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"title": "More of California's Imprisoned Are Applying for Gender-Affirming Health Care",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this special episode of Ear Hustle in honor of Pride Month.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/1109_PRIDE_FOR_PODCAST_FEED_SEG_A_16.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of incarcerated Californians requesting gender-affirming health care more than doubled last year, and the state’s corrections agency expects the trend to continue even as the overall population of imprisoned people in California is projected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimate comes from budget documents detailing the agency’s responsibilities for two groundbreaking policies the state adopted over the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, in 2017, made California the first state to set standards that would grant gender-affirmation surgery to incarcerated people in state prison. It followed the state’s approval of surgery for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-us-news-ca-state-wire-7c3b2f14287849a18e2f9bb27362c05a\">transgender woman\u003c/a> serving a life sentence. She was later transferred to a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other, a 2021 law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, requires that every person upon entering prison be asked \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB132/2019\">gender-specific questions\u003c/a> to determine whether they should be housed in a men’s or women’s facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the changes took effect, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation found that the number of incarcerated transgender, intersex and nonbinary people consistently grew each year, rising to 1,617 last year. That’s a 234% increase over 2017, according to the documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met,” Trisha Wallis, a department senior psychologist who specializes in gender health care, said during a budget committee hearing in March.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Trisha Wallis, department senior psychologist\"]‘The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met.’[/pullquote]The agency this year sought a slight boost in funding — $2.2 million — to provide the mandated care. The agency’s request was not controversial and moved through the Legislature without pushback this spring. Budget negotiations between Gov. Newsom and the Legislature are expected to conclude this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wallis at the hearing said the program was originally meant to “address equitable access” to safe and optimal gender-affirming care, but she acknowledged that staff shortages led to treatment backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlog grows for gender-affirming care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of December, 20 incarcerated people since 2017 had received gender-affirming surgery. Another 150 surgeries had been approved, but not completed, according to the budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 California government budget year, 270 incarcerated people requested gender-affirming surgeries — up from 99 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state projects 348 incarcerated people will request gender-affirming treatment this year, and 462 next year. The corrections agency says its staff can evaluate no more than three requests each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also has received over 364 housing transfer requests since 2021. Only 35 of those were approved and sent to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for transgender and nonbinary incarcerated people have urged the state to move faster in providing the surgeries and evaluating other incarcerated people’s requests to transfer to facilities that better suit their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them criticized the agency’s budget request, arguing the state’s $15 billion-a-year prison system already had plenty of money to carry out the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ridiculous. Two million dollars for stuff they should already be doing?” said Alex Binsfield, a policy analyst with TGI Justice Project, a San Francisco nonprofit that \u003ca href=\"https://tgijp.org/\">advocates for incarcerated transgender people\u003c/a>. “I don’t think pumping any more money into CDCR is going to fix health care there.”[aside label='More on Transgender Rights' tag='transgender-prisoners']Transgender advocates also are on guard for signs that the state is refusing transfers for incarcerated people who identify as transgender but who have not received gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately the housing question should not be a medical question,” said Jen Orthwein, a psychologist who previously provided treatment to transgender incarcerated people in prisons across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terri Hardy, spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said those fears are unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incarcerated people are not required to have gender-affirming surgery in order to transfer to an institution consistent with their gender identity,” Hardy wrote in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lawsuit challenges California prison transfers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Capitol, some conservative-leaning and feminist groups have opposed the prison agency’s gender-affirming policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://womensliberationfront.org/chandler-v-cdcr\">Women’s Liberation Front\u003c/a>, a feminist advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., sued the state in 2021 to halt \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/540465542/Women-s-Liberation-Front-Lawsuit-against-the-California-Department-of-Corrections-and-Rehabilitation\">certain transfers to the state’s women’s prison\u003c/a> in Chowchilla. It argued the transfers put incarcerated females at greater risk of violence and sexual assault. The lawsuit is playing out in the U.S. Eastern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality that men and women are factually, materially, immutably different, in ways that disadvantage women and necessitate attention to women’s unique needs, supports protection of incarcerated women by providing women-only correctional facilities,” the lawsuit reads.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jen Orthwein, psychologist\"]‘There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people. They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.’[/pullquote]The Transgender Law Center and the American Civil Liberties Union filed a brief challenging that suit. The two liberal organizations contend the 2021 law allowing prison transfers protects vulnerable incarcerated transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several states have followed California in adopting gender-affirming policies for incarcerated people. Massachusetts and Connecticut allow incarcerated people to be transferred to facilities according to their chosen gender identity. New Jersey, New York City and Rhode Island also require that incarcerated people be housed at facilities appropriate to their gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orthwein, the psychologist, urged the state to accommodate more care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people,” Orthwein said. “They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of incarcerated Californians requesting gender-affirming health care more than doubled last year, and the state’s corrections agency expects the trend to continue even as the overall population of imprisoned people in California is projected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimate comes from budget documents detailing the agency’s responsibilities for two groundbreaking policies the state adopted over the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, in 2017, made California the first state to set standards that would grant gender-affirmation surgery to incarcerated people in state prison. It followed the state’s approval of surgery for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-us-news-ca-state-wire-7c3b2f14287849a18e2f9bb27362c05a\">transgender woman\u003c/a> serving a life sentence. She was later transferred to a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other, a 2021 law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, requires that every person upon entering prison be asked \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB132/2019\">gender-specific questions\u003c/a> to determine whether they should be housed in a men’s or women’s facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The agency this year sought a slight boost in funding — $2.2 million — to provide the mandated care. The agency’s request was not controversial and moved through the Legislature without pushback this spring. Budget negotiations between Gov. Newsom and the Legislature are expected to conclude this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wallis at the hearing said the program was originally meant to “address equitable access” to safe and optimal gender-affirming care, but she acknowledged that staff shortages led to treatment backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlog grows for gender-affirming care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of December, 20 incarcerated people since 2017 had received gender-affirming surgery. Another 150 surgeries had been approved, but not completed, according to the budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 California government budget year, 270 incarcerated people requested gender-affirming surgeries — up from 99 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state projects 348 incarcerated people will request gender-affirming treatment this year, and 462 next year. The corrections agency says its staff can evaluate no more than three requests each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also has received over 364 housing transfer requests since 2021. Only 35 of those were approved and sent to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for transgender and nonbinary incarcerated people have urged the state to move faster in providing the surgeries and evaluating other incarcerated people’s requests to transfer to facilities that better suit their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them criticized the agency’s budget request, arguing the state’s $15 billion-a-year prison system already had plenty of money to carry out the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ridiculous. Two million dollars for stuff they should already be doing?” said Alex Binsfield, a policy analyst with TGI Justice Project, a San Francisco nonprofit that \u003ca href=\"https://tgijp.org/\">advocates for incarcerated transgender people\u003c/a>. “I don’t think pumping any more money into CDCR is going to fix health care there.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Transgender advocates also are on guard for signs that the state is refusing transfers for incarcerated people who identify as transgender but who have not received gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately the housing question should not be a medical question,” said Jen Orthwein, a psychologist who previously provided treatment to transgender incarcerated people in prisons across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terri Hardy, spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said those fears are unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incarcerated people are not required to have gender-affirming surgery in order to transfer to an institution consistent with their gender identity,” Hardy wrote in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lawsuit challenges California prison transfers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Capitol, some conservative-leaning and feminist groups have opposed the prison agency’s gender-affirming policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://womensliberationfront.org/chandler-v-cdcr\">Women’s Liberation Front\u003c/a>, a feminist advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., sued the state in 2021 to halt \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/540465542/Women-s-Liberation-Front-Lawsuit-against-the-California-Department-of-Corrections-and-Rehabilitation\">certain transfers to the state’s women’s prison\u003c/a> in Chowchilla. It argued the transfers put incarcerated females at greater risk of violence and sexual assault. The lawsuit is playing out in the U.S. Eastern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality that men and women are factually, materially, immutably different, in ways that disadvantage women and necessitate attention to women’s unique needs, supports protection of incarcerated women by providing women-only correctional facilities,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Transgender Law Center and the American Civil Liberties Union filed a brief challenging that suit. The two liberal organizations contend the 2021 law allowing prison transfers protects vulnerable incarcerated transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several states have followed California in adopting gender-affirming policies for incarcerated people. Massachusetts and Connecticut allow incarcerated people to be transferred to facilities according to their chosen gender identity. New Jersey, New York City and Rhode Island also require that incarcerated people be housed at facilities appropriate to their gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orthwein, the psychologist, urged the state to accommodate more care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people,” Orthwein said. “They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "When California Downsizes Prisons, Incarcerated People Are Shuffled Out of Community College Classes",
"headTitle": "When California Downsizes Prisons, Incarcerated People Are Shuffled Out of Community College Classes | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>As California closes three more prisons and downsizes six others, some people incarcerated there aren’t ready to go. They are worried about the future of their educations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 1,500 incarcerated people who attend college in these facilities, closures mean they could be transferred to a new prison where the courses may not line up or where they’re unable to continue their classes, leaving some students a few credits short of a degree. Education can offer tangible, real-world benefits to incarcerated people: They can earn degrees and gain merit credits that chip off time from a sentence. Research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-and-education-departments-announce-new-research-showing-prison-education-reduces\">prison education also reduces recidivism\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/prisons/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">California’s shrinking prison population\u003c/a> — the state had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents\">160,000 people incarcerated in 2011\u003c/a>, down to just \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2023/05/Tpop1d230510.pdf\">96,000 as of May 10, 2023 (PDF)\u003c/a> — has also created an unexpected problem for the state’s community college system, which has developed special programs to help those in prisons earn degrees. Palo Verde Community College in Blythe, for example, draws almost half of its students from the nearby prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the prisons close down, at least three community colleges stand to lose more than 10% of their student enrollment and millions of dollars in state funding, collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950004\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_07/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950004\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950004\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg\" alt=\"the exterior of a prison fence, with a sign that says California City Correctional Facility\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California City Correctional Facility just outside California City is one of the prisons set to close soon. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has been interested in closing prisons since at least 2019. Since then, the state has closed one in Tracy and nearly finished closing another Susanville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation said it would close a prison in Blythe and end the contract with a private prison company in California City. The corrections department also said it would close parts of six other prisons throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to CalMatters, the corrections department said that it is committed to preventing “academic disruption” for students at the closing prisons and pointed to the work of the \u003ca href=\"https://risingscholarsnetwork.org/#:~:text=We%20are%20a%20network%20of,experienced%20the%20criminal%20justice%20system.\">Rising Scholars Network\u003c/a> at the California Community College Chancellor’s Office, which oversees various higher education programs across all of the state’s 34 adult prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local community college administrators say communication from the corrections department is limited and that they have few resources to help incarcerated people who fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learning in the D yard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated David Zemp, a self-described nerd, gets wistful when he talks about prison education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent seven years locked up in the D yard at the California Correctional Institution in Tehachapi. By the time he was released in 2022, he said the prison unit looked more like a college campus than a prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those incarcerated in the prison made their own salsa at the nearby garden and covered the white walls with murals: a dinosaur fossil, an astronaut and, at the entrance, the March of Progress in which a monkey evolves into man with a cap and gown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was falling apart, but the people who were investing in it were in love with it,” he said. He earned five degrees while incarcerated, which ultimately knocked off roughly three years of his 12-year prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950001\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_18/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950001\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950001\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg\" alt=\"the side view of a middle-aged woman with her hair pulled back, filing a stack of white books on a shelf\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Carlson, program director for the incarcerated education program, looks over books meant for incarcerated students at the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi on May 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Cerro Coso Community College taught over 35 in-person classes inside the D yard of the Tehachapi prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to its murals that covered the walls and gardens outside, the college was also working with the prison to build portable classrooms on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2022, that all came to a halt. The college learned that the corrections department planned to close the D yard in Tehachapi this summer, as well as the California City Correctional Center, another prison where Cerro Coso also teaches, by next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dropping out in California prisons\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Professors and administrators were in a bind. Almost 20% of Cerro Coso’s students were incarcerated at one of the two prisons. At the time, Anna Carlson, program director for the college’s incarcerated education program, had little information about the timeline for the closures, except a promise from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation that students would be able to stay throughout the spring semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_09/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950003\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950003\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg\" alt=\"in a dimly lit empty room, stools sit on top of desks, with an empty bookshelf and art tools in the background\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty art classroom at Cerro Coso College in Ridgecrest. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That just didn’t happen,” Carlson said. “Some were able to stay, and some were not.” Her office at Cerro Coso, a trailer that abuts the local school, is at the epicenter of the prison closures, fielding calls and sorting files from students and professors who are frantic or frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the spring, professors arrived at the prisons only to find that some of their students were gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Fulks, a professor at Cerro Coso, spoke to over 100 people who are imprisoned and who told him continuing their education was consistently a top concern. Some men broke into tears because they were so worried about what might happen next, Fulks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 400 of Cerro Coso’s incarcerated students left prison before they could finish their semester. Of those students, 126 have been paroled; the rest are scattered across at least 27 different state prisons, according to data from Carlson’s department at Cerro Coso Community College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others dropped out of school even before they were transferred, said Fulks, resulting in an enrollment dip before the spring semester, right as news got out about the prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bureaucratic coordination\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said in a statement that it is committed to preventing prison transfers during the semester, but that it does happen. The corrections department also said that the special credits awarded for classes — the ones which can give people who are incarcerated years off of their sentence — will transfer to the new prison, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students who leave in the middle of a semester strike special agreements with their teachers to finish the rest of the class via mail, but not every professor is willing or able to do that. Unlucky students must withdraw or take an incomplete.[aside postID=news_11934758,news_11821589,news_11934072 label='More on California Prisons']In general, educational options for students vary depending on which prison they are sent to, according to the statement. Some prisons only offer classes via email, known as “correspondence-based” courses; others have partnerships akin to Cerro Coso’s model and focus on in-person instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement said it is up to the community colleges, with the state’s help “if needed,” to ensure the students’ credits transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the corrections department later clarified that it tracks where it moves each person, administrators at two community colleges told CalMatters that they don’t have access to that information and said there’s no coordinated system among community colleges to communicate which students have transferred where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreover, colleges need the written consent of the student before they can communicate with one another due to privacy laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Correspondence classes push on\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cerro Coso Community College is more vulnerable to the effects of prison closures because its classes are primarily in-person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, most college classes in prison are by mail, where students communicate through letters with a community college professor they have never met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the case at both Palo Verde College on the Colorado River and Lassen College near Northern Nevada, which also face looming prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palo Verde College expects to lose about 10% of its student body — around 520 people — when nearby Chuckawalla Valley State Prison closes in 2025, but President Don Wallace said the college can easily make up the lost enrollment by gaining correspondence-based students from other colleges around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, nearly half of Palo Verde’s current students are incarcerated, a number that has more than doubled since 2016. The vast majority of those students are correspondence-based.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the college will find other students, Wallace said the transfers will have a “horrific impact” on the current ones, who he worries may never finish their education. “It’s a stop-out point,” he said. “Even among people that are not incarcerated, when they have to change from one college to another or they move from a community college to a four-year university, those are points where people quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_17/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950002\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950002\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg\" alt=\"two plastic bins overflowing with manila envelopes\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Correspondence letters from incarcerated students in the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lassen College, whose nearby prison began closing last year, has been able to continue educating about three-quarters of its 200 students at their new prisons via correspondence, said Colleen Baker, interim dean of instruction. She did not respond to questions about the fate of the 50 of students who did not continue their education via correspondence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Fulks at Cerro Coso, who recently defended a dissertation about prison education, the difference between in-person instruction and correspondence-based classes is stark. “Correspondence success rates are extremely low, about 68%, compared to face-to-face, which was about 81.6%,” he said, adding that the performance for correspondence classes may actually be even lower since some of the remote classes he studied had professors stop by occasionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for colleges, who receive state money based in part on the number of students they enroll, correspondence classes bring in a lot more revenue. “Each one of their students counts the same as a face to face. You don’t have to pay for location, materials for students, they limit how much support they provide to students and that money goes in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions lost as degrees delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once the prison fully closes, Cerro Coso will lose just over 900 students, more than 10% of its total enrollment. The college’s vice president of finance, Chad Houck, said the college did not know how much funding would be lost. Palo Verde and Lassen College will each lose an estimated $1.7 million this academic year, according to an estimate by CalMatters using the state’s funding formula. While Lassen College was able to continue educating most of the prison’s students, it lost nearly 1,800 incarcerated students who were studying at the fire training center adjacent to the prison.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Don Wallace, president, Palo Verde College\"]‘Even among people that are not incarcerated, when they have to change from one college to another or they move from a community college to a four-year university, those are points where people quit.’[/pullquote]But unlike Lassen and Palo Verde colleges, Cerro Coso Community College will not offer any additional correspondence-based classes as a result of the prison closures, said Houck. He said the “quality is not the same” and that neither students nor faculty prefer it. Instead, the college will focus on recruiting more students from the local prison units that will remain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the incarcerated Cerro Coso students who are leaving, they will need to connect with a new college at the prison where they go next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson has few options to help them and typically must wait for the students to contact her office and request a transcript. As of May 11, roughly 60 students from the D yard in Tehachapi and the California City prison have reached out to her team to request a transcript, and most people reached out before their transfer, at the moment they knew their destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson and her colleagues predict those numbers will go up as more people settle into their next prison, but they also know some may never finish their degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Echelman covers California’s community colleges in partnership with Open Campus, a nonprofit newsroom focused on higher education.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom is closing and downsizing prisons across the state — in the process, transferring incarcerated people out of their community college classes. College administrators say they have few resources to help.",
