been linked to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.org/cancer/risk-prevention/chemicals/formaldehyde.html#:~:text=The%20US%20Occupational%20Safety%20and,only%20occur%20over%2015%20minutes.\">throat cancers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005847\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005847\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“By the end of your shift, you can barely breathe through your nose,” said Fernando Tapia, 21, who works at the start of the drywall line. “Your nose is clogged up. You are constantly coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and other workers said ventilation fans at the facility are often broken or nonexistent, while machines constantly kick up dust and worsen the indoor air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fan that we have, they barely fixed it like a couple of weeks ago. But realistically, it’s not circulating any fresh air inside,” Tapia said while coworkers stood behind him at the picket line last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company provides surgical masks that don’t filter tiny particles or N95 masks that quickly clog up, they said. Both kinds of masks are also hard to wear while doing strenuous physical labor with goggles on, so some prefer not to wear the masks at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005845\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005845\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-32-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Employee Jacob San Miguel (right) speaks with fellow members of the International Longshore & Warehouse Workers Union Local 6 (ILWU) during a strike at the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California law mandates employers to monitor for fibrous glass, formaldehyde and other airborne contaminants if it’s reasonable to suspect employees are exposed to concentrations higher than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/title8/5155.html\">permissible levels\u003c/a>. If so, businesses must take steps to reduce and prevent workers’ exposure to those chemicals, preferably through local exhaust ventilation, which is considered more efficient than masks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Georgia-Pacific, which has more than 30,000 employees at 150 facilities in the U.S., declined to provide information on air monitoring at the Antioch Gypsum plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Georgia-Pacific works to act with proper regard for the rights of others, especially regarding safety and the environment, and we fully comply with all local, state, and federal laws and regulations,” Nicole Linton, external communications manager for the company, said in a statement. “Safety is our company’s top priority. We strive for continuous improvement in our key safety processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Georgia-Pacific facilities across the U.S. have been cited for dozens of violations, most of which are considered serious, according to Occupational Safety and Health Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.search?establishment=Georgia%20Pacific&state=all&officetype=all&office=all&sitezip=100000&startmonth=09&startday=24&startyear=2014&endmonth=09&endday=24&endyear=2019&p_case=all&p_start=20&p_finish=40&p_sort=12&p_desc=DESC&p_direction=Prev&p_show=20&p_violations_exist=yes\">records\u003c/a>. At least three employees have died on the job after falling 85 feet, getting sucked into machinery and drowning in a pulper tub. Others suffered amputations, second- and third-degree burns, skull and leg fractures, and other injuries that required hospitalization, according to OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workplace safety regulators issued initial penalties of nearly $567,000 against the company between September 2014 and September 2024. Georgia-Pacific agreed to pay $376,000 after reaching settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrett Brown, who was a field inspector with Cal/OSHA for 18 years, said the citations indicate the company has a weak safety program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure they would deny it. But if you had a strong safety program, you would not have fatalities, multiple amputations and falls,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck carrying drywall departs the Georgia-Pacific Antioch Wallboard Plant in Antioch on Sept. 20, 2024, a manufacturing plant producing drywall products. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the Antioch facility, some workers said they hadn’t received the required training on how to protect themselves from fiberglass particles and some of the dry chemicals they handle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give me any mask or anything like that. They didn’t tell me how bad the fiberglass was going to be. And there’s nights I’m waking up, I’m wheezing,” said Arnold, 26, who has worked at the plant for three years. “Not only is it unfair wages, but we have a lot of chemicals at the plant that are unsafe to our bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Georgia-Pacific has brought dozens of workers from Nevada, Texas and other states to continue operating at a reduced capacity since the strike began on Sept. 16, said Pedro de Sá, a business agent with International Longshore & Warehouse Union Local 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company and the union, which represents 85 production and shipping workers at the facility, have been negotiating a contract since May, including recently with the help of a federal mediator. Before the strike, Georgia-Pacific’s last offer included a wage raise of 12% over four years, which workers rejected as insufficient due, in part, to inflation and job health hazards, de Sá said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us, this is about fairness,” he said. “It’s a sacrifice. These workers made a stand being like, ‘We will make the sacrifice to make sure that we get where we deserve.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Miguel, 27, said he’s ready to hold out for as long as needed because the company had not addressed workers’ safety complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the years that we’ve worked here, we start to feel it on our bodies,” San Miguel, a machine operator, said. “It accumulates in the air. You see the air sparkle and the dust particles getting picked up. It’s just stuff we’ve been talking about over many years, and even the people before us have complained about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De Sá said he facilitated a call with the workers and Cal/OSHA on Sept. 17 to file a complaint about unsafe working conditions. It’s unlikely the agency would inspect the Antioch facility during a labor strike, according to Brown, the retired inspector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, September 25, 2024…\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Mexican drug cartels are recruiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\">San Diegans\u003c/a> to smuggle fentanyl into the United States. Prosecutors are worried about teenagers getting caught up in the cross-border drug trade.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">signed a bill\u003c/a> that will remove debt owed to a medical office or hospital from Californian’s credit reports.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Invitation Homes, a massive corporate landlord, has agreed to pay $48 million to settle a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-Complaint-signed-final.pdf\">lawsuit \u003c/a>with the Federal Trades Commission. The FTC alleges Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, and withheld security deposits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hotel workers in Hawaii’s largest resort are joining thousands of others striking hotels in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors Say American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Across Border Than Migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea that more border walls and tougher enforcement on illegal immigration will stop illegal drugs from getting into the United States has become a common political talking point, especially in an election-year. But cartels rarely use migrants crossing illegally to smuggle fentanyl. Instead, they use people who cross the border through official ports of entry without raising suspicion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\"> KPBS reporter Gustavo Solis found\u003c/a> that cartels are often times recruiting young, low-income people, in need of cash. Often times, that’s high school or college student. And then sometimes, people are unknowingly bringing drugs like Fentanyl across the border. According to data from The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/drug_poisoning_mortality/drug_poisoning.htm\">over ten thousand Californians are dying\u003c/a> from drug overdoses every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/08/medical-debt-credit-score/\">\u003cb>Medical Debt Will Soon Be Scrubbed From CA Credit Reports.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting January 1st 2025, debt owed to a medical office or hospital will no longer appear on Californian’s credit reports. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by Senators Monique Limón and Josh Becker, was signed into law on Tuesday by governor Gavin Newsom. Medical debt can lower credit scores, making it more difficult to negotiate a loan or mortgage. The legislation was backed by Attorney General Rob Bonta, as well as consumer advocacy groups. Under the This law will not cover, or scrub, debt from medical credit cards. The federal government has also announced plans to create legislation to remove medical debt from credit reports, but there timing is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporate Landlord to Pay FTC $48 Million to Settle Lawsuit\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest corporate landlords in the country \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-StipulatedOrder-fully-executed-final_0.pdf\">has agreed\u003c/a> to pay $48 million to settle a lawsuit filed by the Federal Trade Commission. The lawsuit alleged Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, withheld security deposits, and failed to inspect homes before tenants moved in. Invitation Homes is the country’s largest landlord for single family homes, with nearly 12,000 SRO’s in California alone. As part of the settlement, the company has agreed to change it’s security deposit practices and advertise accurate rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotel Workers in Hawaii Join Strike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two thousand unionized Hotel workers walked off the job yesterday at Hawaii’s largest resort, Hilton Hawaiian Village Waikiki Beach Resort. They are joining thousands of others that are currently striking at hotels here in California. The workers are calling for higher wages, more manageable workloads and a reversal of cuts implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as limited daily room cleaning. UNITE HERE, the labor union representing these hotel workers, say they will strike until they get new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>Here are the morning’s top stories on Wednesday, September 25, 2024…\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Mexican drug cartels are recruiting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\">San Diegans\u003c/a> to smuggle fentanyl into the United States. Prosecutors are worried about teenagers getting caught up in the cross-border drug trade.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">signed a bill\u003c/a> that will remove debt owed to a medical office or hospital from Californian’s credit reports.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Invitation Homes, a massive corporate landlord, has agreed to pay $48 million to settle a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-Complaint-signed-final.pdf\">lawsuit \u003c/a>with the Federal Trades Commission. The FTC alleges Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, and withheld security deposits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hotel workers in Hawaii’s largest resort are joining thousands of others striking hotels in California.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Prosecutors Say American Citizens Smuggle More Fentanyl Across Border Than Migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea that more border walls and tougher enforcement on illegal immigration will stop illegal drugs from getting into the United States has become a common political talking point, especially in an election-year. But cartels rarely use migrants crossing illegally to smuggle fentanyl. Instead, they use people who cross the border through official ports of entry without raising suspicion. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2024/08/29/american-citizens-smuggle-more-fentanyl-into-the-u-s-than-migrants-data-show\"> KPBS reporter Gustavo Solis found\u003c/a> that cartels are often times recruiting young, low-income people, in need of cash. Often times, that’s high school or college student. And then sometimes, people are unknowingly bringing drugs like Fentanyl across the border. According to data from The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/drug_poisoning_mortality/drug_poisoning.htm\">over ten thousand Californians are dying\u003c/a> from drug overdoses every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/08/medical-debt-credit-score/\">\u003cb>Medical Debt Will Soon Be Scrubbed From CA Credit Reports.\u003c/b>\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting January 1st 2025, debt owed to a medical office or hospital will no longer appear on Californian’s credit reports. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1061\">The bill\u003c/a>, authored by Senators Monique Limón and Josh Becker, was signed into law on Tuesday by governor Gavin Newsom. Medical debt can lower credit scores, making it more difficult to negotiate a loan or mortgage. The legislation was backed by Attorney General Rob Bonta, as well as consumer advocacy groups. Under the This law will not cover, or scrub, debt from medical credit cards. The federal government has also announced plans to create legislation to remove medical debt from credit reports, but there timing is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Corporate Landlord to Pay FTC $48 Million to Settle Lawsuit\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest corporate landlords in the country \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/InvitationHomes-StipulatedOrder-fully-executed-final_0.pdf\">has agreed\u003c/a> to pay $48 million to settle a lawsuit filed by the Federal Trade Commission. The lawsuit alleged Invitation Homes charged tenants junk fees, withheld security deposits, and failed to inspect homes before tenants moved in. Invitation Homes is the country’s largest landlord for single family homes, with nearly 12,000 SRO’s in California alone. As part of the settlement, the company has agreed to change it’s security deposit practices and advertise accurate rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hotel Workers in Hawaii Join Strike\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two thousand unionized Hotel workers walked off the job yesterday at Hawaii’s largest resort, Hilton Hawaiian Village Waikiki Beach Resort. They are joining thousands of others that are currently striking at hotels here in California. The workers are calling for higher wages, more manageable workloads and a reversal of cuts implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic, such as limited daily room cleaning. UNITE HERE, the labor union representing these hotel workers, say they will strike until they get new contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 1,500 hotel workers are on strike in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a>, marking the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002682/strikes-start-at-top-hotel-chains-as-housekeepers-seek-higher-wages-and-daily-room-cleaning-work\">second major hospitality walkout this month\u003c/a> as labor organizers push for higher wages and protest understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the UNITE HERE Local 2 union representing bellhops, housekeepers, cooks and other hotel employees, started Sunday after months of challenging negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton San Francisco Union Square and the Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s previous contract with the hotels expired on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 40 workers marched in front of the Hilton on Monday morning, protesting high workloads and wages that don’t match the Bay Area’s high cost of living, as well as a need for affordable healthcare and pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel is not offering us a fair contract,” said Genevieve Obando, a housekeeper at the Hilton. “We want to see an improvement in our salary and to keep our insurance since insurance is very expensive. We are trying to fight for our rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">2,000 UNITE HERE hotel workers across the Bay Area\u003c/a> went on strike over Labor Day weekend, demanding higher wages and a reversal of pandemic-era service and staffing cuts in one of the largest national hotel workers’ walkouts since 2018. That walkout lasted three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/quality-of-life/2024/09/18/san-diego-city-council-throws-support-behind-striking-hilton-bayfront-hotel-workers\">700 employees are also currently on strike\u003c/a> at the Hilton Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005989\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 1,500 hotel workers in San Francisco are on strike, marking the Bay Area’s second major hospitality walkout this month. Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, which represents bellhops, housekeepers, and cooks, the strike began Sunday after months of tough negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton Union Square, and Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s contract expired on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the pandemic caused major disruptions to the hospitality industry, hotels and travel seem to be bouncing back. Although hotels haven’t quite reached pre-pandemic levels of occupancy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/news/hotels-will-pay-historic-wages-generate-record-level-tax-revenue-2024\">hoteliers can expect higher rates than last year\u003c/a>, according to data collected by the American Hotel and Lodging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade organization also projected California’s hotels will pay employees a record of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/sites/default/files/Oxford.Wages_.and_.Salaries.pdf\">$15.3 billion in wages, salaries and other compensation\u003c/a> in 2024, up from $14.7 billion in 2023 and $13.3 billion in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members, hotel representatives and experts agree that the picture of post-pandemic recovery is more complicated. Wages have been growing slower than inflation, said Ken Jacobs, co-chair of the UC Berkeley Center for Labor, meaning hotel workers’ pay has less buying power than it did previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers strike outside of the Hilton’s Union Square location in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Jacobs added, “companies significantly cut the number of workers, which created a big increase in workload for other employees. As people come back to hotels, the workloads remain much greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has implications for the health and safety of hotel employees, said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about respect,” Tapia said. “We’re fighting for our members who are at home, who no longer have full-time work, and also our members who are currently working and having to do double or triple the amount of work because their coworkers are not here to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005037 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23177834356485-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Hilton San Francisco Union Square said in a statement that the hotel is “committed to negotiating in good faith to reach fair and reasonable agreements that are beneficial to both our valued Team Members and to our hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lewin, the general manager of the Grand Hyatt, told KQED that business is not likely to make a full recovery for the next three to five years. He cited a lack of conventions in the area, a decrease in Asian tourists, and less business locally as fewer people commute to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “less than savory light” cast upon San Francisco’s reputation in recent years hasn’t helped either, he said. Despite those challenges, he said the company remains committed to negotiating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain ready to be at the table tomorrow,” Lewin said. “Our goal is a mutually satisfactory resolution and a contract that lasts for the next three to five years. And we’re ready to do that whenever the noise stops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union pointed out that Salesforce just held its annual Dreamforce conference — attended by 45,000 people — and that employees waited until it was over to strike. Now that the conference has ended, workers like Janet Wong, a housekeeper at the Hilton, said they will not return to work until better benefits are on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our last three-day strike was very strong. That’s why I’m not going to the table for bargaining, Wong said from the picket line. “That’s why we continue. We need to get our benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They may be joined by thousands of hotel workers across the U.S. who have authorized strikes at Hilton, Hyatt, Marriott and Omni hotel properties where contract negotiations remain unresolved. Over 10,000 workers in Baltimore, Boston, Honolulu, Kauai, New Haven, San Diego, San Francisco, San José, San Mateo County and Seattle have already gone on strike, and strikes have also been authorized in Oakland and Sacramento, according to a union press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/gilarezada\">Gilare Zada\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 1,500 hotel workers are on strike in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a>, marking the Bay Area’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002682/strikes-start-at-top-hotel-chains-as-housekeepers-seek-higher-wages-and-daily-room-cleaning-work\">second major hospitality walkout this month\u003c/a> as labor organizers push for higher wages and protest understaffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike, organized by the UNITE HERE Local 2 union representing bellhops, housekeepers, cooks and other hotel employees, started Sunday after months of challenging negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton San Francisco Union Square and the Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s previous contract with the hotels expired on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 40 workers marched in front of the Hilton on Monday morning, protesting high workloads and wages that don’t match the Bay Area’s high cost of living, as well as a need for affordable healthcare and pensions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hotel is not offering us a fair contract,” said Genevieve Obando, a housekeeper at the Hilton. “We want to see an improvement in our salary and to keep our insurance since insurance is very expensive. We are trying to fight for our rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">2,000 UNITE HERE hotel workers across the Bay Area\u003c/a> went on strike over Labor Day weekend, demanding higher wages and a reversal of pandemic-era service and staffing cuts in one of the largest national hotel workers’ walkouts since 2018. That walkout lasted three days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/quality-of-life/2024/09/18/san-diego-city-council-throws-support-behind-striking-hilton-bayfront-hotel-workers\">700 employees are also currently on strike\u003c/a> at the Hilton Bayview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005989\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005989\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">More than 1,500 hotel workers in San Francisco are on strike, marking the Bay Area’s second major hospitality walkout this month. Organized by UNITE HERE Local 2, which represents bellhops, housekeepers, and cooks, the strike began Sunday after months of tough negotiations with Westin St. Francis, Hilton Union Square, and Grand Hyatt San Francisco. The union’s contract expired on Aug. 14. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the pandemic caused major disruptions to the hospitality industry, hotels and travel seem to be bouncing back. Although hotels haven’t quite reached pre-pandemic levels of occupancy, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/news/hotels-will-pay-historic-wages-generate-record-level-tax-revenue-2024\">hoteliers can expect higher rates than last year\u003c/a>, according to data collected by the American Hotel and Lodging Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trade organization also projected California’s hotels will pay employees a record of more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahla.com/sites/default/files/Oxford.Wages_.and_.Salaries.pdf\">$15.3 billion in wages, salaries and other compensation\u003c/a> in 2024, up from $14.7 billion in 2023 and $13.3 billion in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, union members, hotel representatives and experts agree that the picture of post-pandemic recovery is more complicated. Wages have been growing slower than inflation, said Ken Jacobs, co-chair of the UC Berkeley Center for Labor, meaning hotel workers’ pay has less buying power than it did previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkers3-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers strike outside of the Hilton’s Union Square location in San Francisco on Sept. 