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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">incoming Trump administration\u003c/a> will likely impact federal workplace enforcement priorities in California and other states and unwind the Biden administration’s efforts to extend employee protections to millions more people in the U.S., according to several experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has long aimed to ensure fair pay and safe working conditions for low-wage earners. The agency’s current leader, Julie Su, a former California labor secretary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984268/us-department-of-labor-hails-expanded-protections-for-h-2a-farmworkers-in-santa-rosa\">has focused resources\u003c/a> to prioritize protecting those who are most vulnerable to exploitation, including the immigrant workforce and migrant children who come to the U.S. without their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law protects workers, regardless of their immigration status. Judy Conti, government affairs director at the National Employment Law Project, a worker advocacy group, expects the Department of Labor’s focus to shift under the administration of a president-elect who campaigned on deporting millions of undocumented immigrants. Tom Homan, Trump’s pick for border czar, plans for immigration agents to conduct \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/latino/4984064-trump-administration-workplace-raids/\">more workplace raids\u003c/a> as part of that crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how hostile they are to immigrant workers and just downright disrespectful and disdainful,” said Conti, who has followed labor enforcement and the low-wage workforce for nearly three decades. “So I think you’ll probably see a big change there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the country’s largest undocumented workforce, with about 1.4 million people primarily working in the construction, agriculture and service industries as of 2022, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/#:~:text=The%20six%20states%20with%20the%20largest%20unauthorized,*%20New%20Jersey%20(475%2C000)%20*%20Illinois%20(400%2C000)\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>. Nationwide, an estimated 8.3 million workers were unauthorized immigrants that year, about 5% of the total workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former president Donald Trump’s pick to lead the Labor Department, which has yet to be announced, will reveal more about the administration’s direction and priorities for the agency. Su, the acting secretary, will lose her job on Jan. 20. Her confirmation to the secretary post was stalled by Republicans in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-800x438.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1020x558.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-160x88.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1536x840.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1920x1050.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers harvest strawberries at a farm in Carlsbad, California, on April 28, 2006. \u003ccite>(Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Su declined a KQED interview request through her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New leadership, especially a more pro-business one, will likely move to rescind or weaken some of the department’s recent regulations facing legal challenges from industry groups. One rule will make an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/explaining-the-department-of-labors-new-overtime-rule-that-will-benefit-4-3-million-workers/\">4.3 million\u003c/a> more salaried employees eligible to \u003ca href=\"https://blog.dol.gov/2024/04/23/what-the-new-overtime-rule-means-for-workers#:~:text=The%20department's%20final%20rule%2C%20which,how%20they'll%20be%20calculated.\">receive extra overtime pay\u003c/a> after it goes fully into effect next year. Another \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">makes it harder\u003c/a> for employers to classify workers as independent contractors, who are often cheaper because they are not covered by minimum wage and workplace safety requirements, among other laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division under President George W. Bush, said the department could also be led with greater sensitivity toward the needs of working Americans because Trump and Vice President-elect JD Vance aggressively courted blue-collar workers during the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that this administration wants to put a thumb in the eye of the working class,” DeCamp said. “If they start having their agencies take actions that are perceived as hurting blue-collar workers, that’ll kind of run contrary to the case that they made for why they should get elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">independent contractor rule\u003c/a>, which went into effect earlier this year, allows labor enforcement actions against Uber, Lyft, Doordash and other companies that successfully fought to remain exempt from California state rules that attempted to require them to classify drivers as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11992506 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman dusts during her shift cleaning houses in Occidental, Calif., on Jan. 23, 2023 \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The regulation could also impact janitorial, domestic service, landscaping, trucking and other businesses in which misclassified workers lose income, said Samantha Sanders, a former policy adviser at the Labor Department’s wage and hour division during the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who are already often facing difficult working conditions and very low pay. And when they are misclassified as independent contractors, they lose out on that even more,” said Sanders, who directs government affairs and advocacy at the liberal Economic Policy Institute. “It’s pretty safe to say that we’re expecting this new administration to be a disaster for workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor investigates employers that cheat and exploit employees, unfairly competing with law-abiding businesses. The agency’s commitment to upholding worker rights has remained steady regardless of what party is in power, DeCamp said. However, the scope of some protections may differ, with Democratic administrations generally applying laws more broadly, DeCamp said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014403 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpDisasterAidAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would not be surprised if a second Trump administration curtailed who qualifies for overtime pay when working more than 40 hours a week and reinstated a previous Trump-era rule that is less strict on which workers qualify as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve already got a rule they like,” DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at the law firm Epstein, Becker, Green, said. “I don’t think they need to go back to square one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, worker protections on the books against wage theft or exploitative child labor are regarded as stronger than federal laws. However, the state agencies tasked with enforcing those rules, such as the California Labor Commissioner’s Office and Cal/OSHA, have struggled with an understaffing crisis for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979626/workers-lost-millions-to-californias-worst-known-wage-thief-and-hes-still-in-business\">blunting their enforcement abilities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has functioned as an important source of relief for thousands of low-income workers in the state each year who were underpaid or suffered other abuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s wage and hour division, charged with enforcing wage, child labor and other statutes, recovered $56.4 million in wages and damages for nearly 20,000 California workers in the last two fiscal years, according to figures provided by a labor department spokesperson. Businesses were assessed an additional $5.4 million in penalties during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About nine in 10 employers agree to settle and pay wages or penalties as a result of an investigation, according to labor department officials, higher than the rate at state labor enforcement agencies in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Experts anticipate the Trump administration’s Department of Labor will weaken workforce protections for immigrants and roll back regulations extending employee protections to more people.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">incoming Trump administration\u003c/a> will likely impact federal workplace enforcement priorities in California and other states and unwind the Biden administration’s efforts to extend employee protections to millions more people in the U.S., according to several experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has long aimed to ensure fair pay and safe working conditions for low-wage earners. The agency’s current leader, Julie Su, a former California labor secretary, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984268/us-department-of-labor-hails-expanded-protections-for-h-2a-farmworkers-in-santa-rosa\">has focused resources\u003c/a> to prioritize protecting those who are most vulnerable to exploitation, including the immigrant workforce and migrant children who come to the U.S. without their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal law protects workers, regardless of their immigration status. Judy Conti, government affairs director at the National Employment Law Project, a worker advocacy group, expects the Department of Labor’s focus to shift under the administration of a president-elect who campaigned on deporting millions of undocumented immigrants. Tom Homan, Trump’s pick for border czar, plans for immigration agents to conduct \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/latino/4984064-trump-administration-workplace-raids/\">more workplace raids\u003c/a> as part of that crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how hostile they are to immigrant workers and just downright disrespectful and disdainful,” said Conti, who has followed labor enforcement and the low-wage workforce for nearly three decades. “So I think you’ll probably see a big change there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the country’s largest undocumented workforce, with about 1.4 million people primarily working in the construction, agriculture and service industries as of 2022, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us/#:~:text=The%20six%20states%20with%20the%20largest%20unauthorized,*%20New%20Jersey%20(475%2C000)%20*%20Illinois%20(400%2C000)\">Pew Research Center\u003c/a>. Nationwide, an estimated 8.3 million workers were unauthorized immigrants that year, about 5% of the total workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former president Donald Trump’s pick to lead the Labor Department, which has yet to be announced, will reveal more about the administration’s direction and priorities for the agency. Su, the acting secretary, will lose her job on Jan. 20. Her confirmation to the secretary post was stalled by Republicans in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1094\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-800x438.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1020x558.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-160x88.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1536x840.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/farmlabor20120427_qed-1920x1050.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworkers harvest strawberries at a farm in Carlsbad, California, on April 28, 2006. \u003ccite>(Sandy Huffaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Su declined a KQED interview request through her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New leadership, especially a more pro-business one, will likely move to rescind or weaken some of the department’s recent regulations facing legal challenges from industry groups. One rule will make an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/blog/explaining-the-department-of-labors-new-overtime-rule-that-will-benefit-4-3-million-workers/\">4.3 million\u003c/a> more salaried employees eligible to \u003ca href=\"https://blog.dol.gov/2024/04/23/what-the-new-overtime-rule-means-for-workers#:~:text=The%20department's%20final%20rule%2C%20which,how%20they'll%20be%20calculated.\">receive extra overtime pay\u003c/a> after it goes fully into effect next year. Another \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">makes it harder\u003c/a> for employers to classify workers as independent contractors, who are often cheaper because they are not covered by minimum wage and workplace safety requirements, among other laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paul DeCamp, an attorney who ran the wage and hour division under President George W. Bush, said the department could also be led with greater sensitivity toward the needs of working Americans because Trump and Vice President-elect JD Vance aggressively courted blue-collar workers during the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think that this administration wants to put a thumb in the eye of the working class,” DeCamp said. “If they start having their agencies take actions that are perceived as hurting blue-collar workers, that’ll kind of run contrary to the case that they made for why they should get elected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Biden administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/whd/whd20240109-1\">independent contractor rule\u003c/a>, which went into effect earlier this year, allows labor enforcement actions against Uber, Lyft, Doordash and other companies that successfully fought to remain exempt from California state rules that attempted to require them to classify drivers as employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11992506 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/010_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman dusts during her shift cleaning houses in Occidental, Calif., on Jan. 23, 2023 \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The regulation could also impact janitorial, domestic service, landscaping, trucking and other businesses in which misclassified workers lose income, said Samantha Sanders, a former policy adviser at the Labor Department’s wage and hour division during the Obama administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workers who are already often facing difficult working conditions and very low pay. And when they are misclassified as independent contractors, they lose out on that even more,” said Sanders, who directs government affairs and advocacy at the liberal Economic Policy Institute. “It’s pretty safe to say that we’re expecting this new administration to be a disaster for workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor investigates employers that cheat and exploit employees, unfairly competing with law-abiding businesses. The agency’s commitment to upholding worker rights has remained steady regardless of what party is in power, DeCamp said. However, the scope of some protections may differ, with Democratic administrations generally applying laws more broadly, DeCamp said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would not be surprised if a second Trump administration curtailed who qualifies for overtime pay when working more than 40 hours a week and reinstated a previous Trump-era rule that is less strict on which workers qualify as independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve already got a rule they like,” DeCamp, who represents and advises businesses at the law firm Epstein, Becker, Green, said. “I don’t think they need to go back to square one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, worker protections on the books against wage theft or exploitative child labor are regarded as stronger than federal laws. However, the state agencies tasked with enforcing those rules, such as the California Labor Commissioner’s Office and Cal/OSHA, have struggled with an understaffing crisis for years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979626/workers-lost-millions-to-californias-worst-known-wage-thief-and-hes-still-in-business\">blunting their enforcement abilities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Labor has functioned as an important source of relief for thousands of low-income workers in the state each year who were underpaid or suffered other abuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s wage and hour division, charged with enforcing wage, child labor and other statutes, recovered $56.4 million in wages and damages for nearly 20,000 California workers in the last two fiscal years, according to figures provided by a labor department spokesperson. Businesses were assessed an additional $5.4 million in penalties during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About nine in 10 employers agree to settle and pay wages or penalties as a result of an investigation, according to labor department officials, higher than the rate at state labor enforcement agencies in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "it-changed-my-life-a-central-valley-program-is-helping-californians-get-6-figure-jobs",
"title": "'It Changed My Life': A Job Training Program Is Helping Central Valley Workers Get 6-Figure Jobs",
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"headTitle": "‘It Changed My Life’: A Job Training Program Is Helping Central Valley Workers Get 6-Figure Jobs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2019, Alexis Rowberry was living in a Fresno County homeless shelter with her two kids, recently out of what she described as an abusive relationship. “We had nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found herself at the Fresno County Department of Social Services, staring at a flier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had something up on the wall about trades,” said Rowberry, now 40. “It wasn’t there the day before, and it wasn’t there the day after. It just happened to be there that day. And I told my [social] worker that I wanted to do this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tried signing up, but she was denied — against policy, she later discovered — because she was a single mother without housing. In desperation, she contacted the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, where a sympathetic secretary helped connect her with an alternative: ValleyBuild, a pre-apprenticeship program that prepares Californians for careers in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That six weeks — it was only six weeks, but it changed my life,” said Rowberry, who has been working as an electrician since graduating the program in late 2019. “It changed my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ValleyBuild was born out of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board in 2011 with the goal of helping economically disadvantaged Californians, including women and people who have had contact with the criminal justice system, enter the state’s growing trades industry and potentially reach the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, after a transportation-focused California senate \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_201720180sb1\">bill\u003c/a> allocated funds to workforce training programs, the state awarded ValleyBuild $1.56 million from the state, which the organization used to expand into 13 more counties across the Central Valley. The program has trained roughly 1,000 people since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Mike Gonzalez in the ValleyBuild program cuts a piece of pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28, 2024. ValleyBuild is a pre-apprenticeship program that helps people in the Central Valley get into the skilled trades and ride the wave of upcoming infrastructure projects. