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"content": "\u003cp>As buying a home becomes \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/793\">more expensive each year\u003c/a>, families in California are renting for longer periods of time. According to the most recently available data, more than 40% of Californians are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">renters\u003c/a> — a higher proportion \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-renters/#:~:text=Renters%20make%20up%20a%20much%20larger%20share,remarkably%20consistent%20over%20the%20last%20six%20decades\">than any other state in the country\u003c/a> except New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the many economic benefits of owning your own home, in addition to boosting your family’s wealth and long-term stability, is building credit through mortgage payments. Now, a recently enacted California law also offers renters a way to use their \u003cem>rent \u003c/em>payments to do the same thing — as long as they pay on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2747\">Assembly Bill 2747\u003c/a>, tenants can ask their landlord to share rent payments made on time — however, their lease defines that timeframe — to at least one credit bureau. Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, authored AB 2747 to give tenants an additional tool to boost their credit score, said Nate Allbee, Haney’s communications director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People take paying rent seriously,” Allbee said. “What we’re hoping is that people who are making this financial commitment and doing the right thing, see their credit increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, how does sharing your rent payments with credit bureaus work if you choose to take advantage of this new law? Keep reading to learn what’s expected of landlords and what tenants should know before they make a decision about sharing this information.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How does reporting rent payments to credit bureaus work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the United States, three major credit bureaus — Equifax, TransUnion and Experian — \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/consumer-tools/credit-reports-and-scores/consumer-reporting-companies/companies-list/\">collect data on individual consumers\u003c/a> who take out loans or use credit cards. These companies then use that information to calculate a person’s credit score: a number that impacts their ability to take out a major loan, like a mortgage, or even to secure their next apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each credit bureau \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/ask-cfpb/what-is-a-credit-score-en-315/\">has different ways of calculating somebody’s credit score\u003c/a> and may prioritize payments for certain loans — like a mortgage or car payment — more than others. But generally, the better you are at paying back your loans and other financial obligations on time, the easier it will be for you \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/ask-cfpb/how-do-i-get-and-keep-a-good-credit-score-en-318/\">to increase your credit score\u003c/a> and have access to more credit — and larger loans — in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040032\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1305\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-1536x1002.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-1920x1253.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign advertising an apartment for rent hangs from a fire escape in front of an apartment building on July 8, 2009, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Landlords can already share \u003cem>late \u003c/em>rent payments with credit bureaus, which ends up hurting tenants’ credit scores. However, under AB 2747, a tenant can choose for at least one of these credit bureaus to be notified when they make an on-time rent payment. However, it’s the responsibility of the landlord — not the tenant — to make sure that credit bureaus receive this information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of April 1, the law said California landlords must offer their tenants the option to share on-time payments with credit bureaus at the time of signing the lease. And even if the tenant declines at the time, the landlord is expected to then offer this option again at least once a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a tenant on an existing lease, according to the law, your landlord should have spoken to you by now about this option — specifically, at least once between the time span of Jan. 1 and April 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your landlord didn’t do this, the law doesn’t specify any penalties for landlords that failed to have these conversations during that time period — but as a tenant, you can still bring them up now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want people to feel empowered and strong — the law is on your side here,” said Allbee, adding that landlords have “a responsibility to be updated with the laws of the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tenants: Before you make a decision …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The goal behind AB 2747 is to help tenants improve their credit scores. But just how a credit score is calculated \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/ask-cfpb/what-is-a-credit-score-en-315/\">is pretty complicated\u003c/a> — and can change depending on the credit bureau you’re looking at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many different factors that go into your credit score,” said Lily Liu, CEO of Piñata, which has \u003ca href=\"https://www.pinata.ai/california-rent-reporting-ab2747/\">an online system where California landlords can share on-time rent payment history\u003c/a> with all three credit bureaus at once. These factors include “consistency of payments and history of \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanexpress.com/en-us/credit-cards/credit-intel/credit-tradelines/\">tradelines,\u003c/a>” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12039595 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-1778666769-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re concerned about your ability to keep up these consistent, on-time payments over a longer period of time, you should factor this in before making a decision regarding AB 2747, said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants rights group \u003ca href=\"https://www.acceaction.org/renterhelp\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you ready to make a long-term commitment to not only paying on time, but also paying for this reporting?” she said. Simon-Weisberg has joined other housing advocates in criticizing AB 2747 for having tenants themselves cover the costs of sharing payment information with credit bureaus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenants shouldn’t have to pay for credit reporting, because you don’t pay your credit card company to do the same,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear how credit bureaus will process on-time rent payment data from tenants, she said. But she urged those who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> decide to move forward with sharing their information to take the long view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make a long-term commitment in doing it,” she said. “Because if you’re only reporting positive payments, and then there’s nothing, [credit bureaus] are going to assume that it’s negative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is exempt from this new law?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Individual landlords who own a property with 15 or fewer units are excluded from this new requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if your landlord owns 15 or less units as either a corporation, an LLC or real estate investment trust — rather than as an individual — they \u003cem>will\u003c/em> have to offer tenants the option to share on-time payments with credit bureaus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011966\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An apartment for rent sign is posted in South Pasadena, California, on Oct. 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. Brown/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So, to give real-world examples, if you’re renting a room at a friend or family member’s house and that’s the only home they own, this law does not apply to your situation. However, if your landlord is a corporation that owns three different apartment buildings throughout the city, they must follow AB 2747.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What should tenants and landlords know about complying with AB 2747?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you’re a tenant …\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you decide that you \u003cem>do\u003c/em> want your landlord to share your on-time rent payments to a credit bureau, you are expected to pay your landlord an additional $10 \u003cem>each time\u003c/em> you want your information shared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fee is meant to cover the costs for the landlord to pass this information on to a credit bureau, and is intended to cover the costs of their time and any fees charged by the company itself. However, the fee cannot be greater than $10 each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tenant gets to choose when they want their on-time rent payments shared, and how frequently. For example, even if you pay your rent on time every month, you could tell your landlord to report only your payments during the first six months of the year — and you’d only have to pay your landlord the $10 fee for those six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your landlord also cannot penalize you for not paying the $10 fee, and they can’t take it from your deposit or add it to your rent payment. Conversely, if a tenant fails to pay the $10 fee, the landlord is not obligated to report their payment information that month — even if it’s on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if you want to stop having your landlord share your rent payments with credit bureaus? You can opt out at any time, but the law requires you to wait at least six months before you request to have your on-time payments shared once again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you’re a landlord …\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your tenant wants you to report their on-time payments to a credit bureau, you’ll have to provide them with a contract that specifies:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Which credit bureau you’ll be sharing their information with\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The monthly fee you’ll charge them for doing so (which cannot exceed $10)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Instructions on how to opt out in the future.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association (CAA) offers its members sample versions of these contracts for both \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/kb/notice-of-offer-of-positive-rental-payment-information-reporting/\">new tenants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/kb/offer-of-positive-rental-payment-information-reporting-addendum/\">existing tenants\u003c/a>. [aside postID=news_12039317 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/IMG_1625-1020x765.jpg']CAA has \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/april-1-is-fast-approaching-get-ready-for-new-rent-reporting-and-security-deposit-photo-requirements/\">additional guidance for landlords on complying with AB 2747\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for passing on your tenants’ information to a credit bureau, each credit bureau \u003ca href=\"https://osbornehomes.com/how-to-report-tenants-to-credit-agencies-in-california/\">has different rules on submitting this type of data\u003c/a>. Landlords can also use a paid platform like Piñata, which helps landlords comply with this part of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Typically, we’re plugging straight into their rent payment processing system or property management software,” said Liu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other questions do you have about housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">a whole team dedicated to exploring stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As buying a home becomes \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/793\">more expensive each year\u003c/a>, families in California are renting for longer periods of time. According to the most recently available data, more than 40% of Californians are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">renters\u003c/a> — a higher proportion \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-renters/#:~:text=Renters%20make%20up%20a%20much%20larger%20share,remarkably%20consistent%20over%20the%20last%20six%20decades\">than any other state in the country\u003c/a> except New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the many economic benefits of owning your own home, in addition to boosting your family’s wealth and long-term stability, is building credit through mortgage payments. Now, a recently enacted California law also offers renters a way to use their \u003cem>rent \u003c/em>payments to do the same thing — as long as they pay on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2747\">Assembly Bill 2747\u003c/a>, tenants can ask their landlord to share rent payments made on time — however, their lease defines that timeframe — to at least one credit bureau. Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, authored AB 2747 to give tenants an additional tool to boost their credit score, said Nate Allbee, Haney’s communications director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People take paying rent seriously,” Allbee said. “What we’re hoping is that people who are making this financial commitment and doing the right thing, see their credit increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, how does sharing your rent payments with credit bureaus work if you choose to take advantage of this new law? Keep reading to learn what’s expected of landlords and what tenants should know before they make a decision about sharing this information.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How does reporting rent payments to credit bureaus work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the United States, three major credit bureaus — Equifax, TransUnion and Experian — \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/consumer-tools/credit-reports-and-scores/consumer-reporting-companies/companies-list/\">collect data on individual consumers\u003c/a> who take out loans or use credit cards. These companies then use that information to calculate a person’s credit score: a number that impacts their ability to take out a major loan, like a mortgage, or even to secure their next apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each credit bureau \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/ask-cfpb/what-is-a-credit-score-en-315/\">has different ways of calculating somebody’s credit score\u003c/a> and may prioritize payments for certain loans — like a mortgage or car payment — more than others. But generally, the better you are at paying back your loans and other financial obligations on time, the easier it will be for you \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/ask-cfpb/how-do-i-get-and-keep-a-good-credit-score-en-318/\">to increase your credit score\u003c/a> and have access to more credit — and larger loans — in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040032\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1305\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-1536x1002.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/88900824_qed-1920x1253.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign advertising an apartment for rent hangs from a fire escape in front of an apartment building on July 8, 2009, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Landlords can already share \u003cem>late \u003c/em>rent payments with credit bureaus, which ends up hurting tenants’ credit scores. However, under AB 2747, a tenant can choose for at least one of these credit bureaus to be notified when they make an on-time rent payment. However, it’s the responsibility of the landlord — not the tenant — to make sure that credit bureaus receive this information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of April 1, the law said California landlords must offer their tenants the option to share on-time payments with credit bureaus at the time of signing the lease. And even if the tenant declines at the time, the landlord is expected to then offer this option again at least once a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a tenant on an existing lease, according to the law, your landlord should have spoken to you by now about this option — specifically, at least once between the time span of Jan. 1 and April 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your landlord didn’t do this, the law doesn’t specify any penalties for landlords that failed to have these conversations during that time period — but as a tenant, you can still bring them up now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want people to feel empowered and strong — the law is on your side here,” said Allbee, adding that landlords have “a responsibility to be updated with the laws of the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tenants: Before you make a decision …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The goal behind AB 2747 is to help tenants improve their credit scores. But just how a credit score is calculated \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/ask-cfpb/what-is-a-credit-score-en-315/\">is pretty complicated\u003c/a> — and can change depending on the credit bureau you’re looking at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many different factors that go into your credit score,” said Lily Liu, CEO of Piñata, which has \u003ca href=\"https://www.pinata.ai/california-rent-reporting-ab2747/\">an online system where California landlords can share on-time rent payment history\u003c/a> with all three credit bureaus at once. These factors include “consistency of payments and history of \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanexpress.com/en-us/credit-cards/credit-intel/credit-tradelines/\">tradelines,\u003c/a>” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re concerned about your ability to keep up these consistent, on-time payments over a longer period of time, you should factor this in before making a decision regarding AB 2747, said Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director for the tenants rights group \u003ca href=\"https://www.acceaction.org/renterhelp\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are you ready to make a long-term commitment to not only paying on time, but also paying for this reporting?” she said. Simon-Weisberg has joined other housing advocates in criticizing AB 2747 for having tenants themselves cover the costs of sharing payment information with credit bureaus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenants shouldn’t have to pay for credit reporting, because you don’t pay your credit card company to do the same,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear how credit bureaus will process on-time rent payment data from tenants, she said. But she urged those who \u003cem>do\u003c/em> decide to move forward with sharing their information to take the long view.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make a long-term commitment in doing it,” she said. “Because if you’re only reporting positive payments, and then there’s nothing, [credit bureaus] are going to assume that it’s negative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is exempt from this new law?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Individual landlords who own a property with 15 or fewer units are excluded from this new requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if your landlord owns 15 or less units as either a corporation, an LLC or real estate investment trust — rather than as an individual — they \u003cem>will\u003c/em> have to offer tenants the option to share on-time payments with credit bureaus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011966\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244095544-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An apartment for rent sign is posted in South Pasadena, California, on Oct. 19, 2022. \u003ccite>(Frederic J. Brown/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So, to give real-world examples, if you’re renting a room at a friend or family member’s house and that’s the only home they own, this law does not apply to your situation. However, if your landlord is a corporation that owns three different apartment buildings throughout the city, they must follow AB 2747.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What should tenants and landlords know about complying with AB 2747?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you’re a tenant …\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you decide that you \u003cem>do\u003c/em> want your landlord to share your on-time rent payments to a credit bureau, you are expected to pay your landlord an additional $10 \u003cem>each time\u003c/em> you want your information shared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This fee is meant to cover the costs for the landlord to pass this information on to a credit bureau, and is intended to cover the costs of their time and any fees charged by the company itself. However, the fee cannot be greater than $10 each month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tenant gets to choose when they want their on-time rent payments shared, and how frequently. For example, even if you pay your rent on time every month, you could tell your landlord to report only your payments during the first six months of the year — and you’d only have to pay your landlord the $10 fee for those six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your landlord also cannot penalize you for not paying the $10 fee, and they can’t take it from your deposit or add it to your rent payment. Conversely, if a tenant fails to pay the $10 fee, the landlord is not obligated to report their payment information that month — even if it’s on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if you want to stop having your landlord share your rent payments with credit bureaus? You can opt out at any time, but the law requires you to wait at least six months before you request to have your on-time payments shared once again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you’re a landlord …\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your tenant wants you to report their on-time payments to a credit bureau, you’ll have to provide them with a contract that specifies:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Which credit bureau you’ll be sharing their information with\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The monthly fee you’ll charge them for doing so (which cannot exceed $10)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Instructions on how to opt out in the future.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association (CAA) offers its members sample versions of these contracts for both \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/kb/notice-of-offer-of-positive-rental-payment-information-reporting/\">new tenants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/kb/offer-of-positive-rental-payment-information-reporting-addendum/\">existing tenants\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>CAA has \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/april-1-is-fast-approaching-get-ready-for-new-rent-reporting-and-security-deposit-photo-requirements/\">additional guidance for landlords on complying with AB 2747\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for passing on your tenants’ information to a credit bureau, each credit bureau \u003ca href=\"https://osbornehomes.com/how-to-report-tenants-to-credit-agencies-in-california/\">has different rules on submitting this type of data\u003c/a>. Landlords can also use a paid platform like Piñata, which helps landlords comply with this part of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Typically, we’re plugging straight into their rent payment processing system or property management software,” said Liu.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other questions do you have about housing?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">a whole team dedicated to exploring stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-pushes-cities-ban-homeless-encampments-across-california",
