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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Rhode Island resident Navah Hopkins received a plea for her help to defeat legislation thousands of miles away in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ask came from Google, maker of the world’s most used web browser, Chrome. The tech giant sent a message to an email list that Hopkins and other small business owners were subscribed to. Google’s request: To sign a petition opposing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab566\">Assembly Bill 566\u003c/a>, which would require browsers to provide users with a way to automatically tell websites not to share their personal information with third parties. The measure is sponsored by the California Privacy Protection Agency, which enforces state regulations on such sharing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its email to Hopkins, Google claimed that the legislation would “hurt your ability to use online ads to reach customers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was intentionally misleading people that by this bill passing, they were going to lose out on all of these tools within Google (to advertise),” she told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outreach was particularly noteworthy because Google had not itself taken a public position on the bill. The tech giant was so quiet about its opposition that Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/josh-lowenthal-164206\">Josh Lowenthal\u003c/a>, the author of AB 566, did not know about Google’s email push until a CalMatters reporter asked. Lowenthal also said his office did not receive small business owners’ signatures or outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s name wasn’t on the petition either; instead, the document was officially from the “Connected Commerce Council,” which the tech giant backs financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-1020x703.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Google logo is displayed in front of company headquarters during the Made By Google event on August 13, 2024 in Mountain View, California. Google announced new Pixel phones, watches and AI features at the event. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The largely behind-the-scenes campaign offers a glimpse into how the tech giant is working to preserve its grip on the online advertising market and how it attempts, without being seen, to shape policies in a state with one of the nation’s strictest privacy protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recruiting small businesses to represent the policy interests of a tech giant isn’t new. Last year, Google successfully blocked \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3048\">a similar bill\u003c/a> — ultimately vetoed by Gov. Gavin Newsom — by adopting the same tactic, reaching out to small businesses via email lists, according to a message obtained by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no telling how effective Google’s lobbying on the measure has been this year, or how many people it successfully mobilized. Experts warn that the strategy could backfire if the people it reaches out to, like the small business owners, aren’t buying what the company is selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before the browser bill reached its final floor vote, Lowenthal amended it to delay the effective date until 2027 and to add liability protections for browser companies like Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12054490 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ChatGPTGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked who advocated for that language, Lowenthal said he’d taken input from “colleagues and stakeholders” to shape up the “strongest possible bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With any bill that’s been vetoed before, it takes some give-and-take to get it across the finish line,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill cleared the Legislature and headed to the governor’s desk Thursday after this story was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google did not respond to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google ranked among the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/data/2025/04/california-lobbying-spending-2024/\">most active lobbyists in California\u003c/a> last year, spending more to influence the opinions of elected officials \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/google-lobbying-california/\">than it had in the previous 20 years combined\u003c/a>. The lobbying was aimed at battling AI regulation, local news funding requirements, and a prior version of the browser bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, it has disclosed pouring nearly $700,000 into lobbying state leaders on bills including AB 566. Google has also increased lobbying spending in many \u003ca href=\"https://www.openmarketsinstitute.org/publications/google-refines-50-state-lobby-strategy-austin-ahlman\">other statehouses\u003c/a>, according to the Open Markets Institute. With inaction in Congress, states have led the way in tech regulation in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s hard to trace Google’s full influence when the company does not publicly share its position on bills like AB 566, instead paying groups like the California Chamber of Commerce and Connected Commerce Council to influence legislators on its behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/082125_CA-Legislature_FG_CM_37-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person, with white hair and wearing a gray suit, stands in front of a podium with a microphone on it while they speak.