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The construction and trade industry is “a growth sector by all empirical standards” in the Central Valley, said Blake Konczal, executive director of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Data from a board-commissioned study show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/kawodji0vgmt37zc9930r/FRWDB210703-Infrastructure-Report-Creative_PRINT-READY.pdf?rlkey=t9yr5rc9qjuu5vkgqp9bykupx&e=1&st=rxjfks1o&dl=0\">projected (PDF)\u003c/a> $24 billion in public infrastructure expenditures between 2026 and 2031, as compared to about $22 billion between 2020 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t always that way: Construction was historically a “hidden” industry compared to agriculture in the Central Valley, Konczal said. However, in 2010, a regional economic outlook report showed that approved public infrastructure construction would be worth about $40 billion through the next decade. High-speed rail, slated to eventually run from San Francisco to Los Angeles, would add an additional boost; state data \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2024/01/18/news-release-california-high-speed-rail-sparks-billions-in-economic-benefit/\">show\u003c/a> the project has created nearly 12,000 jobs so far, mostly in the Central Valley and mostly union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konczal’s team saw an opportunity for locals, particularly those in precarious economic positions, to ride the wave. Although the region’s poverty rates are on the lower end of California’s spectrum because of housing costs, Central Valley poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_PovertyJTF.pdf\">would be (PDF)\u003c/a> about 14 points higher than it is today without safety net programs, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the worker comes from L.A. or the Bay Area, they might be renting a motel room here with four or five colleagues, and they might be going to Denny’s, but we don’t get the full benefit of keeping that money in our local economy — and the social stability that’s created when hardworking people have access to jobs that allow them to feed their children, buy a house, maybe take a vacation,” Konczal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by five state and regional grants totaling about $16 million, ValleyBuild’s approach is straightforward. Participants are trained in a six to 10-week multi-craft core curriculum, which introduces them to different trades and prepares them for years-long apprenticeships. The potential payoff is big, with California trades offering six-figure incomes with benefits, pensions, and union membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has maintained a 98% graduation rate through its expansion, partly because it tries to “knock out all the barriers in the enrollment,” said Ashley Matthews, senior project coordinator at the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. That includes reimbursing participants for gas mileage or bus services and even expenses such as car repairs or driver’s license application fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent $1.4 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">grant\u003c/a> from the California Department of Industrial Relations has meanwhile allowed ValleyBuild to provide stipends for childcare support, which will “open the doors for more women to even see this as a viable option for them,” Matthews said. Organizations across the state are similarly looking to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/whats-working-tradeswomen/\">increase\u003c/a> the numbers of women in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor Robert Topete shows students in the ValleyBuild program how to measure and cut a pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Outside Fresno, counties included in the 2020 expansion have customized the program for their own needs. In Kern, home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-12/2021-12_Petroleum_Watch_ADA.pdf\">more than a dozen (PDF)\u003c/a> active oil fields, many tradespeople work on heavy industrial sites, said Alissa Reed, executive secretary of the Kern, Inyo, Mono Counties Building and Construction Trades Council. All ValleyBuild pre-apprentices in Kern complete OSHA’s Hazardous Waste and Emergency Response or “HAZWOPER 40,” which teaches them to respond to the release of hazardous material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern program plans to double its annual participants from about 50 to 100 in anticipation of more renewable energy-related jobs over the next decade. However, the county is also closely watching for political shifts — including a potential Trump presidency — that could affect the market for the skilled trades, particularly tax credits, government subsidies and funding for renewable technology, Reed said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005718,news_12005655,news_11975890\"]“If we don’t see the jobs, then we will slow down,” Reed said. Kern has maintained a 100% apprenticeship placement rate for its last two cohorts. “We are not in the business of training people to train them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rowberry, the electrician, entering the trades out of homelessness felt like the last option. Her associate’s degree in accounting had failed to provide more than minimum-wage job opportunities. Before ValleyBuild, she wasn’t even able to attend the welding class she’d signed up for because her car died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, making nearly $40 an hour plus health insurance and a pension, “I don’t worry about if my car breaks down because I can afford to fix it,” Rowberry said. “I’ve got $5,000 in savings, and I’m investing. I never would have imagined being able to do that before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her son’s father join ValleyBuild after he left prison, and he’s now several years into a successful sheet metal apprenticeship. The duo is not a couple, but their careers have helped them to build a strong coparenting relationship, providing their kids access to bigger necessities such as mental health care along with small luxuries like massages or drinks from Dutch Bros Coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it,” Rowberry said. “My daughter stopped and looked at me the other day, and she said, ‘Mom, you know what? I am so proud of you. You have come so far.’ Oh my gosh, we cried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2019, Alexis Rowberry was living in a Fresno County homeless shelter with her two kids, recently out of what she described as an abusive relationship. “We had nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found herself at the Fresno County Department of Social Services, staring at a flier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had something up on the wall about trades,” said Rowberry, now 40. “It wasn’t there the day before, and it wasn’t there the day after. It just happened to be there that day. And I told my [social] worker that I wanted to do this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tried signing up, but she was denied — against policy, she later discovered — because she was a single mother without housing. In desperation, she contacted the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, where a sympathetic secretary helped connect her with an alternative: ValleyBuild, a pre-apprenticeship program that prepares Californians for careers in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That six weeks — it was only six weeks, but it changed my life,” said Rowberry, who has been working as an electrician since graduating the program in late 2019. “It changed my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ValleyBuild was born out of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board in 2011 with the goal of helping economically disadvantaged Californians, including women and people who have had contact with the criminal justice system, enter the state’s growing trades industry and potentially reach the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, after a transportation-focused California senate \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_201720180sb1\">bill\u003c/a> allocated funds to workforce training programs, the state awarded ValleyBuild $1.56 million from the state, which the organization used to expand into 13 more counties across the Central Valley. The program has trained roughly 1,000 people since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Mike Gonzalez in the ValleyBuild program cuts a piece of pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28, 2024. ValleyBuild is a pre-apprenticeship program that helps people in the Central Valley get into the skilled trades and ride the wave of upcoming infrastructure projects. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The construction and trade industry is “a growth sector by all empirical standards” in the Central Valley, said Blake Konczal, executive director of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Data from a board-commissioned study show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/kawodji0vgmt37zc9930r/FRWDB210703-Infrastructure-Report-Creative_PRINT-READY.pdf?rlkey=t9yr5rc9qjuu5vkgqp9bykupx&e=1&st=rxjfks1o&dl=0\">projected (PDF)\u003c/a> $24 billion in public infrastructure expenditures between 2026 and 2031, as compared to about $22 billion between 2020 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t always that way: Construction was historically a “hidden” industry compared to agriculture in the Central Valley, Konczal said. However, in 2010, a regional economic outlook report showed that approved public infrastructure construction would be worth about $40 billion through the next decade. High-speed rail, slated to eventually run from San Francisco to Los Angeles, would add an additional boost; state data \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2024/01/18/news-release-california-high-speed-rail-sparks-billions-in-economic-benefit/\">show\u003c/a> the project has created nearly 12,000 jobs so far, mostly in the Central Valley and mostly union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konczal’s team saw an opportunity for locals, particularly those in precarious economic positions, to ride the wave. Although the region’s poverty rates are on the lower end of California’s spectrum because of housing costs, Central Valley poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_PovertyJTF.pdf\">would be (PDF)\u003c/a> about 14 points higher than it is today without safety net programs, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the worker comes from L.A. or the Bay Area, they might be renting a motel room here with four or five colleagues, and they might be going to Denny’s, but we don’t get the full benefit of keeping that money in our local economy — and the social stability that’s created when hardworking people have access to jobs that allow them to feed their children, buy a house, maybe take a vacation,” Konczal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by five state and regional grants totaling about $16 million, ValleyBuild’s approach is straightforward. Participants are trained in a six to 10-week multi-craft core curriculum, which introduces them to different trades and prepares them for years-long apprenticeships. The potential payoff is big, with California trades offering six-figure incomes with benefits, pensions, and union membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has maintained a 98% graduation rate through its expansion, partly because it tries to “knock out all the barriers in the enrollment,” said Ashley Matthews, senior project coordinator at the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. That includes reimbursing participants for gas mileage or bus services and even expenses such as car repairs or driver’s license application fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent $1.4 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">grant\u003c/a> from the California Department of Industrial Relations has meanwhile allowed ValleyBuild to provide stipends for childcare support, which will “open the doors for more women to even see this as a viable option for them,” Matthews said. Organizations across the state are similarly looking to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/whats-working-tradeswomen/\">increase\u003c/a> the numbers of women in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor Robert Topete shows students in the ValleyBuild program how to measure and cut a pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Outside Fresno, counties included in the 2020 expansion have customized the program for their own needs. In Kern, home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-12/2021-12_Petroleum_Watch_ADA.pdf\">more than a dozen (PDF)\u003c/a> active oil fields, many tradespeople work on heavy industrial sites, said Alissa Reed, executive secretary of the Kern, Inyo, Mono Counties Building and Construction Trades Council. All ValleyBuild pre-apprentices in Kern complete OSHA’s Hazardous Waste and Emergency Response or “HAZWOPER 40,” which teaches them to respond to the release of hazardous material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern program plans to double its annual participants from about 50 to 100 in anticipation of more renewable energy-related jobs over the next decade. However, the county is also closely watching for political shifts — including a potential Trump presidency — that could affect the market for the skilled trades, particularly tax credits, government subsidies and funding for renewable technology, Reed said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If we don’t see the jobs, then we will slow down,” Reed said. Kern has maintained a 100% apprenticeship placement rate for its last two cohorts. “We are not in the business of training people to train them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rowberry, the electrician, entering the trades out of homelessness felt like the last option. Her associate’s degree in accounting had failed to provide more than minimum-wage job opportunities. Before ValleyBuild, she wasn’t even able to attend the welding class she’d signed up for because her car died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, making nearly $40 an hour plus health insurance and a pension, “I don’t worry about if my car breaks down because I can afford to fix it,” Rowberry said. “I’ve got $5,000 in savings, and I’m investing. I never would have imagined being able to do that before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her son’s father join ValleyBuild after he left prison, and he’s now several years into a successful sheet metal apprenticeship. The duo is not a couple, but their careers have helped them to build a strong coparenting relationship, providing their kids access to bigger necessities such as mental health care along with small luxuries like massages or drinks from Dutch Bros Coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it,” Rowberry said. “My daughter stopped and looked at me the other day, and she said, ‘Mom, you know what? I am so proud of you. You have come so far.’ Oh my gosh, we cried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Franciscans got a shocking look this week at what their city’s much-celebrated but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">financially fragile transit system\u003c/a> might be reduced to if city leaders fail to come up with a workable plan to raise more funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-municipal-transportation-agency\">Municipal Transportation Agency\u003c/a> leaders unveiled a short but sobering list of possible cuts during a Wednesday meeting of a special panel set up this year to come up with a Muni rescue plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The service reductions that the SFMTA said could be needed to help reduce future annual deficits topping $300 million include reducing the frequency of many busy bus and train lines, ending service on bus routes with the lowest ridership and mothballing the city’s historic cable cars and trolleys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That presentation came just days after what should have been good news for the Bay Area’s busiest transit system: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-l\">Proposition L\u003c/a>, a community-led ballot measure that would have raised about $25 million a year through a new tax on ride-hailing services, won 57% approval. However, to take effect, the measure would have had to outpoll another successful tax measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-m\">Proposition M\u003c/a>, which won a 70% “yes” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although revenue from Proposition L would not have been enough to make or break Muni’s $1.4 billion annual budget, funds would have been earmarked for transit operations — the day-to-day work of getting service on the street for its half-million weekday passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Muni’s current precarious state, that $25 million would make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11868497\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic on April 06, 2020 in San Francisco, California. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) announced that they are cutting service to a majority of their 89 bus lines in the City of San Francisco as ridership plummets due to the coronavirus shelter in place.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Executive Director Jeff Tumlin told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/muni-funding-working-group\">Muni Funding Working Group\u003c/a> on Wednesday that his goal in outlining the draconian service-reduction scenarios is to show the importance of coming up with a politically viable revenue solution that can get on the ballot in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ultimate goal is to avoid service cuts and continue to rebuild and improve Muni’s service, which was scaled back during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in order to do that, we need to have a real conversation about just how dire our situation is and what is at stake so that one, we can come to agreement on new revenue, and two, we can win,” Tumlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni’s money-saving saving scenarios include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending service on lower-utilized routes:\u003c/strong> This would eliminate 20 routes serving about 50,000 riders. Net savings: $63 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reducing service frequency by as much as 50%:\u003c/strong> Would affect the system’s busiest routes, including the 14/14R-Mission and 38/38R-Geary, and all six Muni Metro lines. Net savings: $71 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending regular bus and train service at 9 p.m.\u003c/strong> each night and replace with less frequent Owl Service. It would affect as many as 28 routes. Net savings: $14 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending cable car and historic streetcar service:\u003c/strong> Net savings: $33 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The agency said it could save millions more by reducing fare subsidies for youth, seniors, lower-income residents and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps, which would likely gut Muni’s service and lead to significant ridership losses, would save about $200 million a year, which is not nearly enough to close the agency’s future funding gap fully. The reductions would also compromise Muni’s efforts to equitably serve a ridership that’s 38% low-income and 70% people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11748204\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/GettyImages-180418381-e1731715381902.jpg\" alt=\"Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1425\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride. \u003ccite>(Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s director of transit, said service cuts of the magnitude the agency presented would have deep, long-lasting effects beyond the loss of daily service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would dramatically slow down the actual and perceived recovery of San Francisco” from its pandemic-era economic troubles, she said. “Customer satisfaction will take a devastating hit, and regaining that public trust will take decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the SFMTA also announced it has slowed down hiring of bus and train operators because of its tight budget. That hiring slowdown, in turn, has prompted Muni to plan what it’s calling “incremental” service reductions beginning in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, service suspension on the scale needed to save $200 million a year, Kirschbaum said, would be “very difficult to reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014130 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240412-OAKAIRPORT-027-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing to say that if we temporarily suspended a route, we couldn’t add it back,” she said. “But even just a six-month slowdown in operator hiring takes 18 months to recover. … Stopping something like the cable car, there’s no telling what the cost would be to restart it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of devastating service cuts was the big motivator for a grass-roots group of transit activists to put together Proposition L, which proposed a gross-receipts tax on ride-hailing services like Uber and Lyft. The object, communicated in the campaign’s “Fund the Bus!” title, was simple: to raise money to help Muni avoid service reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign needed 50% plus one vote to win, but it faced a much steeper challenge: Proposition M, a suite of tax reforms that included a provision requiring any “conflicting” proposal to get more votes to take effect. Proposition L was deemed a conflicting measure. Though it easily won citywide and ran up huge majorities in transit-dependent neighborhoods like the Mission, it fell far short of Proposition M’s level of approval. Thus, it won, and it lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition L organizer Cyrus Hall said in an interview that Proposition M’s “poison pill” provision was all but impossible to overcome. An opposition campaign in which Uber spent more than $1 million to shoot down the measure made things even tougher, Hall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 58% or 57%, whatever we end up, that is a really great result,” he said. “It shows that a simple pro-transit, positive message is resilient to that sort of huge money spending from corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco transit leaders said that without a workable plan to raise more funding, bus routes could be slashed and historic cable cars could be suspended.",