"title": "Newsom Pushes Cities to Ban Homeless Encampments Across California",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Pushes Cities to Ban Homeless Encampments Across California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 4:56 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is making his most aggressive salvo yet in an increasingly contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">war on visible homelessness\u003c/a> across the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, in an effort to urge more \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/05/12/governor-newsom-releases-state-model-for-cities-and-counties-to-immediately-address-encampments-with-urgency-and-dignity/\">California cities and counties\u003c/a> to ban encampments, he released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Encampment-Ordinance-formatted.pdf\">model ordinance\u003c/a> to use as a template for barring camping on public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to take back the streets,” Newsom said during a Monday press conference. “It cannot be a way of life — living out on the streets and sidewalk in what have almost become permanent structures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can’t force cities to adopt the template, but the new guidance is paired with the release of $3.3 billion in new funding from Proposition 1, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980236/california-voters-pass-proposition-1-requiring-counties-to-fund-programs-tackling-homelessness\">which voters passed last year\u003c/a> to fund supportive housing, mental health and substance use treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he hasn’t yet explicitly called for withholding Prop. 1 funds from cities that don’t comply, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011525/newsom-announces-830-million-in-homelessness-spending-with-strings\">he has threatened in the past\u003c/a> to hold back other state grants from cities that don’t take action to reduce homelessness. Asked why he introduced the proposal with no accountability measures built in, Newsom said it was about setting “basic expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also previewing expectations moving forward in terms of what we’ve been saying privately to cities and counties and our mayors and to what now we are socializing much more publicly,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030729\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030729\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Homeless and Hungery” near an encampment in Fresno, California, on Dec. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>League of California Cities Executive Director and CEO Carolyn Coleman seized on the announcement to reiterate calls for increased and ongoing funding to address homelessness. Like other critics of the approach, she highlighted funding cuts in the governor’s budget proposal as a threat to cities’ ability to make progress on the issue. The governor is expected to release a revised budget proposal on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearing encampments may be the most visible part of this crisis, but without addressing the underlying root causes of homelessness, the cycle will only repeat itself,” Coleman said in a statement. “We have the blueprint to drive real solutions…sustained funding leads to decreases in homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While conservative activists are lauding the announcement, advocates for people experiencing homelessness are condemning it as cruel and counterproductive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance is no model,” said Alex Visotzy, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness. “The proven model for reducing encampments is by bringing services and connections to housing to folks that are in encampments. That has to be coupled with taking the time to build trust and understand what people’s needs are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Paul Webster, a California-based fellow with the Cicero Institute, said in a statement that the proposal did not go far enough, calling it “a step in the right direction,” but also a “half-measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He could easily ban deadly encampments statewide,” Webster said, pointing to a handful of other states that have implemented statewide bans, which \u003ca href=\"https://ciceroinstitute.org/issues/homelessness/protecting-public-spaces/\">Cicero has promoted\u003c/a>, as examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Newsom’s leadership, the state has invested some $27 billion to address affordable housing and homelessness, but frustrated with slow progress, he’s become a leading champion for cracking down on encampments. California’s homeless population is still the largest in the country, with more than 187,000 people \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">at last count\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12039111 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-02-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']After the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cleared the way\u003c/a> for cities to enforce camping bans last year\u003c/span>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2024-Encampments-EO-7-24.pdf\">Newsom directed state agencies\u003c/a> to institute policies to remove encampments and encouraged cities to follow suit. Since then, dozens of cities and counties in California have passed new laws or begun enforcing existing bans governing homelessness, according to the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Tars, senior policy director for the center, drew a parallel between Newsom’s approach and President Donald Trump’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politicians want to blame and punish people for being poor and sleeping outside in a country where more and more people struggle to make ends meet,” he said in a statement, noting that high housing costs are a key driver of homelessness. “Newson’s ordinance, like Trump’s budget cuts and bad policies, will make homelessness worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s new template ordinance prohibits public camping that blocks sidewalks or remains in the same place for more than three days — an approach Visotzky described as “a recipe for creating chaos and confusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a recipe for making it harder for outreach workers and case managers to stay in touch with the folks they’re trying to get inside. It’s a recipe for confusion between local jurisdictions,” he said. “So, I’m hard-pressed to believe that many local jurisdictions are going to see this model and think it’s workable for their jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The model encourages local governments to tailor policies to their needs, but calls on them to follow basic principles, including limits on criminal punishment for sleeping outside when no alternatives exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037895 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Policies that prohibit individuals from sleeping outside anywhere in the jurisdiction without offering adequate indoor shelter, effectively banishing homeless individuals from the jurisdiction’s borders, are both inhumane and impose externalities on neighboring jurisdictions, which must face the costs and challenges of an increased unsheltered homeless population,” the template states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also requires officials to give notice and make reasonable attempts to house people before clearing camps, to “prioritize shelter and services” and ensure unhoused people and their belongings “are treated with respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s great to have the governor pushing alongside us to end the era of encampments,” San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan said in a statement. Mahan has invested heavily in emergency shelter to move people off the streets and is now pursuing a policy of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029843/san-jose-mayor-pushes-to-arrest-unhoused-who-refuse-shelter\">arresting unhoused people who refuse multiple offers of shelter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the long-term success of Newsom’s approach requires ensuring local governments share the responsibility of providing shelter and treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without sufficient beds and a requirement that people use them, we end up spending millions of dollars simply shuffling vulnerable people across jurisdictional lines,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "To urge more California cities and counties to ban encampments, Gov. Gavin Newsom released a model ordinance on Monday to use as a template for barring camping on public property. ",
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"title": "Newsom Pushes Cities to Ban Homeless Encampments Across California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 4:56 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom is making his most aggressive salvo yet in an increasingly contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">war on visible homelessness\u003c/a> across the Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, in an effort to urge more \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/05/12/governor-newsom-releases-state-model-for-cities-and-counties-to-immediately-address-encampments-with-urgency-and-dignity/\">California cities and counties\u003c/a> to ban encampments, he released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Encampment-Ordinance-formatted.pdf\">model ordinance\u003c/a> to use as a template for barring camping on public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to take back the streets,” Newsom said during a Monday press conference. “It cannot be a way of life — living out on the streets and sidewalk in what have almost become permanent structures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom can’t force cities to adopt the template, but the new guidance is paired with the release of $3.3 billion in new funding from Proposition 1, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980236/california-voters-pass-proposition-1-requiring-counties-to-fund-programs-tackling-homelessness\">which voters passed last year\u003c/a> to fund supportive housing, mental health and substance use treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he hasn’t yet explicitly called for withholding Prop. 1 funds from cities that don’t comply, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011525/newsom-announces-830-million-in-homelessness-spending-with-strings\">he has threatened in the past\u003c/a> to hold back other state grants from cities that don’t take action to reduce homelessness. Asked why he introduced the proposal with no accountability measures built in, Newsom said it was about setting “basic expectations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also previewing expectations moving forward in terms of what we’ve been saying privately to cities and counties and our mayors and to what now we are socializing much more publicly,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030729\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030729\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241203-FresnoCampingBan-67-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign says, “Homeless and Hungery” near an encampment in Fresno, California, on Dec. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>League of California Cities Executive Director and CEO Carolyn Coleman seized on the announcement to reiterate calls for increased and ongoing funding to address homelessness. Like other critics of the approach, she highlighted funding cuts in the governor’s budget proposal as a threat to cities’ ability to make progress on the issue. The governor is expected to release a revised budget proposal on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearing encampments may be the most visible part of this crisis, but without addressing the underlying root causes of homelessness, the cycle will only repeat itself,” Coleman said in a statement. “We have the blueprint to drive real solutions…sustained funding leads to decreases in homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While conservative activists are lauding the announcement, advocates for people experiencing homelessness are condemning it as cruel and counterproductive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ordinance is no model,” said Alex Visotzy, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness. “The proven model for reducing encampments is by bringing services and connections to housing to folks that are in encampments. That has to be coupled with taking the time to build trust and understand what people’s needs are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Paul Webster, a California-based fellow with the Cicero Institute, said in a statement that the proposal did not go far enough, calling it “a step in the right direction,” but also a “half-measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He could easily ban deadly encampments statewide,” Webster said, pointing to a handful of other states that have implemented statewide bans, which \u003ca href=\"https://ciceroinstitute.org/issues/homelessness/protecting-public-spaces/\">Cicero has promoted\u003c/a>, as examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Newsom’s leadership, the state has invested some $27 billion to address affordable housing and homelessness, but frustrated with slow progress, he’s become a leading champion for cracking down on encampments. California’s homeless population is still the largest in the country, with more than 187,000 people \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">at last count\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cleared the way\u003c/a> for cities to enforce camping bans last year\u003c/span>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2024-Encampments-EO-7-24.pdf\">Newsom directed state agencies\u003c/a> to institute policies to remove encampments and encouraged cities to follow suit. Since then, dozens of cities and counties in California have passed new laws or begun enforcing existing bans governing homelessness, according to the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Tars, senior policy director for the center, drew a parallel between Newsom’s approach and President Donald Trump’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politicians want to blame and punish people for being poor and sleeping outside in a country where more and more people struggle to make ends meet,” he said in a statement, noting that high housing costs are a key driver of homelessness. “Newson’s ordinance, like Trump’s budget cuts and bad policies, will make homelessness worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s new template ordinance prohibits public camping that blocks sidewalks or remains in the same place for more than three days — an approach Visotzky described as “a recipe for creating chaos and confusion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a recipe for making it harder for outreach workers and case managers to stay in touch with the folks they’re trying to get inside. It’s a recipe for confusion between local jurisdictions,” he said. “So, I’m hard-pressed to believe that many local jurisdictions are going to see this model and think it’s workable for their jurisdiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The model encourages local governments to tailor policies to their needs, but calls on them to follow basic principles, including limits on criminal punishment for sleeping outside when no alternatives exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Policies that prohibit individuals from sleeping outside anywhere in the jurisdiction without offering adequate indoor shelter, effectively banishing homeless individuals from the jurisdiction’s borders, are both inhumane and impose externalities on neighboring jurisdictions, which must face the costs and challenges of an increased unsheltered homeless population,” the template states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also requires officials to give notice and make reasonable attempts to house people before clearing camps, to “prioritize shelter and services” and ensure unhoused people and their belongings “are treated with respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s great to have the governor pushing alongside us to end the era of encampments,” San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan said in a statement. Mahan has invested heavily in emergency shelter to move people off the streets and is now pursuing a policy of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029843/san-jose-mayor-pushes-to-arrest-unhoused-who-refuse-shelter\">arresting unhoused people who refuse multiple offers of shelter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the long-term success of Newsom’s approach requires ensuring local governments share the responsibility of providing shelter and treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without sufficient beds and a requirement that people use them, we end up spending millions of dollars simply shuffling vulnerable people across jurisdictional lines,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Historic San Francisco Theater Might Finally Be Redeveloped Into Housing",
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"content": "\u003cp>The historic Alexandria Theater, located in San Francisco’s Richmond District, closed in 2004, and as the building has sat empty, development proposals have come and gone. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033966/sfs-single-family-home-neighborhoods-apartments-65-story-towers-downtown\">As officials look for sites to add more homes\u003c/a>, city leaders just cleared the way for a new proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, San Francisco supervisors approved the creation of a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=14145577&GUID=6C01770A-7A1E-47F0-9B43-6EEE00AAE7A2\">special district\u003c/a> that would allow the theater to be redeveloped into an eight-story building with 75 apartments, each with two to three bedrooms inside, and at least 12% set aside for affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan, who represents the Richmond and sponsored the legislation creating the special district, said she wanted to add more housing for families within her neighborhood and wanted it to be built in an area that would not displace small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Alexandria Theater is a great example — it really needs to have a new use, and it can be for housing, so here we are,” she said to KQED. “This approach helped us to bring more people and have growth that really works for the community and at the same time, we make sure that people who are here — small businesses and residents, aging homeowners, can continue to stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The special district requires the building to maintain some of its historic features, including its marquee, interior chandelier and murals. Chan and leaders of some neighborhood groups pointed to the project as a way to add housing in a thoughtful way that maintains the character of the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039253\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12039253 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alexandria Theater building in San Francisco on May 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The theater opened in 1923 and was constructed by the Reid brothers, who also designed the third version of Cliff House, the Balboa Theater in the Outer Richmond and the Grand Lake Theater in Oakland. After the Alexandria Theater closed in 2004, it changed ownership several times as plans for redevelopment stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers proposed building \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/once-glamorous-s-f-theater-now-neighborhood-5478838.php\">a smaller theater\u003c/a> with retail space on the ground level. A later proposal included an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/archives/after-years-of-delay-swimming-pool-set-to-open-inside-richmond-district-s-alexandria-theater/article_0d089a82-cae3-5494-9241-9c9647007a77.html\">indoor swimming pool\u003c/a> with classroom and office space on the top floors. Both proposals preserved the historic qualities of the building, though it is not officially recognized as a landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city granted the necessary permits to start construction on both proposals, but the developers eventually scrapped the projects, most recently due to financing constraints from the COVID-19 pandemic.[aside postID=news_12033966 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250325-ApartmentsonWestside-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Woody LaBounty, president of preservationist organization San Francisco Heritage, said while the building’s time as a movie theater has passed, the building itself has unique qualities that make the Richmond an architecturally interesting neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was created with this unique Egyptian revival style that was very much of the ‘20s, and because it had all these very attractive design elements, we’d like to see that preserved and kept for any new project,” he said. “It adds housing while continuing to provide some sort of character that speaks to the Richmond District’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district, along with other neighborhoods in the northern and western parts of the city, faces efforts from city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/expanding-housing-choice\">allow taller buildings to be added\u003c/a> to a historically flatter part of the city. The city’s current plan, which is making its way through various departments and committees, aims to allow up to 12-story buildings along commercial corridors and busy thoroughfares in those neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, housing activists worry that a piecemeal approach to allowing housing to be built may not yield effective results to the state’s housing crisis. Jane Natoli, San Francisco Organizing Director for pro-housing group YIMBY Action, moved to the Richmond in 2013, almost 10 years after the theater shut down. Twelve years later, the theater remains empty. She said she wants something to be built there, but she doesn’t like the way the city approached developing this spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t really like special use districts because they’re part of what makes our planning process so complicated in San Francisco,” she said. “While I don’t think that’s the greatest tool… I do think that it’s important to strike while the iron is hot. We have an opportunity to actually move forward with a development proposal here that I think makes sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "For more than 20 years, an empty movie theater in San Francisco’s Richmond District has seen redevelopment proposals come and go. City officials just cleared the way for it to become a site for family apartments.",