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"description": "Gov. Gavin Newsom is closing and downsizing prisons across the state — in the process, transferring incarcerated people out of their community college classes. College administrators say they have few resources to help.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California closes three more prisons and downsizes six others, some people incarcerated there aren’t ready to go. They are worried about the future of their educations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than 1,500 incarcerated people who attend college in these facilities, closures mean they could be transferred to a new prison where the courses may not line up or where they’re unable to continue their classes, leaving some students a few credits short of a degree. Education can offer tangible, real-world benefits to incarcerated people: They can earn degrees and gain merit credits that chip off time from a sentence. Research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-and-education-departments-announce-new-research-showing-prison-education-reduces\">prison education also reduces recidivism\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/prisons/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">California’s shrinking prison population\u003c/a> — the state had \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/realignment-incarceration-and-crime-trends-in-california/#:~:text=In%20September%202011%2C%20the%20month,355%20inmates%20per%20100%2C000%20residents\">160,000 people incarcerated in 2011\u003c/a>, down to just \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2023/05/Tpop1d230510.pdf\">96,000 as of May 10, 2023 (PDF)\u003c/a> — has also created an unexpected problem for the state’s community college system, which has developed special programs to help those in prisons earn degrees. Palo Verde Community College in Blythe, for example, draws almost half of its students from the nearby prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the prisons close down, at least three community colleges stand to lose more than 10% of their student enrollment and millions of dollars in state funding, collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950004\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_07/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950004\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950004\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg\" alt=\"the exterior of a prison fence, with a sign that says California City Correctional Facility\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_07-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California City Correctional Facility just outside California City is one of the prisons set to close soon. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has been interested in closing prisons since at least 2019. Since then, the state has closed one in Tracy and nearly finished closing another Susanville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation said it would close a prison in Blythe and end the contract with a private prison company in California City. The corrections department also said it would close parts of six other prisons throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to CalMatters, the corrections department said that it is committed to preventing “academic disruption” for students at the closing prisons and pointed to the work of the \u003ca href=\"https://risingscholarsnetwork.org/#:~:text=We%20are%20a%20network%20of,experienced%20the%20criminal%20justice%20system.\">Rising Scholars Network\u003c/a> at the California Community College Chancellor’s Office, which oversees various higher education programs across all of the state’s 34 adult prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But local community college administrators say communication from the corrections department is limited and that they have few resources to help incarcerated people who fall through the cracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learning in the D yard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Formerly incarcerated David Zemp, a self-described nerd, gets wistful when he talks about prison education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent seven years locked up in the D yard at the California Correctional Institution in Tehachapi. By the time he was released in 2022, he said the prison unit looked more like a college campus than a prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those incarcerated in the prison made their own salsa at the nearby garden and covered the white walls with murals: a dinosaur fossil, an astronaut and, at the entrance, the March of Progress in which a monkey evolves into man with a cap and gown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was falling apart, but the people who were investing in it were in love with it,” he said. He earned five degrees while incarcerated, which ultimately knocked off roughly three years of his 12-year prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950001\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_18/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950001\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950001\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg\" alt=\"the side view of a middle-aged woman with her hair pulled back, filing a stack of white books on a shelf\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_18-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Anna Carlson, program director for the incarcerated education program, looks over books meant for incarcerated students at the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi on May 10, 2023. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Cerro Coso Community College taught over 35 in-person classes inside the D yard of the Tehachapi prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to its murals that covered the walls and gardens outside, the college was also working with the prison to build portable classrooms on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December 2022, that all came to a halt. The college learned that the corrections department planned to close the D yard in Tehachapi this summer, as well as the California City Correctional Center, another prison where Cerro Coso also teaches, by next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dropping out in California prisons\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Professors and administrators were in a bind. Almost 20% of Cerro Coso’s students were incarcerated at one of the two prisons. At the time, Anna Carlson, program director for the college’s incarcerated education program, had little information about the timeline for the closures, except a promise from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation that students would be able to stay throughout the spring semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_09/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950003\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950003\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg\" alt=\"in a dimly lit empty room, stools sit on top of desks, with an empty bookshelf and art tools in the background\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_09-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty art classroom at Cerro Coso College in Ridgecrest. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That just didn’t happen,” Carlson said. “Some were able to stay, and some were not.” Her office at Cerro Coso, a trailer that abuts the local school, is at the epicenter of the prison closures, fielding calls and sorting files from students and professors who are frantic or frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the spring, professors arrived at the prisons only to find that some of their students were gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Fulks, a professor at Cerro Coso, spoke to over 100 people who are imprisoned and who told him continuing their education was consistently a top concern. Some men broke into tears because they were so worried about what might happen next, Fulks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over 400 of Cerro Coso’s incarcerated students left prison before they could finish their semester. Of those students, 126 have been paroled; the rest are scattered across at least 27 different state prisons, according to data from Carlson’s department at Cerro Coso Community College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others dropped out of school even before they were transferred, said Fulks, resulting in an enrollment dip before the spring semester, right as news got out about the prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bureaucratic coordination\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said in a statement that it is committed to preventing prison transfers during the semester, but that it does happen. The corrections department also said that the special credits awarded for classes — the ones which can give people who are incarcerated years off of their sentence — will transfer to the new prison, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students who leave in the middle of a semester strike special agreements with their teachers to finish the rest of the class via mail, but not every professor is willing or able to do that. Unlucky students must withdraw or take an incomplete.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In general, educational options for students vary depending on which prison they are sent to, according to the statement. Some prisons only offer classes via email, known as “correspondence-based” courses; others have partnerships akin to Cerro Coso’s model and focus on in-person instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement said it is up to the community colleges, with the state’s help “if needed,” to ensure the students’ credits transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the corrections department later clarified that it tracks where it moves each person, administrators at two community colleges told CalMatters that they don’t have access to that information and said there’s no coordinated system among community colleges to communicate which students have transferred where.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreover, colleges need the written consent of the student before they can communicate with one another due to privacy laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Correspondence classes push on\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cerro Coso Community College is more vulnerable to the effects of prison closures because its classes are primarily in-person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, most college classes in prison are by mail, where students communicate through letters with a community college professor they have never met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the case at both Palo Verde College on the Colorado River and Lassen College near Northern Nevada, which also face looming prison closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palo Verde College expects to lose about 10% of its student body — around 520 people — when nearby Chuckawalla Valley State Prison closes in 2025, but President Don Wallace said the college can easily make up the lost enrollment by gaining correspondence-based students from other colleges around the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, nearly half of Palo Verde’s current students are incarcerated, a number that has more than doubled since 2016. The vast majority of those students are correspondence-based.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the college will find other students, Wallace said the transfers will have a “horrific impact” on the current ones, who he worries may never finish their education. “It’s a stop-out point,” he said. “Even among people that are not incarcerated, when they have to change from one college to another or they move from a community college to a four-year university, those are points where people quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/18/when-california-downsizes-prisons-incarcerated-people-are-shuffled-out-of-community-college-classes/051023-inmate-students-lv_17/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11950002\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950002\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg\" alt=\"two plastic bins overflowing with manila envelopes\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/051023-Inmate-Students-LV_17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Correspondence letters from incarcerated students in the Cerro Coso office in Tehachapi. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lassen College, whose nearby prison began closing last year, has been able to continue educating about three-quarters of its 200 students at their new prisons via correspondence, said Colleen Baker, interim dean of instruction. She did not respond to questions about the fate of the 50 of students who did not continue their education via correspondence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Fulks at Cerro Coso, who recently defended a dissertation about prison education, the difference between in-person instruction and correspondence-based classes is stark. “Correspondence success rates are extremely low, about 68%, compared to face-to-face, which was about 81.6%,” he said, adding that the performance for correspondence classes may actually be even lower since some of the remote classes he studied had professors stop by occasionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for colleges, who receive state money based in part on the number of students they enroll, correspondence classes bring in a lot more revenue. “Each one of their students counts the same as a face to face. You don’t have to pay for location, materials for students, they limit how much support they provide to students and that money goes in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Millions lost as degrees delay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once the prison fully closes, Cerro Coso will lose just over 900 students, more than 10% of its total enrollment. The college’s vice president of finance, Chad Houck, said the college did not know how much funding would be lost. Palo Verde and Lassen College will each lose an estimated $1.7 million this academic year, according to an estimate by CalMatters using the state’s funding formula. While Lassen College was able to continue educating most of the prison’s students, it lost nearly 1,800 incarcerated students who were studying at the fire training center adjacent to the prison.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But unlike Lassen and Palo Verde colleges, Cerro Coso Community College will not offer any additional correspondence-based classes as a result of the prison closures, said Houck. He said the “quality is not the same” and that neither students nor faculty prefer it. Instead, the college will focus on recruiting more students from the local prison units that will remain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the incarcerated Cerro Coso students who are leaving, they will need to connect with a new college at the prison where they go next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson has few options to help them and typically must wait for the students to contact her office and request a transcript. As of May 11, roughly 60 students from the D yard in Tehachapi and the California City prison have reached out to her team to request a transcript, and most people reached out before their transfer, at the moment they knew their destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson and her colleagues predict those numbers will go up as more people settle into their next prison, but they also know some may never finish their degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Echelman covers California’s community colleges in partnership with Open Campus, a nonprofit newsroom focused on higher education.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]A[/dropcap] group of women, many of them mothers, sat in a circle in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood in early April, talking about the challenges they’ve faced and victories they’ve celebrated recently. The group, called Seeking Safety — a project of the Bayview-based organization \u003ca href=\"https://positivedirectionsequalschange.org/\">Positive Directions Equals Change\u003c/a> — provides support for women in recovery from substance use disorder and for the formerly incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group is facilitated by other legal-system-impacted women like Lisa Wood, who spent time locked up in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us who leave our children and go to prison come from broken cycles,” she said. “We don’t know how to put the pieces together and so we really need support before coming out of prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t a lot of support for women, especially mothers leaving prison and jail; and the support that does exist is mostly scattered among various nonprofits and government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last several years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2022/01/Fall-2021-Population-Projections.pdf\">a record number of incarcerated people have been released in California\u003c/a>. The reasons include a number of early release laws that California has passed, and the fact that prisons became deadly hotbeds for COVID-19 during the pandemic. The state’s incarcerated population \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-prison-population-drops-sharply-but-overcrowding-still-threatens-prisoner-health/\">declined by more than 20%\u003c/a> in 2020 alone — and the rate of decline in women’s prisons was even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say that more resources to help people reenter society could lower recidivism rates, help family instability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources, especially for mothers, hasn’t kept up with the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lisa Wood\"]‘[My daughter] is in the same struggle that I was in all those years. Now I’m trying to break this cycle.’[/pullquote]\u003ca href=\"https://imrp.dpp.uconn.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/3351/2021/09/March-2015-Seven-out-of-ten.pdf\">Studies show\u003c/a> there can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6124689/#R53\">even stronger negative effects\u003c/a> on the children of incarcerated parents, who can be three times more likely to become involved with the legal system themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the children of women who give birth while they’re incarcerated, the generational impacts \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4655430/\">can start when they are separated shortly after birth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My son followed me into that pattern’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wood watched crack destroy her community of West Philadelphia in the 1980s. She herself was introduced to drugs at 13 years old, and she spent 12 years in and out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched how the drugs changed my community, and saw how it destroyed the African American community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wood was incarcerated for the first time in 1985, she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most women who are incarcerated in prisons and jails across the U.S. are mothers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2021/05/05/mothers-day-2021/\">according to the Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a> — and an estimated 58,000 women every year are pregnant when they are admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter in prison,” Wood said. “She went home at 3 days old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much time incarcerated mothers spend with their newborns depends on a prison’s policy. Some women are only allowed a day or two before their child is either placed with relatives or in foster care. Wood had only a couple of days before her daughter went into the care of Wood’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released in 1988, she had a 4-year-old son and 2-year-old daughter to take care of while she was still trying to manage her addiction. She struggled to get better and wound up returning to prison one more time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood was at risk of an 18-year sentence after being arrested a third time because of the California habitual offender law, otherwise known as the “three strikes law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I said to the judge, you know, I’ve actually been a junkie my whole life and no one’s ever asked me, can I give you any treatment or help?