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"title": "SF Muni Is in Dire Need of Funding. Without It, Cuts Could Be ‘Devastating’ | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Franciscans got a shocking look this week at what their city’s much-celebrated but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">financially fragile transit system\u003c/a> might be reduced to if city leaders fail to come up with a workable plan to raise more funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-municipal-transportation-agency\">Municipal Transportation Agency\u003c/a> leaders unveiled a short but sobering list of possible cuts during a Wednesday meeting of a special panel set up this year to come up with a Muni rescue plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The service reductions that the SFMTA said could be needed to help reduce future annual deficits topping $300 million include reducing the frequency of many busy bus and train lines, ending service on bus routes with the lowest ridership and mothballing the city’s historic cable cars and trolleys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That presentation came just days after what should have been good news for the Bay Area’s busiest transit system: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-l\">Proposition L\u003c/a>, a community-led ballot measure that would have raised about $25 million a year through a new tax on ride-hailing services, won 57% approval. However, to take effect, the measure would have had to outpoll another successful tax measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-m\">Proposition M\u003c/a>, which won a 70% “yes” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although revenue from Proposition L would not have been enough to make or break Muni’s $1.4 billion annual budget, funds would have been earmarked for transit operations — the day-to-day work of getting service on the street for its half-million weekday passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Muni’s current precarious state, that $25 million would make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11868497\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic on April 06, 2020 in San Francisco, California. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) announced that they are cutting service to a majority of their 89 bus lines in the City of San Francisco as ridership plummets due to the coronavirus shelter in place.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Executive Director Jeff Tumlin told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/muni-funding-working-group\">Muni Funding Working Group\u003c/a> on Wednesday that his goal in outlining the draconian service-reduction scenarios is to show the importance of coming up with a politically viable revenue solution that can get on the ballot in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ultimate goal is to avoid service cuts and continue to rebuild and improve Muni’s service, which was scaled back during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in order to do that, we need to have a real conversation about just how dire our situation is and what is at stake so that one, we can come to agreement on new revenue, and two, we can win,” Tumlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni’s money-saving saving scenarios include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending service on lower-utilized routes:\u003c/strong> This would eliminate 20 routes serving about 50,000 riders. Net savings: $63 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reducing service frequency by as much as 50%:\u003c/strong> Would affect the system’s busiest routes, including the 14/14R-Mission and 38/38R-Geary, and all six Muni Metro lines. Net savings: $71 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending regular bus and train service at 9 p.m.\u003c/strong> each night and replace with less frequent Owl Service. It would affect as many as 28 routes. Net savings: $14 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending cable car and historic streetcar service:\u003c/strong> Net savings: $33 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The agency said it could save millions more by reducing fare subsidies for youth, seniors, lower-income residents and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps, which would likely gut Muni’s service and lead to significant ridership losses, would save about $200 million a year, which is not nearly enough to close the agency’s future funding gap fully. The reductions would also compromise Muni’s efforts to equitably serve a ridership that’s 38% low-income and 70% people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11748204\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/GettyImages-180418381-e1731715381902.jpg\" alt=\"Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1425\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride. \u003ccite>(Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s director of transit, said service cuts of the magnitude the agency presented would have deep, long-lasting effects beyond the loss of daily service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would dramatically slow down the actual and perceived recovery of San Francisco” from its pandemic-era economic troubles, she said. “Customer satisfaction will take a devastating hit, and regaining that public trust will take decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the SFMTA also announced it has slowed down hiring of bus and train operators because of its tight budget. That hiring slowdown, in turn, has prompted Muni to plan what it’s calling “incremental” service reductions beginning in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, service suspension on the scale needed to save $200 million a year, Kirschbaum said, would be “very difficult to reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing to say that if we temporarily suspended a route, we couldn’t add it back,” she said. “But even just a six-month slowdown in operator hiring takes 18 months to recover. … Stopping something like the cable car, there’s no telling what the cost would be to restart it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of devastating service cuts was the big motivator for a grass-roots group of transit activists to put together Proposition L, which proposed a gross-receipts tax on ride-hailing services like Uber and Lyft. The object, communicated in the campaign’s “Fund the Bus!” title, was simple: to raise money to help Muni avoid service reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign needed 50% plus one vote to win, but it faced a much steeper challenge: Proposition M, a suite of tax reforms that included a provision requiring any “conflicting” proposal to get more votes to take effect. Proposition L was deemed a conflicting measure. Though it easily won citywide and ran up huge majorities in transit-dependent neighborhoods like the Mission, it fell far short of Proposition M’s level of approval. Thus, it won, and it lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition L organizer Cyrus Hall said in an interview that Proposition M’s “poison pill” provision was all but impossible to overcome. An opposition campaign in which Uber spent more than $1 million to shoot down the measure made things even tougher, Hall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 58% or 57%, whatever we end up, that is a really great result,” he said. “It shows that a simple pro-transit, positive message is resilient to that sort of huge money spending from corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "thousands-stanford-grad-students-call-off-strike-after-last-minute-deal",
"title": "Thousands of Stanford Grad Students Call Off Strike After Last-Minute Deal",
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"headTitle": "Thousands of Stanford Grad Students Call Off Strike After Last-Minute Deal | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> graduate students have called off a strike planned for Wednesday after reaching a tentative contract agreement with the university, avoiding major disruptions in the final weeks of the academic term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will be the first contract for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951849/stanford-graduate-workers-move-to-unionize-to-improve-working-conditions\">Stanford Graduate Workers Union\u003c/a>, which has been negotiating with the university since last November and represents more than 2,000 master’s students and doctoral candidates who teach or conduct research for the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU leaders announced last week that they would halt work on Tuesday unless an agreement was reached, threatening to disrupt classes and research work similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">weekslong graduate student strike\u003c/a> throughout the University of California school system in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014071/thousands-stanford-grad-students-delay-strike-push-last-minute-deal\">postponed a day\u003c/a> in an attempt at an 11th-hour agreement, then canceled late Tuesday night after the union announced it had reached a tentative deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to get sufficient movement from Stanford to reach a tentative agreement this evening on a complete contract that we can recommend,” the bargaining team said in an email to union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford spokesperson Luisa Rapport confirmed Wednesday that a tentative deal had been reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A tentative agreement came through the dedicated efforts of both bargaining teams and many long hours of discussion at the negotiating table,” she said in a statement. “We thank the members of both bargaining committees for their efforts in reaching this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014213\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford University campus on May 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Union workers have been pushing for higher pay, more comprehensive benefits and guaranteed funding for doctoral students. While the bargaining team said they had made progress on healthcare and immigration support, compensation was a sticking point as the planned strike neared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the bargaining committee recommended the deal, leaders acknowledged that there were some concessions made to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members “are not very happy, specifically with the wage offer,” said Shantanu Nevrekar, one of the union’s bargaining committee members. “And we have not tried to hide the fact that we think that this is not the best offer we could achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12013686 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union had said Stanford’s offer of $53,908 wasn’t sufficient to afford to live in Santa Clara County, where a livable wage is closer to $68,620. It proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative agreement includes a minimum salary of just over $54,000 for graduate students working at least 20 hours a week, with annual wage bumps over the next two academic years to reach $58,460 by fall 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we have a current wage rate that exceeds the rent increases for all of the years of the contract,” Nevrekar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university also agreed to publish on-campus housing costs for the next two academic years, changing its practice of releasing them in the spring for the following academic year. It also committed to continuous five-year funding for Ph.D. students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties also agreed to drop current unfair labor practice charges filed against each other and committed to not filing such charges for the duration of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did have major disagreements, of course,” Nevrekar said, “but both sides were very civil in approaching this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graduate workers will vote on the contract, which must be ratified before Nov. 22 to go into effect. If it does, it will be valid through August 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevrekar said he believes the deal will help undergraduates too. He pointed to a provision covering $1,200 for international students’ visa fees, noting that many undergraduates are international students who also struggle with administrative fees in the visa process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see a very real possibility that this could lead to a ripple effect,” Nevrekar said. “More pressure on Stanford to ensure that it makes the experience of international students and national graduate workers more equitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> graduate students have called off a strike planned for Wednesday after reaching a tentative contract agreement with the university, avoiding major disruptions in the final weeks of the academic term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It will be the first contract for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951849/stanford-graduate-workers-move-to-unionize-to-improve-working-conditions\">Stanford Graduate Workers Union\u003c/a>, which has been negotiating with the university since last November and represents more than 2,000 master’s students and doctoral candidates who teach or conduct research for the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU leaders announced last week that they would halt work on Tuesday unless an agreement was reached, threatening to disrupt classes and research work similar to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">weekslong graduate student strike\u003c/a> throughout the University of California school system in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014071/thousands-stanford-grad-students-delay-strike-push-last-minute-deal\">postponed a day\u003c/a> in an attempt at an 11th-hour agreement, then canceled late Tuesday night after the union announced it had reached a tentative deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to get sufficient movement from Stanford to reach a tentative agreement this evening on a complete contract that we can recommend,” the bargaining team said in an email to union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford spokesperson Luisa Rapport confirmed Wednesday that a tentative deal had been reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A tentative agreement came through the dedicated efforts of both bargaining teams and many long hours of discussion at the negotiating table,” she said in a statement. “We thank the members of both bargaining committees for their efforts in reaching this agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014213\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014213\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/005_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanford University campus on May 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Union workers have been pushing for higher pay, more comprehensive benefits and guaranteed funding for doctoral students. While the bargaining team said they had made progress on healthcare and immigration support, compensation was a sticking point as the planned strike neared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the bargaining committee recommended the deal, leaders acknowledged that there were some concessions made to reach an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members “are not very happy, specifically with the wage offer,” said Shantanu Nevrekar, one of the union’s bargaining committee members. “And we have not tried to hide the fact that we think that this is not the best offer we could achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union had said Stanford’s offer of $53,908 wasn’t sufficient to afford to live in Santa Clara County, where a livable wage is closer to $68,620. It proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative agreement includes a minimum salary of just over $54,000 for graduate students working at least 20 hours a week, with annual wage bumps over the next two academic years to reach $58,460 by fall 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, we have a current wage rate that exceeds the rent increases for all of the years of the contract,” Nevrekar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university also agreed to publish on-campus housing costs for the next two academic years, changing its practice of releasing them in the spring for the following academic year. It also committed to continuous five-year funding for Ph.D. students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parties also agreed to drop current unfair labor practice charges filed against each other and committed to not filing such charges for the duration of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did have major disagreements, of course,” Nevrekar said, “but both sides were very civil in approaching this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graduate workers will vote on the contract, which must be ratified before Nov. 22 to go into effect. If it does, it will be valid through August 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevrekar said he believes the deal will help undergraduates too. He pointed to a provision covering $1,200 for international students’ visa fees, noting that many undergraduates are international students who also struggle with administrative fees in the visa process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see a very real possibility that this could lead to a ripple effect,” Nevrekar said. “More pressure on Stanford to ensure that it makes the experience of international students and national graduate workers more equitable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> graduate students planning to strike on Tuesday pushed their walkout back a day amid eleventh-hour negotiations with the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">a weekslong strike\u003c/a> that gripped the University of California system in 2022, the Stanford strike could mean significant disruptions to the current academic term, which is just under a month away from final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stanford Graduate Workers’ Union, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951849/stanford-graduate-workers-move-to-unionize-to-improve-working-conditions\">formed last year\u003c/a> but has not yet approved a contract, is negotiating with the university for higher wages, more comprehensive benefits and guaranteed funding for doctoral students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team cited “sufficient movement,” saying in an email to members on Monday night that it postponed the strike for 24 hours while the two contingents returned to the bargaining table on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not quite there, but we think it is worthwhile to continue bargaining,” the message reads. “We will resume bargaining Tuesday … with an expectation that we will either get it done or move forward with the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union now plans to begin striking Wednesday at 10 a.m., when more than 2,000 graduate students — who lead classes, grade student work and conduct research — could walk off the job, threatening to withhold work until a contract is reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009822 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/San-Jose-overview-1020x768.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A strike will cause massive disruption to the university’s teaching and research missions, should Stanford fail to avert it,” the bargaining team told members last week. “Teaching assistants will cancel their review and discussion sessions, office hours, and labs. Assignments will not be graded. … However, Stanford’s continued refusal to meet the basic needs of its employees leaves thousands of graduate workers with no choice but to walk off the job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to Stanford community members on Monday, Provost Jenny Martinez and Vice Provost for Graduate Education Stacey Bent said, “The university takes seriously our obligation to preserve the continuity of learning and research.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university has worked to listen and engage constructively with the union at the negotiating table and to put forward a competitive contract offer. We continue to seek a timely resolution,” the message continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has been in contract negotiations with the university for a year following its formation in July 2023. SGWU authorized a strike last Wednesday when 94% of members voted against the university’s latest contract offer and 89% agreed to walk off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said last week that it had made progress on securing better benefits, but “Stanford is still refusing to offer a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NQ76sax0xEolsR14ujLw3QnjzCCSlaEe/view\">most recent offer\u003c/a> included a minimum salary of $53,908 a year. The union said that’s not enough to cover the cost of living in Santa Clara County, which it estimates to be $68,620 based on an MIT livable wage calculator. SGWU has proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez and Bent said in a statement on Nov. 7 that the union is demanding a pay increase between 14%–16%, while the university is offering a 12% increase over three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stanford’s offered salary levels … are the highest among our Ivy Plus peers,” the statement said, referring to a group of schools across the country, including the eight Ivy League schools and other elite universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the parties haven’t reached an agreement on compensation, a bargaining tracker published by the union shows that they have made 18 tentative agreements related to union rights, appointments, and health and safety, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU said in a message to members last week that they had also made progress on negotiations for benefits like health care and immigration costs, and getting the university to publish information about rent increases through the years of the contract. Seventy percent of graduate workers live on campus, and the union aims to tie wage increases to the rising cost of living in university housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, sticking points between SGWU and Stanford include guaranteed funding for Ph.D. candidates, which the university already agrees to provide, but the union said it has “failed to honor” on many occasions. The union is also lobbying for access to public transit passes for all students, not just those living off campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said it will be in meetings with staff all day Tuesday in hopes of reaching an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team cited “sufficient movement,” saying in an email to members on Monday night that it postponed the strike for 24 hours while the two contingents returned to the bargaining table on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not quite there, but we think it is worthwhile to continue bargaining,” the message reads. “We will resume bargaining Tuesday … with an expectation that we will either get it done or move forward with the strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union now plans to begin striking Wednesday at 10 a.m., when more than 2,000 graduate students — who lead classes, grade student work and conduct research — could walk off the job, threatening to withhold work until a contract is reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A strike will cause massive disruption to the university’s teaching and research missions, should Stanford fail to avert it,” the bargaining team told members last week. “Teaching assistants will cancel their review and discussion sessions, office hours, and labs. Assignments will not be graded. … However, Stanford’s continued refusal to meet the basic needs of its employees leaves thousands of graduate workers with no choice but to walk off the job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to Stanford community members on Monday, Provost Jenny Martinez and Vice Provost for Graduate Education Stacey Bent said, “The university takes seriously our obligation to preserve the continuity of learning and research.