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"headline": "A Historic San Francisco Theater Might Finally Be Redeveloped Into Housing",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The historic Alexandria Theater, located in San Francisco’s Richmond District, closed in 2004, and as the building has sat empty, development proposals have come and gone. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033966/sfs-single-family-home-neighborhoods-apartments-65-story-towers-downtown\">As officials look for sites to add more homes\u003c/a>, city leaders just cleared the way for a new proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, San Francisco supervisors approved the creation of a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=14145577&GUID=6C01770A-7A1E-47F0-9B43-6EEE00AAE7A2\">special district\u003c/a> that would allow the theater to be redeveloped into an eight-story building with 75 apartments, each with two to three bedrooms inside, and at least 12% set aside for affordable housing units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan, who represents the Richmond and sponsored the legislation creating the special district, said she wanted to add more housing for families within her neighborhood and wanted it to be built in an area that would not displace small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Alexandria Theater is a great example — it really needs to have a new use, and it can be for housing, so here we are,” she said to KQED. “This approach helped us to bring more people and have growth that really works for the community and at the same time, we make sure that people who are here — small businesses and residents, aging homeowners, can continue to stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The special district requires the building to maintain some of its historic features, including its marquee, interior chandelier and murals. Chan and leaders of some neighborhood groups pointed to the project as a way to add housing in a thoughtful way that maintains the character of the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039253\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12039253 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250507-ALEXANDRIA-THEATER-MD-05-KQED-1-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alexandria Theater building in San Francisco on May 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The theater opened in 1923 and was constructed by the Reid brothers, who also designed the third version of Cliff House, the Balboa Theater in the Outer Richmond and the Grand Lake Theater in Oakland. After the Alexandria Theater closed in 2004, it changed ownership several times as plans for redevelopment stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers proposed building \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/once-glamorous-s-f-theater-now-neighborhood-5478838.php\">a smaller theater\u003c/a> with retail space on the ground level. A later proposal included an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/archives/after-years-of-delay-swimming-pool-set-to-open-inside-richmond-district-s-alexandria-theater/article_0d089a82-cae3-5494-9241-9c9647007a77.html\">indoor swimming pool\u003c/a> with classroom and office space on the top floors. Both proposals preserved the historic qualities of the building, though it is not officially recognized as a landmark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city granted the necessary permits to start construction on both proposals, but the developers eventually scrapped the projects, most recently due to financing constraints from the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Woody LaBounty, president of preservationist organization San Francisco Heritage, said while the building’s time as a movie theater has passed, the building itself has unique qualities that make the Richmond an architecturally interesting neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was created with this unique Egyptian revival style that was very much of the ‘20s, and because it had all these very attractive design elements, we’d like to see that preserved and kept for any new project,” he said. “It adds housing while continuing to provide some sort of character that speaks to the Richmond District’s history.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district, along with other neighborhoods in the northern and western parts of the city, faces efforts from city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/expanding-housing-choice\">allow taller buildings to be added\u003c/a> to a historically flatter part of the city. The city’s current plan, which is making its way through various departments and committees, aims to allow up to 12-story buildings along commercial corridors and busy thoroughfares in those neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, housing activists worry that a piecemeal approach to allowing housing to be built may not yield effective results to the state’s housing crisis. Jane Natoli, San Francisco Organizing Director for pro-housing group YIMBY Action, moved to the Richmond in 2013, almost 10 years after the theater shut down. Twelve years later, the theater remains empty. She said she wants something to be built there, but she doesn’t like the way the city approached developing this spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t really like special use districts because they’re part of what makes our planning process so complicated in San Francisco,” she said. “While I don’t think that’s the greatest tool… I do think that it’s important to strike while the iron is hot. We have an opportunity to actually move forward with a development proposal here that I think makes sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-population-rebounding-san-francisco-different-story",
"title": "California’s Population Is Rebounding. In San Francisco, It’s a Different Story",
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"headTitle": "California’s Population Is Rebounding. In San Francisco, It’s a Different Story | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s population is slowly bouncing back after the state experienced an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909141/sf-lost-more-than-116000-residents-during-pandemics-first-year\">exodus\u003c/a> in the two years after the pandemic began, according to recently released state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had over 100,000 more residents at the beginning of this year compared to last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/Forecasting/Demographics/Documents/E-1_2025_Press_Release.pdf\">Department of Finance data\u003c/a> show. Although the upward trend was seen in most of the state’s largest cities, San Francisco was an outlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city lost more than 3,300 people, the biggest numeric change in population out of every city in California. San José, Vallejo, Milpitas and Redwood City are among other Bay Area cities that saw population losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Bay Area counties, with the exception of Napa and Sonoma, saw little to no growth in residents, said Walter Schwarm, the state’s chief demographer. Access to housing was a big factor in why some cities grew while others shrank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The slight decline in San José’s population could be attributed to individuals looking to move to differing housing/amenities bundles elsewhere in the county, such as Gilroy or Sunnyvale, both of which grew,” he told KQED in an email. “So larger cities facing some slackening of growth is not particularly concerning, rather just a question of housing availability, affordability and market timing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"San Francisco’s Population, 2020–2025\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-TfNXn\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/TfNXn/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"438\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s report showed that the state added little new housing to its stock last year. Most of the new homes constructed were single-family homes and granny flats, usually in more suburban cities. The bulk of new apartments, condos and duplexes were built in larger, more metropolitan cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarm said the Bay Area’s largely flat growth could also be reflective of the region’s economic slowdown over the past year. Last year, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980559/california-unemployment-rate-highest-in-the-us-as-new-data-reveals-slow-job-growth\">unemployment rate\u003c/a> was the highest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Los Angeles’ population grew by more than 15,500 people, and San Diego’s by more than 14,000. Other cities, including Fresno, Sacramento, Long Beach and Oakland, also saw growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California Statewide Total Population\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-1vIHs\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/1vIHs/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"485\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report released this month used data from January this year and did not reflect major displacement and population shifts from the Los Angeles wildfires that happened later that month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties in the Central Valley and the Inland Empire, including Lassen, Glenn, Fresno and Sutter, saw big population gains, and cities within those counties added more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Karlinsky, research director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, said that because land is less expensive there, the housing tends to be more affordable.[aside postID=news_11975039 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/08/RS57863_019_KQED_RichmondHousing_08162022-qut-1020x680.jpg']During the pandemic, people working in high-cost areas \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/shrinking-household-size-strains-californias-housing-market/\">chose to move farther east\u003c/a> as they were able to work remotely. While some major companies have started to call workers back into the office, many workers can still work from home and are still choosing homeownership over a short commute into the office, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can use that buying power to purchase a single-family home,” she said. “People are seeking more affordable housing options, and if they have the opportunity to work remotely, they’re doing so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities saw more population growth as they added more apartments and condos to their housing stock. Los Angeles completed more than 10,000 new apartments, making up about 54% of its total new housing. More than 70% of San Diego’s new homes were apartments or condos. Karlinsky said more housing has been added to the city’s downtown, making it more resilient to economic changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have that mixture [in housing types] are doing better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033966/sfs-single-family-home-neighborhoods-apartments-65-story-towers-downtown\">San Francisco officials are trying to rezone large swaths\u003c/a> of its northern and western neighborhoods to make way for more dense housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, rent prices have started to rise in the city. Schwarm said that could be a sign of changing tides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco continues to be an outlier facing some challenges,” he said. “However, recent increased rental trends, if spurred by increased demand, would suggest that individuals are moving to the city again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco’s population has consistently dropped since the pandemic. Experts say housing affordability is a major reason why people move away.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s population is slowly bouncing back after the state experienced an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11909141/sf-lost-more-than-116000-residents-during-pandemics-first-year\">exodus\u003c/a> in the two years after the pandemic began, according to recently released state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had over 100,000 more residents at the beginning of this year compared to last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/Forecasting/Demographics/Documents/E-1_2025_Press_Release.pdf\">Department of Finance data\u003c/a> show. Although the upward trend was seen in most of the state’s largest cities, San Francisco was an outlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city lost more than 3,300 people, the biggest numeric change in population out of every city in California. San José, Vallejo, Milpitas and Redwood City are among other Bay Area cities that saw population losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Bay Area counties, with the exception of Napa and Sonoma, saw little to no growth in residents, said Walter Schwarm, the state’s chief demographer. Access to housing was a big factor in why some cities grew while others shrank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The slight decline in San José’s population could be attributed to individuals looking to move to differing housing/amenities bundles elsewhere in the county, such as Gilroy or Sunnyvale, both of which grew,” he told KQED in an email. “So larger cities facing some slackening of growth is not particularly concerning, rather just a question of housing availability, affordability and market timing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"San Francisco’s Population, 2020–2025\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-TfNXn\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/TfNXn/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"438\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department’s report showed that the state added little new housing to its stock last year. Most of the new homes constructed were single-family homes and granny flats, usually in more suburban cities. The bulk of new apartments, condos and duplexes were built in larger, more metropolitan cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarm said the Bay Area’s largely flat growth could also be reflective of the region’s economic slowdown over the past year. Last year, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980559/california-unemployment-rate-highest-in-the-us-as-new-data-reveals-slow-job-growth\">unemployment rate\u003c/a> was the highest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Los Angeles’ population grew by more than 15,500 people, and San Diego’s by more than 14,000. Other cities, including Fresno, Sacramento, Long Beach and Oakland, also saw growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California Statewide Total Population\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-1vIHs\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/1vIHs/4/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"485\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report released this month used data from January this year and did not reflect major displacement and population shifts from the Los Angeles wildfires that happened later that month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties in the Central Valley and the Inland Empire, including Lassen, Glenn, Fresno and Sutter, saw big population gains, and cities within those counties added more homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Karlinsky, research director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, said that because land is less expensive there, the housing tends to be more affordable.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During the pandemic, people working in high-cost areas \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/shrinking-household-size-strains-californias-housing-market/\">chose to move farther east\u003c/a> as they were able to work remotely. While some major companies have started to call workers back into the office, many workers can still work from home and are still choosing homeownership over a short commute into the office, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can use that buying power to purchase a single-family home,” she said. “People are seeking more affordable housing options, and if they have the opportunity to work remotely, they’re doing so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities saw more population growth as they added more apartments and condos to their housing stock. Los Angeles completed more than 10,000 new apartments, making up about 54% of its total new housing. More than 70% of San Diego’s new homes were apartments or condos. Karlinsky said more housing has been added to the city’s downtown, making it more resilient to economic changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have that mixture [in housing types] are doing better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033966/sfs-single-family-home-neighborhoods-apartments-65-story-towers-downtown\">San Francisco officials are trying to rezone large swaths\u003c/a> of its northern and western neighborhoods to make way for more dense housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, rent prices have started to rise in the city. Schwarm said that could be a sign of changing tides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco continues to be an outlier facing some challenges,” he said. “However, recent increased rental trends, if spurred by increased demand, would suggest that individuals are moving to the city again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Ei Kay Khine Zin closed her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">SoMa\u003c/a> restaurant for Thanksgiving two years ago, she returned to find someone had taken up residence inside. They’d broken in, eaten everything they could get their hands on and left behind a mess. It’s just one effect the Bay of Burma owner has felt from living in what she and her neighbors call a “containment zone” for the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">unhoused\u003c/a> residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khine Zin blames the city for making the area a hub for shelters and services. “We really need to stop the city dumping all of those facilities in the same neighborhood. This really is not fair,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she loves her city, working in SoMa means sweeping used syringes off the restaurant doorstep many mornings, and fending off drug-addled passersby who wander in to yell at customers and snatch food off their plates. Living here means that friends who live outside the city refuse to visit. “All my girlfriends are afraid,” she said. “That makes me really sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across SoMa and the Tenderloin, business owners, residents and service providers echo the sense of living in neighborhoods long compelled to absorb what the rest of the city has refused. They describe exhaustion, fear, economic strain — and tentative hope that something might finally shift as city leaders push legislation aimed at spreading homeless housing and services more equitably across San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/reports--december-2024--assessment-san-francisco-shelter-system\">A recent assessment by the controller’s office\u003c/a> found shelters are concentrated in the eastern part of the city, especially the Tenderloin, while there aren’t any shelters in the western half of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038814\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038814\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Multi-Service Center South, one of San Francisco’s largest shelters for unhoused residents, in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on May 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because of the high density of single-room occupancy hotels and aging buildings in the Tenderloin and SoMa, which have tended to be easier for the city or nonprofits to lease or buy. As District 8 supervisor in the early 2000s, Bevan Dufty learned how hard it could be to bring services to other areas. “I couldn’t get department heads to work with me,” he said, of an effort to build permanent affordable housing in the Castro. “They were not interested. They were like, ‘This is far too expensive. We can get much more mileage for dollars spent elsewhere.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, adds Dufty, now a member of the Homeless Oversight Commission, “Folks that live in the TL traditionally have not had a lot of sway with politicians.” Facing opposition elsewhere, officials repeatedly located shelters in these neighborhoods — until they became default zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25930468-press-release-04-25-2025-supervisor-bilal-mahmood-to-introduce-legislation-mandating-geographic-equity-in-homelessness-services/#document/p1\">a proposal expected to be introduced Tuesday (PDF)\u003c/a>, Supervisor Bilal Mahmood, who represents the Tenderloin, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">the goal is to correct decades of imbalance\u003c/a>. “It’s time for the rest of the city to do their fair share,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Patrick Eggen moved to SoMa a decade ago, it felt like a neighborhood on the rise. It was a hub for startups, and businesses were thriving. Since then, the area, already home to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://svdp-sf.org/what-we-do/msc-shelter/\">largest shelter\u003c/a>, on Fifth Street, saw several new shelters and permanent supportive housing sites open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1996611 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/04/250409-DELTAINSURANCE-05-BL-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was such an obsession with just pushing housing at all costs without thinking about the incredible damage it has to our sidewalks, to our children, to our small business owners, to elderly,” said Eggen, a SoMa West Community Benefit District board member. “There is no meaningful investment back in the community to offset the impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic worsened conditions as startups left, followed by their employees.”All the vices became much more visible,” Eggen said. He and his nine and five-year-olds now regularly have to navigate feces, syringes and people doubled over in a fentanyl-induced stupor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s spent years trying to negotiate with the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, often with little success, so he welcomes the new proposal and calls the city’s new leadership, especially Mayor Daniel Lurie, “a beacon in a sea of historical indifference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Tenderloin, Rev. Paul Trudeau runs a supportive housing program and cafe through his nonprofit City Hope SF and sees how the city’s strategy has frayed the fabric of the neighborhood around him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re not really caring for the Tenderloin and we’re containing drug activity in open-air markets, that’s horrible. That’s just so unfair,” he said. “The things you can get away with in the Tenderloin are ridiculous compared to if somebody did this in Pac Heights. Why does one neighborhood get health and accountability and the other doesn’t?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038811\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038811\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owners Ei Kay Khine Zin (left) and Ryan Zin work at Bay of Burma in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on May 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Trudeau, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">burden is personal\u003c/a>. He’s been physically attacked by one of his own customers — a man split his head open with a metal rod after he announced the cafe wouldn’t be able to feed everyone waiting in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he believes in the work and in his neighborhood. And while he’s encouraged by the spirit of the proposed ordinance, which would require each district to approve at least one facility by next summer and bar new sites from opening within 1,000 feet of an existing one, he’s torn on the specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re kind of handcuffing yourself,” he said of the 1000-foot limitation, explaining that he’s been trying to purchase an abandoned hotel next door to City Hope SF’s facilities. “That’s an opportunity,” he said. “No, we don’t want all services to be in the Tenderloin. But I don’t think we should only be thinking outward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036934 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/RS35749_GettyImages-452284506-qut-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trudeau thinks the Tenderloin needs sober living facilities to better support people who are in recovery. “It’s not just trying to get more services out to a different neighborhood, it’s getting different services because we’re listening to those we’re serving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Wilson, who leads shelter and services provider Hospitality House, agrees that the city needs to diversify — both the location and type of services it provides. “If the treatment programs are all concentrated in the very places that have the most incidents of drug-related behavior, that makes recovery extremely difficult,” he said, while acknowledging that facilities that take a harm reduction approach are also a vital part of the city’s tool kit. San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">first drug-free housing facility is slated to open this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Wilson anticipates push back from neighborhoods that haven’t historically housed services, he sees models for success in longstanding programs like the Delancey Street Foundation, which runs a treatment program, restaurant and moving company, centered on the Embarcadero, that have won over neighbors who were initially skeptical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a number of examples of anchor institutions in various communities that could rally together to promote the best of what’s possible when the community is engaged, involved, and we try to really appeal to the better aspects of our nature,” he said, “rather than knee-jerk prejudices and reactions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After years of bearing the brunt of San Francisco’s homelessness crisis, residents and service providers in SoMa and the Tenderloin say it’s time for the rest of the city to step up.