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11832910,news_11882320,news_11904298 label='Related Coverage']The judge sentenced Wood to complete a residential drug addiction program with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanceystreetfoundation.org/\">Delancey Street Foundation\u003c/a> in San Francisco. If she didn’t complete the program, she would be back in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still was thinking of leaving and going back to hustling and the whole drug scene,” said Wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she made the decision to stay in the Delancey Street program for six years and eventually started working in the intake department and mentoring other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, while Wood was doing work on herself in Delancey Street, her children were growing older and facing their own challenges. Wood’s son went into prison for the first time at age 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son kind of followed me into that pattern that I was in with the gangs and drugs,” Wood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was released when he was 25 and has been out for years. He and Wood have a great relationship today, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wood’s daughter still resents her absence and struggles with mental health and substance use disorder like Wood did. As a result Wood is now raising her daughter’s three sons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s in the same struggle that I was in all those years,” she said. “Now I’m trying to break this cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916828\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Woman laughing, holding bouquet as two other women smile and laugh in background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Wood holds a bouquet of candy after being recognized for her achievements at a Seeking Safety support meeting in San Francisco on April 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Seeking Safety, most of the women Wood sees are Black and brown. She’s trying to make the strong connections women like her need, and she knows that success is not guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see the potential in them, but they can’t see it in themselves,” she said. “Until they’re able to see it, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re pretty much on your own’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many formerly incarcerated parents have to navigate how to rekindle family relationships after they’re released. Damage from years of separation can be hard to repair, and advocates say parents are often given no help in child custody cases while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before Linette Galindo’s eldest son turned 7, back in 2004, she was incarcerated. Her sentence lasted almost 17 years. While she was away, her ex-husband, who had custody of her children, didn’t allow her regular communication with her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to fight through the courts to be able to at least try to get letters and pictures,” she said. “Which is very hard to do when it is just you by yourself trying to figure this out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in prison, Galindo’s ex-husband remarried and relocated her children to Colorado. For six years she didn’t know where her children were, she said. Like many mothers in her position, Galindo became a regular in the prison library and started studying child custody laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2019, a year before her release from the California Institution for Women in Chino, her ex-husband filed for adoption of their kids. Like many incarcerated parents, Galindo received no legal help in her adoption hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to represent myself,” she said. “I had to become an attorney.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo lost her case, and when she was released she tried contacting her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went on social media, like anybody would, and tried to find pictures of them on Facebook, Instagram. Just to see what they look like,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo’s ex-husband discovered she was looking for pictures of her children and reported it to her parole officer, who advised her to stop looking them up on social media, and she stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has now been out of prison for almost two years and is currently living in San Bernardino with her sister, working at a local factory for minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"591\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linette Galindo (left), stands with her family in San Bernardino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Linette Galindo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, she wants to become a drug and alcohol counselor to help women who have had similar experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my determination comes because one day I know my kids are going to come looking for me,” she said. “I believe that in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘There’s not a lot of resources, especially for us undocumented people’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of the success for formerly incarcerated people reentering society depends on their social networks and how many barriers they have to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Garibay came to the U.S. from Mexico and was granted Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status in 2013, prior to her incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, 37, is a survivor of domestic violence and went to jail after an incident with an abusive ex-boyfriend. The case was later dismissed. Garibay served only four months in jail — but during that time, she was unable to reapply for DACA status, making her ineligible for government assistance, including food stamps and supplemental income, when she was released in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, who lives in Fresno, slept in motels and sometimes even in cars, she recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glimmer of hope arrived in March 2020, when a judge granted Garibay full custody of her daughter after she proved that the ex-boyfriend, who was her daughter’s caretaker, was not providing a safe living environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I saw my daughter, she ran towards me and I ran towards her,” said Garibay. “We just didn’t want to let it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after winning custody, she and her daughter still had very little money and nowhere to live, so they had to seek support from the abusive ex-boyfriend, who helped pay for an illegal sublet in Shafter, a small farming town in the Central Valley, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other people that could help me out — so typical of a person who’s in an abusive relationship,” she said. “That toxic cycle continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay ended up getting pregnant with the ex-boyfriend. Shortly after, they were evicted when the landlord found out they were illegally subletting, and Garibay took her daughter to live with a friend in Tehachapi. Garibay said that’s when she was diagnosed with depression and anxiety and started seeing a therapist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They saw how severe my depression was,” she said. “The thing that kept me going was my little girl. I need my little girl. My little girl needs me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916835\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916835\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Garibay (left), with her daughter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Laura Garibay)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://whopaysreport.org/who-pays-full-report/\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that half of formerly incarcerated people and their family members surveyed nationally experienced negative mental health impacts related to their incarceration, such as depression and anxiety; in California this \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/downloads/pdfdownloads/state-incarceration-trends-california.pdf\">disproportionately hits Black and Latinx incarcerated people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garibay finally separated from her ex-boyfriend, she was 7 months pregnant. Again, she was homeless. But she was going to a support group, which eventually referred her to a reentry program called Root & Rebound, which provides services in the Bay Area, Los Angeles and the Central Valley. They helped her find a place to live in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, you’re going to have to pack whatever you could fit in a car. That’s all we’re bringing,” she said. “We’re placing you in a program that has a lot of security. You’re going to be safe there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay was referred to another nonprofit program in Fresno called Rescue the Children, where she lived for 18 months and received clothing, housing and therapy. It’s common for women reentering society to have to seek out many different resources from different places because prisons and state governments don’t provide enough help, said Claudia Gonzalez, who works with Root & Rebound and helped Garibay navigate the resources available to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is mandated. There’s no law stating that parole officers have to find resources for you,” said Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay currently attends Fresno City College and is pursuing a career in the legal field. But she is still waiting for her DACA approval, which means she still can’t legally apply for jobs. Her college will stop paying for her housing in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does this mean for me and my girls again?” she asked. “You know, it puts us back in a limbo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay depends on scholarship money and small amounts of government assistance that her two daughters get since they are U.S. citizens. There are still days when her depression feels overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a 1-year-old and I have a 13-year-old that depend on me,” she said. “They have nobody else, and because of that reason, that’s the reason I push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say more resources to help them reenter society could lower recidivism rates, boost family stability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources — especially for mothers — hasn't kept up with the need.",
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"title": "Navigating Freedom, Reentry and Motherhood: The Challenges for Formerly Incarcerated Moms | KQED",
"description": "With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say more resources to help them reenter society could lower recidivism rates, boost family stability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources — especially for mothers — hasn't kept up with the need.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">A\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> group of women, many of them mothers, sat in a circle in San Francisco’s Bayview neighborhood in early April, talking about the challenges they’ve faced and victories they’ve celebrated recently. The group, called Seeking Safety — a project of the Bayview-based organization \u003ca href=\"https://positivedirectionsequalschange.org/\">Positive Directions Equals Change\u003c/a> — provides support for women in recovery from substance use disorder and for the formerly incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This group is facilitated by other legal-system-impacted women like Lisa Wood, who spent time locked up in the 1980s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of us who leave our children and go to prison come from broken cycles,” she said. “We don’t know how to put the pieces together and so we really need support before coming out of prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t a lot of support for women, especially mothers leaving prison and jail; and the support that does exist is mostly scattered among various nonprofits and government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last several years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2022/01/Fall-2021-Population-Projections.pdf\">a record number of incarcerated people have been released in California\u003c/a>. The reasons include a number of early release laws that California has passed, and the fact that prisons became deadly hotbeds for COVID-19 during the pandemic. The state’s incarcerated population \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-prison-population-drops-sharply-but-overcrowding-still-threatens-prisoner-health/\">declined by more than 20%\u003c/a> in 2020 alone — and the rate of decline in women’s prisons was even greater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the number of incarcerated people being released at an all-time high, advocates say that more resources to help people reenter society could lower recidivism rates, help family instability and improve the mental health of formerly incarcerated people. But the obstacles facing those reentering society are daunting, and the amount of helpful resources, especially for mothers, hasn’t kept up with the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[My daughter] is in the same struggle that I was in all those years. Now I’m trying to break this cycle.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://imrp.dpp.uconn.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/3351/2021/09/March-2015-Seven-out-of-ten.pdf\">Studies show\u003c/a> there can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6124689/#R53\">even stronger negative effects\u003c/a> on the children of incarcerated parents, who can be three times more likely to become involved with the legal system themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the children of women who give birth while they’re incarcerated, the generational impacts \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4655430/\">can start when they are separated shortly after birth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘My son followed me into that pattern’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lisa Wood watched crack destroy her community of West Philadelphia in the 1980s. She herself was introduced to drugs at 13 years old, and she spent 12 years in and out of prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched how the drugs changed my community, and saw how it destroyed the African American community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wood was incarcerated for the first time in 1985, she was pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most women who are incarcerated in prisons and jails across the U.S. are mothers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2021/05/05/mothers-day-2021/\">according to the Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a> — and an estimated 58,000 women every year are pregnant when they are admitted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had my daughter in prison,” Wood said. “She went home at 3 days old.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much time incarcerated mothers spend with their newborns depends on a prison’s policy. Some women are only allowed a day or two before their child is either placed with relatives or in foster care. Wood had only a couple of days before her daughter went into the care of Wood’s mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was released in 1988, she had a 4-year-old son and 2-year-old daughter to take care of while she was still trying to manage her addiction. She struggled to get better and wound up returning to prison one more time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood was at risk of an 18-year sentence after being arrested a third time because of the California habitual offender law, otherwise known as the “three strikes law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I said to the judge, you know, I’ve actually been a junkie my whole life and no one’s ever asked me, can I give you any treatment or help?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The judge sentenced Wood to complete a residential drug addiction program with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.delanceystreetfoundation.org/\">Delancey Street Foundation\u003c/a> in San Francisco. If she didn’t complete the program, she would be back in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still was thinking of leaving and going back to hustling and the whole drug scene,” said Wood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she made the decision to stay in the Delancey Street program for six years and eventually started working in the intake department and mentoring other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, while Wood was doing work on herself in Delancey Street, her children were growing older and facing their own challenges. Wood’s son went into prison for the first time at age 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son kind of followed me into that pattern that I was in with the gangs and drugs,” Wood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was released when he was 25 and has been out for years. He and Wood have a great relationship today, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wood’s daughter still resents her absence and struggles with mental health and substance use disorder like Wood did. As a result Wood is now raising her daughter’s three sons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s in the same struggle that I was in all those years,” she said. “Now I’m trying to break this cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916828\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916828\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Woman laughing, holding bouquet as two other women smile and laugh in background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/RS55246_019_KQED_SistersCircleBayview_04062022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Wood holds a bouquet of candy after being recognized for her achievements at a Seeking Safety support meeting in San Francisco on April 6, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At Seeking Safety, most of the women Wood sees are Black and brown. She’s trying to make the strong connections women like her need, and she knows that success is not guaranteed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can see the potential in them, but they can’t see it in themselves,” she said. “Until they’re able to see it, it doesn’t matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You’re pretty much on your own’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many formerly incarcerated parents have to navigate how to rekindle family relationships after they’re released. Damage from years of separation can be hard to repair, and advocates say parents are often given no help in child custody cases while incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week before Linette Galindo’s eldest son turned 7, back in 2004, she was incarcerated. Her sentence lasted almost 17 years. While she was away, her ex-husband, who had custody of her children, didn’t allow her regular communication with her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to fight through the courts to be able to at least try to get letters and pictures,” she said. “Which is very hard to do when it is just you by yourself trying to figure this out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in prison, Galindo’s ex-husband remarried and relocated her children to Colorado. For six years she didn’t know where her children were, she said. Like many mothers in her position, Galindo became a regular in the prison library and started studying child custody laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2019, a year before her release from the California Institution for Women in Chino, her ex-husband filed for adoption of their kids. Like many incarcerated parents, Galindo received no legal help in her adoption hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to represent myself,” she said. “I had to become an attorney.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo lost her case, and when she was released she tried contacting her kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went on social media, like anybody would, and tried to find pictures of them on Facebook, Instagram. Just to see what they look like,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galindo’s ex-husband discovered she was looking for pictures of her children and reported it to her parole officer, who advised her to stop looking them up on social media, and she stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has now been out of prison for almost two years and is currently living in San Bernardino with her sister, working at a local factory for minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916833\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"591\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Galindo-160x118.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Linette Galindo (left), stands with her family in San Bernardino. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Linette Galindo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, she wants to become a drug and alcohol counselor to help women who have had similar experiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of my determination comes because one day I know my kids are going to come looking for me,” she said. “I believe that in my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘There’s not a lot of resources, especially for us undocumented people’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of the success for formerly incarcerated people reentering society depends on their social networks and how many barriers they have to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Garibay came to the U.S. from Mexico and was granted Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status in 2013, prior to her incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, 37, is a survivor of domestic violence and went to jail after an incident with an abusive ex-boyfriend. The case was later dismissed. Garibay served only four months in jail — but during that time, she was unable to reapply for DACA status, making her ineligible for government assistance, including food stamps and supplemental income, when she was released in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay, who lives in Fresno, slept in motels and sometimes even in cars, she recalls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A glimmer of hope arrived in March 2020, when a judge granted Garibay full custody of her daughter after she proved that the ex-boyfriend, who was her daughter’s caretaker, was not providing a safe living environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I saw my daughter, she ran towards me and I ran towards her,” said Garibay. “We just didn’t want to let it go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after winning custody, she and her daughter still had very little money and nowhere to live, so they had to seek support from the abusive ex-boyfriend, who helped pay for an illegal sublet in Shafter, a small farming town in the Central Valley, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other people that could help me out — so typical of a person who’s in an abusive relationship,” she said. “That toxic cycle continues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay ended up getting pregnant with the ex-boyfriend. Shortly after, they were evicted when the landlord found out they were illegally subletting, and Garibay took her daughter to live with a friend in Tehachapi. Garibay said that’s when she was diagnosed with depression and anxiety and started seeing a therapist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They saw how severe my depression was,” she said. “The thing that kept me going was my little girl. I need my little girl. My little girl needs me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11916835\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11916835\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/Garibay-160x188.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Garibay (left), with her daughter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Laura Garibay)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://whopaysreport.org/who-pays-full-report/\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that half of formerly incarcerated people and their family members surveyed nationally experienced negative mental health impacts related to their incarceration, such as depression and anxiety; in California this \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/downloads/pdfdownloads/state-incarceration-trends-california.pdf\">disproportionately hits Black and Latinx incarcerated people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Garibay finally separated from her ex-boyfriend, she was 7 months pregnant. Again, she was homeless. But she was going to a support group, which eventually referred her to a reentry program called Root & Rebound, which provides services in the Bay Area, Los Angeles and the Central Valley. They helped her find a place to live in Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said, you’re going to have to pack whatever you could fit in a car. That’s all we’re bringing,” she said. “We’re placing you in a program that has a lot of security. You’re going to be safe there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay was referred to another nonprofit program in Fresno called Rescue the Children, where she lived for 18 months and received clothing, housing and therapy. It’s common for women reentering society to have to seek out many different resources from different places because prisons and state governments don’t provide enough help, said Claudia Gonzalez, who works with Root & Rebound and helped Garibay navigate the resources available to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is mandated. There’s no law stating that parole officers have to find resources for you,” said Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay currently attends Fresno City College and is pursuing a career in the legal field. But she is still waiting for her DACA approval, which means she still can’t legally apply for jobs. Her college will stop paying for her housing in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does this mean for me and my girls again?” she asked. “You know, it puts us back in a limbo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garibay depends on scholarship money and small amounts of government assistance that her two daughters get since they are U.S. citizens. There are still days when her depression feels overwhelming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a 1-year-old and I have a 13-year-old that depend on me,” she said. “They have nobody else, and because of that reason, that’s the reason I push forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "AP Investigation: Dublin Women's Prison Fostered Culture of Abuse",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Content warning: This story contains references to rape and sexual assault.