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The university has worked to listen and engage constructively with the union at the negotiating table and to put forward a competitive contract offer. We continue to seek a timely resolution,” the message continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has been in contract negotiations with the university for a year following its formation in July 2023. SGWU authorized a strike last Wednesday when 94% of members voted against the university’s latest contract offer and 89% agreed to walk off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said last week that it had made progress on securing better benefits, but “Stanford is still refusing to offer a living wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NQ76sax0xEolsR14ujLw3QnjzCCSlaEe/view\">most recent offer\u003c/a> included a minimum salary of $53,908 a year. The union said that’s not enough to cover the cost of living in Santa Clara County, which it estimates to be $68,620 based on an MIT livable wage calculator. SGWU has proposed a minimum compensation of $58,840, followed by annual increases of 4% and 3.5% for the following two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez and Bent said in a statement on Nov. 7 that the union is demanding a pay increase between 14%–16%, while the university is offering a 12% increase over three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Stanford’s offered salary levels … are the highest among our Ivy Plus peers,” the statement said, referring to a group of schools across the country, including the eight Ivy League schools and other elite universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the parties haven’t reached an agreement on compensation, a bargaining tracker published by the union shows that they have made 18 tentative agreements related to union rights, appointments, and health and safety, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SGWU said in a message to members last week that they had also made progress on negotiations for benefits like health care and immigration costs, and getting the university to publish information about rent increases through the years of the contract. Seventy percent of graduate workers live on campus, and the union aims to tie wage increases to the rising cost of living in university housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, sticking points between SGWU and Stanford include guaranteed funding for Ph.D. candidates, which the university already agrees to provide, but the union said it has “failed to honor” on many occasions. The union is also lobbying for access to public transit passes for all students, not just those living off campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bargaining team said it will be in meetings with staff all day Tuesday in hopes of reaching an agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "California Empowered Immigrants to Speak Up at Work. Trump Could End Their Protections | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 30 years in America, Alejandro Gamez took any job he could as an undocumented worker — at fast food restaurants, factories and car washes and driving trucks, even when conditions were poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no status,” he said. “I had no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after speaking up in 2017 about unpaid wages at an Inglewood car wash, his fortunes changed. As part of a state investigation into that employer’s labor practices, Gamez this year became eligible for four years of protection from deportation — and a temporary work permit that seemed to open doors overnight. The 51-year-old Hawthorne resident said he can apply for better, stable jobs that pay more and provide benefits. He now has a union-represented position in a college kitchen and a Social Security number to build his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” he said in Spanish. “It is giving me many job opportunities, to be better financially and to give a better life to my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opportunities are thanks to a recent federal program that grants temporary legal status to workers involved in certain labor investigations. With some of the nation’s strictest workplace laws but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/workplace-retaliation-california-labor/\">widespread concerns of employer retaliation\u003c/a>, California has issued more than 200 requests to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, asking it to grant legal status to workers who report violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just months after Gamez got his reprieve, the program may be on the chopping block: President-elect Donald Trump and his advisors have\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-mass-deportations-immigration-844f3050ba99552b900ed9f3a1dec22d\"> vowed mass deportations\u003c/a>, a return to workplace immigration raids and the repeal of similar temporary protection programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez’s attorney, Yvonne Medrano, said she’s expecting the program to be axed soon after Trump takes office Jan. 20. Her firm, the Los Angeles-based Bet Tzedek Legal Services, is no longer pursuing new cases under the program after representing workers seeking protections in 15 different workplace investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Removing this protection will return workers to a time when they fear deportation for asking for minimum wage, their paychecks or any other protections they have,” Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid in Duarte on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other immigration attorneys in California had already stopped filing new applications before Election Day. They said they expect Homeland Security to honor the four-year reprieves that the department has already granted, but are uncertain what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a discretionary program,” said Jessie Hahn, senior counsel for labor and employment policy at the National Immigration Law Center, an advocacy group. “We are not anticipating that if Trump were elected he would continue the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Trump campaign spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about his intentions for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has created another group of immigrants who have been granted temporary permission to be in the United States as the chances of a federal immigration overhaul have grown ever slimmer — making their prospects heavily dependent on the see-saw of each presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, one of several Biden administration efforts to boost the enforcement of labor laws, aims to give state investigators easier access to witnesses who may otherwise fear reprisal for making workplace complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s similar to the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">gave work permits\u003c/a> and temporary deportation protections to immigrants who had been brought to the U.S. without authorization as children. About 500,000 residents have that form of legal status, but the program has stopped granting new applications after challenges in the federal courts. Trump tried to rescind the program in his last term; Stephen Miller, a close Trump advisor, said he will do so again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/11/us/politics/trump-2025-immigration-agenda.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> is much narrower — 7,700 workers have benefitted since January 2023. Anyone who’s not a U.S. citizen can apply if they can prove they were working for an employer under investigation. First, a state or federal labor agency must submit a letter to Homeland Security saying they need the cooperation of worker witnesses in each investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those granted deferred action are shielded from deportation and allowed to work legally for four years, but there is no path toward permanent residency. Some recipients see it as a way to earn money legally and get better-paying jobs outside the underground economy. Others said it gives them time — and a much quicker path to a work permit — as their other immigration-related cases wind their way through the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys and advocates say while some applicants are seeking reprieves from active deportation cases, most have been living and working without papers undetected, meaning they’ve come forward to federal immigration authorities for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many of those workers are in California. A Homeland Security spokesperson would not release state-by-state figures, citing “ongoing investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California is an eager participant in the program; Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says it was the first state to file a letter supporting worker protections. The state is home to nearly 1.5 million workers who are undocumented immigrants, making up \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us\">more than 7% of the workforce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such workers are a frequent focus of the state’s labor investigations, and labor advocates say undocumented workers routinely fear both losing their jobs and being reported to immigration authorities for complaining about workplace violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This fear can prevent them from fully cooperating with labor enforcement agencies in reporting and corroborating violations of the law,” Daniel Lopez, spokesperson for the state Labor Commissioner’s Office, said in a statement. “Ultimately, fewer protections undermine workers and impact responsible employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, the office, which investigates wage theft, has sent letters supporting deportation protections in 136 workplace investigations covering potentially hundreds of workers. The Division of Occupational Safety and Health has sent at least 12 letters. The Agricultural Labor Relations Board, which oversees farmworkers’ rights, has sent 10, and the Civil Rights Department, which investigates workplace discrimination complaints, has sent 60, spokespersons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has even paid to help immigrants get work permits. Last year, Newsom announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/07/farmworker-labor-california/\">$4.5 million to pay\u003c/a> for free legal services to help farmworkers who are involved in labor investigations apply for deferred action. The money, allocated through mid-2026, has so far helped screen more than 500 workers for eligibility and 175 apply for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are as many as 800,000 seasonal and year-round farmworkers in California; at least half are believed to be undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural regions have very limited access to immigration legal services,” said Jason Montiel, spokesperson for the Department of Social Services, which administers the grant to five legal aid groups statewide. “Providing farmworkers direct access to immigration legal services when their labor rights are violated increases the likelihood that they will file labor claims and collaborate with labor agencies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokespersons did not respond to an inquiry about what will happen with the state grant program if federal rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Gorney, a supervising attorney with VIDAS Legal Services, which is receiving a state grant, said that she has 12 farmworker clients waiting to be granted deferred action. She had hoped the state would expand the program to include workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are still a lot of workers out there who may qualify but really don’t want to come out of the shadows,” she said the morning after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013974\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits in a dark room\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Gamez in his home in Hawthorne on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gamez’ deferred action was granted in connection with retaliation claims he and his coworkers filed against Century Car Wash in 2018. That year, they had also filed wage theft claims with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. According to state records, they told the office their managers made them show up earlier and leave later than the businesses’ opening hours, but their time-sheets didn’t match all the hours they worked. The car wash’s co-owners denied the claims, and told the state the time-sheets were accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After demanding payment from his managers, Gamez said he was fired, and told to leave in front of customers. According to state records, he and his coworkers won the wage claims in 2021; a state hearing officer ruled Gamez was owed more than $20,000. But the state is still investigating claims the workers were fired and questioned about their immigration status in retaliation for speaking up. Last year at Gamez’ attorney’s request, the Labor Commissioner’s Office sent a letter to Homeland Security to request deportation protection for the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing investigation … is being conducted by our Retaliation Complaint Investigation unit and requires worker cooperation and testimony,” Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, one of Century Car Wash’s owners deferred to the co-owner, who did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez said his deferred action status kept him calm last week as many immigrants feared for their futures under a second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who received the protection remain afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Montoya came to the United States five years ago fleeing “problems in the family,” she said, and found work in the Central Valley’s fields. She had a degree in business administration in her native Mexico, and said she never intended to be an undocumented immigrant. But she had a son, and stayed to raise him in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said she enjoys farm work, despite the hard days on her hands and knees picking and bunching carrots for $3.05 per box. On a good day, when the field conditions are forgiving, she can take home $150 or more, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working for a contractor hired by Grimmway Farms, she said she kept her head down, until one day last September when a coworker, Rosa Sanchez, was struck by a truck and killed in the field next to hers. Montoya said workers had raised concerns about that driver and she believed the accident was preventable. Some of the workers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-03/she-was-killed-in-a-carrot-field-with-her-body-nearby-workers-say-they-were-told-to-keep-picking\">told to keep working\u003c/a> around Sanchez’ body, she said. Stunned, and now knowing what else to do, she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “traumatic,” she said through a translator. “Inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the state’s workplace safety agency issued more than $65,000 of citations against Grimmway, the contractor Esparza Enterprises and another contractor that employed the driver, alleging serious safety violations for allowing employees to work “in close proximity to a Commercial Truck being driven in an unsafe manner,” according to files obtained through a public records request. Federal and state records show the driver was backing up \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1699564.015\">when the truck struck Sanchez\u003c/a>.[aside tag=\"immigration\" label=\"More Related Stories.\"]The company and its contractors have contested the citations. Esparza did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement, Grimmway spokesperson Dana Brennan wrote the company has strict policies prohibiting retaliation against employees or contractors’ employees who report issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a confidential, anonymous, bilingual hotline where employees can report ethical concerns,” Brennan wrote. “As we have since we first learned of this tragic accident, we are committed to working with authorities throughout their investigation and extend our deepest sympathies to Ms. Sanchez’s family and her co-workers on this grievous loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a potential witness to the accident, Montoya applied for deferred action with the help of the United Farm Workers, and has since become more active with the organization, encouraging coworkers to apply and speaking at a union convention in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the election, she said she’s both relieved she got her work permit this year and fearful that she’s given her information to federal immigration authorities. In the fields, most of the workers were talking about Trump’s victory, “about what will happen with us now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects us from deportation,” she said of the program. “Even so, the fear exists … Whenever he wants, he can take it away.