\">\u003cfigcaption>Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal at the dais during an Assembly floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003cem>(Fred Greaves for CalMatters)\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Google registered to lobby 17 bills this year that sought to do things like place \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab56\">warning labels on social media\u003c/a> or protect people from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb503\">algorithms that make health care decisions\u003c/a>, but the company only publicly stated its position on one bill that sought to require\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1043\"> online age verification\u003c/a>, according to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/\"> state filings and Digital Democracy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s lobbying tactics, while not illegal, demonstrate the sway money has over policies, said Sean McMorris, the transparency, ethics, and accountability program manager at California Common Cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This type of activity … exemplifies the skewed playing field that we have to play on,” he said. “It’s important to report on and to point out these strategies and loopholes that money can afford you the privilege to engage in, and the public has every right to scrutinize whether that is just or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Google really believes this bill shouldn’t become a law, its lobbyists should show up to testify at a public hearing, not behave in shadowy ways that undercut democracy, said Brandon Forester, an organizer for MediaJustice, a nonprofit that has been critical of the influence of of Big Tech companies and internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google’s Bay View campus in Mountain View on June 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Zhang Yi/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“None of us wants to enter a surveillance marketplace every time that we go on the internet,” he said. “Part of the reason they need to do the shadow lobbying is because the things that they want to do to achieve their infinite growth model is not good for the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 566 is not the only threat Google faces to its grip on how people surf the web. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2025-09-02/google-chrome-decision\">judge ruled\u003c/a> last month that the company may no longer enter into exclusive distribution deals for Chrome or Google search. And Chrome faces new competition from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.platformer.news/ai-web-browsers-openai-perplexity-opera/?ref=platformer-newsletter\">number of AI-powered browsers entering the market\u003c/a>, reportedly to \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/openai-release-web-browser-challenge-google-chrome-2025-07-09/\">soon include\u003c/a> one from ChatGPT maker OpenAI.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Onerous mandate or consumer convenience?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under a 2018 state law, California businesses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/08/companies-make-it-hard-to-delete-personal-data/\">must provide customers\u003c/a> with a way to forbid the sharing or sale of their personal information to businesses. AB 566 seeks to streamline that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Browsers such as DuckDuckGo, Brave, and Firefox already have privacy features that, once enabled, \u003ca href=\"https://support.mozilla.org/en-US/kb/global-privacy-control\">automatically send an opt-out signal\u003c/a> to each website the user goes to.[aside postID=forum_2010101911184 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/09/GettyImages-2204906139-2000x1335.jpg']The California Chamber of Commerce opposes AB 566, arguing it represents an onerous mandate. The measure lacks clarity, regulates browsers that aren’t “consumer-facing” and is hard to implement, the trade association argued in a letter to lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Browsers and devices already compete to offer clear, effective privacy controls,” Ronak Dalami, a lobbyist for the chamber, told lawmakers in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bill the Legislature passed last year would have required both web browsers and mobile operating systems to offer ways to automatically prohibit the sharing of a user’s personal information, but Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-3048-Veto-Message.pdf\">vetoed\u003c/a> the bill because no major mobile operating system includes such an option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To ensure the ongoing usability of mobile devices, it’s best if design questions are first addressed by developers, rather than by regulators,” Newsom said \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-3048-Veto-Message.pdf\">in a veto message\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianca Blomquist, California director of nonprofit Small Business Majority, which represents 85,000 small businesses nationwide, was among the business owners who received an email last year from Google, on a mailing list of businesses that participated in the company’s training program, Grow with Google. The letter argued that allowing people to easily stop companies from sharing their personal information would make it more expensive for small businesses to sell their products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Blomquist was skeptical. And while Newsom’s veto message spoke of design risks, she said that most people she talks to “are more concerned about their data being shared than they are too many buttons flashing on a screen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Blomquist, the email is clear evidence that Google was “leveraging” the data it collected from partners for advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we find is that small business owners … and partner organizations oftentimes sign on to support or oppose legislation without having an understanding of what it does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Connected Commerce Council\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The petition Google circulated this year was authored by \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/30/connected-commerce-council-amazon-google-lobbying-00021801\">Connected Commerce Council\u003c/a>, or 3C, a lobbying group that in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://connectedcouncil.org/statement-from-the-connected-commerce-council-on-behalf-of-15000-small-business-members-criticizing-the-senate-judiciarys-passage-of-the-american-innovation-and-choice-online-act/\">claimed to represent 15,000 small businesses\u003c/a> but lists Google and Amazon as \u003ca href=\"https://connectedcouncil.org/partners/\">funders and partners\u003c/a>. In 2022, Google and Amazon mobilized their users to fight anti-trust bills in Congress by encouraging them to sign a model online petition the council drafted. That year, the nonprofit published and later removed a membership directory of 5,000 small businesses, many of which told Politico \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/30/connected-commerce-council-amazon-google-lobbying-00021801\">they were not members of the organization\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12049301 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/CAT-%E2%80%94-OG-of-Tech.png']This spring, the