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside one of the only federal women’s prisons in the United States, incarcerated women say they have been subjected to rampant sexual abuse by correctional officers and even the warden, and were often threatened or punished when they tried to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prisoners and workers at the federal correctional institution in Dublin, California, even have a name for it: “the rape club.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Associated Press investigation has found a permissive and toxic culture at the Bay Area lockup, enabling years of sexual misconduct by predatory employees and cover-ups that have largely kept the abuse out of the public eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP obtained internal federal Bureau of Prisons documents, statements and recordings from incarcerated people, interviewed current and former prison employees and those incarcerated and reviewed thousands of pages of court records from criminal and civil cases involving Dublin prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, they detail how incarcerated people’s allegations against members of the mostly male staff were ignored or set aside, how prisoners could be sent to solitary confinement for reporting abuse and how officials in charge of preventing and investigating sexual misconduct were themselves accused of abusing incarcerated people or neglecting their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, an incarcerated woman said a man, who was her prison work supervisor, taunted her by remarking “let the games begin” when he assigned her to work with a maintenance foreman she accused of rape. Another worker claimed he wanted to get inmates pregnant. The warden — the man in charge at Dublin — kept nude photos on his government-issued cellphone of a woman he is accused of assaulting.[pullquote]One incarcerated woman said she was ‘overwhelmed with fear, anxiety, and anger, and cried uncontrollably’ after enduring abuse and retaliation at Dublin.[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman said she was “overwhelmed with fear, anxiety, and anger, and cried uncontrollably” after enduring abuse and retaliation at Dublin. Another said she contemplated suicide when her cries for help went unheeded and now suffers from severe anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A culture of misconduct\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All sexual activity between a prison worker and an incarcerated person is illegal. Correctional employees enjoy substantial power over those incarcerated, controlling every aspect of their lives from mealtime to lights out, and there is no scenario in which an incarcerated person can give consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations at Dublin, which so far have resulted in four arrests, are endemic of a larger problem within the beleaguered Bureau of Prisons. In 2020, the same year some of the women at Dublin complained, there were 422 complaints of staff-on-inmate sexual abuse across the system of 122 prisons and 153,000 incarcerated people. The agency said it substantiated only four of those complaints and that 290 are still being investigated. It would not say whether the allegations were concentrated in women’s prisons or spread throughout the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hotbed of corruption and misconduct, the federal prison system has been plagued by myriad crises in recent years, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-prisons-5be574b4103a2f5420e0d9da2daf5c9c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">widespread criminal activity among employees\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-coronavirus-pandemic-prisons-government-and-politics-88fff925b1901a36a10581c28d826916\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">critically low staffing levels\u003c/a> that have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/only-on-ap-suicides-business-prisons-government-and-politics-0eba20833af541730b5e71bc4d2efbfe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hampered responses to emergencies\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-health-ap-top-news-politics-florida-724ee94ac5ba37b4df33c417f2bf78a2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rapid spread of COVID-19\u003c/a>, a failed response to the pandemic and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/government-and-politics-prisons-prison-breaks-business-c1979d6ad6e7b3531968dab0e61eb22d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dozens of escapes\u003c/a>. Last month, the embattled director, Michael Carvajal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-health-crime-prisons-arrests-efaf6fd8bbfe78b1124e64c08a5537ce\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced he was resigning\u003c/a>. On Monday, two incarcerated people were killed in a gang clash at a federal penitentiary in Texas, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-prison-fight-federal-lockdown-a0e7b61c5bdc5bbc25a691cc0a6920ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prompting a nationwide lockdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP contacted lawyers for every Dublin prison employee charged with sexual abuse or named as a defendant in a lawsuit alleging abuse, and tried reaching the men directly through available phone numbers and email addresses. None responded to interview requests. A government lawyer representing one of the men being sued declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thahesha Jusino, taking over as Dublin’s warden at the end of the month, promised to “work tirelessly to reaffirm the Bureau of Prisons’ zero tolerance for sexual abuse and sexual harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the agency is fully cooperating with the Justice Department’s inspector general on active investigations and noted that a “vast majority” of these cases were referred for investigation by the Bureau of Prisons itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am committed to ensuring the safety of our inmates, staff, and the public,” Jusino said in a statement to the AP. “A culture of misconduct, or actions not representative of the BOP’s Core Values will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said in a statement that “[z]ero tolerance means exactly that. The Justice Department is committed to both holding accountable any staff who violate their position of trust and to preventing these crimes from happening in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A criminal investigation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>FCI Dublin, which is 20 miles east of Oakland, was opened in 1974. It was converted in 2012 to one of six women-only facilities in the federal prison system. Actresses Lori Loughlin and Felicity Huffman both served time there for their involvement in a college admissions bribery scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Feb. 1, it had about 750 incarcerated people, many serving sentences for drug crimes. There are increasingly more women behind bars but they are still a minority — only about 6.5% of the overall federal inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials say the vast majority of Dublin employees are honest and hardworking, and are upset that the allegations and actions of some workers have tarnished the prison’s reputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a diversified staff. We have veterans. We have ex-law enforcement. We have good people, and they’re very traumatized,” Dublin union president Ed Canales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incarcerated people and prison workers who spoke to the AP did not want their names published for fear of retaliation. The AP also does not typically identify people who say they are victims of sexual assault unless they grant permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women made the first internal complaints to staff members about five years ago, court records and internal agency documents show, but it’s not clear whether those complaints ever went anywhere. The women say they were largely ignored, and the abuse continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman who reported a 2017 sexual assault said she was told nothing would be done about her complaint because it was a “he said-she said.” The woman, who is now suing the Bureau of Prisons over her treatment, said she was fired from her prison commissary job as retaliation. When she went to report her firing, she said a Dublin counselor took her abuser’s side, responding: “Child, do you want him to lose his job?” The woman was moved to a different prison a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, another Dublin incarcerated woman sued — first on her own with handwritten papers, then with the backing of a powerful San Francisco law firm — alleging that a maintenance foreman repeatedly raped her and that other workers facilitated the abuse and mocked her for it. When an internal prison investigator finally caught wind of what was happening, the woman said she was the one who got punished with three months in solitary confinement and a transfer to a federal prison in Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2020, another incarcerated woman’s report that Dublin workers were abusing inmates broke through to the Justice Department’s inspector general and the FBI, triggering a criminal investigation that has led to the arrest of four employees, including former warden \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-san-francisco-sexual-abuse-e9b0b3c8bf508bafc66399c95c02a1df\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ray J. Garcia\u003c/a>, in the past seven months. They each face up to 15 years in prison, though in other recent cases, sentences have ranged from three months to two years. [pullquote size=\"large\"]The FBI said Friday that it is continuing to investigate and is looking for anyone who may have been victimized to come forward and speak with agents.[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the men are expected to plead guilty in the coming weeks in federal court to charges of sexual abuse of a ward. None of the men accused in civil suits has been charged with a crime. Several Dublin workers are under investigation, though it’s not clear whether the men accused in the civil suits are among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI said Friday that it is continuing to investigate and is looking for anyone who may have been victimized to come forward and speak with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden, chaplain and others arrested\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The former warden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/warden-federal-corrections-institute-dublin-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested last September\u003c/a>, is accused of molesting an incarcerated woman as she tried to push him away. Garcia made her and another incarcerated woman strip naked as he did rounds and took pictures that were found on his personal laptop computer and government-issued cellphone when the FBI raided his office and home last summer, prosecutors said. The abuse ended when the pandemic exploded and women were locked in their cells, they said. Garcia was later promoted; the Bureau of Prisons said it didn’t know about the abuse until later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re undressing, I’ve already looked,” Garcia, 54, told the FBI in July 2021, according to court records. “I don’t, like, schedule a time like, ‘You be undressed, and I’ll be there.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who was placed on leave after the raid and retired a month after his arrest, is also accused of using his authority to intimidate one of his victims, telling her that he was “close friends” with the person responsible for investigating staff misconduct and boasting that he could not be fired, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/bureau-prisons-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ross Klinger\u003c/a>, 36, a Dublin prison recycling technician, is scheduled to plead guilty on Thursday to charges he sexually abused at least two incarcerated people between March and September 2020, including inside a warehouse and in a shipping container on prison grounds while another incarcerated person acted as a lookout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klinger told the women he wanted to marry them and father their children, even proposing to one of them with a diamond ring after she was discharged to a halfway house, prosecutors said. Another prisoner aware of the abuse reported Klinger to the Bureau of Prisons in June 2020, according to the FBI, but he was still allowed to transfer to a federal jail in San Diego months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the move, prosecutors said, Klinger kept contacting one victim through an email address he created with a phony name, sometimes sending lewd messages referencing sexual acts, and messaged the other woman on Snapchat, saying he loved her and was “willing to do anything” for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interviewed by investigators in April 2021, Klinger denied any wrongdoing, but said that because of the allegations his life was over and that he was concerned about going to prison and being labeled as a sex offender. He was in handcuffs two months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual misconduct of a ward, you can’t come back from that,” Klinger told investigators in the interview, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-college-admissions-health-arrests-prisons-3c90285b68758035990cf29d24f3826d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Russell Bellhouse\u003c/a>, 39, a prison safety administrator, is scheduled to be arraigned this month on charges he sexually abused an incarcerated woman he called his “girlfriend” from February to December 2020. He was placed on leave in March and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-inmate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested in December\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sexual-abuse-arrests-prisons-1f6def993dee7621a995e1b852dde9c5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">James Theodore Highhouse\u003c/a>, 49, a prison chaplain, has already signed a plea agreement and is scheduled to plead guilty Feb. 23 to charges he put his penis on an incarcerated woman’s genitals, mouth and hand and masturbated in front of her in 2018 and 2019, and that he lied to investigators when questioned about the abuse. He was arrested last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden had outsize influence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Garcia, the highest-ranking federal prison official arrested in more than 10 years, had an outsize influence as warden over how Dublin handled employee sexual misconduct. He led staff and inmate training on reporting abuse and complying with the federal Prison Rape Elimination Act, known as PREA, and had control over staff discipline, including in cases of sexual abuse. In his prior role as associate warden, he had disciplinary authority over all incarcerated women, but not staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was also in charge of the legally required “rape elimination” compliance audit, first scheduled for early 2020 but not completed until last September — about the time he was arrested. The Bureau of Prisons blamed the pandemic for the delay and said the audit, Dublin’s first since 2017, is not yet finalized and cannot be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In private, Garcia was flouting measures put in place to protect incarcerated people from sexual abuse and later panicked that he would get caught for his own alleged misbehavior, court records show. The woman Garcia is accused of assaulting told investigators that one instance of abuse happened while PREA officials were visiting the prison. Garcia assaulted her in a changing stall designed for PREA-compliant searches, she said.[aside tag=\"prison, jail, incarcerated\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]Publicly, Garcia appeared to take a hard line on abuse. In one of his first acts after he was named warden in November 2020, he recommended firing the maintenance foreman William Martinez, accused of rape in the 2019 suit — albeit for what the staff disciplinary process narrowed to a finding of an “appearance of an inappropriate relationship with an inmate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez has denied the allegations and has filed a discrimination complaint against the Bureau of Prisons with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. He has not been charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia tasked another official with making a final decision on punishment and that person reduced the penalty to a 15-day suspension, but even that was later overturned. Internal documents obtained by the AP show that prison officials failed to look into the allegations against Martinez for nearly two years and then, after the investigation finished, waited another year to propose discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An administrative judge wrote in June that the prison’s protracted investigation “strains credulity” on a matter as serious as alleged sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the judge also found that prison officials cherry-picked evidence to bolster their case, only to end up unraveling it. He reversed the suspension and ordered the Bureau of Prisons to provide back pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Michael Sisak reported from New York.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Follow \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MikeBalsamo1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Balsamo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/mikesisak\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Sisak\u003c/a> and send confidential tips by visiting www.ap.org/tips.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Content warning: This story contains references to rape and sexual assault.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside one of the only federal women’s prisons in the United States, incarcerated women say they have been subjected to rampant sexual abuse by correctional officers and even the warden, and were often threatened or punished when they tried to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prisoners and workers at the federal correctional institution in Dublin, California, even have a name for it: “the rape club.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Associated Press investigation has found a permissive and toxic culture at the Bay Area lockup, enabling years of sexual misconduct by predatory employees and cover-ups that have largely kept the abuse out of the public eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP obtained internal federal Bureau of Prisons documents, statements and recordings from incarcerated people, interviewed current and former prison employees and those incarcerated and reviewed thousands of pages of court records from criminal and civil cases involving Dublin prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, they detail how incarcerated people’s allegations against members of the mostly male staff were ignored or set aside, how prisoners could be sent to solitary confinement for reporting abuse and how officials in charge of preventing and investigating sexual misconduct were themselves accused of abusing incarcerated people or neglecting their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, an incarcerated woman said a man, who was her prison work supervisor, taunted her by remarking “let the games begin” when he assigned her to work with a maintenance foreman she accused of rape. Another worker claimed he wanted to get inmates pregnant. The warden — the man in charge at Dublin — kept nude photos on his government-issued cellphone of a woman he is accused of assaulting.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman said she was “overwhelmed with fear, anxiety, and anger, and cried uncontrollably” after enduring abuse and retaliation at Dublin. Another said she contemplated suicide when her cries for help went unheeded and now suffers from severe anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A culture of misconduct\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All sexual activity between a prison worker and an incarcerated person is illegal. Correctional employees enjoy substantial power over those incarcerated, controlling every aspect of their lives from mealtime to lights out, and there is no scenario in which an incarcerated person can give consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations at Dublin, which so far have resulted in four arrests, are endemic of a larger problem within the beleaguered Bureau of Prisons. In 2020, the same year some of the women at Dublin complained, there were 422 complaints of staff-on-inmate sexual abuse across the system of 122 prisons and 153,000 incarcerated people. The agency said it substantiated only four of those complaints and that 290 are still being investigated. It would not say whether the allegations were concentrated in women’s prisons or spread throughout the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hotbed of corruption and misconduct, the federal prison system has been plagued by myriad crises in recent years, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-prisons-5be574b4103a2f5420e0d9da2daf5c9c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">widespread criminal activity among employees\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-coronavirus-pandemic-prisons-government-and-politics-88fff925b1901a36a10581c28d826916\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">critically low staffing levels\u003c/a> that have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/only-on-ap-suicides-business-prisons-government-and-politics-0eba20833af541730b5e71bc4d2efbfe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hampered responses to emergencies\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-health-ap-top-news-politics-florida-724ee94ac5ba37b4df33c417f2bf78a2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rapid spread of COVID-19\u003c/a>, a failed response to the pandemic and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/government-and-politics-prisons-prison-breaks-business-c1979d6ad6e7b3531968dab0e61eb22d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dozens of escapes\u003c/a>. Last month, the embattled director, Michael Carvajal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-health-crime-prisons-arrests-efaf6fd8bbfe78b1124e64c08a5537ce\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced he was resigning\u003c/a>. On Monday, two incarcerated people were killed in a gang clash at a federal penitentiary in Texas, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-prison-fight-federal-lockdown-a0e7b61c5bdc5bbc25a691cc0a6920ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prompting a nationwide lockdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP contacted lawyers for every Dublin prison employee charged with sexual abuse or named as a defendant in a lawsuit alleging abuse, and tried reaching the men directly through available phone numbers and email addresses. None responded to interview requests. A government lawyer representing one of the men being sued declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thahesha Jusino, taking over as Dublin’s warden at the end of the month, promised to “work tirelessly to reaffirm the Bureau of Prisons’ zero tolerance for sexual abuse and sexual harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the agency is fully cooperating with the Justice Department’s inspector general on active investigations and noted that a “vast majority” of these cases were referred for investigation by the Bureau of Prisons itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am committed to ensuring the safety of our inmates, staff, and the public,” Jusino said in a statement to the AP. “A culture of misconduct, or actions not representative of the BOP’s Core Values will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said in a statement that “[z]ero tolerance means exactly that. The Justice Department is committed to both holding accountable any staff who violate their position of trust and to preventing these crimes from happening in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A criminal investigation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>FCI Dublin, which is 20 miles east of Oakland, was opened in 1974. It was converted in 2012 to one of six women-only facilities in the federal prison system. Actresses Lori Loughlin and Felicity Huffman both served time there for their involvement in a college admissions bribery scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Feb. 1, it had about 750 incarcerated people, many serving sentences for drug crimes. There are increasingly more women behind bars but they are still a minority — only about 6.5% of the overall federal inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials say the vast majority of Dublin employees are honest and hardworking, and are upset that the allegations and actions of some workers have tarnished the prison’s reputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a diversified staff. We have veterans. We have ex-law enforcement. We have good people, and they’re very traumatized,” Dublin union president Ed Canales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incarcerated people and prison workers who spoke to the AP did not want their names published for fear of retaliation. The AP also does not typically identify people who say they are victims of sexual assault unless they grant permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women made the first internal complaints to staff members about five years ago, court records and internal agency documents show, but it’s not clear whether those complaints ever went anywhere. The women say they were largely ignored, and the abuse continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman who reported a 2017 sexual assault said she was told nothing would be done about her complaint because it was a “he said-she said.” The woman, who is now suing the Bureau of Prisons over her treatment, said she was fired from her prison commissary job as retaliation. When she went to report her firing, she said a Dublin counselor took her abuser’s side, responding: “Child, do you want him to lose his job?” The woman was moved to a different prison a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, another Dublin incarcerated woman sued — first on her own with handwritten papers, then with the backing of a powerful San Francisco law firm — alleging that a maintenance foreman repeatedly raped her and that other workers facilitated the abuse and mocked her for it. When an internal prison investigator finally caught wind of what was happening, the woman said she was the one who got punished with three months in solitary confinement and a transfer to a federal prison in Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2020, another incarcerated woman’s report that Dublin workers were abusing inmates broke through to the Justice Department’s inspector general and the FBI, triggering a criminal investigation that has led to the arrest of four employees, including former warden \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-san-francisco-sexual-abuse-e9b0b3c8bf508bafc66399c95c02a1df\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ray J. Garcia\u003c/a>, in the past seven months. They each face up to 15 years in prison, though in other recent cases, sentences have ranged from three months to two years. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the men are expected to plead guilty in the coming weeks in federal court to charges of sexual abuse of a ward. None of the men accused in civil suits has been charged with a crime. Several Dublin workers are under investigation, though it’s not clear whether the men accused in the civil suits are among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI said Friday that it is continuing to investigate and is looking for anyone who may have been victimized to come forward and speak with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden, chaplain and others arrested\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The former warden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/warden-federal-corrections-institute-dublin-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested last September\u003c/a>, is accused of molesting an incarcerated woman as she tried to push him away. Garcia made her and another incarcerated woman strip naked as he did rounds and took pictures that were found on his personal laptop computer and government-issued cellphone when the FBI raided his office and home last summer, prosecutors said. The abuse ended when the pandemic exploded and women were locked in their cells, they said. Garcia was later promoted; the Bureau of Prisons said it didn’t know about the abuse until later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re undressing, I’ve already looked,” Garcia, 54, told the FBI in July 2021, according to court records. “I don’t, like, schedule a time like, ‘You be undressed, and I’ll be there.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who was placed on leave after the raid and retired a month after his arrest, is also accused of using his authority to intimidate one of his victims, telling her that he was “close friends” with the person responsible for investigating staff misconduct and boasting that he could not be fired, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/bureau-prisons-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ross Klinger\u003c/a>, 36, a Dublin prison recycling technician, is scheduled to plead guilty on Thursday to charges he sexually abused at least two incarcerated people between March and September 2020, including inside a warehouse and in a shipping container on prison grounds while another incarcerated person acted as a lookout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klinger told the women he wanted to marry them and father their children, even proposing to one of them with a diamond ring after she was discharged to a halfway house, prosecutors said. Another prisoner aware of the abuse reported Klinger to the Bureau of Prisons in June 2020, according to the FBI, but he was still allowed to transfer to a federal jail in San Diego months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the move, prosecutors said, Klinger kept contacting one victim through an email address he created with a phony name, sometimes sending lewd messages referencing sexual acts, and messaged the other woman on Snapchat, saying he loved her and was “willing to do anything” for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interviewed by investigators in April 2021, Klinger denied any wrongdoing, but said that because of the allegations his life was over and that he was concerned about going to prison and being labeled as a sex offender. He was in handcuffs two months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual misconduct of a ward, you can’t come back from that,” Klinger told investigators in the interview, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-college-admissions-health-arrests-prisons-3c90285b68758035990cf29d24f3826d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Russell Bellhouse\u003c/a>, 39, a prison safety administrator, is scheduled to be arraigned this month on charges he sexually abused an incarcerated woman he called his “girlfriend” from February to December 2020. He was placed on leave in March and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-inmate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested in December\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sexual-abuse-arrests-prisons-1f6def993dee7621a995e1b852dde9c5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">James Theodore Highhouse\u003c/a>, 49, a prison chaplain, has already signed a plea agreement and is scheduled to plead guilty Feb. 23 to charges he put his penis on an incarcerated woman’s genitals, mouth and hand and masturbated in front of her in 2018 and 2019, and that he lied to investigators when questioned about the abuse. He was arrested last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden had outsize influence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Garcia, the highest-ranking federal prison official arrested in more than 10 years, had an outsize influence as warden over how Dublin handled employee sexual misconduct. He led staff and inmate training on reporting abuse and complying with the federal Prison Rape Elimination Act, known as PREA, and had control over staff discipline, including in cases of sexual abuse. In his prior role as associate warden, he had disciplinary authority over all incarcerated women, but not staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was also in charge of the legally required “rape elimination” compliance audit, first scheduled for early 2020 but not completed until last September — about the time he was arrested. The Bureau of Prisons blamed the pandemic for the delay and said the audit, Dublin’s first since 2017, is not yet finalized and cannot be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In private, Garcia was flouting measures put in place to protect incarcerated people from sexual abuse and later panicked that he would get caught for his own alleged misbehavior, court records show. The woman Garcia is accused of assaulting told investigators that one instance of abuse happened while PREA officials were visiting the prison. Garcia assaulted her in a changing stall designed for PREA-compliant searches, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Publicly, Garcia appeared to take a hard line on abuse. In one of his first acts after he was named warden in November 2020, he recommended firing the maintenance foreman William Martinez, accused of rape in the 2019 suit — albeit for what the staff disciplinary process narrowed to a finding of an “appearance of an inappropriate relationship with an inmate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez has denied the allegations and has filed a discrimination complaint against the Bureau of Prisons with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. He has not been charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia tasked another official with making a final decision on punishment and that person reduced the penalty to a 15-day suspension, but even that was later overturned. Internal documents obtained by the AP show that prison officials failed to look into the allegations against Martinez for nearly two years and then, after the investigation finished, waited another year to propose discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An administrative judge wrote in June that the prison’s protracted investigation “strains credulity” on a matter as serious as alleged sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the judge also found that prison officials cherry-picked evidence to bolster their case, only to end up unraveling it. He reversed the suspension and ordered the Bureau of Prisons to provide back pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Michael Sisak reported from New York.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Follow \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MikeBalsamo1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Balsamo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/mikesisak\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Sisak\u003c/a> and send confidential tips by visiting www.ap.org/tips.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "incarcerated-californians-are-still-struggling-to-collect-their-stimulus-payments",
"title": "Incarcerated Californians Are Still Struggling to Collect Their Stimulus Payments",
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"headTitle": "Incarcerated Californians Are Still Struggling to Collect Their Stimulus Payments | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the summer of 2020, Robert Abeyta was charged with assault with a deadly weapon and admitted into Santa Rita Jail in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just in the wrong place at the wrong time and really could have gotten out very quickly if I had the financial resources,” said Abeyta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abeyta is 39 and grew up in Oakland’s Fruitvale District. He said he was completely broke at the time of his arrest. But even though his bank account was empty, there were resources available that he could have used to post bail and return to his life on the outside. He just couldn’t access them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These resources are \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/coronavirus/economic-impact-payments\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">economic impact payments initially established by the CARES Act\u003c/a>, and, even though incarcerated people are eligible for this money, their fight to get it started almost as soon as it became available to them. Nearly two years later, some people are still waiting. KQED has spoken with incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people, advocates, attorneys and detention facility staff to better understand how this happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The law and the lawsuit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the early days of the pandemic, Congress passed the CARES Act, a more than $2 trillion aid package meant to provide a lifeline to the many Americans whose worlds got turned inside out by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this package included stimulus payments, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgpf.org/blog/2021/03/what-to-know-about-all-three-rounds-of-coronavirus-stimulus-checks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">which have since been expanded, and add up to around $3,200 per individual\u003c/a>. The stimulus money is distributed by the IRS, so to get it, you had to have filed a tax return. The eligibility requirements for these funds are quite broad: Essentially, if you are a citizen or permanent resident, you aren’t a dependent for tax purposes and you don’t make over $75,000 for individuals, you should qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the CARES Act passed, in \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2020/05/18/checks/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">May of 2020\u003c/a>, the IRS determined that incarcerated people weren’t eligible for the stimulus payments and asked over 950,000 incarcerated people to return more than $1 billion worth of payments the IRS had already distributed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prison authorities around the country took note of that and started to treat any attempt by somebody in their custody to apply for or obtain those funds as some form of misconduct,” said Yaman Salahi, a partner at Lieff Cabraser Heimann & Bernstein in San Francisco — even to the extent, Salahi said, that, “we were hearing from people who said, [they were] sent to the hole, which is solitary confinement, because [they] tried to do this, or all of [their] correspondence about this [had] been confiscated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salahi helped argue the \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10586\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">class action suit\u003c/a> that would confirm incarcerated people are in fact eligible for the stimulus payments initially established by the CARES Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we took a look at the issue, we determined that the IRS’s position was almost certainly unlawful because it had no basis in the law that Congress passed,” said Salahi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LieffCabraser/status/1316811868577513473\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A judge agreed, and in October of 2020, the IRS reversed its policy and again began issuing the checks to incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The barriers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Robert Abeyta went into jail in July of 2020, so the doubt the IRS raised about eligibility and the back and forth it caused happened while he was incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though we were eligible to receive those checks, the jail would not receive the checks,” said Abeyta. “They would send them back. The checks or the debit cards, didn’t matter. They’d send them back to the Treasury Department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dean White, who served as programs supervisor of the Inmate Services Unit at Santa Rita Jail, confirmed that the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office did have a policy against receiving tax refund money. This meant that people at Santa Rita needed to find a third party to receive payments on their behalf to avoid having them be returned to the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abeyta said, “It was very, very messy because, you know, not everybody has the social support to have, you know, somebody offer an address for them to use to file their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even getting this far was a feat. Abeyta didn’t have H&R Block or even the internet, and he could only use the phone for set periods of time.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Robert Abeyta\"]‘It’s really hard when you’re in a cage all the time … there’s something about that environment that really exhausts a person.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, if the forms got flagged by the IRS, trying to get through to figure out what happened and how to fix it felt nearly impossible with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2021/04/23/irs-1040-hotline/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wait times on the agency phone lines\u003c/a>. It wasn’t easy to stay hopeful and persistent, Abeyta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The driving factor was just believing in what we were doing. It’s really hard when you’re in a cage all the time … there’s something about that environment that really exhausts a person,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abeyta said one saving grace was consistent support from advocates on the outside, like the \u003ca href=\"https://nlgsf.org/programs-committees/nlg-sfba-programs/santa-rita-jail-hotline/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Santa Rita Jail Hotline\u003c/a>, an affiliate of the National Lawyers Guild’s San Francisco/Bay Area chapter, who gave support over the phone and helped distribute explainer packets with the filing forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salahi from Lieff Cabreser said, after the class action confirmed incarcerated people were eligible for the stimulus, the courts also told the IRS it was obligated to send notices to incarcerated people confirming they were eligible, and to officials at detention facilities explaining the same, and asking them not to interfere with the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Santa Rita’s White said, as of December 2021, the facility has never heard directly from the IRS about the stimulus funds. White said he and his colleagues became aware of their residents’ eligibility through the advocacy group Bay Area Legal Aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>If they’ve committed crimes, why should I care if they get their money?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Abeyta, and many other incarcerated folks seeking out these funds, have committed serious crimes, so many people may not be sympathetic about them struggling to get their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Gregoratos, who directs the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office’s unique in-house advocacy department, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsheriff.com/services/jail-services/prisoner-legal-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prisoner Legal Services\u003c/a>, gets it. But, he also says, “Ninety-nine percent of the people here in our jail right now are not convicted of a crime. They’re awaiting trial.” Gregoratos says those waits have gotten even longer during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His colleague, Nubia Aguilera, pointed out that the funds can also go to offset basic amenities incarcerated people need in prisons, which, under normal circumstances, they would likely buy with money from friends and family on the outside. Because of the pandemic, these friends and family may not have enough resources to go around even at home, much less to send out to support folks inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the people locked up aren’t the only ones who stand to benefit from these funds, Aguilera said: “I know a lot of them have been, you know, filling out release forms to let their money go to family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the incarcerated people whom Aguilera and Gregoratos have supported through this process is 64-year-old Vincent Jacobo from San Francisco. He’s been incarcerated in the San Francisco County Jail in San Bruno for a little over eight years, awaiting trial for murder.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Vincent Jacobo\"]‘I was just happy that I could help them because I’ve never done anything for [my family] before in my life.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo had never filed taxes before he submitted a return to get his stimulus money, so it was easier for his checks to get snagged, because the IRS didn’t have a previous record of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo said he didn’t want the money for himself: “The only thing I would do is spend it all on commissary. So I released it to a friend of mine here and he put it in Western Union and sent it, I’ve sent it down to help my kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo’s daughter and grandchildren live in Southern California. When he finally got his money, Jacobo says, they were able to pay down bills and rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just happy that I could help them because I’ve never done anything for them before in my life. So it was, yeah, I was happy I could do something for them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December of 2020, Robert Abeyta, back at Santa Rita Jail, finally got his money. His bail was a little over a thousand dollars, he said, so getting his stimulus money also meant getting his freedom. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In California, it costs about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/covid-19-response-efforts/#CJI\">$94 a day to jail a person\u003c/a>, so state taxpayers likely doled out over $14,000 to cover Abeyta’s time in lockup while he waited for federal money he was due. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His public defender, Joseph Goldstein-Breyer, said Abeyta has used the extra time on the outside to start turning his life around: “Since he was out of custody, Mr. Abeyta had the opportunity to jump through so many hoops to get his life together. I had a laundry list I could bring to the district attorney to say, ‘Don’t interrupt this wonderful, healthy momentum he has.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the year that Abeyta has been out of jail, said Goldstein-Breyer, he has enrolled in treatment for substance abuse and mental health issues. He has also been hired as an agent for a government support program to distribute what are colloquially known as “\u003ca href=\"https://www.truconnect.com/lifeline?utm_source=adwords&utm_medium=search&utm_campaign=wefi_targeting&gclid=CjwKCAiAksyNBhAPEiwAlDBeLJat-pzrCBwmz68Awx81c1kfOmwhXVQSq4uF0PoW1mnsAD6FmfCpaRoCeQ4QAvD_BwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Obamaphones\u003c/a>” to people with lower incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11899089\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a hat and blue shirt holding a device stands next to a white SUV with a sign that reads \"Assurance\" and the trunk opened.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Abeyta helps people sign up for Assistance Wireless, a government program to supply free phone plans to people with lower incomes, in Castro Valley on Dec. 14, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Abeyta is taking biology and history classes at Coastline College and has had his driver’s license restored. “At first, he was renting a car to get to all of these commitments, and then, because of saving money through work and improving his credit score, he was able to buy a 2019 Kia Niro, which he’s so proud of,” Goldstein-Breyer added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Abeyta resolved his most recent charge without receiving additional jail time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where are we now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to Santa Rita Jail’s Dean White, as of the end of August 2021, the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office is no longer returning stimulus payments it receives on behalf of people incarcerated there. That means, for about 10 months after the class action suit confirmed that people locked up were eligible for this money, those incarcerated at Santa Rita were still having to use workarounds to get their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White says the jail also established a hotline connecting its residents with tax assistance volunteers through the Alameda County Social Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to advocates at Bay Area Legal Aid, after considerable back and forth between their team and officials at Santa Rita, the jail set up a process to give people more flexibility around phone use, and to allow them to use a fax machine to send documents to the IRS if they have gotten stuck on hold three times for 45 minutes. Santa Rita’s White corroborated the details of the current process, with slight adjustments, saying the residents needed to be stuck on hold for an hour and that Santa Rita would lend them support by emailing the IRS as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates at the Santa Rita Jail Hotline also say they are no longer receiving regular calls from people incarcerated there about stimulus payment issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregoratos at the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office says his office has been receiving checks on behalf of folks incarcerated in the county throughout the pandemic. To date, they have assisted over 200 people in getting their money and have released about 100 payments to family members of those incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently around 150,000 people incarcerated in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/population-reports-2/\">prisons\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Jail-Pop-Trends-Through-Q2-2021.pdf\">jails\u003c/a>. This reporting represents experiences of people only in county jails; it does not speak to how folks in state prisons have fared. The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation told KQED it is not tracking how many incarcerated people have received payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it would be really helpful to have some transparency about what the current status is of the backlog. If the IRS thinks it needs more resources to get through that expeditiously, then I think it would be good for the public to know that and for Congress to act,” said Lieff Cabreser’s Salahi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For incarcerated people who have yet to pursue the funds, Salahi said the IRS has said it will still accept their tax returns. For those who’ve already submitted returns, it’s unclear how many haven’t gotten their stimulus money, but, he said, his office continues to get calls and letters almost daily from people still waiting for their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re getting into almost two years after the first set of stimulus payments were passed and authorized by Congress. The whole point, and it’s in the law that Congress passed, was to have the IRS issue [the payments] as rapidly as possible. And I think two years later is not rapid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Despite incarcerated people being eligible for stimulus payments established by the CARES Act, many are struggling to receive payments. Nearly two years later, some people are still waiting.",