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 30 years in America, Alejandro Gamez took any job he could as an undocumented worker — at fast food restaurants, factories and car washes and driving trucks, even when conditions were poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had no status,” he said. “I had no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after speaking up in 2017 about unpaid wages at an Inglewood car wash, his fortunes changed. As part of a state investigation into that employer’s labor practices, Gamez this year became eligible for four years of protection from deportation — and a temporary work permit that seemed to open doors overnight. The 51-year-old Hawthorne resident said he can apply for better, stable jobs that pay more and provide benefits. He now has a union-represented position in a college kitchen and a Social Security number to build his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life,” he said in Spanish. “It is giving me many job opportunities, to be better financially and to give a better life to my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His opportunities are thanks to a recent federal program that grants temporary legal status to workers involved in certain labor investigations. With some of the nation’s strictest workplace laws but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/09/workplace-retaliation-california-labor/\">widespread concerns of employer retaliation\u003c/a>, California has issued more than 200 requests to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, asking it to grant legal status to workers who report violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just months after Gamez got his reprieve, the program may be on the chopping block: President-elect Donald Trump and his advisors have\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-mass-deportations-immigration-844f3050ba99552b900ed9f3a1dec22d\"> vowed mass deportations\u003c/a>, a return to workplace immigration raids and the repeal of similar temporary protection programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez’s attorney, Yvonne Medrano, said she’s expecting the program to be axed soon after Trump takes office Jan. 20. Her firm, the Los Angeles-based Bet Tzedek Legal Services, is no longer pursuing new cases under the program after representing workers seeking protections in 15 different workplace investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Removing this protection will return workers to a time when they fear deportation for asking for minimum wage, their paychecks or any other protections they have,” Medrano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013975\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A person in jeans and a t-shirt stands while someone with a vest and gun ties something around them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/02_060622-ICE-Immigration-AP-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents transfer an immigrant after an early morning raid in Duarte on June 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other immigration attorneys in California had already stopped filing new applications before Election Day. They said they expect Homeland Security to honor the four-year reprieves that the department has already granted, but are uncertain what happens next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a discretionary program,” said Jessie Hahn, senior counsel for labor and employment policy at the National Immigration Law Center, an advocacy group. “We are not anticipating that if Trump were elected he would continue the program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Trump campaign spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about his intentions for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has created another group of immigrants who have been granted temporary permission to be in the United States as the chances of a federal immigration overhaul have grown ever slimmer — making their prospects heavily dependent on the see-saw of each presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program, one of several Biden administration efforts to boost the enforcement of labor laws, aims to give state investigators easier access to witnesses who may otherwise fear reprisal for making workplace complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s similar to the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/05/undocumented-students-work/\">gave work permits\u003c/a> and temporary deportation protections to immigrants who had been brought to the U.S. without authorization as children. About 500,000 residents have that form of legal status, but the program has stopped granting new applications after challenges in the federal courts. Trump tried to rescind the program in his last term; Stephen Miller, a close Trump advisor, said he will do so again, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/11/us/politics/trump-2025-immigration-agenda.html\">\u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> has reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">Deferred Action for Labor Enforcement\u003c/a> is much narrower — 7,700 workers have benefitted since January 2023. Anyone who’s not a U.S. citizen can apply if they can prove they were working for an employer under investigation. First, a state or federal labor agency must submit a letter to Homeland Security saying they need the cooperation of worker witnesses in each investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those granted deferred action are shielded from deportation and allowed to work legally for four years, but there is no path toward permanent residency. Some recipients see it as a way to earn money legally and get better-paying jobs outside the underground economy. Others said it gives them time — and a much quicker path to a work permit — as their other immigration-related cases wind their way through the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration attorneys and advocates say while some applicants are seeking reprieves from active deportation cases, most have been living and working without papers undetected, meaning they’ve come forward to federal immigration authorities for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how many of those workers are in California. A Homeland Security spokesperson would not release state-by-state figures, citing “ongoing investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California is an eager participant in the program; Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says it was the first state to file a letter supporting worker protections. The state is home to nearly 1.5 million workers who are undocumented immigrants, making up \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/07/22/what-we-know-about-unauthorized-immigrants-living-in-the-us\">more than 7% of the workforce\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such workers are a frequent focus of the state’s labor investigations, and labor advocates say undocumented workers routinely fear both losing their jobs and being reported to immigration authorities for complaining about workplace violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This fear can prevent them from fully cooperating with labor enforcement agencies in reporting and corroborating violations of the law,” Daniel Lopez, spokesperson for the state Labor Commissioner’s Office, said in a statement. “Ultimately, fewer protections undermine workers and impact responsible employers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, the office, which investigates wage theft, has sent letters supporting deportation protections in 136 workplace investigations covering potentially hundreds of workers. The Division of Occupational Safety and Health has sent at least 12 letters. The Agricultural Labor Relations Board, which oversees farmworkers’ rights, has sent 10, and the Civil Rights Department, which investigates workplace discrimination complaints, has sent 60, spokespersons said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has even paid to help immigrants get work permits. Last year, Newsom announced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/07/farmworker-labor-california/\">$4.5 million to pay\u003c/a> for free legal services to help farmworkers who are involved in labor investigations apply for deferred action. The money, allocated through mid-2026, has so far helped screen more than 500 workers for eligibility and 175 apply for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are as many as 800,000 seasonal and year-round farmworkers in California; at least half are believed to be undocumented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Agricultural regions have very limited access to immigration legal services,” said Jason Montiel, spokesperson for the Department of Social Services, which administers the grant to five legal aid groups statewide. “Providing farmworkers direct access to immigration legal services when their labor rights are violated increases the likelihood that they will file labor claims and collaborate with labor agencies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s spokespersons did not respond to an inquiry about what will happen with the state grant program if federal rules change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicole Gorney, a supervising attorney with VIDAS Legal Services, which is receiving a state grant, said that she has 12 farmworker clients waiting to be granted deferred action. She had hoped the state would expand the program to include workers in other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are still a lot of workers out there who may qualify but really don’t want to come out of the shadows,” she said the morning after the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013974\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg\" alt=\"A person sits in a dark room\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/03_110824-Deferred-Action-ZS-CM-15-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Gamez in his home in Hawthorne on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gamez’ deferred action was granted in connection with retaliation claims he and his coworkers filed against Century Car Wash in 2018. That year, they had also filed wage theft claims with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. According to state records, they told the office their managers made them show up earlier and leave later than the businesses’ opening hours, but their time-sheets didn’t match all the hours they worked. The car wash’s co-owners denied the claims, and told the state the time-sheets were accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After demanding payment from his managers, Gamez said he was fired, and told to leave in front of customers. According to state records, he and his coworkers won the wage claims in 2021; a state hearing officer ruled Gamez was owed more than $20,000. But the state is still investigating claims the workers were fired and questioned about their immigration status in retaliation for speaking up. Last year at Gamez’ attorney’s request, the Labor Commissioner’s Office sent a letter to Homeland Security to request deportation protection for the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ongoing investigation … is being conducted by our Retaliation Complaint Investigation unit and requires worker cooperation and testimony,” Labor Commissioner Lilia Garcia-Brower wrote in the letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reached by phone, one of Century Car Wash’s owners deferred to the co-owner, who did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gamez said his deferred action status kept him calm last week as many immigrants feared for their futures under a second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who received the protection remain afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Montoya came to the United States five years ago fleeing “problems in the family,” she said, and found work in the Central Valley’s fields. She had a degree in business administration in her native Mexico, and said she never intended to be an undocumented immigrant. But she had a son, and stayed to raise him in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montoya said she enjoys farm work, despite the hard days on her hands and knees picking and bunching carrots for $3.05 per box. On a good day, when the field conditions are forgiving, she can take home $150 or more, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working for a contractor hired by Grimmway Farms, she said she kept her head down, until one day last September when a coworker, Rosa Sanchez, was struck by a truck and killed in the field next to hers. Montoya said workers had raised concerns about that driver and she believed the accident was preventable. Some of the workers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-11-03/she-was-killed-in-a-carrot-field-with-her-body-nearby-workers-say-they-were-told-to-keep-picking\">told to keep working\u003c/a> around Sanchez’ body, she said. Stunned, and now knowing what else to do, she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was “traumatic,” she said through a translator. “Inhumane.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the state’s workplace safety agency issued more than $65,000 of citations against Grimmway, the contractor Esparza Enterprises and another contractor that employed the driver, alleging serious safety violations for allowing employees to work “in close proximity to a Commercial Truck being driven in an unsafe manner,” according to files obtained through a public records request. Federal and state records show the driver was backing up \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/ords/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1699564.015\">when the truck struck Sanchez\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The company and its contractors have contested the citations. Esparza did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement, Grimmway spokesperson Dana Brennan wrote the company has strict policies prohibiting retaliation against employees or contractors’ employees who report issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a confidential, anonymous, bilingual hotline where employees can report ethical concerns,” Brennan wrote. “As we have since we first learned of this tragic accident, we are committed to working with authorities throughout their investigation and extend our deepest sympathies to Ms. Sanchez’s family and her co-workers on this grievous loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a potential witness to the accident, Montoya applied for deferred action with the help of the United Farm Workers, and has since become more active with the organization, encouraging coworkers to apply and speaking at a union convention in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day after the election, she said she’s both relieved she got her work permit this year and fearful that she’s given her information to federal immigration authorities. In the fields, most of the workers were talking about Trump’s victory, “about what will happen with us now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It protects us from deportation,” she said of the program. “Even so, the fear exists … Whenever he wants, he can take it away.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it",
"title": "Free Legal Aid in the Bay Area: How it Works, Where to Find it",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 5 p.m. on Nov. 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results of Tuesday’s presidential election \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013186/san-franciscans-react-trumps-win\">have left a deep impact in the Bay Area\u003c/a>. And now, former president Donald Trump’s victory over Vice President Kamala Harris opens the door to massive changes in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/01/nx-s1-5164531/deportations-local-police-sheriff-trump-border-immigrants\">immigration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013256/how-health-care-could-change-under-the-new-trump-administration\">health care\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/06/nx-s1-5181327/trump-election-economy-tariffs-deportations\">national security and economic policy\u003c/a> as Trump has vowed to take the country in a radically different direction from the last four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013395/newsom-calls-special-session-prepare-california-legal-fight-against-trump\">California’s leaders have vowed to push back against the incoming administration in court\u003c/a>, but many residents nonetheless remain anxious that the sweeping changes Trump has promised could directly affect them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"#find-legal-aid-bay-area\">\u003cstrong>Where can I find free legal aid in the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Many folks are feeling vulnerable and insecure about how they might fit into this country at this moment,” said Cynthia Chagolla, chief program officer at Law Foundation of Silicon Valley, which provides free legal services to low- and moderate-income families in Santa Clara County. She said her team is preparing for what they expect is a higher demand for their services during the new administration, as folks respond to changes in the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irrespective of the outcome of the presidential election, individuals are still going to be entitled to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/tpt/constitution-usa-peter-sagal/equality/due-process-equal-protection-and-disenfranchisement/\">due process\u003c/a>,” Chagolla said. “We want to make sure that folks know, should they receive any kind of adverse court papers … who to contact locally if they need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Law Foundation of Silicon Valley is one of the several organizations in the Bay Area that offer free legal aid: legal advice and representation, provided at no cost, to people who cannot afford to hire a private attorney. And there are dozens of different situations when someone may need legal assistance, not just in a criminal proceeding. For example, if you received an eviction notice from their landlord and need to know what your rights are; if you are applying for a change in your immigration status; or even if you qualify for certain public benefits but aren’t receiving what you’re entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to find out more about what legal aid services are available in the Bay Area, who qualifies for free legal aid and how to best prepare for a meeting with a legal aid office.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How is legal aid different from using a private law firm?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A legal aid organization is not the same thing as a private law firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While private law firms charge clients fees in exchange for legal counsel and representation, a legal aid organization provides legal representation at no charge — but only for individuals and families who meet the eligibility requirements, which are usually based on income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are licensed attorneys with years of experience but we do not charge a dime for our services,” said Carolina Martín Ramos, executive director of La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid and advocacy organization that has worked for decades in San Francisco’s Mission District. Martín Ramos adds that, from what she has seen, private attorneys can charge a few hundred dollars an hour. But if someone qualifies to receive services from La Raza Centro Legal, they wouldn’t have to worry about paying any attorney fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where folks might have to pay something, it would be a government fee,” Martín Ramos said, “So, for instance, in the context of immigration law, if you’re applying for your legal permanent residency or citizenship, the federal government will have a filing fee that has to be paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can a legal aid group help me with?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legal world is vast and complex, which is why many attorneys focus on a specific type of law. Legal aid organizations also specialize in specific areas, and one group may not be able to support your needs if it falls out of their scope — so check their website or give them a call first to make sure they are able to respond to your particular situation. Below are examples of different services offered by legal aid groups that KQED spoke with in the Bay Area:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is legal assistance for tenants facing eviction proceedings. Some groups, like the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley, also focus on supporting clients if they are experiencing poor housing conditions, like infestations or electrical issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The services that we provide in the housing team vary from just offering advice and counsel or general information,” Chagolla said, “and then can extend up all the way through our full scope of representation, where we’re ultimately walking with tenants in court and representing tenants in court as their attorneys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martín Ramos of La Raza Centro Legal said the immigration services her organization offers can be placed into two categories: affirmative legal aid and defensive legal aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The affirmative immigration program,” she explained, “offers services that are outside of the immigration court, outside the adversarial context, where people can apply for legal permanent residency or they can apply for citizenship and other types of immigration benefits, like a U or T visa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013614\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013614\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigration attorneys give free consultations to immigrants during a Know Your Rights event in Los Angeles, Calif. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Defensive immigration, on the other hand, deals with deportation proceedings. If deportations are scaled up during the next administration, Martín Ramos said that there is a network of legal aid groups already in place ready to respond to the needs of the region’s undocumented community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those rapid response networks have not gone away, and will pick up and do what we did before, if we have to,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consumer rights\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Community Law Center (EBCLC), based in Berkeley, is one of the few legal aid groups in California that provides consumer protection services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramon Becerra Alcantar, EBCLC’s director of operations, said their consumer justice program provides “hands-on assistance and representation” on a variety of consumer issues, “including debt collection defense, student loans, car fraud, predatory lending and consumer scams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Youth services\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley and EBCLC have teams that focus on serving kids and teenagers. “Issues range from some limited immigration matters, some school discipline or special education matters,” said the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley’s Chagolla. “We also represent children who are in dependency proceedings in the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vast majority of those cases come to us by either direct referral from external partners, stakeholders or come to us through the court,” Chagolla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Workers’ rights\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This type of legal aid usually covers issues of wage theft, retaliation, and workplace discrimination. In many instances, you can also reach out with questions if there is something happening at work that you aren’t sure if it goes against the law but want to talk to an expert about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED also has a series of guides that cover many of the rights and protections California workers have available now, regardless of immigration status, which include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992472/these-california-cities-just-raised-the-minimum-wage-make-sure-youre-getting-paid-the-right-amount\">What to do if your employer is paying you less than the minimum wage.