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Ei Kay Khine Zin closed her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">SoMa\u003c/a> restaurant for Thanksgiving two years ago, she returned to find someone had taken up residence inside. They’d broken in, eaten everything they could get their hands on and left behind a mess. It’s just one effect the Bay of Burma owner has felt from living in what she and her neighbors call a “containment zone” for the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">unhoused\u003c/a> residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khine Zin blames the city for making the area a hub for shelters and services. “We really need to stop the city dumping all of those facilities in the same neighborhood. This really is not fair,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she loves her city, working in SoMa means sweeping used syringes off the restaurant doorstep many mornings, and fending off drug-addled passersby who wander in to yell at customers and snatch food off their plates. Living here means that friends who live outside the city refuse to visit. “All my girlfriends are afraid,” she said. “That makes me really sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across SoMa and the Tenderloin, business owners, residents and service providers echo the sense of living in neighborhoods long compelled to absorb what the rest of the city has refused. They describe exhaustion, fear, economic strain — and tentative hope that something might finally shift as city leaders push legislation aimed at spreading homeless housing and services more equitably across San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/reports--december-2024--assessment-san-francisco-shelter-system\">A recent assessment by the controller’s office\u003c/a> found shelters are concentrated in the eastern part of the city, especially the Tenderloin, while there aren’t any shelters in the western half of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038814\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038814\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-12-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Multi-Service Center South, one of San Francisco’s largest shelters for unhoused residents, in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on May 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because of the high density of single-room occupancy hotels and aging buildings in the Tenderloin and SoMa, which have tended to be easier for the city or nonprofits to lease or buy. As District 8 supervisor in the early 2000s, Bevan Dufty learned how hard it could be to bring services to other areas. “I couldn’t get department heads to work with me,” he said, of an effort to build permanent affordable housing in the Castro. “They were not interested. They were like, ‘This is far too expensive. We can get much more mileage for dollars spent elsewhere.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, adds Dufty, now a member of the Homeless Oversight Commission, “Folks that live in the TL traditionally have not had a lot of sway with politicians.” Facing opposition elsewhere, officials repeatedly located shelters in these neighborhoods — until they became default zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25930468-press-release-04-25-2025-supervisor-bilal-mahmood-to-introduce-legislation-mandating-geographic-equity-in-homelessness-services/#document/p1\">a proposal expected to be introduced Tuesday (PDF)\u003c/a>, Supervisor Bilal Mahmood, who represents the Tenderloin, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">the goal is to correct decades of imbalance\u003c/a>. “It’s time for the rest of the city to do their fair share,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Patrick Eggen moved to SoMa a decade ago, it felt like a neighborhood on the rise. It was a hub for startups, and businesses were thriving. Since then, the area, already home to the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://svdp-sf.org/what-we-do/msc-shelter/\">largest shelter\u003c/a>, on Fifth Street, saw several new shelters and permanent supportive housing sites open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was such an obsession with just pushing housing at all costs without thinking about the incredible damage it has to our sidewalks, to our children, to our small business owners, to elderly,” said Eggen, a SoMa West Community Benefit District board member. “There is no meaningful investment back in the community to offset the impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pandemic worsened conditions as startups left, followed by their employees.”All the vices became much more visible,” Eggen said. He and his nine and five-year-olds now regularly have to navigate feces, syringes and people doubled over in a fentanyl-induced stupor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s spent years trying to negotiate with the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, often with little success, so he welcomes the new proposal and calls the city’s new leadership, especially Mayor Daniel Lurie, “a beacon in a sea of historical indifference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Tenderloin, Rev. Paul Trudeau runs a supportive housing program and cafe through his nonprofit City Hope SF and sees how the city’s strategy has frayed the fabric of the neighborhood around him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we’re not really caring for the Tenderloin and we’re containing drug activity in open-air markets, that’s horrible. That’s just so unfair,” he said. “The things you can get away with in the Tenderloin are ridiculous compared to if somebody did this in Pac Heights. Why does one neighborhood get health and accountability and the other doesn’t?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038811\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038811\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250505-SFSHELTEREQUITY-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owners Ei Kay Khine Zin (left) and Ryan Zin work at Bay of Burma in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood on May 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Trudeau, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">burden is personal\u003c/a>. He’s been physically attacked by one of his own customers — a man split his head open with a metal rod after he announced the cafe wouldn’t be able to feed everyone waiting in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, he believes in the work and in his neighborhood. And while he’s encouraged by the spirit of the proposed ordinance, which would require each district to approve at least one facility by next summer and bar new sites from opening within 1,000 feet of an existing one, he’s torn on the specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re kind of handcuffing yourself,” he said of the 1000-foot limitation, explaining that he’s been trying to purchase an abandoned hotel next door to City Hope SF’s facilities. “That’s an opportunity,” he said. “No, we don’t want all services to be in the Tenderloin. But I don’t think we should only be thinking outward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trudeau thinks the Tenderloin needs sober living facilities to better support people who are in recovery. “It’s not just trying to get more services out to a different neighborhood, it’s getting different services because we’re listening to those we’re serving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Wilson, who leads shelter and services provider Hospitality House, agrees that the city needs to diversify — both the location and type of services it provides. “If the treatment programs are all concentrated in the very places that have the most incidents of drug-related behavior, that makes recovery extremely difficult,” he said, while acknowledging that facilities that take a harm reduction approach are also a vital part of the city’s tool kit. San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034006/san-francisco-mans-housing-struggle-relapse-put-him-back-on-streets\">first drug-free housing facility is slated to open this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Wilson anticipates push back from neighborhoods that haven’t historically housed services, he sees models for success in longstanding programs like the Delancey Street Foundation, which runs a treatment program, restaurant and moving company, centered on the Embarcadero, that have won over neighbors who were initially skeptical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a number of examples of anchor institutions in various communities that could rally together to promote the best of what’s possible when the community is engaged, involved, and we try to really appeal to the better aspects of our nature,” he said, “rather than knee-jerk prejudices and reactions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:39 a.m. Friday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years’ worth of California housing legislation aimed at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">streamlining and shortening the process to start building\u003c/a>, affordable housing developers say they still face one major obstacle: money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a constitutional amendment aimed at solving that problem cleared its first set of legislative hurdles when it was passed by two Assembly committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment, known as ACA 4, would require at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues to be pulled into an account to be used for affordable housing and services for people experiencing homelessness. It now heads to the key Assembly Appropriations Committee, which considers a bill’s fiscal impact before sending it to the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that homelessness and housing availability and affordability [are] one of the most pressing issues facing Californians today,” Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D–Moreno Valley), who wrote the bill, said during the first hearing Wednesday before the Committee on Housing and Community Development. “This ACA would increase and stabilize funding for affordable housing in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California constitutional amendment must pass both houses of the Legislature by a two-thirds vote to be placed on the ballot, where voters decide whether to adopt it. If ACA 4 is adopted, its dedicated funding stream would begin in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038286\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12038286 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1264\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1536x971.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1920x1213.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An under-construction condo complex is seen in a housing development on Feb. 16, 2011, in Dublin, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Using projected revenues from this year’s budget, estimated at \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2025-26/#/Home\">a little more than $200 billion\u003c/a>, about $10 billion could be earmarked for affordable housing and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill comes less than a year after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">two major\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.housingfinance.com/policy-legislation/bay-area-housing-bond-measure-pulled-from-november-ballot_o\"> housing bonds\u003c/a> failed to make it to the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">taking big swings\u003c/a> as they try to solve the state’s housing crisis. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, reintroduced a $10 billion housing bond, while other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036917/bill-reform-controversial-environmental-law-faces-first-legislative-hurdle\">proposed bills take stabs at the remaining red tape\u003c/a> that can hold up construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson framed ACA 4 as a way for affordable housing developers to have access to funds other than what is allocated within the state’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the nonpartisan research nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/protecting-progress-state-housing-and-homelessness-funding-must-continue/\">California Budget Center\u003c/a>, state investments in homelessness services have declined since 2023. The state’s most recent budget set aside $2.5 billion for homelessness-related spending, less than half of what it spent in its 2022–23 budget.[aside postID=news_12037474 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']If ACA 4 takes effect, it would sunset in 2036 and would require an annual progress report on the fund’s effects on homelessness and affordable housing construction goals to be set by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some housing committee members on Wednesday were concerned about dedicating a portion of the state’s revenues to a single item.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do have, unfortunately, serious concerns about putting it on a ballot and requiring 5% of the general fund to be spent on that,” committee Vice President Joe Patterson, R-Rocklin, said. “I can’t support this today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments have passed housing bonds in previous years, but affordable housing developers and advocates have said these efforts provide only one-time funding and don’t allow them to plan for future developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There hasn’t been a permanent solution to the affordable housing financing conundrum,” said Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing. “There have been years where there’s been little to no money at the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said housing developments can often take five years or more to complete, and in that time, costs can change dramatically, driving up risk and borrowing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a funding source to bridge gaps in the project’s budget, a developer may decide to back out of the project because it is no longer financially viable, but Jordan said ACA 4 could provide a kind of “runway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to know if I’m starting to look at something today that, hey, there’s somewhere for me to go to get that gap in financing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar constitutional amendment has been introduced before but failed to make it out of committee. In 2022, Wicks introduced ACA 14, which would have also pulled at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues into affordable housing funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said that he is feeling better about ACA 4’s chances this year. While he believes the constitutional amendment can work in tandem with bond funding to boost affordable housing development, he said ACA 4 could be a better sell to voters, who will eventually have to decide its fate if it makes it out of the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you want a bond, which needs to be repaid by taxes, or do you want to split the existing pie, no matter what size it is?” he said. “It’s paid for by whatever the state is able to generate in revenue. To me, it just feels more appealing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:39 a.m. Friday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years’ worth of California housing legislation aimed at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">streamlining and shortening the process to start building\u003c/a>, affordable housing developers say they still face one major obstacle: money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, a constitutional amendment aimed at solving that problem cleared its first set of legislative hurdles when it was passed by two Assembly committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment, known as ACA 4, would require at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues to be pulled into an account to be used for affordable housing and services for people experiencing homelessness. It now heads to the key Assembly Appropriations Committee, which considers a bill’s fiscal impact before sending it to the Assembly floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that homelessness and housing availability and affordability [are] one of the most pressing issues facing Californians today,” Assemblymember Corey Jackson (D–Moreno Valley), who wrote the bill, said during the first hearing Wednesday before the Committee on Housing and Community Development. “This ACA would increase and stabilize funding for affordable housing in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California constitutional amendment must pass both houses of the Legislature by a two-thirds vote to be placed on the ballot, where voters decide whether to adopt it. If ACA 4 is adopted, its dedicated funding stream would begin in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038286\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12038286 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1264\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1536x971.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/construction072011_qed-1-1920x1213.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An under-construction condo complex is seen in a housing development on Feb. 16, 2011, in Dublin, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Using projected revenues from this year’s budget, estimated at \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/budget/2025-26/#/Home\">a little more than $200 billion\u003c/a>, about $10 billion could be earmarked for affordable housing and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill comes less than a year after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">two major\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.housingfinance.com/policy-legislation/bay-area-housing-bond-measure-pulled-from-november-ballot_o\"> housing bonds\u003c/a> failed to make it to the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">taking big swings\u003c/a> as they try to solve the state’s housing crisis. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, reintroduced a $10 billion housing bond, while other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036917/bill-reform-controversial-environmental-law-faces-first-legislative-hurdle\">proposed bills take stabs at the remaining red tape\u003c/a> that can hold up construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson framed ACA 4 as a way for affordable housing developers to have access to funds other than what is allocated within the state’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the nonpartisan research nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/protecting-progress-state-housing-and-homelessness-funding-must-continue/\">California Budget Center\u003c/a>, state investments in homelessness services have declined since 2023. The state’s most recent budget set aside $2.5 billion for homelessness-related spending, less than half of what it spent in its 2022–23 budget.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If ACA 4 takes effect, it would sunset in 2036 and would require an annual progress report on the fund’s effects on homelessness and affordable housing construction goals to be set by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some housing committee members on Wednesday were concerned about dedicating a portion of the state’s revenues to a single item.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do have, unfortunately, serious concerns about putting it on a ballot and requiring 5% of the general fund to be spent on that,” committee Vice President Joe Patterson, R-Rocklin, said. “I can’t support this today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments have passed housing bonds in previous years, but affordable housing developers and advocates have said these efforts provide only one-time funding and don’t allow them to plan for future developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There hasn’t been a permanent solution to the affordable housing financing conundrum,” said Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing. “There have been years where there’s been little to no money at the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said housing developments can often take five years or more to complete, and in that time, costs can change dramatically, driving up risk and borrowing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a funding source to bridge gaps in the project’s budget, a developer may decide to back out of the project because it is no longer financially viable, but Jordan said ACA 4 could provide a kind of “runway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to know if I’m starting to look at something today that, hey, there’s somewhere for me to go to get that gap in financing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar constitutional amendment has been introduced before but failed to make it out of committee. In 2022, Wicks introduced ACA 14, which would have also pulled at least 5% of the state’s general fund revenues into affordable housing funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jordan said that he is feeling better about ACA 4’s chances this year. While he believes the constitutional amendment can work in tandem with bond funding to boost affordable housing development, he said ACA 4 could be a better sell to voters, who will eventually have to decide its fate if it makes it out of the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Do you want a bond, which needs to be repaid by taxes, or do you want to split the existing pie, no matter what size it is?” he said. “It’s paid for by whatever the state is able to generate in revenue. To me, it just feels more appealing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Bill to Expand Rent Control Is Pulled for the Year by Bay Area Lawmaker",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill that would have lowered the statewide cap on rent increases won’t move forward in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">California Assembly\u003c/a> this year, but the effort isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, D–San José, who authored the bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">dubbed the Affordable Rent Act\u003c/a>, said the push to further restrict how much landlords can raise the rent for long-term tenants and expand protections to more renters would become a two-year endeavor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we enter an economic downturn and vulnerable Californians enter more dire financial situations, we must guide our policies with empathy for one another, especially as it pertains to keeping families in their homes,” he said in a statement after pulling the bill on Tuesday. “We must keep up the fight — housing is a human right!