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"title": "Incarcerated Californians Are Still Struggling to Collect Their Stimulus Payments | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the summer of 2020, Robert Abeyta was charged with assault with a deadly weapon and admitted into Santa Rita Jail in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just in the wrong place at the wrong time and really could have gotten out very quickly if I had the financial resources,” said Abeyta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abeyta is 39 and grew up in Oakland’s Fruitvale District. He said he was completely broke at the time of his arrest. But even though his bank account was empty, there were resources available that he could have used to post bail and return to his life on the outside. He just couldn’t access them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These resources are \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/coronavirus/economic-impact-payments\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">economic impact payments initially established by the CARES Act\u003c/a>, and, even though incarcerated people are eligible for this money, their fight to get it started almost as soon as it became available to them. Nearly two years later, some people are still waiting. KQED has spoken with incarcerated and formerly incarcerated people, advocates, attorneys and detention facility staff to better understand how this happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The law and the lawsuit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the early days of the pandemic, Congress passed the CARES Act, a more than $2 trillion aid package meant to provide a lifeline to the many Americans whose worlds got turned inside out by the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this package included stimulus payments, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgpf.org/blog/2021/03/what-to-know-about-all-three-rounds-of-coronavirus-stimulus-checks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">which have since been expanded, and add up to around $3,200 per individual\u003c/a>. The stimulus money is distributed by the IRS, so to get it, you had to have filed a tax return. The eligibility requirements for these funds are quite broad: Essentially, if you are a citizen or permanent resident, you aren’t a dependent for tax purposes and you don’t make over $75,000 for individuals, you should qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the CARES Act passed, in \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2020/05/18/checks/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">May of 2020\u003c/a>, the IRS determined that incarcerated people weren’t eligible for the stimulus payments and asked over 950,000 incarcerated people to return more than $1 billion worth of payments the IRS had already distributed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prison authorities around the country took note of that and started to treat any attempt by somebody in their custody to apply for or obtain those funds as some form of misconduct,” said Yaman Salahi, a partner at Lieff Cabraser Heimann & Bernstein in San Francisco — even to the extent, Salahi said, that, “we were hearing from people who said, [they were] sent to the hole, which is solitary confinement, because [they] tried to do this, or all of [their] correspondence about this [had] been confiscated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salahi helped argue the \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10586\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">class action suit\u003c/a> that would confirm incarcerated people are in fact eligible for the stimulus payments initially established by the CARES Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we took a look at the issue, we determined that the IRS’s position was almost certainly unlawful because it had no basis in the law that Congress passed,” said Salahi.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>A judge agreed, and in October of 2020, the IRS reversed its policy and again began issuing the checks to incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The barriers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Robert Abeyta went into jail in July of 2020, so the doubt the IRS raised about eligibility and the back and forth it caused happened while he was incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though we were eligible to receive those checks, the jail would not receive the checks,” said Abeyta. “They would send them back. The checks or the debit cards, didn’t matter. They’d send them back to the Treasury Department.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dean White, who served as programs supervisor of the Inmate Services Unit at Santa Rita Jail, confirmed that the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office did have a policy against receiving tax refund money. This meant that people at Santa Rita needed to find a third party to receive payments on their behalf to avoid having them be returned to the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abeyta said, “It was very, very messy because, you know, not everybody has the social support to have, you know, somebody offer an address for them to use to file their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even getting this far was a feat. Abeyta didn’t have H&R Block or even the internet, and he could only use the phone for set periods of time.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s really hard when you’re in a cage all the time … there’s something about that environment that really exhausts a person.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, if the forms got flagged by the IRS, trying to get through to figure out what happened and how to fix it felt nearly impossible with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2021/04/23/irs-1040-hotline/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">wait times on the agency phone lines\u003c/a>. It wasn’t easy to stay hopeful and persistent, Abeyta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The driving factor was just believing in what we were doing. It’s really hard when you’re in a cage all the time … there’s something about that environment that really exhausts a person,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abeyta said one saving grace was consistent support from advocates on the outside, like the \u003ca href=\"https://nlgsf.org/programs-committees/nlg-sfba-programs/santa-rita-jail-hotline/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Santa Rita Jail Hotline\u003c/a>, an affiliate of the National Lawyers Guild’s San Francisco/Bay Area chapter, who gave support over the phone and helped distribute explainer packets with the filing forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salahi from Lieff Cabreser said, after the class action confirmed incarcerated people were eligible for the stimulus, the courts also told the IRS it was obligated to send notices to incarcerated people confirming they were eligible, and to officials at detention facilities explaining the same, and asking them not to interfere with the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Santa Rita’s White said, as of December 2021, the facility has never heard directly from the IRS about the stimulus funds. White said he and his colleagues became aware of their residents’ eligibility through the advocacy group Bay Area Legal Aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>If they’ve committed crimes, why should I care if they get their money?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Abeyta, and many other incarcerated folks seeking out these funds, have committed serious crimes, so many people may not be sympathetic about them struggling to get their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Gregoratos, who directs the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office’s unique in-house advocacy department, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfsheriff.com/services/jail-services/prisoner-legal-services\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Prisoner Legal Services\u003c/a>, gets it. But, he also says, “Ninety-nine percent of the people here in our jail right now are not convicted of a crime. They’re awaiting trial.” Gregoratos says those waits have gotten even longer during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His colleague, Nubia Aguilera, pointed out that the funds can also go to offset basic amenities incarcerated people need in prisons, which, under normal circumstances, they would likely buy with money from friends and family on the outside. Because of the pandemic, these friends and family may not have enough resources to go around even at home, much less to send out to support folks inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the people locked up aren’t the only ones who stand to benefit from these funds, Aguilera said: “I know a lot of them have been, you know, filling out release forms to let their money go to family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the incarcerated people whom Aguilera and Gregoratos have supported through this process is 64-year-old Vincent Jacobo from San Francisco. He’s been incarcerated in the San Francisco County Jail in San Bruno for a little over eight years, awaiting trial for murder.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo had never filed taxes before he submitted a return to get his stimulus money, so it was easier for his checks to get snagged, because the IRS didn’t have a previous record of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo said he didn’t want the money for himself: “The only thing I would do is spend it all on commissary. So I released it to a friend of mine here and he put it in Western Union and sent it, I’ve sent it down to help my kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacobo’s daughter and grandchildren live in Southern California. When he finally got his money, Jacobo says, they were able to pay down bills and rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just happy that I could help them because I’ve never done anything for them before in my life. So it was, yeah, I was happy I could do something for them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December of 2020, Robert Abeyta, back at Santa Rita Jail, finally got his money. His bail was a little over a thousand dollars, he said, so getting his stimulus money also meant getting his freedom. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In California, it costs about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/covid19/covid-19-response-efforts/#CJI\">$94 a day to jail a person\u003c/a>, so state taxpayers likely doled out over $14,000 to cover Abeyta’s time in lockup while he waited for federal money he was due. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His public defender, Joseph Goldstein-Breyer, said Abeyta has used the extra time on the outside to start turning his life around: “Since he was out of custody, Mr. Abeyta had the opportunity to jump through so many hoops to get his life together. I had a laundry list I could bring to the district attorney to say, ‘Don’t interrupt this wonderful, healthy momentum he has.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the year that Abeyta has been out of jail, said Goldstein-Breyer, he has enrolled in treatment for substance abuse and mental health issues. He has also been hired as an agent for a government support program to distribute what are colloquially known as “\u003ca href=\"https://www.truconnect.com/lifeline?utm_source=adwords&utm_medium=search&utm_campaign=wefi_targeting&gclid=CjwKCAiAksyNBhAPEiwAlDBeLJat-pzrCBwmz68Awx81c1kfOmwhXVQSq4uF0PoW1mnsAD6FmfCpaRoCeQ4QAvD_BwE\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Obamaphones\u003c/a>” to people with lower incomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11899089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11899089\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='A man wearing a hat and blue shirt holding a device stands next to a white SUV with a sign that reads \"Assurance\" and the trunk opened.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/12/RS52928_005_CastroValley_RobertAbeyta_StimulusChecks_20211214-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Abeyta helps people sign up for Assistance Wireless, a government program to supply free phone plans to people with lower incomes, in Castro Valley on Dec. 14, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Abeyta is taking biology and history classes at Coastline College and has had his driver’s license restored. “At first, he was renting a car to get to all of these commitments, and then, because of saving money through work and improving his credit score, he was able to buy a 2019 Kia Niro, which he’s so proud of,” Goldstein-Breyer added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Abeyta resolved his most recent charge without receiving additional jail time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where are we now?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>According to Santa Rita Jail’s Dean White, as of the end of August 2021, the Alameda County Sheriff’s Office is no longer returning stimulus payments it receives on behalf of people incarcerated there. That means, for about 10 months after the class action suit confirmed that people locked up were eligible for this money, those incarcerated at Santa Rita were still having to use workarounds to get their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White says the jail also established a hotline connecting its residents with tax assistance volunteers through the Alameda County Social Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to advocates at Bay Area Legal Aid, after considerable back and forth between their team and officials at Santa Rita, the jail set up a process to give people more flexibility around phone use, and to allow them to use a fax machine to send documents to the IRS if they have gotten stuck on hold three times for 45 minutes. Santa Rita’s White corroborated the details of the current process, with slight adjustments, saying the residents needed to be stuck on hold for an hour and that Santa Rita would lend them support by emailing the IRS as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates at the Santa Rita Jail Hotline also say they are no longer receiving regular calls from people incarcerated there about stimulus payment issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregoratos at the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office says his office has been receiving checks on behalf of folks incarcerated in the county throughout the pandemic. To date, they have assisted over 200 people in getting their money and have released about 100 payments to family members of those incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are currently around 150,000 people incarcerated in California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/population-reports-2/\">prisons\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Jail-Pop-Trends-Through-Q2-2021.pdf\">jails\u003c/a>. This reporting represents experiences of people only in county jails; it does not speak to how folks in state prisons have fared. The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation told KQED it is not tracking how many incarcerated people have received payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it would be really helpful to have some transparency about what the current status is of the backlog. If the IRS thinks it needs more resources to get through that expeditiously, then I think it would be good for the public to know that and for Congress to act,” said Lieff Cabreser’s Salahi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For incarcerated people who have yet to pursue the funds, Salahi said the IRS has said it will still accept their tax returns. For those who’ve already submitted returns, it’s unclear how many haven’t gotten their stimulus money, but, he said, his office continues to get calls and letters almost daily from people still waiting for their money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re getting into almost two years after the first set of stimulus payments were passed and authorized by Congress. The whole point, and it’s in the law that Congress passed, was to have the IRS issue [the payments] as rapidly as possible. And I think two years later is not rapid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For years, San Francisco’s former island prison, Alcatraz, has made its reputation mostly on famous escapes and infamous people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a new exhibit, one of its first new permanent showcases in decades, is highlighting injustices in the U.S. mass-incarceration system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s called “The Big Lockup: Mass Incarceration in the United States.” Free with admission, it’s the first major permanent exhibit on the island in 30 years. The exhibit is a self-guided experience that uses text, photographs and interactive content to inform audiences about the history of incarceration in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its exhibits explicitly question the criminal justice system, with panels that say “Who is harmed?” and “Can we do better?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894278\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894278\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman stands in the front of a ferry arriving on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have a new impetus here to try to make Alcatraz relevant to conditions in the country today, as well as to move away from the Hollywood image of Alcatraz to more relevant issues and to get people thinking about these issues in a critical way,” said Will Elder, a spokesperson for the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894291\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors exit the ferry onto Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The exhibit features infographics explaining how the war on drugs and systemic racism has disproportionately incarcerated people of color, as well as panels describing how education, affluence, drug use and whether or not someone is placed in foster care can influence the likelihood that someone is incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data from 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://www.datanetwork.org/news/to-what-degree-do-the-criminal-justice-and-child-welfare-populations-in-california-overlap/\">28% of people incarcerated between 2000 and 2013\u003c/a> had a history of either an open child welfare case for in-home services or an out-of-home foster care placement. \u003ca href=\"https://datacenter.kidscount.org/updates/show/264-us-foster-care-population-by-race-and-ethnicity\">In 2018, 44% of children in the foster care system nationwide\u003c/a> were Black or Latinx.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894281\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894281\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos and stories of formerly incarcerated people line a wall in a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021, featuring stories of the United States prison system told through the voices and experiences of formerly incarcerated people, scholars and criminal justice advocates. ‘The Big Lockup: Mass Incarceration in the United States’ is a free self-guided experience that uses text, photographs, and multimedia and interactive content to engage audiences on the history of incarceration in the country. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The exhibit also explores the social cost of being incarcerated, not only to the incarcerated themselves, but to their families and communities, primarily shown through video interviews of formerly incarcerated people discussing their experiences and the challenges of reentering society after incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894284\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11894284 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors look through a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021, featuring stories of the United States prison system told through the voices and experiences of formerly incarcerated people, scholars and criminal justice advocates. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are examples of how other countries’ criminal justice and incarceration systems function, an opportunity for visitors to come to their own conclusions about which systems are most humane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894279\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894279\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new exhibit on Alcatraz Island displays different handcuffs used on incarcerated people. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We try to present the exhibit in ways that ask questions. So how did we get here? Does history matter? Who is harmed? Can we do better? We try and present the information in a way that really asks the visitor questions more than we tell them the answers,” said Michele Gee, chief of interpretation and education for the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894290\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An installation displays a graph showing how the United States has the world’s largest prison system. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There’s also a strong interactive component. Polling stations ask visitors questions for their opinions on incarceration and are designed to be used by two people simultaneously. The idea is that after learning more about mass incarceration, the exhibit will become a place for people to have discussions and exchanges of ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894283\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11894283 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An installation reads ‘Is Justice Colorblind?’ at a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021, featuring stories of the United States prison system told through the voices and experiences of formerly incarcerated people, scholars and criminal justice advocates. At the end of the exhibit, there’s a statement and a chance for visitors to vote on it. Michele Gee, chief of interpretation and education for the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, said the statement will change periodically, but today it says: ‘People convicted of felonies should be allowed to vote.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next to the questions are a box of tokens and a place for visitors to cast their own votes on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894285\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11894285 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An interactive installation says ‘People convicted of felonies should be allowed to vote’ and gives visitors the option to vote yes, no or maybe at a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information on the exhibit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/thebiglockup.htm\">visit the National Park Service website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Photos: New Alcatraz Exhibit Showcases the Hidden Costs of Incarceration | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For years, San Francisco’s former island prison, Alcatraz, has made its reputation mostly on famous escapes and infamous people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a new exhibit, one of its first new permanent showcases in decades, is highlighting injustices in the U.S. mass-incarceration system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s called “The Big Lockup: Mass Incarceration in the United States.” Free with admission, it’s the first major permanent exhibit on the island in 30 years. The exhibit is a self-guided experience that uses text, photographs and interactive content to inform audiences about the history of incarceration in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its exhibits explicitly question the criminal justice system, with panels that say “Who is harmed?” and “Can we do better?