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>During a heat wave, what protections are available for you if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">you work indoors\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">outdoors\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If you are a farmworker, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\">what do you do if your employer fires you or cuts your hours after you speak out against unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Health and public benefits\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This area involves making sure patients receive the treatment they need, which could involve negotiating with health care providers or insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chagolla said that the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley also represents individuals who are on federal or state public benefits, but who are “not getting the full amount or they have an overpayment notice from the state or federal agency saying they owe money”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013603\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013603\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman looking at documents. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How can I best prepare for a meeting with a legal aid office?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even just thinking about courts and lawyers can be pretty overwhelming, especially if you are already in a high-pressure situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are things you can do to help you feel more prepared — and, crucially, to make the most of the time you have talking to a legal aid organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First off, try to have all the documents related to your situation in one place so you can easily share them when talking to an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This may include court documents, letters, eviction notices, applications, case numbers,” said Becerra Alcantar of EBCLC. “Stuff like that will allow our team to better help them, especially if it’s an emergency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if you don’t have all your documents on hand, that’s OK, Chagolla said. “For example, if your landlord served you a notice to pay rent or quit, but you no longer have a copy of the document,” she said. “You can still call us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want anyone walking away thinking if they don’t have paperwork that they can’t call us,” Chagolla said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"kqed-guides\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Something else to think about: a timeline of key events relating to your situation. For example, if you are seeking immigration help, knowing the dates of when you came into the U.S., and if there were any changes to your immigration status since then and when, can make things a lot easier, Martín Ramos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One more logistical tip: make sure you have access to an email account so that an attorney can quickly share important updates about your situation. If you don’t have an email account, or you only have access to a shared email, you can \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/mail/answer/56256?hl=en\">make a new one for free using tools like Gmail.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’re able to talk to an attorney, Martín Ramos strongly recommends that you are 100% honest with your attorney, to give them the full picture without holding anything back. “You are protected by attorney-client privilege,” she said. “An attorney could lose their license if they don’t respect your privacy or confidentiality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she stressed, let your attorney know when you \u003cem>don’t\u003c/em> understand something they’ve said, or about any aspect of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can ask the attorney or legal staff to slow down, to repeat things, to tell them you don’t understand and to explain things better,” Martín Ramos said. “Even with your own attorney, you have to be your own advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"find-legal-aid-bay-area\">\u003c/a>Where to find free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The organizations KQED spoke to for this story confirmed that the best way to get in contact with them is over the phone, but some also offer walk-in services. When talking to representatives from these organizations, make sure to check in about the income eligibility requirements for the services you are looking for, as each organization has different guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">\u003cem>La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> Besides immigration legal aid, La Raza Centro Legal also has teams that serve the specific needs of youth and elders. You can make an appointment by calling 415-575-3500 or emailing pilar@lrcl.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">\u003cem>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> You can call 510-437-1554 or email the team at \u003ca href=\"mailto:info@centrolegal.org\">info@centrolegal.org\u003c/a>. The center also offers several remote legal clinics covering workers’, immigrants’ and tenants’ rights each month. To register, call ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/get-help\">\u003cem>Asian Law Caucus (ALC)\u003c/em>\u003c/a>: The ALC offers legal aid services on immigration, tenant and workers’ rights issues, with interpretation services available in over 200 languages, including Arabic, Cantonese, Farsi, Korean, Mandarin, Tagalog, Spanish, Urdu, and Vietnamese. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/get-help\">complete a form on their website to request help\u003c/a> or call the ALC offices directly at 415-896-1701.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lawfoundation.org/contactus\">\u003cem>Law Foundation of Silicon Valley:\u003c/em>\u003c/a> The foundation’s housing team offers walk-in hours on Thursdays from 1 p.m. till appointments are booked and the health team’s walk-in hours are on Tuesdays and Thursdays from 1 p,m. to 3 p.m. You can also call the organization’s general phone line to figure out which service works best for your needs at 408-293-4790.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ebclc.org/get-help/\">\u003cem>East Bay Community Law Center (EBCLC):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> Besides the services listed in this guide, EBCLC offers services to small business owners, people living with HIV seeking treatment, unhoused individuals, people with a criminal record reentering society and much more. Walk-in hours for the different legal teams \u003ca href=\"https://ebclc.org/get-help/\">are available on EBCLC’s website\u003c/a> and you can also call their offices directly at 510-548-4040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://baylegal.org/what-we-do/areas-of-practice/\">\u003cem>Bay Area Legal Aid (BALA):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> BALA has offices in seven of the Bay Area’s nine counties, each with their own contact information, but you can also use the organization’s general legal advice line at 800-551-5554.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://lsc-sf.org/how-we-can-help/\">\u003cem>Legal Services for Children (LSC):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> LSC is a San Francisco-based nonprofit that provides free legal aid for youth in both San Francisco and Alameda County. LSC represents kids who are dealing with difficult situations at home with their biological or foster family, dealing with discipline issues at school and immigration cases as well, including asylum, special immigrant juvenile status and young adults with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). You can reach LSC staff on Mondays and Thursdays from 1:30 p.m. to 4:30 p.m. by calling (415) 780-6366 for English and (415) 780-6367 for Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 5 p.m. on Nov. 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results of Tuesday’s presidential election \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013186/san-franciscans-react-trumps-win\">have left a deep impact in the Bay Area\u003c/a>. And now, former president Donald Trump’s victory over Vice President Kamala Harris opens the door to massive changes in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/01/nx-s1-5164531/deportations-local-police-sheriff-trump-border-immigrants\">immigration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013256/how-health-care-could-change-under-the-new-trump-administration\">health care\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/06/nx-s1-5181327/trump-election-economy-tariffs-deportations\">national security and economic policy\u003c/a> as Trump has vowed to take the country in a radically different direction from the last four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013395/newsom-calls-special-session-prepare-california-legal-fight-against-trump\">California’s leaders have vowed to push back against the incoming administration in court\u003c/a>, but many residents nonetheless remain anxious that the sweeping changes Trump has promised could directly affect them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"#find-legal-aid-bay-area\">\u003cstrong>Where can I find free legal aid in the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Many folks are feeling vulnerable and insecure about how they might fit into this country at this moment,” said Cynthia Chagolla, chief program officer at Law Foundation of Silicon Valley, which provides free legal services to low- and moderate-income families in Santa Clara County. She said her team is preparing for what they expect is a higher demand for their services during the new administration, as folks respond to changes in the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irrespective of the outcome of the presidential election, individuals are still going to be entitled to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/tpt/constitution-usa-peter-sagal/equality/due-process-equal-protection-and-disenfranchisement/\">due process\u003c/a>,” Chagolla said. “We want to make sure that folks know, should they receive any kind of adverse court papers … who to contact locally if they need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Law Foundation of Silicon Valley is one of the several organizations in the Bay Area that offer free legal aid: legal advice and representation, provided at no cost, to people who cannot afford to hire a private attorney. And there are dozens of different situations when someone may need legal assistance, not just in a criminal proceeding. For example, if you received an eviction notice from their landlord and need to know what your rights are; if you are applying for a change in your immigration status; or even if you qualify for certain public benefits but aren’t receiving what you’re entitled to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading to find out more about what legal aid services are available in the Bay Area, who qualifies for free legal aid and how to best prepare for a meeting with a legal aid office.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How is legal aid different from using a private law firm?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A legal aid organization is not the same thing as a private law firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While private law firms charge clients fees in exchange for legal counsel and representation, a legal aid organization provides legal representation at no charge — but only for individuals and families who meet the eligibility requirements, which are usually based on income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are licensed attorneys with years of experience but we do not charge a dime for our services,” said Carolina Martín Ramos, executive director of La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid and advocacy organization that has worked for decades in San Francisco’s Mission District. Martín Ramos adds that, from what she has seen, private attorneys can charge a few hundred dollars an hour. But if someone qualifies to receive services from La Raza Centro Legal, they wouldn’t have to worry about paying any attorney fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where folks might have to pay something, it would be a government fee,” Martín Ramos said, “So, for instance, in the context of immigration law, if you’re applying for your legal permanent residency or citizenship, the federal government will have a filing fee that has to be paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can a legal aid group help me with?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legal world is vast and complex, which is why many attorneys focus on a specific type of law. Legal aid organizations also specialize in specific areas, and one group may not be able to support your needs if it falls out of their scope — so check their website or give them a call first to make sure they are able to respond to your particular situation. Below are examples of different services offered by legal aid groups that KQED spoke with in the Bay Area:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is legal assistance for tenants facing eviction proceedings. Some groups, like the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley, also focus on supporting clients if they are experiencing poor housing conditions, like infestations or electrical issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The services that we provide in the housing team vary from just offering advice and counsel or general information,” Chagolla said, “and then can extend up all the way through our full scope of representation, where we’re ultimately walking with tenants in court and representing tenants in court as their attorneys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Immigration\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martín Ramos of La Raza Centro Legal said the immigration services her organization offers can be placed into two categories: affirmative legal aid and defensive legal aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The affirmative immigration program,” she explained, “offers services that are outside of the immigration court, outside the adversarial context, where people can apply for legal permanent residency or they can apply for citizenship and other types of immigration benefits, like a U or T visa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013614\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013614\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-84047778-1-edited-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigration attorneys give free consultations to immigrants during a Know Your Rights event in Los Angeles, Calif. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Defensive immigration, on the other hand, deals with deportation proceedings. If deportations are scaled up during the next administration, Martín Ramos said that there is a network of legal aid groups already in place ready to respond to the needs of the region’s undocumented community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those rapid response networks have not gone away, and will pick up and do what we did before, if we have to,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Consumer rights\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Community Law Center (EBCLC), based in Berkeley, is one of the few legal aid groups in California that provides consumer protection services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramon Becerra Alcantar, EBCLC’s director of operations, said their consumer justice program provides “hands-on assistance and representation” on a variety of consumer issues, “including debt collection defense, student loans, car fraud, predatory lending and consumer scams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Youth services\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley and EBCLC have teams that focus on serving kids and teenagers. “Issues range from some limited immigration matters, some school discipline or special education matters,” said the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley’s Chagolla. “We also represent children who are in dependency proceedings in the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vast majority of those cases come to us by either direct referral from external partners, stakeholders or come to us through the court,” Chagolla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Workers’ rights\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This type of legal aid usually covers issues of wage theft, retaliation, and workplace discrimination. In many instances, you can also reach out with questions if there is something happening at work that you aren’t sure if it goes against the law but want to talk to an expert about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED also has a series of guides that cover many of the rights and protections California workers have available now, regardless of immigration status, which include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992472/these-california-cities-just-raised-the-minimum-wage-make-sure-youre-getting-paid-the-right-amount\">What to do if your employer is paying you less than the minimum wage.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>During a heat wave, what protections are available for you if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">you work indoors\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886628/feeling-the-heat-how-workers-can-advocate-for-safer-working-conditions-under-the-sun\">outdoors\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>If you are a farmworker, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\">what do you do if your employer fires you or cuts your hours after you speak out against unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Health and public benefits\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This area involves making sure patients receive the treatment they need, which could involve negotiating with health care providers or insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chagolla said that the Law Foundation of Silicon Valley also represents individuals who are on federal or state public benefits, but who are “not getting the full amount or they have an overpayment notice from the state or federal agency saying they owe money”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12013603\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12013603\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/GettyImages-1403824678-edited-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A woman looking at documents. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How can I best prepare for a meeting with a legal aid office?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even just thinking about courts and lawyers can be pretty overwhelming, especially if you are already in a high-pressure situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are things you can do to help you feel more prepared — and, crucially, to make the most of the time you have talking to a legal aid organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First off, try to have all the documents related to your situation in one place so you can easily share them when talking to an attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This may include court documents, letters, eviction notices, applications, case numbers,” said Becerra Alcantar of EBCLC. “Stuff like that will allow our team to better help them, especially if it’s an emergency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if you don’t have all your documents on hand, that’s OK, Chagolla said. “For example, if your landlord served you a notice to pay rent or quit, but you no longer have a copy of the document,” she said. “You can still call us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want anyone walking away thinking if they don’t have paperwork that they can’t call us,” Chagolla said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Something else to think about: a timeline of key events relating to your situation. For example, if you are seeking immigration help, knowing the dates of when you came into the U.S., and if there were any changes to your immigration status since then and when, can make things a lot easier, Martín Ramos said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One more logistical tip: make sure you have access to an email account so that an attorney can quickly share important updates about your situation. If you don’t have an email account, or you only have access to a shared email, you can \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/mail/answer/56256?hl=en\">make a new one for free using tools like Gmail.