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, Jacobs added, “companies significantly cut the number of workers, which created a big increase in workload for other employees. As people come back to hotels, the workloads remain much greater.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This has implications for the health and safety of hotel employees, said Lizzy Tapia, president of UNITE HERE Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really about respect,” Tapia said. “We’re fighting for our members who are at home, who no longer have full-time work, and also our members who are currently working and having to do double or triple the amount of work because their coworkers are not here to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Hilton San Francisco Union Square said in a statement that the hotel is “committed to negotiating in good faith to reach fair and reasonable agreements that are beneficial to both our valued Team Members and to our hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Lewin, the general manager of the Grand Hyatt, told KQED that business is not likely to make a full recovery for the next three to five years. He cited a lack of conventions in the area, a decrease in Asian tourists, and less business locally as fewer people commute to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “less than savory light” cast upon San Francisco’s reputation in recent years hasn’t helped either, he said. Despite those challenges, he said the company remains committed to negotiating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain ready to be at the table tomorrow,” Lewin said. “Our goal is a mutually satisfactory resolution and a contract that lasts for the next three to five years. And we’re ready to do that whenever the noise stops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union pointed out that Salesforce just held its annual Dreamforce conference — attended by 45,000 people — and that employees waited until it was over to strike. Now that the conference has ended, workers like Janet Wong, a housekeeper at the Hilton, said they will not return to work until better benefits are on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our last three-day strike was very strong. That’s why I’m not going to the table for bargaining, Wong said from the picket line. “That’s why we continue. We need to get our benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They may be joined by thousands of hotel workers across the U.S. who have authorized strikes at Hilton, Hyatt, Marriott and Omni hotel properties where contract negotiations remain unresolved. Over 10,000 workers in Baltimore, Boston, Honolulu, Kauai, New Haven, San Diego, San Francisco, San José, San Mateo County and Seattle have already gone on strike, and strikes have also been authorized in Oakland and Sacramento, according to a union press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/gilarezada\">Gilare Zada\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "career-education-is-redundant-and-convoluted-gavin-newsom-says-hell-fix-it",
"title": "Can Newsom's Master Plan for Career Education Fix an Outdated and Complicated System?",
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"headTitle": "Can Newsom’s Master Plan for Career Education Fix an Outdated and Complicated System? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The town of Reedley has about 25,000 people — and five different public institutions that offer career education to its residents. There’s the high school, the adult school, the community college, the job center and the regional occupational program. In some cases, they work together to teach skills, such as welding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other times, they compete for the same students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258242\">a hearing\u003c/a> last month, California Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/al-muratsuchi-34399\">Al Muratsuchi\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Torrance, said that he worries some workforce programs are becoming increasingly “Balkanized” despite numerous efforts to promote collaboration. Gov. Gavin Newsom said he’ll help unify these programs by creating \u003ca href=\"https://careereducation.gov.ca.gov/\">a Master Plan for Career Education\u003c/a>. State agencies are required to create the plan by Oct. 1, though Newsom hasn’t said when he’ll release it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Reedley College in rural Fresno County, Dean of Instruction David Clark acknowledged that some programs compete — in other parts of the state — but said that in this small town, that issue is less relevant. “In Fresno, you might flip someone off and never see them again, but here, that’s your neighbor,” said Clark. Instead, he said, local workforce leaders in Reedley have close personal relationships with one another and collaborate frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, he said that each institution serves a different population: Historically, community colleges focused on high school graduates, providing them with vocational training or a pathway to a four-year university. Adult schools offered short-term courses, such as English as a second language, often to immigrants and older adults. Regional occupational programs arose as a way to help high schools consolidate and coordinate expensive career training classes. Job centers were a place for adults to get help finding work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some extent, that’s all still true, but over the past few decades, the lines have blurred. High school students are taking college-level classes at growing rates. More than 40% of community college students in California are 25 and older, according to data from the Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, and the system is investing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/community-college-enrollment-3/#:~:text=Losing%20the%20%E2%80%98drive%E2%80%99%20for%20community%20college\">in short-term classes\u003c/a> that rival the courses at many adult schools. While job centers once placed people directly in jobs, they’re now facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/08/job-training-california-for-profit-schools/#:~:text=How%20the%20law%20helped%20for%2Dprofit%20job%20training%20schools\">a push\u003c/a> from state and federal leaders to send jobseekers back to school to earn better long-term wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor David Tikkanen shows student Francisco Fernandez how to work on an engine lathe when shaving a metal rod. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s existing higher education plan is from 1960 and “was designed to serve a very different California,” wrote Elana Ross, a spokesperson for the governor, in an emailed statement. She said the “current budgetary conditions” — namely, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-budget-whiplash/\">two years of multibillion-dollar deficits\u003c/a> — “call us to work together more effectively.” The office refused to speak to CalMatters in an on-the-record interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the hearing, Muratsuchi said he’s skeptical that the governor’s new plan will yield substantive changes to this convoluted system. “These are the same agencies that have failed to collaborate,” he said. “Why do we expect different results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Redundancy’ in Reedley\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Clark has lived in Reedley for 35 years, and as he walks around the community college campus, he shares the town lore with pride. In 2002, the town voted against the construction of a Walmart. The town doesn’t have a movie theater or a mall either, he said. “People have tried to maintain that Norman Rockwell lifestyle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn’t always reflect reality — Walmart, for instance, built a location just 5 miles away, in the town next door — but Clark said that Reedley is still more vibrant than some of the other rural towns in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is agriculture: It’s the “world’s fruit basket,” according to the town’s chamber of commerce. Reedley specializes in growing and shipping stone fruit such as peaches, plums and nectarines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students measure part of a tractor engine in their agricultural mechanics class at Reedley College. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the roughly 7,500 Reedley College students taking a career technical education class, the most popular programs are in agriculture and manufacturing, which overlap considerably, said Clark. Classes in health care, such as those for nursing assistants, are another common path, especially for women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of large classrooms, each one as big as a warehouse, college students learn how to repair tractor engines, how to weld the pieces of a truck bed, and how to create the metal pieces used in food packaging machines. Some equipment, such as machines for metal cutting, can cost the school over a million dollars per device. Most of the training for nursing assistants takes place at a retirement home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On certain days, the college shares these classrooms with the Valley Regional Occupational Program so it can run its own manufacturing courses for high school students. By using some of the same facilities, the high school saves money and helps introduce students to college, said Fabrizio Lofaro, superintendent of the occupational program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, for welding courses, which are more popular, the high school has its own facilities and offers less advanced courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005721\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005721\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The workstations for a welding class at Reedley High School. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At night and on weekends, the regional occupational program works with a different institution, Kings Canyon Adult School, to offer another set of welding classes focused on working adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noe Mendoza, the learning director of the adult school, acknowledged some “redundancy,” especially with the community college. What makes adult schools different, he said, is that they’re accessible for adults who lack a high school degree or who need short-term, career-oriented training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re field workers, or they’re working in the warehouses, the cold storages, and they want something different,” said Mendoza. “If it’s given here, it seems more attainable, even though it’s the same class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community college leaders, however, insist that their courses are accessible too. In June, state leaders announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/06/high-school-diploma/\">a policy change\u003c/a> meant to draw adults without high school degrees toward college. Since the start of the pandemic, community colleges have spent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/08/california-community-colleges-2/\">millions of dollars recruiting older adults\u003c/a> by offering shorter classes and career-oriented programs — sometimes reaching out directly to farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Five different entities competing for students and money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Community colleges and adult schools have long competed for students. In the 1990s, the issue came to the fore when six Southern California school districts \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/orange-unified-sch-v-rancho-santiago-comm-col\">sued their local community colleges\u003c/a>, saying that the colleges had overstepped their boundaries by teaching certain classes, such as high school equivalency courses or English as a second language. The judge found that both systems had a right to teach these classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is emblematic of long-standing