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894278\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894278\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52187_018_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman stands in the front of a ferry arriving on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have a new impetus here to try to make Alcatraz relevant to conditions in the country today, as well as to move away from the Hollywood image of Alcatraz to more relevant issues and to get people thinking about these issues in a critical way,” said Will Elder, a spokesperson for the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894291\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894291\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52216_063_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors exit the ferry onto Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The exhibit features infographics explaining how the war on drugs and systemic racism has disproportionately incarcerated people of color, as well as panels describing how education, affluence, drug use and whether or not someone is placed in foster care can influence the likelihood that someone is incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data from 2017, \u003ca href=\"https://www.datanetwork.org/news/to-what-degree-do-the-criminal-justice-and-child-welfare-populations-in-california-overlap/\">28% of people incarcerated between 2000 and 2013\u003c/a> had a history of either an open child welfare case for in-home services or an out-of-home foster care placement. \u003ca href=\"https://datacenter.kidscount.org/updates/show/264-us-foster-care-population-by-race-and-ethnicity\">In 2018, 44% of children in the foster care system nationwide\u003c/a> were Black or Latinx.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894281\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894281\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52196_032_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos and stories of formerly incarcerated people line a wall in a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021, featuring stories of the United States prison system told through the voices and experiences of formerly incarcerated people, scholars and criminal justice advocates. ‘The Big Lockup: Mass Incarceration in the United States’ is a free self-guided experience that uses text, photographs, and multimedia and interactive content to engage audiences on the history of incarceration in the country. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The exhibit also explores the social cost of being incarcerated, not only to the incarcerated themselves, but to their families and communities, primarily shown through video interviews of formerly incarcerated people discussing their experiences and the challenges of reentering society after incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894284\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11894284 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52207_047_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Visitors look through a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021, featuring stories of the United States prison system told through the voices and experiences of formerly incarcerated people, scholars and criminal justice advocates. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are examples of how other countries’ criminal justice and incarceration systems function, an opportunity for visitors to come to their own conclusions about which systems are most humane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894279\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894279\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52190_024_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new exhibit on Alcatraz Island displays different handcuffs used on incarcerated people. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We try to present the exhibit in ways that ask questions. So how did we get here? Does history matter? Who is harmed? Can we do better? We try and present the information in a way that really asks the visitor questions more than we tell them the answers,” said Michele Gee, chief of interpretation and education for the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894290\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11894290\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52189_023_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An installation displays a graph showing how the United States has the world’s largest prison system. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There’s also a strong interactive component. Polling stations ask visitors questions for their opinions on incarceration and are designed to be used by two people simultaneously. The idea is that after learning more about mass incarceration, the exhibit will become a place for people to have discussions and exchanges of ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894283\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11894283 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52201_041_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An installation reads ‘Is Justice Colorblind?’ at a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island on Oct. 28, 2021, featuring stories of the United States prison system told through the voices and experiences of formerly incarcerated people, scholars and criminal justice advocates. At the end of the exhibit, there’s a statement and a chance for visitors to vote on it. Michele Gee, chief of interpretation and education for the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, said the statement will change periodically, but today it says: ‘People convicted of felonies should be allowed to vote.’ \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next to the questions are a box of tokens and a place for visitors to cast their own votes on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11894285\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11894285 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/RS52213_054_Alcatraz_IncarcerationExhibit_10282021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An interactive installation says ‘People convicted of felonies should be allowed to vote’ and gives visitors the option to vote yes, no or maybe at a new exhibit on Alcatraz Island. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information on the exhibit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/thebiglockup.htm\">visit the National Park Service website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Marin Judge Tentatively Rejects Cutting San Quentin Crowding",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Marin County judge tentatively ruled Friday that state prison officials acted with deliberate indifference when they caused a deadly coronavirus outbreak at San Quentin last year. But he said vaccines have since so changed the landscape that officials are no longer violating the constitutional rights of those incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit stemmed from the botched transfer of infected inmates in May 2020 from a Southern California prison to San Quentin, which at the time had no infections. The coronavirus then quickly sickened 75% of those incarcerated at the prison, leading to the deaths of 28 incarcerated people and a correctional officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials “ignored virtually every safety measure in doing so,” Marin County Superior Court Judge Geoffrey Howard wrote in a 114-page tentative ruling Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tragic, inevitable … result of this bumbling sequence of events was an exponential COVID-19 outbreak at San Quentin that, to date, has killed 28 people,” he wrote. “It more than qualifies as deliberate indifference to a known risk.” [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Marin County Superior Court Judge Geoffrey Howard\"]‘The tragic, inevitable … result of this bumbling sequence of events was an exponential COVID-19 outbreak at San Quentin that, to date, has killed 28 people. … It more than qualifies as deliberate indifference to a known risk.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he preliminarily rejected inmates’ request that he essentially reinstate an appeals court ruling from October 2020 requiring corrections officials to cut the incarcerated population to less than half of San Quentin’s designed capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Supreme Court put that appeals court order on hold in December pending the trial that took place in Howard’s courtroom this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court order came during the height of the pandemic in October 2020, after the deadly summer surge at San Quentin and before a statewide winter spike that strained hospitals and intensive care units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard tentatively concluded that conditions have substantially changed since then, mainly because he said prison officials have done their best to vaccinate every incarcerated person who agrees to be inoculated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those vaccinations “substantially reduce the danger posed by COVID-19 within the prison. That risk, though undoubtedly substantial and serious, may well not exceed contemporary standards of decency,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vaccine — in combination with the myriad other measures [the prison system] has undertaken — has essentially eliminated the more serious threat from COVID-19 to any inmate who accepts the vaccine.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Attorney Charles Carbone\"]‘You can violate the rights of your prisoner population to the point where you basically cause preventable deaths, and there’s really not going to be any accountability.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard said he will hear attorneys’ objections or comments on Nov. 8 before making a final ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Charles Carbone, who represented the first incarcerated person in a case that now involves hundreds, said there is little chance of changing Howard’s ruling, but that it will be appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard meticulously documented human rights and constitutional abuses, Carbone said, but then “said, ‘Sorry, so what. Sorry that people died, sorry that hundreds of correctional staff got sick, and sorry that it was largely if not entirely preventable. But as a body of law, we’re not going to do anything about it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://open.spotify.com/embed/episode/2roxKfFBAyxqnhNehITOkL\" width=\"100%\" height=\"232\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carbone said that also sends the wrong message to corrections officials, who may now feel “you can violate the rights of your prisoner population to the point where you basically cause preventable deaths, and there’s really not going to be any accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corrections officials said they are reviewing the tentative ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In arguing for a court-ordered population reduction, the attorneys of those who are incarcerated called overcrowding the “original sin” of the California prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overcrowding “is why San Quentin presented a virtual tinderbox for an epidemiological conflagration in early 2020, because its population stood at 131.4% of capacity,” they argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California prison officials countered that they took numerous steps to try to protect those incarcerated from infection, including temporarily reducing the population of the state’s oldest prison by 40%, short of the 50% recommended in June 2020 by health experts.[aside tag=\"san-quentin\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials said the botched transfer itself was a flawed but well-intentioned effort to move 121 vulnerable inmates away from an outbreak at a Southern California prison. Some of the incarcerated people sent to San Quentin had already been infected but were inadequately tested for the virus, and they were not quarantined upon their arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outbreak prompted more than 700 people incarcerated at San Quentin to petition the Marin County Superior Court for their immediate release. About 300 were consolidated into a single case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in September ordered all California prison employees to be vaccinated, though the state is fighting the mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard ruled in one of several lawsuits resulting from the San Quentin outbreak, including a federal civil rights lawsuit by the family of 61-year-old Daniel Ruiz, who died, and a proposed Marin County class-action lawsuit on behalf of Steven Malear and what the lawsuit says are at least 1,400 incarcerated people infected at San Quentin .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Marin County judge tentatively ruled Friday that state prison officials acted with deliberate indifference when they caused a deadly coronavirus outbreak at San Quentin last year. But he said vaccines have since so changed the landscape that officials are no longer violating the constitutional rights of those incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit stemmed from the botched transfer of infected inmates in May 2020 from a Southern California prison to San Quentin, which at the time had no infections. The coronavirus then quickly sickened 75% of those incarcerated at the prison, leading to the deaths of 28 incarcerated people and a correctional officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials “ignored virtually every safety measure in doing so,” Marin County Superior Court Judge Geoffrey Howard wrote in a 114-page tentative ruling Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tragic, inevitable … result of this bumbling sequence of events was an exponential COVID-19 outbreak at San Quentin that, to date, has killed 28 people,” he wrote. “It more than qualifies as deliberate indifference to a known risk.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he preliminarily rejected inmates’ request that he essentially reinstate an appeals court ruling from October 2020 requiring corrections officials to cut the incarcerated population to less than half of San Quentin’s designed capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Supreme Court put that appeals court order on hold in December pending the trial that took place in Howard’s courtroom this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court order came during the height of the pandemic in October 2020, after the deadly summer surge at San Quentin and before a statewide winter spike that strained hospitals and intensive care units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard tentatively concluded that conditions have substantially changed since then, mainly because he said prison officials have done their best to vaccinate every incarcerated person who agrees to be inoculated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those vaccinations “substantially reduce the danger posed by COVID-19 within the prison. That risk, though undoubtedly substantial and serious, may well not exceed contemporary standards of decency,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vaccine — in combination with the myriad other measures [the prison system] has undertaken — has essentially eliminated the more serious threat from COVID-19 to any inmate who accepts the vaccine.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard said he will hear attorneys’ objections or comments on Nov. 8 before making a final ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Charles Carbone, who represented the first incarcerated person in a case that now involves hundreds, said there is little chance of changing Howard’s ruling, but that it will be appealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard meticulously documented human rights and constitutional abuses, Carbone said, but then “said, ‘Sorry, so what. Sorry that people died, sorry that hundreds of correctional staff got sick, and sorry that it was largely if not entirely preventable. But as a body of law, we’re not going to do anything about it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://open.spotify.com/embed/episode/2roxKfFBAyxqnhNehITOkL\" width=\"100%\" height=\"232\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carbone said that also sends the wrong message to corrections officials, who may now feel “you can violate the rights of your prisoner population to the point where you basically cause preventable deaths, and there’s really not going to be any accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corrections officials said they are reviewing the tentative ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In arguing for a court-ordered population reduction, the attorneys of those who are incarcerated called overcrowding the “original sin” of the California prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overcrowding “is why San Quentin presented a virtual tinderbox for an epidemiological conflagration in early 2020, because its population stood at 131.4% of capacity,” they argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California prison officials countered that they took numerous steps to try to protect those incarcerated from infection, including temporarily reducing the population of the state’s oldest prison by 40%, short of the 50% recommended in June 2020 by health experts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials said the botched transfer itself was a flawed but well-intentioned effort to move 121 vulnerable inmates away from an outbreak at a Southern California prison. Some of the incarcerated people sent to San Quentin had already been infected but were inadequately tested for the virus, and they were not quarantined upon their arrival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outbreak prompted more than 700 people incarcerated at San Quentin to petition the Marin County Superior Court for their immediate release. About 300 were consolidated into a single case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in September ordered all California prison employees to be vaccinated, though the state is fighting the mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard ruled in one of several lawsuits resulting from the San Quentin outbreak, including a federal civil rights lawsuit by the family of 61-year-old Daniel Ruiz, who died, and a proposed Marin County class-action lawsuit on behalf of Steven Malear and what the lawsuit says are at least 1,400 incarcerated people infected at San Quentin .\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/special-letters-outside-almost-one-year-pandemic\">‘With You, Everything Was Better’: Letters from ‘Uncuffed’ Podcast\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adamu Chan and Edmond Richardson met while they were incarcerated at San Quentin about two years ago, and have been best friends ever since. Adamu was released last fall, and they’ve kept in touch by writing letters to each other. Edmond tells Adamu about the lingering effects of COVID, which he contracted while inside the prison. Adamu describes adjusting to life on the outside. We’ll hear part of an episode Adamu helped produce for the KALW Public Media podcast, “Uncuffed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kitchensisters.org/present/lawrence-ferlinghetti/\">‘Rivers of Memory’: A Lush Soundscape of Lawrence Ferlinghetti’s Life and Words\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We mark the loss of literary giant Lawrence Ferlinghetti, who died on February 22nd at the age of 101. Poet, activist, and publisher of many Beat poets of the 1950s and 60s, Ferlinghetti was considered by many to be the soul of San Francisco’s counterculture movement. The Kitchen Sisters, Nikki Silva and Davia Nelson, bring us an audio documentary they produced in honor of Ferlinghetti’s 99th birthday. It’s a collaboration with sound designer Jim McKee, who recorded Ferlinghetti for two decades, and draws from McKee’s lush documentary “Rivers of Memory,” featuring Ferlinghetti’s poetry and musings on his own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/post/special-letters-outside-almost-one-year-pandemic\">‘With You, Everything Was Better’: Letters from ‘Uncuffed’ Podcast\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adamu Chan and Edmond Richardson met while they were incarcerated at San Quentin about two years ago, and have been best friends ever since. Adamu was released last fall, and they’ve kept in touch by writing letters to each other. Edmond tells Adamu about the lingering effects of COVID, which he contracted while inside the prison. Adamu describes adjusting to life on the outside. We’ll hear part of an episode Adamu helped produce for the KALW Public Media podcast, “Uncuffed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kitchensisters.org/present/lawrence-ferlinghetti/\">‘Rivers of Memory’: A Lush Soundscape of Lawrence Ferlinghetti’s Life and Words\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We mark the loss of literary giant Lawrence Ferlinghetti, who died on February 22nd at the age of 101. Poet, activist, and publisher of many Beat poets of the 1950s and 60s, Ferlinghetti was considered by many to be the soul of San Francisco’s counterculture movement. The Kitchen Sisters, Nikki Silva and Davia Nelson, bring us an audio documentary they produced in honor of Ferlinghetti’s 99th birthday. It’s a collaboration with sound designer Jim McKee, who recorded Ferlinghetti for two decades, and draws from McKee’s lush documentary “Rivers of Memory,” featuring Ferlinghetti’s poetry and musings on his own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Voting rights was a topic of spirited debate at California’s first Constitutional Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 48 delegates gathered in Monterey in the fall of 1849 argued over whether to extend the right to vote to former Mexican citizens and Indigenous people; how long gold-seeking migrants would need to reside in the state to cast a ballot; and whether dueling should be punished with the loss of the franchise — also known as the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that time, there was little discussion about the voting rights of Californians convicted of crimes. The issue was settled quickly and quietly, and the resolution would remain largely untouched for more than a century. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17\"]‘If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color … California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this.’ [/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in the 60s and 70s, California’s courts and the electorate took a new look at the disenfranchisement of formerly incarcerated people, and in 1974, voting rights were extended to all Californians convicted of a felony, upon completion of their parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are weighing whether to approve another change to voting rights for former prisoners. Proposition 17 on the November ballot would restore voting rights to parolees upon their release from state prison — before successfully completing their parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its passage would mark the latest turn in the state’s winding history of voting rights for Californians in the criminal justice system — a history driven by oscillating views on what crimes, and which Californians, should be punished with the loss of the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of this back and forth, and the level of disagreement we still have about these issues, is rooted in this disagreement about what punishment is and what rehabilitation is,” said Pippa Holloway, professor of history at the University of Richmond, in Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Infamous Crimes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With little controversy, California’s constitutional delegates approved Article II, Section 5 of the state’s constitution in 1849, which stated that “No idiot or insane person, or person convicted of any infamous crime, shall be entitled to the privileges of an elector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what was an \u003cem>infamous\u003c/em> crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term was a hold-over from English law that made its way into many U.S. state constitutions, including California’s, said Holloway, author of “Living in Infamy: Felon Disfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841889\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"641\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg 641w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanley Mosk, Associate Justice of the California Supreme Court, 1964-2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>‘Infamous’ could refer to the severity or social impact of the crime, but also to the severity of the resulting punishment, such as a branding or whipping that could leave a permanent mark on the prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early American history, the impreciseness of the term led to some surprising applications of disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The really most obvious and jarring example of this is the crime of murder. Under historic American interpretations of the law, murder was not an infamous crime,” Holloway said. “And the belief was that murder, as well as other certain crimes of violence, were not infamous because there was a belief that a violent act might be kind of pure, that it didn’t evidence planning, it didn’t evidence a broader social malice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, lawmakers and judges in southern states used the flexibility of the term to exclude African American voters, by lowering the bar for crimes deemed ‘infamous.