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’re able to talk to an attorney, Martín Ramos strongly recommends that you are 100% honest with your attorney, to give them the full picture without holding anything back. “You are protected by attorney-client privilege,” she said. “An attorney could lose their license if they don’t respect your privacy or confidentiality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, she stressed, let your attorney know when you \u003cem>don’t\u003c/em> understand something they’ve said, or about any aspect of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can ask the attorney or legal staff to slow down, to repeat things, to tell them you don’t understand and to explain things better,” Martín Ramos said. “Even with your own attorney, you have to be your own advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"find-legal-aid-bay-area\">\u003c/a>Where to find free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The organizations KQED spoke to for this story confirmed that the best way to get in contact with them is over the phone, but some also offer walk-in services. When talking to representatives from these organizations, make sure to check in about the income eligibility requirements for the services you are looking for, as each organization has different guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">\u003cem>La Raza Centro Legal (San Francisco):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> Besides immigration legal aid, La Raza Centro Legal also has teams that serve the specific needs of youth and elders. You can make an appointment by calling 415-575-3500 or emailing pilar@lrcl.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/\">\u003cem>Centro Legal de la Raza (Oakland):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> You can call 510-437-1554 or email the team at \u003ca href=\"mailto:info@centrolegal.org\">info@centrolegal.org\u003c/a>. The center also offers several remote legal clinics covering workers’, immigrants’ and tenants’ rights each month. To register, call ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/get-help\">\u003cem>Asian Law Caucus (ALC)\u003c/em>\u003c/a>: The ALC offers legal aid services on immigration, tenant and workers’ rights issues, with interpretation services available in over 200 languages, including Arabic, Cantonese, Farsi, Korean, Mandarin, Tagalog, Spanish, Urdu, and Vietnamese. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/get-help\">complete a form on their website to request help\u003c/a> or call the ALC offices directly at 415-896-1701.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.lawfoundation.org/contactus\">\u003cem>Law Foundation of Silicon Valley:\u003c/em>\u003c/a> The foundation’s housing team offers walk-in hours on Thursdays from 1 p.m. till appointments are booked and the health team’s walk-in hours are on Tuesdays and Thursdays from 1 p,m. to 3 p.m. You can also call the organization’s general phone line to figure out which service works best for your needs at 408-293-4790.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ebclc.org/get-help/\">\u003cem>East Bay Community Law Center (EBCLC):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> Besides the services listed in this guide, EBCLC offers services to small business owners, people living with HIV seeking treatment, unhoused individuals, people with a criminal record reentering society and much more. Walk-in hours for the different legal teams \u003ca href=\"https://ebclc.org/get-help/\">are available on EBCLC’s website\u003c/a> and you can also call their offices directly at 510-548-4040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://baylegal.org/what-we-do/areas-of-practice/\">\u003cem>Bay Area Legal Aid (BALA):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> BALA has offices in seven of the Bay Area’s nine counties, each with their own contact information, but you can also use the organization’s general legal advice line at 800-551-5554.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://lsc-sf.org/how-we-can-help/\">\u003cem>Legal Services for Children (LSC):\u003c/em>\u003c/a> LSC is a San Francisco-based nonprofit that provides free legal aid for youth in both San Francisco and Alameda County. LSC represents kids who are dealing with difficult situations at home with their biological or foster family, dealing with discipline issues at school and immigration cases as well, including asylum, special immigrant juvenile status and young adults with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). You can reach LSC staff on Mondays and Thursdays from 1:30 p.m. to 4:30 p.m. by calling (415) 780-6366 for English and (415) 780-6367 for Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The notorious \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012418/when-election-results-2024-california-presidential-race\">election\u003c/a> needles are seared into the memories of many voters, but whether these forecast barometers will go live Tuesday evening is unknown due to a strike of tech workers at the publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/benryanwriter/status/1853856671367348627\">one user on social media platform X \u003c/a>said after chief political analyst \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Nate_Cohn/status/1853849211432734973\">Nate Cohn announced\u003c/a> he was unsure whether the feature would be on the \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>site on election night: “We need a needle on whether there will be a needle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> introduced the needle in 2016 when its dramatic swing away from predicting a likely win for Hillary Clinton induced anxiety and criticism from many following along. In 2020, the state-level prediction for Georgia flipped toward Joe Biden as votes were tallied on election night. The blue-to-red ombre half circle spans from a very likely Democratic win on the left to a very likely Republican victory on the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As results come in, an algorithm behind the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/election-2024-results-needle.html\">needle\u003c/a>, which starts pointing directly upward, uses the hard results, plus information about voter trends, to shift one way or the other, raising heart rates and spurring flurries of page refreshes. It takes into account who tends to vote early versus on Election Day, whether urban or rural counties are reporting higher percentages and other historical trends that can make early vote counts more unreliable on their face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That feature may or may not be available as swing states projecting razor-thin margins start reporting results on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the striking tech workers don’t have a hand in the \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>prediction model, Cohn said, they usually maintain the algorithmic infrastructure that feeds data to the needle and handle technological issues across all of its other data pages quickly on election nights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The needle is a huge data load, it’s more brittle [than results pages], and we’ve only published it a handful of times (v 1000s of results pages),” Cohn wrote on X. “There will be bugs and it could be hard to debug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it could run smoothly, allowing the needles to publish like normal, but added, “There are good reasons to bet against it.” Any bugs will make it likely that the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> won’t turn the needles live, given the tech workers strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the NYT Tech Guild walked off the job on Monday, about two years into unsuccessful negotiations between union leaders and management on a contract for the employees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2024/09/10/nyt-tech-union-strike-vote\">according to Axios\u003c/a>. They’re alleging unfair labor practices and asking for higher wages as part of the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategically timed strike comes about two months after the guild, which represents about 600 data analysts, software engineers and designers, authorized a plan to halt work this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of whether the needle appears online, the \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>has assured readers it plans to periodically \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/election-2024-results-needle.html\">run the prediction model internally a\u003c/a>nd release written updates on its live blog, reflecting what the needle indicates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some voters are calling the tool essential to avoid casting doubt on results as they come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Will be a lot of misinformation in the absence of a needle,” @SpencerHakimian \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SpencerHakimian/status/1853849522566553822\">replied\u003c/a> below Cohn’s thread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are urging fellow stressed-out voters to avoid content based on the \u003cem>NYT’s\u003c/em> data — including the potential makeshift needle-based updates — to avoid crossing the virtual picket line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t cross the picket line and look at the @nytimes needle (or the narrative version of the needle if they can’t get it to work),” @Handle4Adam \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Handle4Adam/status/1853856902964257169\">wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech Guild members outside the \u003cem>NYT’s\u003c/em> office on Tuesday are pointing out exactly which functions can’t run without them — and hoping the absence of the elections needle could move the needle on negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you want a needle, we need a deal!” signs on the picket line \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/HellGateNY/status/1853896966192627787\">read\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The notorious \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012418/when-election-results-2024-california-presidential-race\">election\u003c/a> needles are seared into the memories of many voters, but whether these forecast barometers will go live Tuesday evening is unknown due to a strike of tech workers at the publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/benryanwriter/status/1853856671367348627\">one user on social media platform X \u003c/a>said after chief political analyst \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Nate_Cohn/status/1853849211432734973\">Nate Cohn announced\u003c/a> he was unsure whether the feature would be on the \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>site on election night: “We need a needle on whether there will be a needle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> introduced the needle in 2016 when its dramatic swing away from predicting a likely win for Hillary Clinton induced anxiety and criticism from many following along. In 2020, the state-level prediction for Georgia flipped toward Joe Biden as votes were tallied on election night. The blue-to-red ombre half circle spans from a very likely Democratic win on the left to a very likely Republican victory on the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As results come in, an algorithm behind the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/election-2024-results-needle.html\">needle\u003c/a>, which starts pointing directly upward, uses the hard results, plus information about voter trends, to shift one way or the other, raising heart rates and spurring flurries of page refreshes. It takes into account who tends to vote early versus on Election Day, whether urban or rural counties are reporting higher percentages and other historical trends that can make early vote counts more unreliable on their face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That feature may or may not be available as swing states projecting razor-thin margins start reporting results on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the striking tech workers don’t have a hand in the \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>prediction model, Cohn said, they usually maintain the algorithmic infrastructure that feeds data to the needle and handle technological issues across all of its other data pages quickly on election nights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The needle is a huge data load, it’s more brittle [than results pages], and we’ve only published it a handful of times (v 1000s of results pages),” Cohn wrote on X. “There will be bugs and it could be hard to debug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it could run smoothly, allowing the needles to publish like normal, but added, “There are good reasons to bet against it.” Any bugs will make it likely that the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> won’t turn the needles live, given the tech workers strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the NYT Tech Guild walked off the job on Monday, about two years into unsuccessful negotiations between union leaders and management on a contract for the employees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2024/09/10/nyt-tech-union-strike-vote\">according to Axios\u003c/a>. They’re alleging unfair labor practices and asking for higher wages as part of the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategically timed strike comes about two months after the guild, which represents about 600 data analysts, software engineers and designers, authorized a plan to halt work this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of whether the needle appears online, the \u003cem>New York Times \u003c/em>has assured readers it plans to periodically \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/election-2024-results-needle.html\">run the prediction model internally a\u003c/a>nd release written updates on its live blog, reflecting what the needle indicates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some voters are calling the tool essential to avoid casting doubt on results as they come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Will be a lot of misinformation in the absence of a needle,” @SpencerHakimian \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SpencerHakimian/status/1853849522566553822\">replied\u003c/a> below Cohn’s thread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others are urging fellow stressed-out voters to avoid content based on the \u003cem>NYT’s\u003c/em> data — including the potential makeshift needle-based updates — to avoid crossing the virtual picket line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t cross the picket line and look at the @nytimes needle (or the narrative version of the needle if they can’t get it to work),” @Handle4Adam \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Handle4Adam/status/1853856902964257169\">wrote\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech Guild members outside the \u003cem>NYT’s\u003c/em> office on Tuesday are pointing out exactly which functions can’t run without them — and hoping the absence of the elections needle could move the needle on negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you want a needle, we need a deal!” signs on the picket line \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/HellGateNY/status/1853896966192627787\">read\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 80 people were arrested Wednesday night after striking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel workers marched through downtown to demand their employers invest in staff and reverse pandemic-era service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel workers and their allies held a sit-in on the Powell Street cable car tracks in front of the Westin St. Francis hotel. San Francisco police arrested 85 people for the demonstration, according to a spokesperson for the union representing the workers, Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">a month on the picket line and with no deal in sight\u003c/a>, workers said they felt they had to escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to make pressure on management and the big companies for them to see that we need our contract to be signed,” said Elena Duran, one of the striking workers on the cable car tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran said she and the others on the tracks were prepared to face arrest, and police arrested them one by one, including Duran. Loud cheers erupted as each person was taken to a police bus parked around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 striking workers and their supporters took to the streets outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on O’Farrell Street and marched to the Westin St. Francis, two locations where workers are on strike. Monday marked week six of the picket demanding wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living and arguing that the service cuts have left them overworked when there are surges of guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike includes 2,000 housekeepers, servers, bartenders, cooks, dishwashers, bellhops, doormen and more at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels around Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was short-staffed on a shift and helping one guest, another guest’s bag was stolen right in front of the hotel,” said Jacov Awoke, a doorman at Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 35 years. “I’m on strike because I want my hotel to invest in the city and the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lizzy Tapia (center), president of Unite Here Local 2, sits alongside hotel workers and their allies in front of the Westin St. Francis in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024, during a protest demanding that employers invest in hotel staff and restore guest services. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unite Here said they offered during August negotiations to make their own compensation contingent on future hotel profits. They also offered to forgo most other guaranteed wage increases, but a deal with the hotels remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the hotel is waiting on the union to resume bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that UNITE HERE Local 2 continues to strike while Hyatt remains willing to continue bargaining in good faith,” D’Angelo said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco strikers aren’t alone: 2,000 Hilton workers in Honolulu have maintained a picket line for over a month, while hundreds of workers in Boston reached a tentative deal with Hilton on Tuesday after three weeks on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12011319 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers also ask their employers to take proactive measures to end the “doom loop” and bring foot traffic back to downtown. Additionally, workers are advocating for wage increases, better pensions and employee health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hotel workers love San Francisco and want to help our city recover,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march began at the Hilton near Union Square at 4 p.m. The last time the city’s hotel workers joined the picket line was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\">six years ago\u003c/a>, a strike that lasted two months before workers ratified a new contract with Marriott hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 9:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 80 people were arrested Wednesday night after striking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel workers marched through downtown to demand their employers invest in staff and reverse pandemic-era service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel workers and their allies held a sit-in on the Powell Street cable car tracks in front of the Westin St. Francis hotel. San Francisco police arrested 85 people for the demonstration, according to a spokesperson for the union representing the workers, Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">a month on the picket line and with no deal in sight\u003c/a>, workers said they felt they had to escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to make pressure on management and the big companies for them to see that we need our contract to be signed,” said Elena Duran, one of the striking workers on the cable car tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran said she and the others on the tracks were prepared to face arrest, and police arrested them one by one, including Duran. Loud cheers erupted as each person was taken to a police bus parked around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 striking workers and their supporters took to the streets outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on O’Farrell Street and marched to the Westin St. Francis, two locations where workers are on strike. Monday marked week six of the picket demanding wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living and arguing that the service cuts have left them overworked when there are surges of guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike includes 2,000 housekeepers, servers, bartenders, cooks, dishwashers, bellhops, doormen and more at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels around Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was short-staffed on a shift and helping one guest, another guest’s bag was stolen right in front of the hotel,” said Jacov Awoke, a doorman at Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 35 years. “I’m on strike because I want my hotel to invest in the city and the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lizzy Tapia (center), president of Unite Here Local 2, sits alongside hotel workers and their allies in front of the Westin St. Francis in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024, during a protest demanding that employers invest in hotel staff and restore guest services. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unite Here said they offered during August negotiations to make their own compensation contingent on future hotel profits. They also offered to forgo most other guaranteed wage increases, but a deal with the hotels remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the hotel is waiting on the union to resume bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that UNITE HERE Local 2 continues to strike while Hyatt remains willing to continue bargaining in good faith,” D’Angelo said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco strikers aren’t alone: 2,000 Hilton workers in Honolulu have maintained a picket line for over a month, while hundreds of workers in Boston reached a tentative deal with Hilton on Tuesday after three weeks on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers also ask their employers to take proactive measures to end the “doom loop” and bring foot traffic back to downtown. Additionally, workers are advocating for wage increases, better pensions and employee health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hotel workers love San Francisco and want to help our city recover,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march began at the Hilton near Union Square at 4 p.m. The last time the city’s hotel workers joined the picket line was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\">six years ago\u003c/a>, a strike that lasted two months before workers ratified a new contract with Marriott hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 9:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-minimum-wage-voter-support-falters-as-inflation-worries-linger",