duplication and conflict in adult education: \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2012/edu/adult-education/restructuring-adult-education-120412.aspx\">A 2012 report\u003c/a> by California’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found “inconsistent state-level policies” and a “widespread lack of coordination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005655,news_11975890,news_11997534\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar competition exists between K–12 school districts and regional occupational programs. California created the regional occupational programs in the 1970s as a way to consolidate career training across school districts. However, the school districts aren’t required to collaborate with the occupational programs, and in some cases, districts launch their own career technical classes instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also invests in career education. Some of the money goes directly to community colleges and K–12 school districts, but the largest allocation goes toward California’s 45 workforce development boards, which operate the state’s nearly 180 job centers. For years, these centers helped lower-income adults, unemployed adults, and certain youth find jobs, but \u003ca href=\"https://cwdb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2022/09/AJCC-Evaluation-Report_FINAL_ACCESSIBLE.pdf#page=10\">research shows (PDF)\u003c/a> that sending a person back to school can yield better long-term results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, job centers provide many students with tuition subsidies or cash to help cover daily expenses, such as rent and transportation, during school. Last month, a CalMatters investigation of job centers across the state found that roughly half of those subsidies \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/08/job-training-california-for-profit-schools/\">went to for-profit trade schools\u003c/a>, even when community colleges offered free or low-cost courses nearby. In some cases, graduates of these trade schools \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2024/08/for-profit-schools-california-jobs/\">earned less than $30,000 a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the eastern half of Fresno County, which includes Reedley, 16 students received a tuition subsidy in the past year to study agriculture, either through a welding or heavy equipment program, according to the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Some attended Lofaro’s regional occupational programs, while others attended Advanced Career Institute and the Institute of Technology, two local for-profit institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005722\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005722\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Felix Nevarez welding a piece of metal during a class. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fernanda Mendoza, a program coordinator at the job center closest to Reedley, said she recommends the private programs over the public ones because the for-profit schools provide students with “more of that one-on-one interaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hodgepodge of job training options creates barriers for students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, state leaders have tried to revamp the career training system to foster collaboration. However, critics say the interventions have created more bureaucracy and made few real changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California created the Adult Education Program, which today sends out over $650 million a year on the condition that each region administers the money through a consortium of local adult schools, community colleges, and regional occupational programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, the state created the Strong Workforce Program, which sends over $100 million a year to 72 community college districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2018, California launched the K–12 Strong Workforce Program, but to ensure that high schools and colleges work together, the money flows through another regional network — which is different from the adult education consortia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These three programs are just a fraction of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/8.31.23-Career-Education-Executive-Order.pdf\">billions California taxpayers spent (PDF)\u003c/a> on career education in the past five years. Many agencies — including the state’s Education Department, Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, Labor and Workforce Development Agency, and Rehabilitation Department — all have additional pots of money for similar programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005723\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005723\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A medical dummy lies on a bed for a nursing assistant class at Reedley High School. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Reedley, Lofaro said he applies for many of these grants. One of his competitors is another regional occupational program, which works with a different set of K–12 school districts in Fresno County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Muratsuchi unsuccessfully proposed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB377\">a bill\u003c/a> to merge the K–12 Strong Workforce Program with another existing program run by the state’s Education Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office hasn’t made any of its recommendations public, but it’s led forums across the state about the new plan. Kathy Booth is the director of the Center for Economic Mobility at WestEd, a nonprofit organization, and she helped the governor’s office engage with the public. In the hearing with Muratsuchi, she shared feedback from local leaders, who said the state’s workforce systems have created barriers for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are a person who gets a partial training in one area, and then you need to get to a different area, it’s almost impossible to make that jump,” she told lawmakers. “And that is really underscored by this incredible lack of coordination between funding and underlying data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Echelman covers California’s community colleges in partnership with Open Campus, a nonprofit newsroom focused on higher education. \u003c/em>\u003cem>Financial support for this story was provided by the Smidt and Irvine foundations.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California taxpayers fund career education at high schools, adult schools, community colleges, regional occupational programs and for-profit trade schools, but critics say it reflects 'an incredible lack of coordination.' ",
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"title": "Can Newsom's Master Plan for Career Education Fix an Outdated and Complicated System? | KQED",
"description": "California taxpayers fund career education at high schools, adult schools, community colleges, regional occupational programs and for-profit trade schools, but critics say it reflects 'an incredible lack of coordination.' ",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/adam-echelman/\">Adam Echelman\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The town of Reedley has about 25,000 people — and five different public institutions that offer career education to its residents. There’s the high school, the adult school, the community college, the job center and the regional occupational program. In some cases, they work together to teach skills, such as welding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other times, they compete for the same students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258242\">a hearing\u003c/a> last month, California Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/al-muratsuchi-34399\">Al Muratsuchi\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Torrance, said that he worries some workforce programs are becoming increasingly “Balkanized” despite numerous efforts to promote collaboration. Gov. Gavin Newsom said he’ll help unify these programs by creating \u003ca href=\"https://careereducation.gov.ca.gov/\">a Master Plan for Career Education\u003c/a>. State agencies are required to create the plan by Oct. 1, though Newsom hasn’t said when he’ll release it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Reedley College in rural Fresno County, Dean of Instruction David Clark acknowledged that some programs compete — in other parts of the state — but said that in this small town, that issue is less relevant. “In Fresno, you might flip someone off and never see them again, but here, that’s your neighbor,” said Clark. Instead, he said, local workforce leaders in Reedley have close personal relationships with one another and collaborate frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, he said that each institution serves a different population: Historically, community colleges focused on high school graduates, providing them with vocational training or a pathway to a four-year university. Adult schools offered short-term courses, such as English as a second language, often to immigrants and older adults. Regional occupational programs arose as a way to help high schools consolidate and coordinate expensive career training classes. Job centers were a place for adults to get help finding work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some extent, that’s all still true, but over the past few decades, the lines have blurred. High school students are taking college-level classes at growing rates. More than 40% of community college students in California are 25 and older, according to data from the Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, and the system is investing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/09/community-college-enrollment-3/#:~:text=Losing%20the%20%E2%80%98drive%E2%80%99%20for%20community%20college\">in short-term classes\u003c/a> that rival the courses at many adult schools. While job centers once placed people directly in jobs, they’re now facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/08/job-training-california-for-profit-schools/#:~:text=How%20the%20law%20helped%20for%2Dprofit%20job%20training%20schools\">a push\u003c/a> from state and federal leaders to send jobseekers back to school to earn better long-term wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005746\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005746\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_10-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor David Tikkanen shows student Francisco Fernandez how to work on an engine lathe when shaving a metal rod. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state’s existing higher education plan is from 1960 and “was designed to serve a very different California,” wrote Elana Ross, a spokesperson for the governor, in an emailed statement. She said the “current budgetary conditions” — namely, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-budget-whiplash/\">two years of multibillion-dollar deficits\u003c/a> — “call us to work together more effectively.” The office refused to speak to CalMatters in an on-the-record interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the hearing, Muratsuchi said he’s skeptical that the governor’s new plan will yield substantive changes to this convoluted system. “These are the same agencies that have failed to collaborate,” he said. “Why do we expect different results?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Redundancy’ in Reedley\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Clark has lived in Reedley for 35 years, and as he walks around the community college campus, he shares the town lore with pride. In 2002, the town voted against the construction of a Walmart. The town doesn’t have a movie theater or a mall either, he said. “People have tried to maintain that Norman Rockwell lifestyle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn’t always reflect reality — Walmart, for instance, built a location just 5 miles away, in the town next door — but Clark said that Reedley is still more vibrant than some of the other rural towns in the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is agriculture: It’s the “world’s fruit basket,” according to the town’s chamber of commerce. Reedley specializes in growing and shipping stone fruit such as peaches, plums and nectarines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005744\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005744\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students measure part of a tractor engine in their agricultural mechanics class at Reedley College. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For the roughly 7,500 Reedley College students taking a career technical education class, the most popular programs are in agriculture and manufacturing, which overlap considerably, said Clark. Classes in health care, such as those for nursing assistants, are another common path, especially for women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a series of large classrooms, each one as big as a warehouse, college students learn how to repair tractor engines, how to weld the pieces of a truck bed, and how to create the metal pieces used in food packaging machines. Some equipment, such as machines for metal cutting, can cost the school over a million dollars per device. Most of the training for nursing assistants takes place at a retirement home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On certain days, the college shares these classrooms with the Valley Regional Occupational Program so it can run its own manufacturing courses for high school students. By using some of the same facilities, the high school saves money and helps introduce students to college, said Fabrizio Lofaro, superintendent of the occupational program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, for welding courses, which are more popular, the high school has its own facilities and offers less advanced courses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005721\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005721\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_16-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The workstations for a welding class at Reedley High School. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At night and on weekends, the regional occupational program works with a different institution, Kings Canyon Adult School, to offer another set of welding classes focused on working adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noe Mendoza, the learning director of the adult school, acknowledged some “redundancy,” especially with the community college. What makes adult schools different, he said, is that they’re accessible for adults who lack a high school degree or who need short-term, career-oriented training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re field workers, or they’re working in the warehouses, the cold storages, and they want something different,” said Mendoza. “If it’s given here, it seems more attainable, even though it’s the same class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community college leaders, however, insist that their courses are accessible too. In June, state leaders announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/06/high-school-diploma/\">a policy change\u003c/a> meant to draw adults without high school degrees toward college. Since the start of the pandemic, community colleges have spent \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/08/california-community-colleges-2/\">millions of dollars recruiting older adults\u003c/a> by offering shorter classes and career-oriented programs — sometimes reaching out directly to farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Five different entities competing for students and money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Community colleges and adult schools have long competed for students. In the 1990s, the issue came to the fore when six Southern California school districts \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/orange-unified-sch-v-rancho-santiago-comm-col\">sued their local community colleges\u003c/a>, saying that the colleges had overstepped their boundaries by teaching certain classes, such as high school equivalency courses or English as a second language. The judge found that both systems had a right to teach these classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is emblematic of long-standing duplication and conflict in adult education: \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2012/edu/adult-education/restructuring-adult-education-120412.aspx\">A 2012 report\u003c/a> by California’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found “inconsistent state-level policies” and a “widespread lack of coordination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar competition exists between K–12 school districts and regional occupational programs. California created the regional occupational programs in the 1970s as a way to consolidate career training across school districts. However, the school districts aren’t required to collaborate with the occupational programs, and in some cases, districts launch their own career technical classes instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also invests in career education. Some of the money goes directly to community colleges and K–12 school districts, but the largest allocation goes toward California’s 45 workforce development boards, which operate the state’s nearly 180 job centers. For years, these centers helped lower-income adults, unemployed adults, and certain youth find jobs, but \u003ca href=\"https://cwdb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2022/09/AJCC-Evaluation-Report_FINAL_ACCESSIBLE.pdf#page=10\">research shows (PDF)\u003c/a> that sending a person back to school can yield better long-term results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, job centers provide many students with tuition subsidies or cash to help cover daily expenses, such as rent and transportation, during school. Last month, a CalMatters investigation of job centers across the state found that roughly half of those subsidies \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/08/job-training-california-for-profit-schools/\">went to for-profit trade schools\u003c/a>, even when community colleges offered free or low-cost courses nearby. In some cases, graduates of these trade schools \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2024/08/for-profit-schools-california-jobs/\">earned less than $30,000 a year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the eastern half of Fresno County, which includes Reedley, 16 students received a tuition subsidy in the past year to study agriculture, either through a welding or heavy equipment program, according to the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Some attended Lofaro’s regional occupational programs, while others attended Advanced Career Institute and the Institute of Technology, two local for-profit institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005722\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005722\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_12-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Felix Nevarez welding a piece of metal during a class. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fernanda Mendoza, a program coordinator at the job center closest to Reedley, said she recommends the private programs over the public ones because the for-profit schools provide students with “more of that one-on-one interaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hodgepodge of job training options creates barriers for students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, state leaders have tried to revamp the career training system to foster collaboration. However, critics say the interventions have created more bureaucracy and made few real changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2015, California created the Adult Education Program, which today sends out over $650 million a year on the condition that each region administers the money through a consortium of local adult schools, community colleges, and regional occupational programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The following year, the state created the Strong Workforce Program, which sends over $100 million a year to 72 community college districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2018, California launched the K–12 Strong Workforce Program, but to ensure that high schools and colleges work together, the money flows through another regional network — which is different from the adult education consortia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These three programs are just a fraction of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/8.31.23-Career-Education-Executive-Order.pdf\">billions California taxpayers spent (PDF)\u003c/a> on career education in the past five years. Many agencies — including the state’s Education Department, Community Colleges Chancellor’s Office, Labor and Workforce Development Agency, and Rehabilitation Department — all have additional pots of money for similar programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005723\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005723\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/091124-Reedley-class-and-Work-Center-LV_17-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A medical dummy lies on a bed for a nursing assistant class at Reedley High School. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Reedley, Lofaro said he applies for many of these grants. One of his competitors is another regional occupational program, which works with a different set of K–12 school districts in Fresno County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assemblymember Muratsuchi unsuccessfully proposed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB377\">a bill\u003c/a> to merge the K–12 Strong Workforce Program with another existing program run by the state’s Education Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office hasn’t made any of its recommendations public, but it’s led forums across the state about the new plan. Kathy Booth is the director of the Center for Economic Mobility at WestEd, a nonprofit organization, and she helped the governor’s office engage with the public. In the hearing with Muratsuchi, she shared feedback from local leaders, who said the state’s workforce systems have created barriers for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are a person who gets a partial training in one area, and then you need to get to a different area, it’s almost impossible to make that jump,” she told lawmakers. “And that is really underscored by this incredible lack of coordination between funding and underlying data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Echelman covers California’s community colleges in partnership with Open Campus, a nonprofit newsroom focused on higher education. \u003c/em>\u003cem>Financial support for this story was provided by the Smidt and Irvine foundations.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "this-california-college-lets-homeless-students-sleep-safely-in-their-cars-on-campus-why-dont-other-schools-do-it",
"title": "This California College Lets Homeless Students Sleep Safely in Their Cars on Campus. Why Don't Other Schools Do It?",
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"headTitle": "This California College Lets Homeless Students Sleep Safely in Their Cars on Campus. Why Don’t Other Schools Do It? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Pink hues adorn the horizon as the sun rises on a nondescript parking lot at Long Beach City College. The lot is quiet but not empty, with the same gray asphalt and slightly faded white lines as any other one on campus. But from 10 p.m. to 7 a.m., it is much more than a place to park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lot is a designated area for Long Beach City College’s Safe Parking Program, an initiative from the college’s Basic Needs Center that offers safe overnight parking for students and connects them to resources like showers and Wi-Fi. The program was created to address a particular student demographic: homeless students living in their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccleague.org/sites/default/files/images/basic_needs_among_california_community_college_students-final-2023.pdf\">report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the Community College League of California found that 2 out of 3 of the state’s community college students struggle to meet their basic needs and almost 3 out of 5 are housing insecure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help these students, multiple legislative measures have tried to create safe parking options similar to Long Beach City College’s. The most recent effort was \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1818?slug=CA_202320240AB1818\">Assembly Bill 1818\u003c/a>. Introduced by Assemblymember Corey Jackson early this year, the bill would have required the California Community College and California State University systems to create pilot programs to provide safe overnight parking for students living in their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parking lot homeless programs are a best practice that’s been used throughout the nation; churches have done it, cities have done it, it’s time for colleges to step up and do it too,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was killed in the appropriations committee on Aug. 16 but would have required the California State University