group sent a letter to California state lawmakers, arguing that the requirements proposed in AB 566 would cause small businesses to lose out on customer data and make their websites more expensive to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Implementing a sweeping experiment that would jeopardize small businesses’ success, limit Californians’ access to relevant products and services, and potentially disrupt access to free web content, is not a sensible way forward,” wrote Rob Retzlaff, executive director of the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a virtual press conference last month, the organization put forward two California online business owners who oppose the legislation. The owners argued that the browser feature mandated in the bill could inadvertently drive away customers, would block them from sending targeted ads to users who opt out of having their personal information shared, and would make it impossible for customers who opted out to opt back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they opt out of one thing — maybe they just didn’t want … my weekly emails about moms connecting, but they want to have discounts — how are we going to segment that?” said Michelle Mak, owner of baby product store Mewl Baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google did not report paying the commerce council any money to lobby on its behalf to the California secretary of state. But Google reported paying the California Chamber of Commerce, the face of its opposition, almost $100,000 to lobby this year. It also reported paying TechNet, which also registered its opposition, $2,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connected Commerce Council spokesperson Jennifer Hodgkins declined to answer a list of questions from CalMatters, instead providing a statement pointing to the organization’s letters to the Legislature, press releases and statements from small business owners featured in its press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Small business owners are deeply concerned about the impact AB 566 will have on their ability to advertise online, find new customers, and grow,” Hodgkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052593\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The State Capitol of California in Sacramento, May 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQE)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>John Myers, a spokesperson for the California Chamber of Commerce, declined to answer a CalMatters question about the payments it received from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But McMorris of Common Cause said Google’s payments to the chamber for lobbying should be “closely scrutinized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s not for (AB566), then what was it for?” he said. “That’s where the law gets murky, and you have these wink and nod relationships where both sides know how to play the game without explicitly saying, ‘This is how we are going to play the game.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mobilizing users a unique tactic\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It tracks that Google turned to small business owners to protect the company’s business model, said Jeremy Mack, director of the\u003ca href=\"http://phoenixprojectnow.com/\"> Phoenix Project\u003c/a>, a group that tries to draw attention to San Francisco Bay Area front organizations secretly funded by tech billionaires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mack said the practice is reminiscent of how Uber and Lyft mobilized people who use ride-hailing apps to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/07/prop-22-california-gig-work-law-upheld/\">support Proposition 22\u003c/a> and keep gig workers from being defined as employees instead of contractors, and tactics embraced by apartment landlords and realtor groups.[aside postID=news_12052617 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GETTYIMAGES-2228237489-KQED.jpg']“It’s not surprising that Google would do this, but it’s definitely good to be able to flag this for people and put it on their radar,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other industries seeking to influence policy, tech companies can mobilize users through their online platforms, said Austin Ahlman, a researcher who tracks Google lobbying efforts in state capitals for the Open Markets Institute. It’s part of a long pattern of tech companies using small businesses that rely on their platforms to preempt regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta also has a history of recruiting small businesses to represent its interests, and Google and Meta threatened or prevented people in \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/feb/18/time-to-reactivate-myspace-the-day-australia-woke-up-to-a-facebook-news-blackout\">Australia\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbc.ca/radio/frontburner/how-the-google-news-blackout-was-avoided-1.7045601\">Canada\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/products/news/california-journalism-preservation-act-puts-news-ecosystem-at-risk/\">California\u003c/a> from seeing the news to oppose a demand that the companies pay to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/05/google-california-local-news/\">link to news websites\u003c/a>. An earlier, prominent instance of tech companies using their platforms to influence legislation came around the Stop Online Piracy Act and the PROTECT IP Act when major companies, including Google, organized to shut down their websites for a day in September 2012 to oppose those laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mack thinks mobilizing users has been devastatingly effective, but companies probably do it sparingly because if they do it too often people will be more aware of how much control large tech companies have over people’s information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d call it anti-democratic, but I wouldn’t call it desperate, because, frankly, it mostly works,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Powerful companies typically combine traditional lobbying and strategies used by civil society organizations when regulatory pressures threaten their core business model, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/ser/article/21/4/1917/7202313\">2023 research paper\u003c/a> about corporate lobbying campaigns. Those tactics were historically associated with the fossil fuel, pharmaceutical and tobacco industries, but tech companies have innovated on and rejuvenated the lobbying form. They can do so more effectively because they can tap into user data and their platforms