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"content": "\u003cp>As many voters remain anxious about inflation, support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> ballot measure that would gradually raise the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\">minimum wage\u003c/a> statewide appears to be waning, according to new survey data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-october-2024/\">statewide poll\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California found only about 44% of likely voters backed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006890/transcript-prop-32-raises-the-minimum-wage-to-18-an-hour\">Proposition 32\u003c/a>, compared to 50% in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the measure, which would require employers to pay a minimum of $18 an hour by 2026, could help an estimated 2 million working Californians better afford basic necessities. The lowest-paid jobs in the state include farmworkers, home health care aides and cashiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But arguments by business trade groups that employers would be forced to absorb a more expensive payroll by raising prices and cutting jobs — and exacerbate the state’s cost of living — seem to be sticking in the current election climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters are smart and inflation fatigued,” Jot Condie, president and CEO of the California Restaurant Association, said in a statement. “The recent poll showing a majority of voters would vote no on Prop. 32 is encouraging given the devastating impacts it will have on family budgets and on small businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some businesses may struggle temporarily to pay for higher wages, most economic studies show minimum wage raises have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">little to no impact on employment overall\u003c/a>, though they can lead to small price increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California’s fast food industry, where a state law required most employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">pay at least $20 an hour\u003c/a>, researchers at UC Berkeley, \u003ca href=\"https://shift.hks.harvard.edu/early-effects-of-californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-large-wage-increases-with-no-effects-on-hours-scheduling-or-benefits/\">Harvard\u003c/a> and other institutions found no job losses, as opponents in the restaurant industry had warned. Menu prices increased, but only by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> published last month by the UC Berkeley Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign opposed to Proposition 32 has scared some voters, said Saru Jayaraman, president of the nonprofit One Fair Wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the doom and gloom that they predicted turned out to be true,” Jayaraman, who is part of the Yes on 32 campaign, said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">fast food minimum wage increase\u003c/a>. “At some point, we have to realize that this is big business willing to put money into lying to people rather than put money into paying workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 32 passes, large businesses with 26 or more employees must raise their minimum pay immediately to $17 an hour and to $18 by 2025. Smaller employers would have until Jan. 1, 2026, to make the adjustment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/RS2826_cashregister20120522-e1430162029879.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters aimed to qualify the measure for the ballot in 2022 but missed a key deadline. In the current economic landscape, an $18 hourly wage is woefully insufficient but a step in the right direction, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still hope we can win,” she added. “There are lots of people in California struggling, living in their car, working multiple jobs, who need a raise to feed their family. And we have to keep fighting for more because 18 is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, according to experts. Unemployment remains relatively low. Inflation, which is at a three-year low, is expected to continue decreasing, and consumer spending has been stronger than expected. Still, concerns about consumer prices remain top of mind, and a majority of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2023/\">believe\u003c/a> the state’s economy could experience a downturn in the next year, according to the PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of Democrats said they would vote for Proposition 32 in the most recent PPIC poll, with the highest levels of support in the San Francisco Bay Area. But that’s not enough to overcome opposition by a majority of Republicans and independents elsewhere in the state, said Mark Baldassare, who directs the statewide survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, the non-profit research institution reported that 67% of likely voters said they would \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs-likely-voters-1123.pdf\">back\u003c/a> a policy to raise the hourly minimum to $18, but that hasn’t translated into approval for this particular proposition, Baldassare added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The burden of proof is always on the proponents. It’s the easiest thing for people to say, ‘If I’m not sure, I’m going to vote no,’” he said, adding that about two in three ballot propositions fail. “So the proponents have work to do in this case to get to the majority vote.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "California Minimum Wage Voter Support Falters as Inflation Worries Linger | KQED",
"description": "A new statewide survey published by Public Policy Institute of California found less than 50% of voters support Proposition 32, which would raise the minimum wage to $18 by 2026.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As many voters remain anxious about inflation, support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> ballot measure that would gradually raise the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\">minimum wage\u003c/a> statewide appears to be waning, according to new survey data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-october-2024/\">statewide poll\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California found only about 44% of likely voters backed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006890/transcript-prop-32-raises-the-minimum-wage-to-18-an-hour\">Proposition 32\u003c/a>, compared to 50% in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say the measure, which would require employers to pay a minimum of $18 an hour by 2026, could help an estimated 2 million working Californians better afford basic necessities. The lowest-paid jobs in the state include farmworkers, home health care aides and cashiers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But arguments by business trade groups that employers would be forced to absorb a more expensive payroll by raising prices and cutting jobs — and exacerbate the state’s cost of living — seem to be sticking in the current election climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters are smart and inflation fatigued,” Jot Condie, president and CEO of the California Restaurant Association, said in a statement. “The recent poll showing a majority of voters would vote no on Prop. 32 is encouraging given the devastating impacts it will have on family budgets and on small businesses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some businesses may struggle temporarily to pay for higher wages, most economic studies show minimum wage raises have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">little to no impact on employment overall\u003c/a>, though they can lead to small price increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California’s fast food industry, where a state law required most employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">pay at least $20 an hour\u003c/a>, researchers at UC Berkeley, \u003ca href=\"https://shift.hks.harvard.edu/early-effects-of-californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-large-wage-increases-with-no-effects-on-hours-scheduling-or-benefits/\">Harvard\u003c/a> and other institutions found no job losses, as opponents in the restaurant industry had warned. Menu prices increased, but only by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> published last month by the UC Berkeley Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign opposed to Proposition 32 has scared some voters, said Saru Jayaraman, president of the nonprofit One Fair Wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the doom and gloom that they predicted turned out to be true,” Jayaraman, who is part of the Yes on 32 campaign, said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">fast food minimum wage increase\u003c/a>. “At some point, we have to realize that this is big business willing to put money into lying to people rather than put money into paying workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 32 passes, large businesses with 26 or more employees must raise their minimum pay immediately to $17 an hour and to $18 by 2025. Smaller employers would have until Jan. 1, 2026, to make the adjustment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters aimed to qualify the measure for the ballot in 2022 but missed a key deadline. In the current economic landscape, an $18 hourly wage is woefully insufficient but a step in the right direction, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still hope we can win,” she added. “There are lots of people in California struggling, living in their car, working multiple jobs, who need a raise to feed their family. And we have to keep fighting for more because 18 is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, according to experts. Unemployment remains relatively low. Inflation, which is at a three-year low, is expected to continue decreasing, and consumer spending has been stronger than expected. Still, concerns about consumer prices remain top of mind, and a majority of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-economic-well-being-november-2023/\">believe\u003c/a> the state’s economy could experience a downturn in the next year, according to the PPIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About two-thirds of Democrats said they would vote for Proposition 32 in the most recent PPIC poll, with the highest levels of support in the San Francisco Bay Area. But that’s not enough to overcome opposition by a majority of Republicans and independents elsewhere in the state, said Mark Baldassare, who directs the statewide survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, the non-profit research institution reported that 67% of likely voters said they would \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs-likely-voters-1123.pdf\">back\u003c/a> a policy to raise the hourly minimum to $18, but that hasn’t translated into approval for this particular proposition, Baldassare added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The burden of proof is always on the proponents. It’s the easiest thing for people to say, ‘If I’m not sure, I’m going to vote no,’” he said, adding that about two in three ballot propositions fail. “So the proponents have work to do in this case to get to the majority vote.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Courthouse Clerks Strike, Shutting Down High-Profile Cases",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 9:10 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> clerks held a one-day strike on Thursday, shutting down high-profile civil and criminal trials and hearings in the city’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed in purple, dozens of clerks represented by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 rallied on the steps of the Hall of Justice to demand fair contracts, more staffing and an end to delays they say are caused by chronic mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Thompson, a deputy clerk in the court’s criminal division, told KQED that management has refused to negotiate with the clerks’ union. The court has made it impossible for clerks to fulfill their “fundamental obligation to the public, which is to ensure equal and fair access to those seeking redress under the law,” Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009797 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-HEALTHCAREMINWAGERAISE-21-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 9:10 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 200 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-superior-court\">San Francisco Superior Court\u003c/a> clerks held a one-day strike on Thursday, shutting down high-profile civil and criminal trials and hearings in the city’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed in purple, dozens of clerks represented by the Service Employees International Union Local 1021 rallied on the steps of the Hall of Justice to demand fair contracts, more staffing and an end to delays they say are caused by chronic mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ben Thompson, a deputy clerk in the court’s criminal division, told KQED that management has refused to negotiate with the clerks’ union. The court has made it impossible for clerks to fulfill their “fundamental obligation to the public, which is to ensure equal and fair access to those seeking redress under the law,” Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the clerks’ key demands is improved training. Due to staffing shortages, clerks are often shuffled between courtrooms and into departments that require unique specialization, Thompson said, which can translate into clerical errors with real consequences for people interacting with the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our jobs are important. These are people’s lives and futures we’re talking about,” Thompson said. “The court refuses, for whatever reason, to train us correctly, which, in my opinion, is criminally irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010986\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12010986 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-16-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District Attorney Brooke Jenkins listens to speakers during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court remained open Thursday for essential services, but all proceedings — including divorce settlements, jury selection and traffic court — were put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike has called attention to an enormous backlog of cases caused by short staffing, faulty technology and a lack of courtrooms. This gridlock is said to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">stemmed from the pandemic\u003c/a> and has continued to slow down or derail criminal and civil cases. In August, over 70 criminal cases were dismissed due to delays that the California appeals court called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996165/sf-may-dismiss-over-100-cases-after-court-rules-covid-19-delays-unlawful\">a violation of defendants’ rights\u003c/a> to speedy trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Court Executive Officer Brandon E. Riley said the court would shift resources to “prioritize those cases with statutory deadlines,” such as domestic violence cases and custody arraignments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Riley called the clerks’ decision to disrupt services “unfortunate” and cited the challenges of reaching a fair contract in light of the state’s reduction in funding for the Judicial Branch, “which has resulted in a $2.5 million ongoing cut to the court’s budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010984\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010984\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Superior Court clerks, supported by their union SEIU Local 1021, strike in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High-profile proceedings that were halted Thursday included the trial of Nima Momeni, a former tech consultant accused of murdering Cash App founder Bob Lee in a case that drew national attention. The strike also paused the already-delayed preliminary hearings for the eight \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010363/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-await-judicial-ruling-on-felony-charges\">antiwar activists charged with felonies\u003c/a> in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge on Tax Day to protest U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing, which will determine whether or not San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins has enough evidence to bring felony charges against the protesters, was already behind schedule after the court was unable to assign the case a courtroom on Monday, citing the backlog and higher-priority criminal trials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked how the defendants in the Golden Gate Bridge case felt about the delays, attorney Jeff Wozniak said his clients and the legal team “stand with the SEIU.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241024-SFCOURTCLERKSSTRIKE-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Myrna Melgar speaks during a strike by San Francisco Superior Court clerks in front of the 850 Bryant St. Courthouse in San Francisco on Oct. 24, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A small group of the protesters’ supporters filled the echoing hallway outside of the courtroom, chanting for Jenkins to drop the charges. They also rallied in support of the 18 protesters charged with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004860/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-plead-not-guilty-to-felony-and-misdemeanor-charges\">misdemeanors\u003c/a>, whose initial start day was set for Thursday but was pushed to Dec. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside, the rallying clerks were joined by their court reporter and court interpreter colleagues dressed in blue. The court reporter from the Momeni trial was seen standing at the picket line, according to reports on social media, and one of Momeni’s attorneys reportedly bought hundreds of dollars worth of sandwiches for the clerks from a nearby cafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Jenkins did not win endorsement from the clerks union in the upcoming election, she joined the clerks’ ranks at the courthouse, saying that her appearance “wasn’t about politics.” In the past, Jenkins has \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/08/14/san-francisco-drops-criminal-cases-court-backlog/\">accused \u003c/a>the court’s backlog of robbing victims and defendants of their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in the trenches with them as a courtroom prosecutor,” Jenkins said. “I know what it means for them to be overworked, for them to be short-staffed, for them to be under pressure, to record each and everything that’s going on during a court hearing. And if they aren’t equipped to be able to do that, it’s unfair to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ progressive opponent — and former employee — Ryan Khojasteh, also appeared on the court steps to criticize what he called the district attorney’s “severe mismanagement of the system.” Khojasteh said Jenkins has contributed to the case backlog by making “unreasonable plea deals” instead of deferring to diversion programs and drug treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khojasteh was initially hired by former District Attorney Chesa Boudin and was fired during the early days of Jenkins’ administration after Boudin was recalled. While lesser known than the incumbent, Khojasteh’s emphasis on early interventions is one of the ways he’s setting himself apart from Jenkins, and he garnered the clerks union’s support in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Correction:\u003c/strong> A previous version of this article incorrectly stated a deadline to complete the preliminary hearing for eight antiwar activists charged with felonies in connection with shutting down the Golden Gate Bridge. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"onourwatch": {
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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