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, application of the law varied. Most courts through the early 20th century equated an ‘infamous crime’ with a felony. But the legislature confused matters by specifying the loss of voting rights for embezzlement or \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">misappropriation \u003c/span>of public funds. As a result, interpretation was largely left to county clerks and election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A New Focus on the ‘Integrity of the Elective Process’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1966, the California Supreme Court issued a ruling that upended previous practices of felon disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case involved James Otsuka, a Los Angeles resident who lost his right to vote after he was imprisoned for being a conscientious objector to the second World War. He had served his sentence decades earlier, and petitioned the court for the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court not only sided with Otsuka, they also demanded that voting rights only be stripped of Californians convicted of crimes that directly threatened the election process, like voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The unreasonableness of a classification disfranchising all former felons, regardless of their crime, is readily demonstrable,” wrote Justice Stanley Mosk, in \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/otsuka-v-hite-27340#FFN_19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the majority opinion\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It raises the spectre of citizens automatically deprived of their right to vote upon conviction, for example, of seduction under promise of marriage…wife-beating…failure to provide family support…conduct which is but little detrimental to society at large and is totally unrelated to the goal of preservation of the integrity of the elective process.” [aside tag=\"election2020\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4-3 ruling in \u003cem>Otsuka v. Hite \u003c/em>left California with “a distinctly modern interpretation,” of infamous crimes, Holloway said — one judging that only threats to the ballot box should result in a loss of voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as critics of the ruling predicted, the new standard of ‘infamous crimes’ was again difficult for local election officials to put into practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By what standard is the Registrar of Voters to determine whether one convicted of crime is thereby branded as a ‘threat to the integrity of the elective process’?” wondered Justice Louis Burke, in his dissent. “For example, would murder qualify?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scattershot implementation of the ruling meant the decision to exclude Californians convicted of felonies would largely rest with county officials for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Voters End Confusion with Proposition 10\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A survey of California counties in 1972 found that voting rights for former inmates varied county by county. Some local election officials refused to restore voting rights to any former prisoner, others created a list of crimes resulting in permanent disenfranchisement — and still others considered each former inmates’ case separately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts were also divided on the issue: the California Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that permanent voter exclusion following a conviction for an ‘infamous crime’ violated equal protections rights. A year later, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned that decision in \u003cem>Richardson v. Ramirez, \u003c/em>ruling that convicted felons had no constitutional right to vote. The decision justified the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disenfranchisement laws\u003c/a> that now exist in dozens of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was finally decided on the ballot. In 1974, the state Legislature put Proposition 10 before voters, which proposed to eliminate the “infamous crime” statue from the state constitution. In its place, it proposed the “disqualification of electors while mentally incompetent or imprisoned or on parole for the conviction of a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was backed by Democrats, including San Francisco Sen. George Moscone and Los Angeles Assemblyman Julian Dixon. They argued against lifelong disenfranchisement, and sought to end the patchwork of county-level decisions on voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The objective of reintegrating ex-felons into society is dramatically impeded by continued restriction of the right to vote,” they wrote in that year’s voter information guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Times reported at the time that Proposition 10 was among the measures that “failed to cause much controversy during the fall election campaign.” And on Election Day, as California voters sent Jerry Brown to the governor’s office for the first time, Proposition 10 was approved with 56% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left California’s law on felon disenfranchisement as it exists today: voting rights can only be restored to those convicted of a felony upon completion of their parole term — a period of supervision following an inmates’ release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats and groups like the League of Women Voters had succeeded in ending the uncertainty of the ‘infamous crime’ statute and moved the state away from lifetime disfranchisement of former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as with so many California ballot measures, Proposition 10 carried an underlying consequence: by aligning disenfranchisement with any felony (instead of specific crimes that threatened the “\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">integrity of the elective process”\u003c/span>) it married suffrage to an expanding criminal justice system that disproportionately impacted Black and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Modern ‘Poll Tax’? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing decades, the number of Californians on parole for a felony skyrocketed. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/bccj/CA_in_Context_Policy_Brief_Sept_2012_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report from the UC Berkeley School of Law\u003c/a> found an incredible 708% increase in the state’s parole population between 1980 and 2010 — among the largest jumps in the nation over that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Gonzalez is among the Californians whose parole term is set for life. He spent nearly two decades in state prison for his involvement in a murder as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the time I was 17, I was already sentenced and sitting in a state maximum security adult facility,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Gonzalez got a degree and is now working and raising his son, but his lifetime parole term prevents him from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a taxpayer, as a regular person, you want to have a say,” Gonzalez said. “And if you feel like you don’t, then at the worst you’re not invested in your community. You don’t have that attachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians are disproportionately represented among parolees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-changing-parole-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. By the end of 2016, Black Californians accounted for 6% of the state’s adult population, but 26% of the state’s parole population. And Latinos made up 35% of the adult population, but 40% of those on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17 on this year’s ballot, said the racial makeup of the state’s parole population makes the current punishment of disenfranchisement “really kind of like poll taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color,” McCarty said. “California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this\u003ci>.” \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives seeking to expand voting rights for formerly incarcerated Californians have chosen not to go as far as the arguments of the 1960s and 1970s, when jurists questioned the very premise of stripping voting rights for crimes that have no relation to the electoral process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they have slowly chipped away at a declining population of disqualified voters. Recent criminal justice reforms have nearly cut the state’s parole population in half over the last decade. And a 2016 law restored the right to vote for those convicted of a felony who are serving time in county jail or in county post-release supervision programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, placed on the ballot by the state legislature this summer, is the latest move to regain the vote for those formerly incarcerated. It would join California with 17 other states that already allow parolees to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in the legislature were nearly unified in opposition — arguing that disenfranchisement is a fitting punishment for the state’s remaining parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with murderers and rapists, not low-level offenders but utmost serious offenders,” said Senator Jim Nielsen (R-Tehama). \u003ci>“\u003c/i>With the franchise to vote, they become more full participants in society — society that they’ve already shown their disdain for.”\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to reopen the voting rights debate to the relatively limited group of 40,000 parolees is ultimately a political compromise, said James Binnall, professor of Law, Criminology, and Criminal Justice at California State University, Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the conversation about voting rights in California could urge a re-examination, and not for the first time, of the premise for removing civic rights from those in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 17 say they are not looking ahead to any larger enfranchisement push beyond California parolees. But Maine and Vermont have already gone further, and never strip voting rights for a felony conviction so that even inmates can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having that discussion about why we draw lines and why reform efforts aim at certain people and leave others behind” is a “good thing,” Binnall said. “And [questioning] what that does to the folks you leave behind. Are you solidifying their ‘badness’ by not aiming a reform effort at them?”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voting rights was a topic of spirited debate at California’s first Constitutional Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 48 delegates gathered in Monterey in the fall of 1849 argued over whether to extend the right to vote to former Mexican citizens and Indigenous people; how long gold-seeking migrants would need to reside in the state to cast a ballot; and whether dueling should be punished with the loss of the franchise — also known as the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that time, there was little discussion about the voting rights of Californians convicted of crimes. The issue was settled quickly and quietly, and the resolution would remain largely untouched for more than a century. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color … California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this.’ ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in the 60s and 70s, California’s courts and the electorate took a new look at the disenfranchisement of formerly incarcerated people, and in 1974, voting rights were extended to all Californians convicted of a felony, upon completion of their parole term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, California voters are weighing whether to approve another change to voting rights for former prisoners. Proposition 17 on the November ballot would restore voting rights to parolees upon their release from state prison — before successfully completing their parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its passage would mark the latest turn in the state’s winding history of voting rights for Californians in the criminal justice system — a history driven by oscillating views on what crimes, and which Californians, should be punished with the loss of the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of this back and forth, and the level of disagreement we still have about these issues, is rooted in this disagreement about what punishment is and what rehabilitation is,” said Pippa Holloway, professor of history at the University of Richmond, in Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Infamous Crimes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>With little controversy, California’s constitutional delegates approved Article II, Section 5 of the state’s constitution in 1849, which stated that “No idiot or insane person, or person convicted of any infamous crime, shall be entitled to the privileges of an elector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what was an \u003cem>infamous\u003c/em> crime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term was a hold-over from English law that made its way into many U.S. state constitutions, including California’s, said Holloway, author of “Living in Infamy: Felon Disfranchisement and the History of American Citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11841889\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11841889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"641\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk.jpg 641w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/10/Stanley_Mosk-160x200.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stanley Mosk, Associate Justice of the California Supreme Court, 1964-2001. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California State Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>‘Infamous’ could refer to the severity or social impact of the crime, but also to the severity of the resulting punishment, such as a branding or whipping that could leave a permanent mark on the prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early American history, the impreciseness of the term led to some surprising applications of disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The really most obvious and jarring example of this is the crime of murder. Under historic American interpretations of the law, murder was not an infamous crime,” Holloway said. “And the belief was that murder, as well as other certain crimes of violence, were not infamous because there was a belief that a violent act might be kind of pure, that it didn’t evidence planning, it didn’t evidence a broader social malice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Civil War, lawmakers and judges in southern states used the flexibility of the term to exclude African American voters, by lowering the bar for crimes deemed ‘infamous.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, application of the law varied. Most courts through the early 20th century equated an ‘infamous crime’ with a felony. But the legislature confused matters by specifying the loss of voting rights for embezzlement or \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">misappropriation \u003c/span>of public funds. As a result, interpretation was largely left to county clerks and election officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A New Focus on the ‘Integrity of the Elective Process’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1966, the California Supreme Court issued a ruling that upended previous practices of felon disenfranchisement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case involved James Otsuka, a Los Angeles resident who lost his right to vote after he was imprisoned for being a conscientious objector to the second World War. He had served his sentence decades earlier, and petitioned the court for the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court not only sided with Otsuka, they also demanded that voting rights only be stripped of Californians convicted of crimes that directly threatened the election process, like voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The unreasonableness of a classification disfranchising all former felons, regardless of their crime, is readily demonstrable,” wrote Justice Stanley Mosk, in \u003ca href=\"https://scocal.stanford.edu/opinion/otsuka-v-hite-27340#FFN_19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the majority opinion\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It raises the spectre of citizens automatically deprived of their right to vote upon conviction, for example, of seduction under promise of marriage…wife-beating…failure to provide family support…conduct which is but little detrimental to society at large and is totally unrelated to the goal of preservation of the integrity of the elective process.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4-3 ruling in \u003cem>Otsuka v. Hite \u003c/em>left California with “a distinctly modern interpretation,” of infamous crimes, Holloway said — one judging that only threats to the ballot box should result in a loss of voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as critics of the ruling predicted, the new standard of ‘infamous crimes’ was again difficult for local election officials to put into practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By what standard is the Registrar of Voters to determine whether one convicted of crime is thereby branded as a ‘threat to the integrity of the elective process’?” wondered Justice Louis Burke, in his dissent. “For example, would murder qualify?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scattershot implementation of the ruling meant the decision to exclude Californians convicted of felonies would largely rest with county officials for the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Voters End Confusion with Proposition 10\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A survey of California counties in 1972 found that voting rights for former inmates varied county by county. Some local election officials refused to restore voting rights to any former prisoner, others created a list of crimes resulting in permanent disenfranchisement — and still others considered each former inmates’ case separately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courts were also divided on the issue: the California Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that permanent voter exclusion following a conviction for an ‘infamous crime’ violated equal protections rights. A year later, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned that decision in \u003cem>Richardson v. Ramirez, \u003c/em>ruling that convicted felons had no constitutional right to vote. The decision justified the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/felon-voting-rights.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">disenfranchisement laws\u003c/a> that now exist in dozens of states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was finally decided on the ballot. In 1974, the state Legislature put Proposition 10 before voters, which proposed to eliminate the “infamous crime” statue from the state constitution. In its place, it proposed the “disqualification of electors while mentally incompetent or imprisoned or on parole for the conviction of a felony.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was backed by Democrats, including San Francisco Sen. George Moscone and Los Angeles Assemblyman Julian Dixon. They argued against lifelong disenfranchisement, and sought to end the patchwork of county-level decisions on voting rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The objective of reintegrating ex-felons into society is dramatically impeded by continued restriction of the right to vote,” they wrote in that year’s voter information guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Times reported at the time that Proposition 10 was among the measures that “failed to cause much controversy during the fall election campaign.” And on Election Day, as California voters sent Jerry Brown to the governor’s office for the first time, Proposition 10 was approved with 56% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That left California’s law on felon disenfranchisement as it exists today: voting rights can only be restored to those convicted of a felony upon completion of their parole term — a period of supervision following an inmates’ release from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats and groups like the League of Women Voters had succeeded in ending the uncertainty of the ‘infamous crime’ statute and moved the state away from lifetime disfranchisement of former inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as with so many California ballot measures, Proposition 10 carried an underlying consequence: by aligning disenfranchisement with any felony (instead of specific crimes that threatened the “\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">integrity of the elective process”\u003c/span>) it married suffrage to an expanding criminal justice system that disproportionately impacted Black and Latino Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Modern ‘Poll Tax’? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over the ensuing decades, the number of Californians on parole for a felony skyrocketed. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/bccj/CA_in_Context_Policy_Brief_Sept_2012_Final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">report from the UC Berkeley School of Law\u003c/a> found an incredible 708% increase in the state’s parole population between 1980 and 2010 — among the largest jumps in the nation over that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Gonzalez is among the Californians whose parole term is set for life. He spent nearly two decades in state prison for his involvement in a murder as a teenager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the time I was 17, I was already sentenced and sitting in a state maximum security adult facility,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After his release, Gonzalez got a degree and is now working and raising his son, but his lifetime parole term prevents him from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a taxpayer, as a regular person, you want to have a say,” Gonzalez said. “And if you feel like you don’t, then at the worst you’re not invested in your community. You don’t have that attachment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and Latino Californians are disproportionately represented among parolees, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/californias-changing-parole-population/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to a study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. By the end of 2016, Black Californians accounted for 6% of the state’s adult population, but 26% of the state’s parole population. And Latinos made up 35% of the adult population, but 40% of those on parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the author of Proposition 17 on this year’s ballot, said the racial makeup of the state’s parole population makes the current punishment of disenfranchisement “really kind of like poll taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>“\u003c/em>If you look at the percentage of people who are on parole and can’t vote, they are people of color,” McCarty said. “California, for all our progressiveness, we’re really behind the curve on this\u003ci>.” \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives seeking to expand voting rights for formerly incarcerated Californians have chosen not to go as far as the arguments of the 1960s and 1970s, when jurists questioned the very premise of stripping voting rights for crimes that have no relation to the electoral process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, they have slowly chipped away at a declining population of disqualified voters. Recent criminal justice reforms have nearly cut the state’s parole population in half over the last decade. And a 2016 law restored the right to vote for those convicted of a felony who are serving time in county jail or in county post-release supervision programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 17, placed on the ballot by the state legislature this summer, is the latest move to regain the vote for those formerly incarcerated. It would join California with 17 other states that already allow parolees to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans in the legislature were nearly unified in opposition — arguing that disenfranchisement is a fitting punishment for the state’s remaining parole population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with murderers and rapists, not low-level offenders but utmost serious offenders,” said Senator Jim Nielsen (R-Tehama). \u003ci>“\u003c/i>With the franchise to vote, they become more full participants in society — society that they’ve already shown their disdain for.”\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to reopen the voting rights debate to the relatively limited group of 40,000 parolees is ultimately a political compromise, said James Binnall, professor of Law, Criminology, and Criminal Justice at California State University, Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the conversation about voting rights in California could urge a re-examination, and not for the first time, of the premise for removing civic rights from those in the criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 17 say they are not looking ahead to any larger enfranchisement push beyond California parolees. But Maine and Vermont have already gone further, and never strip voting rights for a felony conviction so that even inmates can vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having that discussion about why we draw lines and why reform efforts aim at certain people and leave others behind” is a “good thing,” Binnall said. “And [questioning] what that does to the folks you leave behind. Are you solidifying their ‘badness’ by not aiming a reform effort at them?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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