give them unmediated communication with customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies typically recruit users to advance their policy initiatives when they sense a threat to their business and no longer believe conventional lobbying will be sufficient, said UCLA sociology professor Edward Walker, who studies how companies mobilize customers to speak out about legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it only works if users are motivated to speak out, such as when video game players fought efforts to regulate in-game violence, or when for-profit college students opposed a push by the Obama administration to keep them from receiving federal student aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to know that these kinds of grassroots lobbying strategies, or user mobilization strategies, are a double-edged sword. It’s not a given that they’re always going to work in your favor,” he said. “If you do this in a scattershot way, you really increase the risk it’s going to backfire on you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>For the record\u003c/strong>: An earlier version of this post misstated Uber and Lyft’s position on Prop. 22.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/09/google-lobbying/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, Rhode Island resident Navah Hopkins received a plea for her help to defeat legislation thousands of miles away in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ask came from Google, maker of the world’s most used web browser, Chrome. The tech giant sent a message to an email list that Hopkins and other small business owners were subscribed to. Google’s request: To sign a petition opposing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab566\">Assembly Bill 566\u003c/a>, which would require browsers to provide users with a way to automatically tell websites not to share their personal information with third parties. The measure is sponsored by the California Privacy Protection Agency, which enforces state regulations on such sharing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its email to Hopkins, Google claimed that the legislation would “hurt your ability to use online ads to reach customers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was intentionally misleading people that by this bill passing, they were going to lose out on all of these tools within Google (to advertise),” she told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outreach was particularly noteworthy because Google had not itself taken a public position on the bill. The tech giant was so quiet about its opposition that Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/josh-lowenthal-164206\">Josh Lowenthal\u003c/a>, the author of AB 566, did not know about Google’s email push until a CalMatters reporter asked. Lowenthal also said his office did not receive small business owners’ signatures or outreach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s name wasn’t on the petition either; instead, the document was officially from the “Connected Commerce Council,” which the tech giant backs financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"706\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-1020x703.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-160x110.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Google logo is displayed in front of company headquarters during the Made By Google event on August 13, 2024 in Mountain View, California. Google announced new Pixel phones, watches and AI features at the event. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The largely behind-the-scenes campaign offers a glimpse into how the tech giant is working to preserve its grip on the online advertising market and how it attempts, without being seen, to shape policies in a state with one of the nation’s strictest privacy protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recruiting small businesses to represent the policy interests of a tech giant isn’t new. Last year, Google successfully blocked \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3048\">a similar bill\u003c/a> — ultimately vetoed by Gov. Gavin Newsom — by adopting the same tactic, reaching out to small businesses via email lists, according to a message obtained by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no telling how effective Google’s lobbying on the measure has been this year, or how many people it successfully mobilized. Experts warn that the strategy could backfire if the people it reaches out to, like the small business owners, aren’t buying what the company is selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before the browser bill reached its final floor vote, Lowenthal amended it to delay the effective date until 2027 and to add liability protections for browser companies like Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked who advocated for that language, Lowenthal said he’d taken input from “colleagues and stakeholders” to shape up the “strongest possible bill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With any bill that’s been vetoed before, it takes some give-and-take to get it across the finish line,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill cleared the Legislature and headed to the governor’s desk Thursday after this story was published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google did not respond to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google ranked among the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/data/2025/04/california-lobbying-spending-2024/\">most active lobbyists in California\u003c/a> last year, spending more to influence the opinions of elected officials \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/11/google-lobbying-california/\">than it had in the previous 20 years combined\u003c/a>. The lobbying was aimed at battling AI regulation, local news funding requirements, and a prior version of the browser bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, it has disclosed pouring nearly $700,000 into lobbying state leaders on bills including AB 566. Google has also increased lobbying spending in many \u003ca href=\"https://www.openmarketsinstitute.org/publications/google-refines-50-state-lobby-strategy-austin-ahlman\">other statehouses\u003c/a>, according to the Open Markets Institute. With inaction in Congress, states have led the way in tech regulation in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s hard to trace Google’s full influence when the company does not publicly share its position on bills like AB 566, instead paying groups like the California Chamber of Commerce and Connected Commerce Council to influence legislators on its behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/082125_CA-Legislature_FG_CM_37-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person, with white hair and wearing a gray suit, stands in front of a podium with a microphone on it while they speak.