to select five campuses to participate in the pilot program; the California Community College chancellor would have had to select 20. The pilot program would have lasted through 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appropriations committee, which assesses the financial viability of a bill, estimated that establishing pilot programs across the Cal State system would cost around $500,000 as well as an additional $2.25 million in annual costs. For the California Community Colleges, the committee estimated between $91,500 and $112,00 in one-time costs and $10 million to $13 million in annual costs for the duration of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin Mendez, coordinator of Long Beach City College’s Basic Needs Program, oversees the safe parking program and said those estimates sound high, although he acknowledges that costs will vary from campus to campus. Long Beach City College has been able to fund its program for less than the committee’s estimated costs by working collaboratively with other departments and using existing contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the bill had garnered support from organizations like the California Faculty Association and the Student Senate for California Community Colleges, several community college districts and the California State University system opposed it. Some of their concerns include liability risk and cost. They also argue that providing secure overnight parking is not a permanent solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Safe Parking LA parking permit on a car windshield in a ‘safe parking’ lot in Los Angeles, on Feb. 11, 2019. By 2023, the organization was operating 7 ‘safe parking’ lots monitored by security guards in the Los Angeles area, offering a temporary 12-hour safe haven for people who live in their cars or RVs. \u003ccite>(Kyle Grillot/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Letitia Clark, chief communications officer for the South Orange County Community College District, said the district has been investing in programs that support basic needs, including housing, as well as exploring building housing on campus as part of their facilities master plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want any mandates or anything that would take away from that, and especially with an alternative that we actually don’t think is safe and really provides a good quality of life for our students,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez at Long Beach City College acknowledges that overnight parking is not a housing solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not in the understanding that providing our students a safe place to park is providing them housing,” Mendez said, adding that the program is just one of the many resources available for students facing housing insecurity. However, overnight parking provides an immediate safe space while students are connected to longer-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Providing holistic support\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Started in 2021, the program has evolved over the years. The lot is now located next to the college’s campus safety building, which has allowed Long Beach City College to cut down on the nearly $500,000 they spent the first two years hiring an outside security company. Students have access to the bathroom in the campus safety building throughout the night and can access the locker room showers from 6 a.m. to 9 a.m. at the nearby school stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being next to the campus safety building means overnight security officers and parking employees periodically check in on the lot as part of their routine rounds. Mendez said that despite there not being 24/7 surveillance, there haven’t been any safety issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lot has 15 parking spots reserved for safe parking participants from 8 p.m. to 7 a.m., although the program can have around 30 folks enrolled at a time. Mendez said they rarely have issues with capacity because students use the resource to varying degrees — some enroll as a backup because they are at risk of losing their housing, others may only need a night or two while they wait to relocate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students in the Safe Parking Program need to be enrolled in the primary terms of fall and spring. However, they can continue using the program during summer and winter without being enrolled during those terms. They must also be independent; service animals are allowed but students can’t be living in their vehicle with family or have dependents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These eligibility requirements have evolved as Mendez and his team assess what is realistic and better serves students. Originally, the program required students to have their vehicles registered and an up-to-date license, but now that is something the college assists them with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once enrolled in the program, students receive a welcome packet, sign a liability release form and are connected with a case manager to find long-term housing, whether that be through one of the college’s community partners or elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2022–23 academic year, the program had a total of 24 students. Twelve of them found transitional or permanent housing. For fall 2023, 21 students enrolled in the program, two obtained permanent housing and 19 of them continued into spring 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community has also been supportive of the program. Mendez said that since it started, the program has received donations of blankets, gift cards, hygiene kits and other necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elliot Stern, the president of Saddleback College, spoke against AB 1818 during a Senate committee hearing, arguing that colleges need to get students out of their cars and into their basic needs centers so their needs can be “addressed holistically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Long Beach City College, students access the parking program through the basic needs center and its online request form. What began as a COVID-19 emergency aid application has continued to be a useful one-stop-shop application for students seeking help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For all of our basic needs efforts, we always take a wide scope and try to cast the widest net we can,” Mendez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey asks whether students are facing housing insecurity, which could mean they are struggling to pay rent or have to move frequently, or if they are homeless, meaning they don’t have a permanent place to live. If they answer yes to either, the survey then asks if they’re sleeping in their vehicle, couch surfing, staying in hotels or borrowing a room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through this data, the Basic Needs team can directly connect students with specific resources. For students who self-identify as living in their cars, the outreach coordinator then refers them to the Safe Parking Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When students aren’t allowed to park\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>AB 1818 was inspired by the experiences of students attending campuses without overnight parking. The bill originated as a response to Cal Poly Humboldt evicting students living in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 25, 2023, Cal Poly Humboldt students received a \u003ca href=\"https://mailings.humboldt.edu/general/2023_10_25/index.html\">mass announcement\u003c/a> stating that the university would begin enforcing a parking policy it had previously overlooked and would be evicting students who were found sleeping in their vehicles overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those students was Caleb Chen, a second-year public sociology graduate student. He applied to Humboldt in late June of last year and knew finding housing would be difficult. After doing some research, he learned about the university’s alternative living community and figured it would be feasible to live out of his van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen was in the graduate lounge with a friend when they both got the email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, the jig is up,” his friend told him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction announcement said allowing students to sleep in their cars was “unsanitary” and “unsafe” — terminology that not only made students feel dehumanized but also something they considered inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brad Butterfield standing inside his RV. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hootnick for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brad Butterfield, president of the Alternative Living Club, a school club created by Humboldt students living in their cars to form a community and advocate for establishing a mail service, said the administration brought up similar sanitation concerns when they pitched the idea of a safe parking program on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need, nor ever asked for, bathrooms, showers or security,” said Butterfield, a journalism senior. “All we need is a place to park overnight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butterfield lives in an RV, which has a built-in bathroom. He has a membership at a local gym and showers there. For students without RVs, Chen said there still are bathrooms on campus that are open 24/7 and that most undergraduate students shower in the school gym.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult to be pretty much told that you can’t exist,” Butterfield said. “We weren’t causing any harm. We all kept a really low profile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butterfield said that at the time of the evictions, 25 to 30 students were living in their cars. Some lived in discrete vehicles like SUVs, while others lived in RVs like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The email announcement stated that campus officers had received calls from members of the community “expressing fear and frustration about the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were never any issues between the vehicle dwellers on campus,” Butterfield said. “Not between us as a community and certainly not between us and the campus community at large.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005506\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brad Butterfield checks the top of his RV for leaks in Arcata on Aug. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hootnick for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Butterfield, it was quite the contrary. He said some students had told him they felt safer knowing there were students in the parking lot at night who could call the police if anyone was trying to break into their car — something the group had done in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stigma around homelessness is something that Mendez from Long Beach City College has been fighting since the beginning of the safe parking program. He said the staff have a student-centered approach and are mindful of treating students with dignity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s all of these negative stereotypes about what a homeless person is instead of realizing that these college students are coming here to be successful. They’re coming here to work on their long-term goals and help themselves and their families,” Mendez said. “I think that level of dignity has made the biggest impact beyond the actual connection of housing partners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mischaracterization of homeless students is what ended a 2019 bill that was also advocating for safe parking. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB302\">Assembly Bill 302\u003c/a> was introduced by Assemblymember Marc Berman and would have required community college campuses to allow overnight access to parking, bathroom and shower facilities for students living in their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill made it to the appropriations committee, where it underwent significant amendments that Berman said “watered down the bill” and “treated homeless community college students like pedophiles” by placing restrictions for campuses within a certain distance from elementary schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12000987,news_11988775,mindshift_64314\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really unfortunate and damaging in terms of stigmatizing homeless students. And so, because of a lot of those reasons, we decided to stop the bill from moving forward and work on other solutions to the issue,” Berman said. He later drafted Assembly Bill 132, which successfully passed and required every California Community College to establish a basic needs center and hire a basic needs coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, another student tried starting a pilot overnight parking program at his campus. Grayson Peters, now a UCLA alumni, was a founder of UCLA Safe Parking and came across similar arguments from his administration at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said UCLA administrators told him allowing students to live in their cars and park overnight was “fundamentally unsafe.” Peters said that while he agrees with the statement, the alternative can be even more dangerous for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students are actively sleeping on unsecured city streets a few blocks over, without the benefit of university guards or university facilities or the student gym nearby to go to the restroom in the middle of the night if they need to,” Peters said. “The status quo is more unsafe than the solution we’re proposing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butterfield and his partner have experienced that risk. After being evicted, they tried to find safe places to park around the city. But Arcata has a 72-hour parking limit, which meant they had to relocate every three days. Butterfield said the Arcata police have harassed them multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like we’re constantly trying to outrun the police because they keep wanting us to move from here to there to here to there,” Butterfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State Humboldt referred students to a safe parking program run by a local nonprofit organization, but that program ended this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie Goldman, the associate director of the Student Senate for California Community Colleges, said data shows that a student’s proximity to campus can affect their academic outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Safe parking] is not only giving them a safer option, but an option that is conducive to them reaching their goals,” Goldman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such was the case for Chen in Humboldt, who, before the eviction, was doing much better academically because the commute time was so short, and he didn’t have to stress about where he would spend the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen spent the remainder of the semester and the following one at a local public parking lot. He now lives in a studio apartment he can afford because of loans and scholarships and is splitting rent with his partner, who moved up to Humboldt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005511\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caleb Chen stands in the parking lot where he lived in his van at the California State Polytechnic University, Humboldt, in Arcata, on Aug. 24, 2024. Due to the high cost of housing and education, some students at the university lived in their vehicles on campus prior to the university, prohibiting them from doing so in the fall of 2023. Chen, a sociology graduate student, said that finding affordable housing near the university is challenging and only possible for him this year after moving in with his partner and receiving a fellowship that can be applied toward rent. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hootnick for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When that announcement happened in November, it was just a wrench into a lot of people’s livelihoods, let alone academic success,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson said he was disappointed that the bill was “mischaracterized” by the educational systems as encouraging students to live in their cars as opposed to more effective interventions. Moving forward, now that the legislature is on a break until January, Jackson said he will be scheduling a meeting with the Cal State and California Community Colleges chancellors to see if “there’s ways that we can still get this done.” If not, he will be reintroducing the bill next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Student Senate for the Community Colleges said they will continue to advocate for student basics needs including securing funding for dorms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jetaun Stevens, a senior staff attorney with the nonprofit law firm Public Advocates, said she hopes the bill returns with a greater coalition behind it. She said that while AB 1818 was mostly sponsored by the author, working with advocacy organizations who can co-sponsor the bill would help bring forward student stories and amplify the potential impact of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oftentimes it does take [bills] that are somewhat controversial quite a few times before they make it across the finish line,” Stevens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Briana Mendez-Padilla is a fellow with the College Journalism Network, a collaboration between CalMatters and student journalists from across California. CalMatters higher education coverage is supported by a grant from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Legislative bills to create safe parking programs for students on California campuses while awaiting housing have failed. Meanwhile, Long Beach City College allows homeless students to park overnight. ",
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"title": "This California College Lets Homeless Students Sleep Safely in Their Cars on Campus. Why Don't Other Schools Do It? | KQED",
"description": "Legislative bills to create safe parking programs for students on California campuses while awaiting housing have failed. Meanwhile, Long Beach City College allows homeless students to park overnight. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Pink hues adorn the horizon as the sun rises on a nondescript parking lot at Long Beach City College. The lot is quiet but not empty, with the same gray asphalt and slightly faded white lines as any other one on campus. But from 10 p.m. to 7 a.m., it is much more than a place to park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lot is a designated area for Long Beach City College’s Safe Parking Program, an initiative from the college’s Basic Needs Center that offers safe overnight parking for students and connects them to resources like showers and Wi-Fi. The program was created to address a particular student demographic: homeless students living in their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccleague.org/sites/default/files/images/basic_needs_among_california_community_college_students-final-2023.pdf\">report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the Community College League of California found that 2 out of 3 of the state’s community college students struggle to meet their basic needs and almost 3 out of 5 are housing insecure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help these students, multiple legislative measures have tried to create safe parking options similar to Long Beach City College’s. The most recent effort was \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1818?slug=CA_202320240AB1818\">Assembly Bill 1818\u003c/a>. Introduced by Assemblymember Corey Jackson early this year, the bill would have required the California Community College and California State University systems to create pilot programs to provide safe overnight parking for students living in their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parking lot homeless programs are a best practice that’s been used throughout the nation; churches have done it, cities have done it, it’s time for colleges to step up and do it too,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was killed in the appropriations committee on Aug. 16 but would have required the California State University to select five campuses to participate in the pilot program; the California Community College chancellor would have had to select 20. The pilot program would have lasted through 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appropriations committee, which assesses the financial viability of a bill, estimated that establishing pilot programs across the Cal State system would cost around $500,000 as well as an additional $2.25 million in annual costs. For the California Community Colleges, the committee estimated between $91,500 and $112,00 in one-time costs and $10 million to $13 million in annual costs for the duration of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justin Mendez, coordinator of Long Beach City College’s Basic Needs Program, oversees the safe parking program and said those estimates sound high, although he acknowledges that costs will vary from campus to campus. Long Beach City College has been able to fund its program for less than the committee’s estimated costs by working collaboratively with other departments and using existing contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the bill had garnered support from organizations like the California Faculty Association and the Student Senate for California Community Colleges, several community college districts and the California State University system opposed it. Some of their concerns include liability risk and cost. They also argue that providing secure overnight parking is not a permanent solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/021119-LA-SAFE-PARKING-GETTY-CM-01-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Safe Parking LA parking permit on a car windshield in a ‘safe parking’ lot in Los Angeles, on Feb. 11, 2019. By 2023, the organization was operating 7 ‘safe parking’ lots monitored by security guards in the Los Angeles area, offering a temporary 12-hour safe haven for people who live in their cars or RVs. \u003ccite>(Kyle Grillot/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Letitia Clark, chief communications officer for the South Orange County Community College District, said the district has been investing in programs that support basic needs, including housing, as well as exploring building housing on campus as part of their facilities master plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want any mandates or anything that would take away from that, and especially with an alternative that we actually don’t think is safe and really provides a good quality of life for our students,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez at Long Beach City College acknowledges that overnight parking is not a housing solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not in the understanding that providing our students a safe place to park is providing them housing,” Mendez said, adding that the program is just one of the many resources available for students facing housing insecurity. However, overnight parking provides an immediate safe space while students are connected to longer-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Providing holistic support\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Started in 2021, the program has evolved over the years. The lot is now located next to the college’s campus safety building, which has allowed Long Beach City College to cut down on the nearly $500,000 they spent the first two years hiring an outside security company. Students have access to the bathroom in the campus safety building throughout the night and can access the locker room showers from 6 a.m. to 9 a.m. at the nearby school stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being next to the campus safety building means overnight security officers and parking employees periodically check in on the lot as part of their routine rounds. Mendez said that despite there not being 24/7 surveillance, there haven’t been any safety issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lot has 15 parking spots reserved for safe parking participants from 8 p.m. to 7 a.m., although the program can have around 30 folks enrolled at a time. Mendez said they rarely have issues with capacity because students use the resource to varying degrees — some enroll as a backup because they are at risk of losing their housing, others may only need a night or two while they wait to relocate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students in the Safe Parking Program need to be enrolled in the primary terms of fall and spring. However, they can continue using the program during summer and winter without being enrolled during those terms. They must also be independent; service animals are allowed but students can’t be living in their vehicle with family or have dependents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These eligibility requirements have evolved as Mendez and his team assess what is realistic and better serves students. Originally, the program required students to have their vehicles registered and an up-to-date license, but now that is something the college assists them with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once