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite support from a swath of California Democrats, the bill faced strong opposition from state real estate agents and landlord associations, who argued that it would hamper development at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">California sorely needs new builds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would have amended the Tenant Protection Act of 2019, lowering the maximum annual rent increase from 10% to 5% for most multifamily rental properties in the state that are more than 15 years old. It would not have affected existing rent control ordinances in Bay Area cities, including San Francisco and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The existing Tenant Protection Act includes other safeguards, such as requiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">just cause for evictions\u003c/a>, and will sunset in 2030. Kalra’s bill would have extended those protections to renters of single-family homes, whose properties are currently exempt, and made the legislation permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, which represents owners, developers and landlords and has been a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">staunch opponent of rent control efforts\u003c/a>, said in a statement that the Affordable Rent Act would “make it harder for housing construction to pencil out, target mom and pop landlords, and put government price controls on renting out your extra bedroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contingent appears to have swayed — or at least given pause to — enough members of the Assembly Judiciary Committee to halt the legislation. Kalra said discussions with its members and debate in the Housing and Community Development Committee, which passed the bill by a slim majority, both signaled that more time was needed to revise the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned that elements of this bill could exacerbate our housing production concerns and have some potential unintended consequences in that vein,” Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, said during the Housing and Community Development hearing on the bill last week. She ultimately voted to forward the legislation, but Democrats Anamarie Avila Farias and Lori Wilson joined three Republicans who voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California YIMBY, a pro-development lobbying organization, raised similar concerns after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imposing increasingly strict price controls every few years could dissuade the housing production our state needs — addressing a symptom of the crisis while making the underlying disease worse,” the group said in a statement.[aside postID=news_12037474 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Shanti Singh, an advocate for Tenants Together, told KQED that the fear of slowing development is a common argument against tenant protections in Sacramento, but it isn’t realistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that argument trotted out over and over and over again to the point where everything apparently blocks new housing,” she said. “Not just rent control, but just cause blocks new housing, changing the eviction process blocks new housing, giving tenants protection for retaliation for organizing blocks new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to break out of that dichotomy. It’s a false one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said tenants’ advocates are disappointed but plan to bring the legislation back next session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to come back every single year until there is a resolution to this, because the rent cap, as it exists, expires in 2030, and we don’t want to wait for that,” she said. “There’s also issues that we’ve been trying to fix.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the current 10% cap, a tenant’s rent could double in just seven years, according to Singh. It also excludes renters of single-family homes. In 2022, 23% of single-family homes were rentals, according to census data \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2023/12/04/california-investors-are-shedding-rental-houses-its-a-national-trend-too/\">tracked by the \u003cem>Orange County Register\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People always rank [housing affordability] like the highest priority on the ground — to fix that — so we’re going to keep trying,” Singh said. “Still, it’s disappointing that the Legislature isn’t really taking this cost-of-living crisis seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">\u003cem>Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The bill to lower California’s cap on rent increases and expand tenant protections drew strong opposition from landlord groups and others who argued it would hamper development.",
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"title": "California Bill to Expand Rent Control Is Pulled for the Year by Bay Area Lawmaker | KQED",
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"headline": "California Bill to Expand Rent Control Is Pulled for the Year by Bay Area Lawmaker",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill that would have lowered the statewide cap on rent increases won’t move forward in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">California Assembly\u003c/a> this year, but the effort isn’t over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Ash Kalra, D–San José, who authored the bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">dubbed the Affordable Rent Act\u003c/a>, said the push to further restrict how much landlords can raise the rent for long-term tenants and expand protections to more renters would become a two-year endeavor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we enter an economic downturn and vulnerable Californians enter more dire financial situations, we must guide our policies with empathy for one another, especially as it pertains to keeping families in their homes,” he said in a statement after pulling the bill on Tuesday. “We must keep up the fight — housing is a human right!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite support from a swath of California Democrats, the bill faced strong opposition from state real estate agents and landlord associations, who argued that it would hamper development at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036934/california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability\">California sorely needs new builds\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would have amended the Tenant Protection Act of 2019, lowering the maximum annual rent increase from 10% to 5% for most multifamily rental properties in the state that are more than 15 years old. It would not have affected existing rent control ordinances in Bay Area cities, including San Francisco and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The existing Tenant Protection Act includes other safeguards, such as requiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">just cause for evictions\u003c/a>, and will sunset in 2030. Kalra’s bill would have extended those protections to renters of single-family homes, whose properties are currently exempt, and made the legislation permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034319\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/024_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Apartment Association, which represents owners, developers and landlords and has been a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012553/californians-appear-to-reject-many-rent-control-measures\">staunch opponent of rent control efforts\u003c/a>, said in a statement that the Affordable Rent Act would “make it harder for housing construction to pencil out, target mom and pop landlords, and put government price controls on renting out your extra bedroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contingent appears to have swayed — or at least given pause to — enough members of the Assembly Judiciary Committee to halt the legislation. Kalra said discussions with its members and debate in the Housing and Community Development Committee, which passed the bill by a slim majority, both signaled that more time was needed to revise the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m concerned that elements of this bill could exacerbate our housing production concerns and have some potential unintended consequences in that vein,” Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, said during the Housing and Community Development hearing on the bill last week. She ultimately voted to forward the legislation, but Democrats Anamarie Avila Farias and Lori Wilson joined three Republicans who voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California YIMBY, a pro-development lobbying organization, raised similar concerns after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imposing increasingly strict price controls every few years could dissuade the housing production our state needs — addressing a symptom of the crisis while making the underlying disease worse,” the group said in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Shanti Singh, an advocate for Tenants Together, told KQED that the fear of slowing development is a common argument against tenant protections in Sacramento, but it isn’t realistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that argument trotted out over and over and over again to the point where everything apparently blocks new housing,” she said. “Not just rent control, but just cause blocks new housing, changing the eviction process blocks new housing, giving tenants protection for retaliation for organizing blocks new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really need to break out of that dichotomy. It’s a false one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said tenants’ advocates are disappointed but plan to bring the legislation back next session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are going to come back every single year until there is a resolution to this, because the rent cap, as it exists, expires in 2030, and we don’t want to wait for that,” she said. “There’s also issues that we’ve been trying to fix.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the current 10% cap, a tenant’s rent could double in just seven years, according to Singh. It also excludes renters of single-family homes. In 2022, 23% of single-family homes were rentals, according to census data \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2023/12/04/california-investors-are-shedding-rental-houses-its-a-national-trend-too/\">tracked by the \u003cem>Orange County Register\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People always rank [housing affordability] like the highest priority on the ground — to fix that — so we’re going to keep trying,” Singh said. “Still, it’s disappointing that the Legislature isn’t really taking this cost-of-living crisis seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">\u003cem>Vanessa Rancaño\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bridging-hope-gap-californias-opportunity-reparative-justice",
"title": "Bridging the Hope Gap: California’s Opportunity for Reparative Justice",
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"headTitle": "Bridging the Hope Gap: California’s Opportunity for Reparative Justice | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Reparative movements have a hope problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a> — a solidarity and action hub that braids narratives and grows movements for reparative and redistributive policy — call the distance between support for a movement and belief in its feasibility the “hope gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/63e94c8ea475597f7bbc51e7/t/68094609b33fd33efecc6407/1745438229721/Fabric+of+Repair_LONG_2025.pdf\">New research published last week\u003c/a> by BLIS Collective shows that it’s one thing to believe reparative movements — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations for Black people\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back for Indigenous people\u003c/a> — should happen, and another thing altogether to believe that they can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to be clear, in order for this country to live up to its stated ideals of democracy, both must happen. America was founded on stolen land and labor — on the exploitation of Indigenous and Black bodies. Repair for these dual original sins is the only way for this country to realize its stated values and ensure freedom and liberation for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 76% of surveyed Black respondents support reparations and 80% of Indigenous respondents support Land Back, only about 20% believe such policies are actually achievable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council for Native Californians\u003c/a>, the ground is fertile for helping close this hope gap. In 2020, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 3121, creating the California Reparations Task Force to study and develop proposals for potential reparations for descendants of enslaved people and those impacted by slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028920 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit What Are Reparations, a bilingual zine and art installation by Katie Quan, at the Edge on the Square gallery in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Feb. 19, 2025. The installation explores the ongoing debate about reparations for Black communities in San Francisco, particularly within the context of systemic injustices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This task force released its final recommendations in 2023, including proposals for financial compensation for housing discrimination, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">the creation of a dedicated state agency\u003c/a> to implement reparations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">formal apologies for historical injustices\u003c/a> and educational reforms to accurately teach Black history in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom established the Truth and Healing Council to clarify the historical record of the state’s relationship with California Native Americans and provide recommendations on reparative policies by 2025. This dual-track approach to addressing historical injustices offers California a rare chance to show the nation that repair is not just theoretical — it’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why the hope gap matters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Support for a movement alone won’t activate people to participate, engage or advocate without also having the belief that meaningful change is possible. Active engagement from supporters is the only way to grow a movement and ensure its success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hope gap isn’t just about pessimism, it reflects generations of oppression, historic disenfranchisement, broken promises and eroded trust in government institutions. When only 21.5% of Black respondents and 19.1% of Indigenous respondents believe reparative policies are feasible, we face a fundamental challenge that goes beyond building support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We need to rebuild public belief in what’s possible. In a society that continues to breed apathy and despair, addressing the hope gap for a reparative and liberated future is the project of our generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Research insights: The power of braided narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The hope gap findings emerged from our national study, which tested the impact of a “braided narrative” \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@garrisonhayes/video/7412648697215061294?is_from_webapp=1&web_id=7429881490349934122\">video\u003c/a>, which illustrated how the histories and solutions for Black and Indigenous communities are inherently intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strengthening solidarity between communities could be a powerful strategy for narrowing the hope gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/1920_GettyImages-859129098-scaled-e1745610765619.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a T-shirt saying \"You Are on Indian Land\" and wearing two long braids with white ribbons stands amid a crowd.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dancers from Anahuacalmecac International University Preparatory of North America prepare to dance on Hollywood Boulevard during an event celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day, Oct. 8, 2017, in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The survey results demonstrate that we can successfully increase support and solidarity by highlighting the interconnectedness of the reparations and Land Back movements. Solidarity matters for several important reasons: It broadens the base of support for each movement, helps overcome the historical divisions intentionally sown between these communities by the U.S. government and ensures that victories for one community can spark momentum and hope for the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our data show that Black and Indigenous communities are already primed for solidarity, with 68% of Black respondents supporting Land Back and 51% of Indigenous respondents supporting reparations. The braided narrative approach further strengthened cross-movement support, particularly among Democrats in both groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s encouraging that the majority of both groups support one another at baseline, and even more so that a brief exposure to a solidarity narrative can boost cross-movement support. This should serve as evidence for a scaled solidarity narrative rooted in the truth about the nation’s founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spillover effect: How movements strengthen each other\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The study also revealed an important narrative spillover effect: When Black viewers watched content about reparations, their support for Land Back increased, even without content related to it. Similarly, Indigenous viewers who watched content about Land Back showed increased support for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suggests that hearing about progress for one movement can boost support for the other. While these movements have distinct and rich histories, both communities recognize that Land Back and reparations are linked and that justice for both populations is interconnected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bakari Olatunji, Western Regional Party Representative of the African People’s Socialist Party, speaks during a rally for reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another promising approach to addressing the hope gap is to publicly highlight evidence of past and current successes for reparative movements. History shows that local wins, even when they seem small, can create powerful precedents that fuel hope and transform what people believe is possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider how marriage equality spread across the United States. In 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage, a decision that seemed impossibly radical to many at the time. That single, state-level victory created a tangible example that advocates could point to, gradually shifting public opinion and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911275/supreme-court-ruling-clears-way-for-release-of-footage-from-landmark-trial-that-legalized-same-sex-marriage-in-california\">inspiring other states to follow\u003c/a>, including California.[aside postID=news_12036599 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-10-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']What once seemed unattainable became reality nationwide just 11 years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, the municipal reparations program in Evanston, Illinois, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13921493/erika-alexander-reparations-the-big-payback\">provides a powerful contemporary example\u003c/a>. When Evanston approved the first government reparations program for Black residents in 2021, it created a concrete precedent that advocates across the country could reference. This local policy breakthrough has inspired similar efforts in dozens of municipalities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101894622/whats-next-for-san-franciscos-slavery-reparations-plan\">from Providence to San Francisco\u003c/a>, showing how quickly “impossible” can become “inevitable” once the first domino falls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Minnesota offers a model for transferring a state park to tribal communities, with the state Legislature voting in 2023 to transfer Upper Sioux Agency State Park to a Dakota tribe as a form of repair for the violent acts preceding and during the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that while this case offers a strong model, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">California’s Land Back strategy\u003c/a> will require significant intention and tact, given the state’s more than 100 federally recognized tribes and dozens fighting for federal recognition, creating a unique landscape for this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These historical patterns highlight why publicizing successes is important: Precedent breeds hope, which fuels movements that transform society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A blueprint for building hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is uniquely positioned to leverage both approaches to make a real impact on the hope gap across the nation. The dual processes of the California Reparations Task Force and Truth and Healing Council offer an opportunity for key communicators and leaders to present them as part of the same reparative project — to braid their narratives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our study shows this approach can effectively strengthen solidarity between Black and Indigenous communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Second, there is a significant opportunity to showcase the work of the reparations task force and the ongoing efforts of the Truth and Healing Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the reparations task force is no longer active, former members continue to advocate for the policies outlined in the final report. Greater communication about the successes and processes of each commission can show that repair is not just a theoretical concept, but that active steps have been taken in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California should actively build support while directly addressing skepticism about feasibility through evidence-based storytelling. This means:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Amplifying every concrete win across both commissions, no matter how small\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecting current achievements to longer-term goals\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using a braided narrative approach that highlights how these efforts are fundamentally related and can support each other.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>The communication efforts should center trusted voices from California’s Black and Indigenous communities — and must be persistent. Closing a hope gap of more than 80 percentage points will require sustained effort over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From hope to action: Creating pathways for participation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While government commissions are essential, closing the hope gap requires a broader ecosystem of actors demonstrating progress and providing infrastructure for sustained solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California shows that change is possible through commissions, it must simultaneously create meaningful ways for people to participate. When people begin to believe that reparative policies are achievable, they’re more likely to engage — but only if there are clear opportunities to contribute.