\">\u003cfigcaption>Assemblymember Josh Lowenthal at the dais during an Assembly floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 21, 2025. \u003cem>(Fred Greaves for CalMatters)\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Google registered to lobby 17 bills this year that sought to do things like place \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab56\">warning labels on social media\u003c/a> or protect people from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb503\">algorithms that make health care decisions\u003c/a>, but the company only publicly stated its position on one bill that sought to require\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1043\"> online age verification\u003c/a>, according to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/\"> state filings and Digital Democracy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s lobbying tactics, while not illegal, demonstrate the sway money has over policies, said Sean McMorris, the transparency, ethics, and accountability program manager at California Common Cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This type of activity … exemplifies the skewed playing field that we have to play on,” he said. “It’s important to report on and to point out these strategies and loopholes that money can afford you the privilege to engage in, and the public has every right to scrutinize whether that is just or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Google really believes this bill shouldn’t become a law, its lobbyists should show up to testify at a public hearing, not behave in shadowy ways that undercut democracy, said Brandon Forester, an organizer for MediaJustice, a nonprofit that has been critical of the influence of of Big Tech companies and internet service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001241\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001241\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GETTYIMAGES-1411232503-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Google’s Bay View campus in Mountain View on June 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Zhang Yi/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“None of us wants to enter a surveillance marketplace every time that we go on the internet,” he said. “Part of the reason they need to do the shadow lobbying is because the things that they want to do to achieve their infinite growth model is not good for the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 566 is not the only threat Google faces to its grip on how people surf the web. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2025-09-02/google-chrome-decision\">judge ruled\u003c/a> last month that the company may no longer enter into exclusive distribution deals for Chrome or Google search. And Chrome faces new competition from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.platformer.news/ai-web-browsers-openai-perplexity-opera/?ref=platformer-newsletter\">number of AI-powered browsers entering the market\u003c/a>, reportedly to \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/openai-release-web-browser-challenge-google-chrome-2025-07-09/\">soon include\u003c/a> one from ChatGPT maker OpenAI.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Onerous mandate or consumer convenience?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under a 2018 state law, California businesses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/08/companies-make-it-hard-to-delete-personal-data/\">must provide customers\u003c/a> with a way to forbid the sharing or sale of their personal information to businesses. AB 566 seeks to streamline that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Browsers such as DuckDuckGo, Brave, and Firefox already have privacy features that, once enabled, \u003ca href=\"https://support.mozilla.org/en-US/kb/global-privacy-control\">automatically send an opt-out signal\u003c/a> to each website the user goes to.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Chamber of Commerce opposes AB 566, arguing it represents an onerous mandate. The measure lacks clarity, regulates browsers that aren’t “consumer-facing” and is hard to implement, the trade association argued in a letter to lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Browsers and devices already compete to offer clear, effective privacy controls,” Ronak Dalami, a lobbyist for the chamber, told lawmakers in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bill the Legislature passed last year would have required both web browsers and mobile operating systems to offer ways to automatically prohibit the sharing of a user’s personal information, but Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-3048-Veto-Message.pdf\">vetoed\u003c/a> the bill because no major mobile operating system includes such an option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To ensure the ongoing usability of mobile devices, it’s best if design questions are first addressed by developers, rather than by regulators,” Newsom said \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-3048-Veto-Message.pdf\">in a veto message\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianca Blomquist, California director of nonprofit Small Business Majority, which represents 85,000 small businesses nationwide, was among the business owners who received an email last year from Google, on a mailing list of businesses that participated in the company’s training program, Grow with Google. The letter argued that allowing people to easily stop companies from sharing their personal information would make it more expensive for small businesses to sell their products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Blomquist was skeptical. And while Newsom’s veto message spoke of design risks, she said that most people she talks to “are more concerned about their data being shared than they are too many buttons flashing on a screen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Blomquist, the email is clear evidence that Google was “leveraging” the data it collected from partners for advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we find is that small business owners … and partner organizations oftentimes sign on to support or oppose legislation without having an understanding of what it does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Connected Commerce