enrolled in the program, students receive a welcome packet, sign a liability release form and are connected with a case manager to find long-term housing, whether that be through one of the college’s community partners or elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the 2022–23 academic year, the program had a total of 24 students. Twelve of them found transitional or permanent housing. For fall 2023, 21 students enrolled in the program, two obtained permanent housing and 19 of them continued into spring 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community has also been supportive of the program. Mendez said that since it started, the program has received donations of blankets, gift cards, hygiene kits and other necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elliot Stern, the president of Saddleback College, spoke against AB 1818 during a Senate committee hearing, arguing that colleges need to get students out of their cars and into their basic needs centers so their needs can be “addressed holistically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Long Beach City College, students access the parking program through the basic needs center and its online request form. What began as a COVID-19 emergency aid application has continued to be a useful one-stop-shop application for students seeking help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For all of our basic needs efforts, we always take a wide scope and try to cast the widest net we can,” Mendez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey asks whether students are facing housing insecurity, which could mean they are struggling to pay rent or have to move frequently, or if they are homeless, meaning they don’t have a permanent place to live. If they answer yes to either, the survey then asks if they’re sleeping in their vehicle, couch surfing, staying in hotels or borrowing a room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through this data, the Basic Needs team can directly connect students with specific resources. For students who self-identify as living in their cars, the outreach coordinator then refers them to the Safe Parking Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When students aren’t allowed to park\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>AB 1818 was inspired by the experiences of students attending campuses without overnight parking. The bill originated as a response to Cal Poly Humboldt evicting students living in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 25, 2023, Cal Poly Humboldt students received a \u003ca href=\"https://mailings.humboldt.edu/general/2023_10_25/index.html\">mass announcement\u003c/a> stating that the university would begin enforcing a parking policy it had previously overlooked and would be evicting students who were found sleeping in their vehicles overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those students was Caleb Chen, a second-year public sociology graduate student. He applied to Humboldt in late June of last year and knew finding housing would be difficult. After doing some research, he learned about the university’s alternative living community and figured it would be feasible to live out of his van.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen was in the graduate lounge with a friend when they both got the email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, the jig is up,” his friend told him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction announcement said allowing students to sleep in their cars was “unsanitary” and “unsafe” — terminology that not only made students feel dehumanized but also something they considered inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_05-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brad Butterfield standing inside his RV. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hootnick for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brad Butterfield, president of the Alternative Living Club, a school club created by Humboldt students living in their cars to form a community and advocate for establishing a mail service, said the administration brought up similar sanitation concerns when they pitched the idea of a safe parking program on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need, nor ever asked for, bathrooms, showers or security,” said Butterfield, a journalism senior. “All we need is a place to park overnight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butterfield lives in an RV, which has a built-in bathroom. He has a membership at a local gym and showers there. For students without RVs, Chen said there still are bathrooms on campus that are open 24/7 and that most undergraduate students shower in the school gym.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult to be pretty much told that you can’t exist,” Butterfield said. “We weren’t causing any harm. We all kept a really low profile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butterfield said that at the time of the evictions, 25 to 30 students were living in their cars. Some lived in discrete vehicles like SUVs, while others lived in RVs like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The email announcement stated that campus officers had received calls from members of the community “expressing fear and frustration about the situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were never any issues between the vehicle dwellers on campus,” Butterfield said. “Not between us as a community and certainly not between us and the campus community at large.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005506\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brad Butterfield checks the top of his RV for leaks in Arcata on Aug. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hootnick for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Butterfield, it was quite the contrary. He said some students had told him they felt safer knowing there were students in the parking lot at night who could call the police if anyone was trying to break into their car — something the group had done in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stigma around homelessness is something that Mendez from Long Beach City College has been fighting since the beginning of the safe parking program. He said the staff have a student-centered approach and are mindful of treating students with dignity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s all of these negative stereotypes about what a homeless person is instead of realizing that these college students are coming here to be successful. They’re coming here to work on their long-term goals and help themselves and their families,” Mendez said. “I think that level of dignity has made the biggest impact beyond the actual connection of housing partners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mischaracterization of homeless students is what ended a 2019 bill that was also advocating for safe parking. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB302\">Assembly Bill 302\u003c/a> was introduced by Assemblymember Marc Berman and would have required community college campuses to allow overnight access to parking, bathroom and shower facilities for students living in their cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill made it to the appropriations committee, where it underwent significant amendments that Berman said “watered down the bill” and “treated homeless community college students like pedophiles” by placing restrictions for campuses within a certain distance from elementary schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really unfortunate and damaging in terms of stigmatizing homeless students. And so, because of a lot of those reasons, we decided to stop the bill from moving forward and work on other solutions to the issue,” Berman said. He later drafted Assembly Bill 132, which successfully passed and required every California Community College to establish a basic needs center and hire a basic needs coordinator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, another student tried starting a pilot overnight parking program at his campus. Grayson Peters, now a UCLA alumni, was a founder of UCLA Safe Parking and came across similar arguments from his administration at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said UCLA administrators told him allowing students to live in their cars and park overnight was “fundamentally unsafe.” Peters said that while he agrees with the statement, the alternative can be even more dangerous for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students are actively sleeping on unsecured city streets a few blocks over, without the benefit of university guards or university facilities or the student gym nearby to go to the restroom in the middle of the night if they need to,” Peters said. “The status quo is more unsafe than the solution we’re proposing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butterfield and his partner have experienced that risk. After being evicted, they tried to find safe places to park around the city. But Arcata has a 72-hour parking limit, which meant they had to relocate every three days. Butterfield said the Arcata police have harassed them multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like we’re constantly trying to outrun the police because they keep wanting us to move from here to there to here to there,” Butterfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State Humboldt referred students to a safe parking program run by a local nonprofit organization, but that program ended this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie Goldman, the associate director of the Student Senate for California Community Colleges, said data shows that a student’s proximity to campus can affect their academic outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Safe parking] is not only giving them a safer option, but an option that is conducive to them reaching their goals,” Goldman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such was the case for Chen in Humboldt, who, before the eviction, was doing much better academically because the commute time was so short, and he didn’t have to stress about where he would spend the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen spent the remainder of the semester and the following one at a local public parking lot. He now lives in a studio apartment he can afford because of loans and scholarships and is splitting rent with his partner, who moved up to Humboldt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005511\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082424_Safe-Parking_AH_14-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caleb Chen stands in the parking lot where he lived in his van at the California State Polytechnic University, Humboldt, in Arcata, on Aug. 24, 2024. Due to the high cost of housing and education, some students at the university lived in their vehicles on campus prior to the university, prohibiting them from doing so in the fall of 2023. Chen, a sociology graduate student, said that finding affordable housing near the university is challenging and only possible for him this year after moving in with his partner and receiving a fellowship that can be applied toward rent. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hootnick for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When that announcement happened in November, it was just a wrench into a lot of people’s livelihoods, let alone academic success,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson said he was disappointed that the bill was “mischaracterized” by the educational systems as encouraging students to live in their cars as opposed to more effective interventions. Moving forward, now that the legislature is on a break until January, Jackson said he will be scheduling a meeting with the Cal State and California Community Colleges chancellors to see if “there’s ways that we can still get this done.” If not, he will be reintroducing the bill next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Student Senate for the Community Colleges said they will continue to advocate for student basics needs including securing funding for dorms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jetaun Stevens, a senior staff attorney with the nonprofit law firm Public Advocates, said she hopes the bill returns with a greater coalition behind it. She said that while AB 1818 was mostly sponsored by the author, working with advocacy organizations who can co-sponsor the bill would help bring forward student stories and amplify the potential impact of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oftentimes it does take [bills] that are somewhat controversial quite a few times before they make it across the finish line,” Stevens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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