[aside postID=news_11966087 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231002-TULUWAT-ISLAND-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']By creating community engagement mechanisms, supporting local initiatives and establishing educational programs that build public understanding, California can transform growing hope into concrete action. There is also an opportunity to uplift community-led initiatives that are already advancing reparations and Land Back in big and small ways across the state, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sogoreate-landtrust.org\">Sogorea Te’ Land Trust\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santamonica.gov/topic-explainers/landback-reparations\">Santa Monica Landback and Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">the Section 14 settlement in Palm Springs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a historic opportunity to show that reparative justice is achievable. By building visible wins, fostering cross-movement solidarity and creating pathways for participation, the state can establish a national model that shows how we move from acknowledging historical harms to actually repairing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This work isn’t just about policy — it’s about healing generations of justified skepticism and creating a foundation for true liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Camilla Griffiths, Ph.D., is a behavioral scientist and the director of applied narrative research at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Bridging the Hope Gap: California’s Opportunity for Reparative Justice | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Reparative movements have a hope problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a> — a solidarity and action hub that braids narratives and grows movements for reparative and redistributive policy — call the distance between support for a movement and belief in its feasibility the “hope gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/63e94c8ea475597f7bbc51e7/t/68094609b33fd33efecc6407/1745438229721/Fabric+of+Repair_LONG_2025.pdf\">New research published last week\u003c/a> by BLIS Collective shows that it’s one thing to believe reparative movements — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">reparations for Black people\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/education/535779/land-back-the-indigenous-fight-to-reclaim-stolen-lands\">Land Back for Indigenous people\u003c/a> — should happen, and another thing altogether to believe that they can happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And to be clear, in order for this country to live up to its stated ideals of democracy, both must happen. America was founded on stolen land and labor — on the exploitation of Indigenous and Black bodies. Repair for these dual original sins is the only way for this country to realize its stated values and ensure freedom and liberation for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 76% of surveyed Black respondents support reparations and 80% of Indigenous respondents support Land Back, only about 20% believe such policies are actually achievable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the first state to establish both a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/members\">reparations task force\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://tribalaffairs.ca.gov/cthc/\">truth and healing council for Native Californians\u003c/a>, the ground is fertile for helping close this hope gap. In 2020, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 3121, creating the California Reparations Task Force to study and develop proposals for potential reparations for descendants of enslaved people and those impacted by slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028920\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028920 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250219-ReparationsGallery-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The exhibit What Are Reparations, a bilingual zine and art installation by Katie Quan, at the Edge on the Square gallery in San Francisco’s Chinatown neighborhood on Feb. 19, 2025. The installation explores the ongoing debate about reparations for Black communities in San Francisco, particularly within the context of systemic injustices. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This task force released its final recommendations in 2023, including proposals for financial compensation for housing discrimination, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">the creation of a dedicated state agency\u003c/a> to implement reparations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">formal apologies for historical injustices\u003c/a> and educational reforms to accurately teach Black history in schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Newsom established the Truth and Healing Council to clarify the historical record of the state’s relationship with California Native Americans and provide recommendations on reparative policies by 2025. This dual-track approach to addressing historical injustices offers California a rare chance to show the nation that repair is not just theoretical — it’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why the hope gap matters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Support for a movement alone won’t activate people to participate, engage or advocate without also having the belief that meaningful change is possible. Active engagement from supporters is the only way to grow a movement and ensure its success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the hope gap isn’t just about pessimism, it reflects generations of oppression, historic disenfranchisement, broken promises and eroded trust in government institutions. When only 21.5% of Black respondents and 19.1% of Indigenous respondents believe reparative policies are feasible, we face a fundamental challenge that goes beyond building support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We need to rebuild public belief in what’s possible. In a society that continues to breed apathy and despair, addressing the hope gap for a reparative and liberated future is the project of our generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Research insights: The power of braided narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The hope gap findings emerged from our national study, which tested the impact of a “braided narrative” \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@garrisonhayes/video/7412648697215061294?is_from_webapp=1&web_id=7429881490349934122\">video\u003c/a>, which illustrated how the histories and solutions for Black and Indigenous communities are inherently intertwined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strengthening solidarity between communities could be a powerful strategy for narrowing the hope gap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11891757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11891757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/10/1920_GettyImages-859129098-scaled-e1745610765619.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a T-shirt saying \"You Are on Indian Land\" and wearing two long braids with white ribbons stands amid a crowd.' width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dancers from Anahuacalmecac International University Preparatory of North America prepare to dance on Hollywood Boulevard during an event celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day, Oct. 8, 2017, in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The survey results demonstrate that we can successfully increase support and solidarity by highlighting the interconnectedness of the reparations and Land Back movements. Solidarity matters for several important reasons: It broadens the base of support for each movement, helps overcome the historical divisions intentionally sown between these communities by the U.S. government and ensures that victories for one community can spark momentum and hope for the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our data show that Black and Indigenous communities are already primed for solidarity, with 68% of Black respondents supporting Land Back and 51% of Indigenous respondents supporting reparations. The braided narrative approach further strengthened cross-movement support, particularly among Democrats in both groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s encouraging that the majority of both groups support one another at baseline, and even more so that a brief exposure to a solidarity narrative can boost cross-movement support. This should serve as evidence for a scaled solidarity narrative rooted in the truth about the nation’s founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spillover effect: How movements strengthen each other\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The study also revealed an important narrative spillover effect: When Black viewers watched content about reparations, their support for Land Back increased, even without content related to it. Similarly, Indigenous viewers who watched content about Land Back showed increased support for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This suggests that hearing about progress for one movement can boost support for the other. While these movements have distinct and rich histories, both communities recognize that Land Back and reparations are linked and that justice for both populations is interconnected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981334\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/001_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bakari Olatunji, Western Regional Party Representative of the African People’s Socialist Party, speaks during a rally for reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another promising approach to addressing the hope gap is to publicly highlight evidence of past and current successes for reparative movements. History shows that local wins, even when they seem small, can create powerful precedents that fuel hope and transform what people believe is possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider how marriage equality spread across the United States. In 2004, Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage, a decision that seemed impossibly radical to many at the time. That single, state-level victory created a tangible example that advocates could point to, gradually shifting public opinion and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911275/supreme-court-ruling-clears-way-for-release-of-footage-from-landmark-trial-that-legalized-same-sex-marriage-in-california\">inspiring other states to follow\u003c/a>, including California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>What once seemed unattainable became reality nationwide just 11 years later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, the municipal reparations program in Evanston, Illinois, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13921493/erika-alexander-reparations-the-big-payback\">provides a powerful contemporary example\u003c/a>. When Evanston approved the first government reparations program for Black residents in 2021, it created a concrete precedent that advocates across the country could reference. This local policy breakthrough has inspired similar efforts in dozens of municipalities, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101894622/whats-next-for-san-franciscos-slavery-reparations-plan\">from Providence to San Francisco\u003c/a>, showing how quickly “impossible” can become “inevitable” once the first domino falls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Minnesota offers a model for transferring a state park to tribal communities, with the state Legislature voting in 2023 to transfer Upper Sioux Agency State Park to a Dakota tribe as a form of repair for the violent acts preceding and during the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to note that while this case offers a strong model, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956856/how-a-coast-miwok-group-are-buying-back-a-piece-of-their-ancestral-land-in-marin\">California’s Land Back strategy\u003c/a> will require significant intention and tact, given the state’s more than 100 federally recognized tribes and dozens fighting for federal recognition, creating a unique landscape for this work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These historical patterns highlight why publicizing successes is important: Precedent breeds hope, which fuels movements that transform society.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A blueprint for building hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is uniquely positioned to leverage both approaches to make a real impact on the hope gap across the nation. The dual processes of the California Reparations Task Force and Truth and Healing Council offer an opportunity for key communicators and leaders to present them as part of the same reparative project — to braid their narratives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our study shows this approach can effectively strengthen solidarity between Black and Indigenous communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037638\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037638\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/011_Oakland_ReparationsMarch_10162021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march in support of reparations for African people in Oakland on Oct. 16, 2021, organized by the Uhuru Movement. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Second, there is a significant opportunity to showcase the work of the reparations task force and the ongoing efforts of the Truth and Healing Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the reparations task force is no longer active, former members continue to advocate for the policies outlined in the final report. Greater communication about the successes and processes of each commission can show that repair is not just a theoretical concept, but that active steps have been taken in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California should actively build support while directly addressing skepticism about feasibility through evidence-based storytelling. This means:\u003c/p>\n\u003col>\n\u003cli>Amplifying every concrete win across both commissions, no matter how small\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Connecting current achievements to longer-term goals\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Using a braided narrative approach that highlights how these efforts are fundamentally related and can support each other.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ol>\n\u003cp>The communication efforts should center trusted voices from California’s Black and Indigenous communities — and must be persistent. Closing a hope gap of more than 80 percentage points will require sustained effort over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From hope to action: Creating pathways for participation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While government commissions are essential, closing the hope gap requires a broader ecosystem of actors demonstrating progress and providing infrastructure for sustained solidarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California shows that change is possible through commissions, it must simultaneously create meaningful ways for people to participate. When people begin to believe that reparative policies are achievable, they’re more likely to engage — but only if there are clear opportunities to contribute.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>By creating community engagement mechanisms, supporting local initiatives and establishing educational programs that build public understanding, California can transform growing hope into concrete action. There is also an opportunity to uplift community-led initiatives that are already advancing reparations and Land Back in big and small ways across the state, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://sogoreate-landtrust.org\">Sogorea Te’ Land Trust\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.santamonica.gov/topic-explainers/landback-reparations\">Santa Monica Landback and Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014575/palm-springs-oks-5-9-million-in-reparations-for-black-and-latino-families-whose-homes-the-city-burned\">the Section 14 settlement in Palm Springs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a historic opportunity to show that reparative justice is achievable. By building visible wins, fostering cross-movement solidarity and creating pathways for participation, the state can establish a national model that shows how we move from acknowledging historical harms to actually repairing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This work isn’t just about policy — it’s about healing generations of justified skepticism and creating a foundation for true liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Camilla Griffiths, Ph.D., is a behavioral scientist and the director of applied narrative research at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bliscollective.org/\">BLIS Collective\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "New San Francisco State Complex Includes Affordable Housing for More Than 700 Students",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco State University has completed a new campus project featuring affordable housing for more than 700 students. It’s the first to be completed through a state grant program aimed at tackling the housing crunch for California college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cpdc.sfsu.edu/wcg\">West Grove Commons, located on the west side of campus,\u003c/a> also includes a health center and dining hall. California’s Higher Education Student Housing Grant program funded about 65% of the $170 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We couldn’t have done it otherwise,” said Lynn Mahoney, president of the university. “The state has not traditionally funded student housing, so this is a really historic first step to what California needs to do to make sure that its public higher education remains affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, almost 4,000 people in the California State University system were on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/CSU%20Student%20Housing%20Data%20Collection%20%E2%80%93%20Annual%20Report%20-%202024.pdf\">waiting list for student housing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/state-of-crisis/\">2020 UCLA report\u003c/a> found that 1 out of 10 CSU students experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, lawmakers introduced a bill that established grants to fund affordable housing for students. Apart from the 750 beds at San Francisco State, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/Higher%20Education%20Student%20Housing%20Grant%20Program%20-%202024.pdf\">almost 3,000\u003c/a> more are being added to the California State University system, according to a 2024 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University President Lynn Mahoney speaks during a dedication ceremony for the West Grove Commons on April 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the state’s community colleges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccco.edu/-/media/CCCCO-Website/docs/general/cccco-college-map-round-1-and-2.pdf\">almost 5,000 beds\u003c/a> for low-income students are set to become available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the West Grove Commons, students have access to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfsu.edu/reduced-rate-student-housing-program\">reduced-rate housing\u003c/a>, meaning they can pay 25% less than the traditional rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rylissa Aquino Javier, a senior at the university, served as a resident assistant in the new dorm this year. When she started at San Francisco State four years ago, she commuted almost two hours from Fairfield twice a week because she couldn’t afford to live on campus.[aside postID=news_11997949 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-serramontedelrey-1-RETAIL-CROPPED-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Even on campus, the housing is just really expensive and we do have to take out a good amount of loans to be able to afford to live here,” she said. “It’s kind of rare to find a good housing situation for an affordable price as a college student here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her year living at the West Grove commons, she found it welcoming and filled with spaces for students to gather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a big living room downstairs with a communal kitchen and I’ve seen a lot of residents cooking with each other, cooking for each other,” she said. “There’s a lot of opportunities for them to study, relax and just hang out with one another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynne Riesselman, principal architect with EHDD Architecture, which designed the new buildings, said she wanted students to have easy access to the health center, a need that became clear after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037812\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of the West Grove Commons. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The on-campus residence hall provides shared spaces for more than 700 students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of a raised awareness around the importance of mental and physical health,” she said. “And so combining those pieces into a prominent building where students are used to coming on a day-to-day basis where they’re really familiar with it, I think really elevates those services and increases student comfort with using them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed just 25 months after the state provided the grant, far less than the\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\"> four years\u003c/a> that housing projects often take to be permitted and completed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state allocated that funding, they didn’t want it to take 10 years — you had to have a shovel-ready project and commit to getting it done,” she said. “The state funding was there, our team in capital planning was ready. They literally had a project ready, if ever we could get the funding. And the architects and the construction company — everybody rode in the same direction as fast as they could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco State University has completed a new campus project featuring affordable housing for more than 700 students. It’s the first to be completed through a state grant program aimed at tackling the housing crunch for California college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://cpdc.sfsu.edu/wcg\">West Grove Commons, located on the west side of campus,\u003c/a> also includes a health center and dining hall. California’s Higher Education Student Housing Grant program funded about 65% of the $170 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We couldn’t have done it otherwise,” said Lynn Mahoney, president of the university. “The state has not traditionally funded student housing, so this is a really historic first step to what California needs to do to make sure that its public higher education remains affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, almost 4,000 people in the California State University system were on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/CSU%20Student%20Housing%20Data%20Collection%20%E2%80%93%20Annual%20Report%20-%202024.pdf\">waiting list for student housing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://transformschools.ucla.edu/research/state-of-crisis/\">2020 UCLA report\u003c/a> found that 1 out of 10 CSU students experience homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, lawmakers introduced a bill that established grants to fund affordable housing for students. Apart from the 750 beds at San Francisco State, \u003ca href=\"https://www.calstate.edu/impact-of-the-csu/government/Advocacy-and-State-Relations/legislativereports1/Higher%20Education%20Student%20Housing%20Grant%20Program%20-%202024.pdf\">almost 3,000\u003c/a> more are being added to the California State University system, according to a 2024 report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037810\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037810\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-01-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco State University President Lynn Mahoney speaks during a dedication ceremony for the West Grove Commons on April 25, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the state’s community colleges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cccco.edu/-/media/CCCCO-Website/docs/general/cccco-college-map-round-1-and-2.pdf\">almost 5,000 beds\u003c/a> for low-income students are set to become available in the coming years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the West Grove Commons, students have access to \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfsu.edu/reduced-rate-student-housing-program\">reduced-rate housing\u003c/a>, meaning they can pay 25% less than the traditional rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rylissa Aquino Javier, a senior at the university, served as a resident assistant in the new dorm this year. When she started at San Francisco State four years ago, she commuted almost two hours from Fairfield twice a week because she couldn’t afford to live on campus.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Even on campus, the housing is just really expensive and we do have to take out a good amount of loans to be able to afford to live here,” she said. “It’s kind of rare to find a good housing situation for an affordable price as a college student here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her year living at the West Grove commons, she found it welcoming and filled with spaces for students to gather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a big living room downstairs with a communal kitchen and I’ve seen a lot of residents cooking with each other, cooking for each other,” she said. “There’s a lot of opportunities for them to study, relax and just hang out with one another.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynne Riesselman, principal architect with EHDD Architecture, which designed the new buildings, said she wanted students to have easy access to the health center, a need that became clear after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037812\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037812\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250425-SFSUStudentHousing-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of the West Grove Commons. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037836\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037836\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-16-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The on-campus residence hall provides shared spaces for more than 700 students. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s sort of a raised awareness around the importance of mental and physical health,” she said. “And so combining those pieces into a prominent building where students are used to coming on a day-to-day basis where they’re really familiar with it, I think really elevates those services and increases student comfort with using them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was completed just 25 months after the state provided the grant, far less than the\u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\"> four years\u003c/a> that housing projects often take to be permitted and completed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the state allocated that funding, they didn’t want it to take 10 years — you had to have a shovel-ready project and commit to getting it done,” she said. “The state funding was there, our team in capital planning was ready. They literally had a project ready, if ever we could get the funding. And the architects and the construction company — everybody rode in the same direction as fast as they could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The spring housing market was supposed to boom. Instead, it’s whimpering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Existing home sales in March slumped 5.9% from February — the largest month-to-month decline since November 2022 when seasonally adjusted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to a year ago, sales in March were down 2.4% from March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline came as something of a surprise, following \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/newsroom/existing-home-sales-accelerated-4-2-in-february\">an uptick in sales\u003c/a> in February. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/03/nx-s1-5349453/spring-home-buying-mortgage-rates\">More inventory\u003c/a> has been hitting the market, which was expected to drive sales, and spring tends to be among the busiest times for home sales, as parents with kids try to move when school is out for the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the sales figures suggest that the housing market is in a continued slump, hampered by high mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036934 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/RS35749_GettyImages-452284506-qut-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two years have been incredibly slow, with existing home sales \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/24/nx-s1-5272647/home-sales-housing-affordability\">at their lowest levels\u003c/a> since the mid-1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New home sales are rosier\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in the market, a different story is unfolding. Sales of \u003cem>new\u003c/em> single-family homes were up 7.4% from February, and 6% higher than a year ago. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrs/pdf/newressales.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to data (PDF)\u003c/a> from the U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development released on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median sales price of new homes sold in March 2025 was $403,600 — a smidge lower than the median sales price of an \u003cem>existing\u003c/em> home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unusual: There’s usually a 15–20% premium for new homes, said Yun. This month’s price parity between new and existing homes is an indication that homebuilders are more into constructing smaller, cheaper homes — and not the high-priced McMansions of yore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supply is good news for buyers who’ve been priced out of the existing home market — though some regions, especially the Northeast, are building scant little new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, there are signs that this year’s spring market overall might be a weak one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage applications decreased 12.7% from one week earlier, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mba.org/news-and-research/newsroom/news/2025/04/23/mortgage-applications-decrease-in-latest-mba-weekly-survey\">according to data\u003c/a> from the Mortgage Bankers Association for the week ending April 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the result of mortgage rates jumping in the last two weeks, said MBA President and CEO Bob Broeksmit in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[M]any potential borrowers will likely stay on the sidelines until they have a better idea of the direction that rates, and the economy, are headed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The spring housing market was supposed to boom. Instead, it’s whimpering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Existing home sales in March slumped 5.9% from February — the largest month-to-month decline since November 2022 when seasonally adjusted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to a year ago, sales in March were down 2.4% from March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline came as something of a surprise, following \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/newsroom/existing-home-sales-accelerated-4-2-in-february\">an uptick in sales\u003c/a> in February. \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/04/03/nx-s1-5349453/spring-home-buying-mortgage-rates\">More inventory\u003c/a> has been hitting the market, which was expected to drive sales, and spring tends to be among the busiest times for home sales, as parents with kids try to move when school is out for the summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the sales figures suggest that the housing market is in a continued slump, hampered by high mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After inching down in the first months of the year, mortgage rates have jumped higher in the last couple weeks, as President Trump’s tariff threats have roiled bond markets that help influence mortgage rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average rate for a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage was 6.81% over the last week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.freddiemac.com/pmms\">according to data\u003c/a> from Freddie Mac. In March and early April, rates were closer to 6.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, home prices are also still climbing — though more slowly than before. The median existing home sales price for March was $403,700. That’s up from up $392,900 from one year ago, and from $398,400 in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two years have been incredibly slow, with existing home sales \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/24/nx-s1-5272647/home-sales-housing-affordability\">at their lowest levels\u003c/a> since the mid-1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New home sales are rosier\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in the market, a different story is unfolding. Sales of \u003cem>new\u003c/em> single-family homes were up 7.4% from February, and 6% higher than a year ago. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrs/pdf/newressales.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to data (PDF)\u003c/a> from the U.S. Census Bureau and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development released on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median sales price of new homes sold in March 2025 was $403,600 — a smidge lower than the median sales price of an \u003cem>existing\u003c/em> home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unusual: There’s usually a 15–20% premium for new homes, said Yun. This month’s price parity between new and existing homes is an indication that homebuilders are more into constructing smaller, cheaper homes — and not the high-priced McMansions of yore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That supply is good news for buyers who’ve been priced out of the existing home market — though some regions, especially the Northeast, are building scant little new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, there are signs that this year’s spring market overall might be a weak one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mortgage applications decreased 12.7% from one week earlier, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mba.org/news-and-research/newsroom/news/2025/04/23/mortgage-applications-decrease-in-latest-mba-weekly-survey\">according to data\u003c/a> from the Mortgage Bankers Association for the week ending April 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the result of mortgage rates jumping in the last two weeks, said MBA President and CEO Bob Broeksmit in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[M]any potential borrowers will likely stay on the sidelines until they have a better idea of the direction that rates, and the economy, are headed,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "2 Years After the Half Moon Bay Shooting, New Housing for Farmers Starts to Take Shape",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been two years since a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in Half Moon Bay left seven people dead and shed light on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996924/aging-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay-want-a-place-to-rest-with-dignity\">harsh and crowded living conditions\u003c/a> for many farmworkers. This summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">new homes\u003c/a> built nearby will become available to the farmworkers who remain there and others looking for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-June, San Mateo County officials hope to open \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/879/Stone-Pine-Cove-830-Stone-Pine---Afforda\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>, a collection of 47 single-family homes located a mile away from downtown Half Moon Bay and east of Highway 1. About half of those homes will be available for purchase through a \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/san-mateo-county-receives-5-million-state-grant-improve-build-housing-farmworkers\">state grant program,\u003c/a> which partially subsidizes the homes for low-income farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look on the coastside and throughout San Mateo County, finding affordable housing is very difficult,” said Supervisor Ray Mueller, whose district includes Half Moon Bay. “It’s just a really exciting project both for what it means for our community and what it means for farmworker housing in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes are manufactured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/new-housing-farmworkers-taking-shape-stone-pine-cove-helps-fulfill-promise\">Skyline Homes\u003c/a>, a company specializing in factory-built mobile homes based in Woodland, northwest of Sacramento. Once constructed, the homes are trucked to the site in Half Moon Bay to be installed in the new community. As of January, about two-thirds of the site’s infrastructure, including the laying out of new roads and placement of utilities underground, has been completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11982817 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-HMB-Farmworkers-TH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project, which should open to farmworkers by June 16, initially only included 28 homes on the site, Mueller said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we identified the lot with the city of Half Moon Bay, we quickly did an assessment and realized it could accommodate even more homes,” he said. “We also, candidly, were able to find more funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials collected $16 million in federal, state and local funding, including at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">$6 million from the county’s own budget\u003c/a> to fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approvals for other housing developments for farmworkers are moving their way through the city and county. Just last June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992290/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-to-go-forward-after-council-rejects-appeals\">city leaders approved a 40-unit affordable housing project\u003c/a> for very low-income senior farmworkers, despite receiving appeals from locals who sought to block the project because it could lead to more traffic and have impacts on parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "2 Years After the Half Moon Bay Shooting, New Housing for Farmers Starts to Take Shape",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been two years since a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in Half Moon Bay left seven people dead and shed light on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996924/aging-farmworkers-in-half-moon-bay-want-a-place-to-rest-with-dignity\">harsh and crowded living conditions\u003c/a> for many farmworkers. This summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">new homes\u003c/a> built nearby will become available to the farmworkers who remain there and others looking for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By mid-June, San Mateo County officials hope to open \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/879/Stone-Pine-Cove-830-Stone-Pine---Afforda\">Stone Pine Cove\u003c/a>, a collection of 47 single-family homes located a mile away from downtown Half Moon Bay and east of Highway 1. About half of those homes will be available for purchase through a \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/san-mateo-county-receives-5-million-state-grant-improve-build-housing-farmworkers\">state grant program,\u003c/a> which partially subsidizes the homes for low-income farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look on the coastside and throughout San Mateo County, finding affordable housing is very difficult,” said Supervisor Ray Mueller, whose district includes Half Moon Bay. “It’s just a really exciting project both for what it means for our community and what it means for farmworker housing in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes are manufactured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/new-housing-farmworkers-taking-shape-stone-pine-cove-helps-fulfill-promise\">Skyline Homes\u003c/a>, a company specializing in factory-built mobile homes based in Woodland, northwest of Sacramento. Once constructed, the homes are trucked to the site in Half Moon Bay to be installed in the new community. As of January, about two-thirds of the site’s infrastructure, including the laying out of new roads and placement of utilities underground, has been completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project, which should open to farmworkers by June 16, initially only included 28 homes on the site, Mueller said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we identified the lot with the city of Half Moon Bay, we quickly did an assessment and realized it could accommodate even more homes,” he said. “We also, candidly, were able to find more funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials collected $16 million in federal, state and local funding, including at least \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">$6 million from the county’s own budget\u003c/a> to fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approvals for other housing developments for farmworkers are moving their way through the city and county. Just last June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992290/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-to-go-forward-after-council-rejects-appeals\">city leaders approved a 40-unit affordable housing project\u003c/a> for very low-income senior farmworkers, despite receiving appeals from locals who sought to block the project because it could lead to more traffic and have impacts on parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-lawmakers-push-housing-laws-to-boost-affordability",
"title": "California Lawmakers Push Housing Laws to Boost Affordability",
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"headTitle": "California Lawmakers Push Housing Laws to Boost Affordability | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:56 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several high-profile \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness \u003c/a>bills are moving through key legislative committees this week, as lawmakers act with renewed urgency to address the affordability crisis facing Californians. While the housing shortage has long been a top concern at the Capitol, voters last fall made it clear that the high cost of living was their number one issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urgency for action and for results on housing in the legislature this year could not be higher,” said Assemblymember Matt Haney, who chairs the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee and leads the Legislative Renters’ Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 160 housing-related bills have been introduced this year, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/2025-california-legislative-preview-rebuilding-accelerating-production-and-strengthening-protections/\">according to\u003c/a> the Terner Center for Housing Innovation. Haney said it’s not just the quantity that’s notable — a new class of diverse lawmakers has come in hungry to take on the state’s greatest challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more bills introduced that are bolder, that are bigger in terms of their impact than we’ve seen in the state legislature in a long time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a precarious budget picture will likely hamstring lawmakers’ ability to act. Delayed tax receipts from Southern California residents affected by January’s wildfires and the need to brace against federal budget cuts and tariffs are contributing to fiscal uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign on a house in the Mission District of San Francisco on Tuesday, March 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Affordability: The word of the day\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Affordability, especially for renters, is the issue driving many of the most closely watched proposals. “We have seen a major signal from the electorate that affordability is a number one concern,” said Anya Svanoe, communications director at the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susannah Parsons, director of policy and legislation at the policy nonprofit All Home, called it “the word of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That focus accompanies an increase in renter representation in Sacramento: The Legislative Renters’ Caucus now boasts 10 members, up from three when it launched a few years ago, and both the Senate and Assembly housing committees are chaired by lawmakers who rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This entire institution has not seen enough renters come through it, that’s the reality,” Senator Aisha Wahab, chair of the Senate Housing Committee, said during a Renters’ Caucus press conference Wednesday. “That is why we have the laws we have today. That is, we are still renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee will take up \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1157\">AB 1157,\u003c/a> which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">would amend the 2019 Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a>, lowering the state’s annual rent cap to 5%, down from 10%. It would also extend renter protections to single-family homes and make them permanent. The TPA is currently set to expire in 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036599 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250409-LIVERMORE-BLACK-LAND-MD-10-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ advocates say lowering the cap is a crucial step to prevent displacement and homelessness, given \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-renters/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of Californians rent and about a third of renters are severely cost-burdened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, landlord groups like the California Apartment Association are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It ignores the will of the voters and puts an unfair burden on housing providers,” said Embert Madison, State Advocacy and Compliance Counsel for the California Apartment Association, pointing to the fact that California voters have three times rejected state ballot measures to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which restricts local rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The devastating LA wildfires also generated a slate of bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB610\">aimed at protecting\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB380\">impacted renters\u003c/a> and ensuring a faster and more coordinated response to future disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of pretty dramatic events that have happened that kind of just amplify the urgency of tenant protections on top of the housing crisis that we already have,” said Shanti Singh of advocacy group Tenants Together, noting that the Trump administration’s cost-cutting measures could also threaten vulnerable renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other housing cost-focused bills this year include \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1248\">AB 1248\u003c/a>, which would require landlords to include all recurring charges in the advertised rent and ban them from adding new fees during a lease. Renter advocacy groups support the bill, while property owners’ groups don’t. “The focus shouldn’t be on making housing providers’ business more difficult to run,” California Rental Housing Association President Adam Pearce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"690\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of beachfront homes that burned in the Palisades Fire as wildfires cause damage and loss through the LA region on Jan.15, 2025, in Malibu, Los Angeles County. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB52\">SB 52 \u003c/a>would prohibit the use of AI algorithms to set rents, which critics say drives up rents and mimics price fixing. The technology is the subject of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-sues-six-large-landlords-algorithmic-pricing-scheme-harms-millions\">federal antitrust lawsuit\u003c/a> and has already been banned in cities including Berkeley, San Francisco and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB246\">AB 246\u003c/a> would protect seniors from eviction if their Social Security payments are interrupted, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB436\">SB 436, authored by Wahab,\u003c/a> would extend the window that renters have to pay past-due rent after getting a three-day notice. It would allow tenants to pay the full amount owed or provide proof of approved rental assistance at any point before they’re evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers continue to take aim at the supply side of the housing crisis with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">sprawling package of over 20 bills designed\u003c/a> to cut red tape and speed up housing construction, Wahab cautioned they’re no panacea. “We’ve seen those bills, but has it translated to cost savings to the home buyer or the renter? No. But it has translated to cost savings for the developer,” she said. “This legislature needs to not only focus on production, they also need to start focusing on preservation of housing from multiple different angles, and that also includes protection of renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other affordability-focused measures include a proposed $10 billion affordable housing bond, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB736\">AB 736\u003c/a>/\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB417\">SB 417\u003c/a>, which supporters hope to put before voters in 2026. Matt Schwartz of the California Housing Partnership said it’s key to achieving the state’s housing goals, noting that there are 45,000 shovel-ready affordable homes awaiting funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bond failed to make it onto the ballot last year, when education and climate bonds got approved. But Haney and advocates expect the housing bond to get its moment this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability for homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legislature’s approach to homelessness this year centers on tightening oversight, strengthening local coordination, and rethinking enforcement practices. Lawmakers are advancing bills that aim to improve how funding is tracked, how cities and counties share responsibility for services, and how the state invests in supportive housing, behavioral health, and upstream solutions to prevent homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A controversial bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB16\">SB 16\u003c/a>, which would have required counties to shoulder half the cost of running homeless shelters and interim housing facilities, got a total overhaul Tuesday, removing those cost-sharing terms before it passed out of the Senate Housing Committee. The bill now directs the state to develop a plan for ending unsheltered homelessness within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Association of Counties, which strongly opposed the measure as originally written, has now removed its opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037142 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/NO-TECH-FOR-APARTHEID-01-KQED-1-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills aim to strengthen transparency and oversight. The conversation around homelessness funding is increasingly shaped by skepticism over spending, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">audits\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-homeless-audit-spending-transparency-45a5aa98fc0d4ff88a08b8ad43b530a6\">have raised questions\u003c/a> about its efficacy, but Caroline Grinder, a lobbyist for the League of California Cities, said the focus on accountability risks placing unfair blame on cities. “We’re open to increased accountability and transparency,” she said, “Our cities are ready and willing to be partners in that, but we also know that needs to be paired with the investment to actually do the work and have the infrastructure to collect this data in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB750\">AB 750\u003c/a> would add new oversight to state-funded shelters, requiring annual inspections and clearer complaint processes. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1432\">AB 1432\u003c/a> would put in place new performance metrics for nonprofits receiving state or local funding for homelessness programs and allow more investment in programs that require sobriety, even if these programs don’t align with the state’s current “Housing First” model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB606\">SB 606,\u003c/a> which passed out of the Senate Committee on Human Services on Tuesday, would require local jurisdictions receiving state homelessness funding to submit a financial assessment of what it would take to achieve functional zero for unsheltered homelessness, and to demonstrate how they’re collaborating with small cities in their region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of tents belonging to unhoused residents line the banks of Coyote Creek near Tully Road on Jan. 4, 2023, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Dai Sugano/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow with the National Alliance to End Homelessness, warned that the bill’s focus on \u003cem>unsheltered\u003c/em> homelessness, rather than overall homelessness, could inadvertently pull resources away from permanent housing solutions and toward a “permanent state of shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bills also reflect growing interest in connecting housing to health care and recovery. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB804\">AB 804\u003c/a> would make housing support a Medi-Cal benefit, integrating housing with the state’s health care system. “We see this as a really exciting and important bill,” Parsons said, “because of how many people experiencing homelessness can receive these services and ensure they are in supportive housing, that they have the wraparound support that is needed to stay stably housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a>, also heard this week, would create a new supportive recovery housing program for people coming out of substance use treatment. The bill allows abstinence-focused homes as part of a county’s supportive housing mix — capped at 25% — and includes eviction protections for residents who relapse. Visotzky is watching closely and said, “We want to make sure that that intent doesn’t lead to unintended consequences and doesn’t lead to loss of choice for folks for whom that’s not an appropriate intervention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy organizations like the National Alliance to End Homelessness are enthusiastically backing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB634\">SB 634\u003c/a>, which would bar local governments and state agencies from punishing unhoused people for basic survival activities, like sitting or sleeping, in public spaces. Paul Webster, a senior fellow at the Cicero Institute, a conservative leaning think tank, is not a fan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you take enforcement away, you are undercutting one of the great incentives to move people from the street into housing,” he said. Cicero has pushed legislation across the country banning public camping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is a response to the proliferation of such bans, enacted since the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court opened the door\u003c/a> for cities to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/bill/AB897/2025\">AB 897\u003c/a>, which would take California in the opposite direction, making squatting a misdemeanor, failed to pass out of committee Tuesday. And\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB748\"> SB 748 \u003c/a>would expand the eligible uses of state Encampment Resolution Funding to include towing and disposing of vehicles — a move some advocates say misuses homelessness resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037346 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AntiochHousingDevelopmentGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t think it makes sense to spend our valuable homeless program dollars on things like towing and disposing of people’s vehicles,” Visotzky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have for years been clamoring for an ongoing source of funding to address homelessness and affordable housing, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1165\">AB 1165\u003c/a> is the latest legislative effort to do so. It would create the California Housing Justice Fund within the state’s General Fund, mandating ongoing annual allocations to address homelessness and housing unaffordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the legislative momentum around housing and homelessness, the state’s fiscal outlook will likely force lawmakers to triage, and bills that require significant new spending aren’t expected to fare well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know we’re going to have a May Revise, and the whole deck is going to be reshuffled,” Webster said, referring to upcoming revisions in the state budget. “Then it’s kind of like, well, what can we actually do?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, some advocates are prioritizing cost-neutral measures, and advocates and lawmakers say a number of proposals that don’t immediately add to the budget, like the affordable housing bond, could have a better shot than in years past, given the renewed sense of urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a rubber hits the road moment here,” Haney said. “We haven’t acted with enough boldness and urgency, and so enough is enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story was updated to reflect the overhaul of Senate Bill 16.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Lawmakers are taking on the housing crisis with new urgency, focusing on affordability and accountability, but an uncertain economic picture may rein them in. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:56 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several high-profile \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">housing \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness \u003c/a>bills are moving through key legislative committees this week, as lawmakers act with renewed urgency to address the affordability crisis facing Californians. While the housing shortage has long been a top concern at the Capitol, voters last fall made it clear that the high cost of living was their number one issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The urgency for action and for results on housing in the legislature this year could not be higher,” said Assemblymember Matt Haney, who chairs the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee and leads the Legislative Renters’ Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 160 housing-related bills have been introduced this year, \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/blog/2025-california-legislative-preview-rebuilding-accelerating-production-and-strengthening-protections/\">according to\u003c/a> the Terner Center for Housing Innovation. Haney said it’s not just the quantity that’s notable — a new class of diverse lawmakers has come in hungry to take on the state’s greatest challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more bills introduced that are bolder, that are bigger in terms of their impact than we’ve seen in the state legislature in a long time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a precarious budget picture will likely hamstring lawmakers’ ability to act. Delayed tax receipts from Southern California residents affected by January’s wildfires and the need to brace against federal budget cuts and tariffs are contributing to fiscal uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/003_KQED_SanFrancisco_RentStrike_03312020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign on a house in the Mission District of San Francisco on Tuesday, March 31, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Affordability: The word of the day\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Affordability, especially for renters, is the issue driving many of the most closely watched proposals. “We have seen a major signal from the electorate that affordability is a number one concern,” said Anya Svanoe, communications director at the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susannah Parsons, director of policy and legislation at the policy nonprofit All Home, called it “the word of the day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That focus accompanies an increase in renter representation in Sacramento: The Legislative Renters’ Caucus now boasts 10 members, up from three when it launched a few years ago, and both the Senate and Assembly housing committees are chaired by lawmakers who rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This entire institution has not seen enough renters come through it, that’s the reality,” Senator Aisha Wahab, chair of the Senate Housing Committee, said during a Renters’ Caucus press conference Wednesday. “That is why we have the laws we have today. That is, we are still renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee will take up \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1157\">AB 1157,\u003c/a> which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034212/california-lawmakers-push-lower-rent-cap-expand-protections-property-owners-worried\">would amend the 2019 Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a>, lowering the state’s annual rent cap to 5%, down from 10%. It would also extend renter protections to single-family homes and make them permanent. The TPA is currently set to expire in 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants’ advocates say lowering the cap is a crucial step to prevent displacement and homelessness, given \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-renters/\">nearly half\u003c/a> of Californians rent and about a third of renters are severely cost-burdened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, landlord groups like the California Apartment Association are pushing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It ignores the will of the voters and puts an unfair burden on housing providers,” said Embert Madison, State Advocacy and Compliance Counsel for the California Apartment Association, pointing to the fact that California voters have three times rejected state ballot measures to repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which restricts local rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The devastating LA wildfires also generated a slate of bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB610\">aimed at protecting\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB380\">impacted renters\u003c/a> and ensuring a faster and more coordinated response to future disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of pretty dramatic events that have happened that kind of just amplify the urgency of tenant protections on top of the housing crisis that we already have,” said Shanti Singh of advocacy group Tenants Together, noting that the Trump administration’s cost-cutting measures could also threaten vulnerable renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other housing cost-focused bills this year include \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1248\">AB 1248\u003c/a>, which would require landlords to include all recurring charges in the advertised rent and ban them from adding new fees during a lease. Renter advocacy groups support the bill, while property owners’ groups don’t. “The focus shouldn’t be on making housing providers’ business more difficult to run,” California Rental Housing Association President Adam Pearce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022582\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022582\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"690\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-800x539.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-2194153825-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of beachfront homes that burned in the Palisades Fire as wildfires cause damage and loss through the LA region on Jan.15, 2025, in Malibu, Los Angeles County. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB52\">SB 52 \u003c/a>would prohibit the use of AI algorithms to set rents, which critics say drives up rents and mimics price fixing. The technology is the subject of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-sues-six-large-landlords-algorithmic-pricing-scheme-harms-millions\">federal antitrust lawsuit\u003c/a> and has already been banned in cities including Berkeley, San Francisco and San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB246\">AB 246\u003c/a> would protect seniors from eviction if their Social Security payments are interrupted, and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB436\">SB 436, authored by Wahab,\u003c/a> would extend the window that renters have to pay past-due rent after getting a three-day notice. It would allow tenants to pay the full amount owed or provide proof of approved rental assistance at any point before they’re evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers continue to take aim at the supply side of the housing crisis with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033092/housing-legislation-snips-away-californias-red-tape\">sprawling package of over 20 bills designed\u003c/a> to cut red tape and speed up housing construction, Wahab cautioned they’re no panacea. “We’ve seen those bills, but has it translated to cost savings to the home buyer or the renter? No. But it has translated to cost savings for the developer,” she said. “This legislature needs to not only focus on production, they also need to start focusing on preservation of housing from multiple different angles, and that also includes protection of renters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other affordability-focused measures include a proposed $10 billion affordable housing bond, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB736\">AB 736\u003c/a>/\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB417\">SB 417\u003c/a>, which supporters hope to put before voters in 2026. Matt Schwartz of the California Housing Partnership said it’s key to achieving the state’s housing goals, noting that there are 45,000 shovel-ready affordable homes awaiting funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bond failed to make it onto the ballot last year, when education and climate bonds got approved. But Haney and advocates expect the housing bond to get its moment this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability for homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The legislature’s approach to homelessness this year centers on tightening oversight, strengthening local coordination, and rethinking enforcement practices. Lawmakers are advancing bills that aim to improve how funding is tracked, how cities and counties share responsibility for services, and how the state invests in supportive housing, behavioral health, and upstream solutions to prevent homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A controversial bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB16\">SB 16\u003c/a>, which would have required counties to shoulder half the cost of running homeless shelters and interim housing facilities, got a total overhaul Tuesday, removing those cost-sharing terms before it passed out of the Senate Housing Committee. The bill now directs the state to develop a plan for ending unsheltered homelessness within 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Association of Counties, which strongly opposed the measure as originally written, has now removed its opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills aim to strengthen transparency and oversight. The conversation around homelessness funding is increasingly shaped by skepticism over spending, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">audits\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/los-angeles-homeless-audit-spending-transparency-45a5aa98fc0d4ff88a08b8ad43b530a6\">have raised questions\u003c/a> about its efficacy, but Caroline Grinder, a lobbyist for the League of California Cities, said the focus on accountability risks placing unfair blame on cities. “We’re open to increased accountability and transparency,” she said, “Our cities are ready and willing to be partners in that, but we also know that needs to be paired with the investment to actually do the work and have the infrastructure to collect this data in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB750\">AB 750\u003c/a> would add new oversight to state-funded shelters, requiring annual inspections and clearer complaint processes. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1432\">AB 1432\u003c/a> would put in place new performance metrics for nonprofits receiving state or local funding for homelessness programs and allow more investment in programs that require sobriety, even if these programs don’t align with the state’s current “Housing First” model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB606\">SB 606,\u003c/a> which passed out of the Senate Committee on Human Services on Tuesday, would require local jurisdictions receiving state homelessness funding to submit a financial assessment of what it would take to achieve functional zero for unsheltered homelessness, and to demonstrate how they’re collaborating with small cities in their region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of tents belonging to unhoused residents line the banks of Coyote Creek near Tully Road on Jan. 4, 2023, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Dai Sugano/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow with the National Alliance to End Homelessness, warned that the bill’s focus on \u003cem>unsheltered\u003c/em> homelessness, rather than overall homelessness, could inadvertently pull resources away from permanent housing solutions and toward a “permanent state of shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some bills also reflect growing interest in connecting housing to health care and recovery. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB804\">AB 804\u003c/a> would make housing support a Medi-Cal benefit, integrating housing with the state’s health care system. “We see this as a really exciting and important bill,” Parsons said, “because of how many people experiencing homelessness can receive these services and ensure they are in supportive housing, that they have the wraparound support that is needed to stay stably housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">AB 255\u003c/a>, also heard this week, would create a new supportive recovery housing program for people coming out of substance use treatment. The bill allows abstinence-focused homes as part of a county’s supportive housing mix — capped at 25% — and includes eviction protections for residents who relapse. Visotzky is watching closely and said, “We want to make sure that that intent doesn’t lead to unintended consequences and doesn’t lead to loss of choice for folks for whom that’s not an appropriate intervention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocacy organizations like the National Alliance to End Homelessness are enthusiastically backing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB634\">SB 634\u003c/a>, which would bar local governments and state agencies from punishing unhoused people for basic survival activities, like sitting or sleeping, in public spaces. Paul Webster, a senior fellow at the Cicero Institute, a conservative leaning think tank, is not a fan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you take enforcement away, you are undercutting one of the great incentives to move people from the street into housing,” he said. Cicero has pushed legislation across the country banning public camping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is a response to the proliferation of such bans, enacted since the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court opened the door\u003c/a> for cities to enforce them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/bill/AB897/2025\">AB 897\u003c/a>, which would take California in the opposite direction, making squatting a misdemeanor, failed to pass out of committee Tuesday. And\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB748\"> SB 748 \u003c/a>would expand the eligible uses of state Encampment Resolution Funding to include towing and disposing of vehicles — a move some advocates say misuses homelessness resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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"info": "",
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"tech-nation": {
"id": "tech-nation",
"title": "Tech Nation Radio Podcast",
"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"ted-radio-hour": {
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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