Council\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The petition Google circulated this year was authored by \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/30/connected-commerce-council-amazon-google-lobbying-00021801\">Connected Commerce Council\u003c/a>, or 3C, a lobbying group that in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://connectedcouncil.org/statement-from-the-connected-commerce-council-on-behalf-of-15000-small-business-members-criticizing-the-senate-judiciarys-passage-of-the-american-innovation-and-choice-online-act/\">claimed to represent 15,000 small businesses\u003c/a> but lists Google and Amazon as \u003ca href=\"https://connectedcouncil.org/partners/\">funders and partners\u003c/a>. In 2022, Google and Amazon mobilized their users to fight anti-trust bills in Congress by encouraging them to sign a model online petition the council drafted. That year, the nonprofit published and later removed a membership directory of 5,000 small businesses, many of which told Politico \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/30/connected-commerce-council-amazon-google-lobbying-00021801\">they were not members of the organization\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This spring, the group sent a letter to California state lawmakers, arguing that the requirements proposed in AB 566 would cause small businesses to lose out on customer data and make their websites more expensive to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Implementing a sweeping experiment that would jeopardize small businesses’ success, limit Californians’ access to relevant products and services, and potentially disrupt access to free web content, is not a sensible way forward,” wrote Rob Retzlaff, executive director of the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a virtual press conference last month, the organization put forward two California online business owners who oppose the legislation. The owners argued that the browser feature mandated in the bill could inadvertently drive away customers, would block them from sending targeted ads to users who opt out of having their personal information shared, and would make it impossible for customers who opted out to opt back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they opt out of one thing — maybe they just didn’t want … my weekly emails about moms connecting, but they want to have discounts — how are we going to segment that?” said Michelle Mak, owner of baby product store Mewl Baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google did not report paying the commerce council any money to lobby on its behalf to the California secretary of state. But Google reported paying the California Chamber of Commerce, the face of its opposition, almost $100,000 to lobby this year. It also reported paying TechNet, which also registered its opposition, $2,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connected Commerce Council spokesperson Jennifer Hodgkins declined to answer a list of questions from CalMatters, instead providing a statement pointing to the organization’s letters to the Legislature, press releases and statements from small business owners featured in its press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Small business owners are deeply concerned about the impact AB 566 will have on their ability to advertise online, find new customers, and grow,” Hodgkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12052593\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12052593\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/CA-state-capitol-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The State Capitol of California in Sacramento, May 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQE)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>John Myers, a spokesperson for the California Chamber of Commerce, declined to answer a CalMatters question about the payments it received from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But McMorris of Common Cause said Google’s payments to the chamber for lobbying should be “closely scrutinized.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s not for (AB566), then what was it for?” he said. “That’s where the law gets murky, and you have these wink and nod relationships where both sides know how to play the game without explicitly saying, ‘This is how we are going to play the game.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mobilizing users a unique tactic\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It tracks that Google turned to small business owners to protect the company’s business model, said Jeremy Mack, director of the\u003ca href=\"http://phoenixprojectnow.com/\"> Phoenix Project\u003c/a>, a group that tries to draw attention to San Francisco Bay Area front organizations secretly funded by tech billionaires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mack said the practice is reminiscent of how Uber and Lyft mobilized people who use ride-hailing apps to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/07/prop-22-california-gig-work-law-upheld/\">support Proposition 22\u003c/a> and keep gig workers from being defined as employees instead of contractors, and tactics embraced by apartment landlords and realtor groups.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s not surprising that Google would do this, but it’s definitely good to be able to flag this for people and put it on their radar,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other industries seeking to influence policy, tech companies can mobilize users through their online platforms, said Austin Ahlman, a researcher who tracks Google lobbying efforts in state capitals for the Open Markets Institute. It’s part of a long pattern of tech companies using small businesses that rely on their platforms to preempt regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta also has a history of recruiting small businesses to represent its interests, and Google and Meta threatened or prevented people in \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/feb/18/time-to-reactivate-myspace-the-day-australia-woke-up-to-a-facebook-news-blackout\">Australia\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbc.ca/radio/frontburner/how-the-google-news-blackout-was-avoided-1.7045601\">Canada\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/products/news/california-journalism-preservation-act-puts-news-ecosystem-at-risk/\">California\u003c/a> from seeing the news to oppose a demand that the companies pay to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/05/google-california-local-news/\">link to news websites\u003c/a>. An earlier, prominent instance of tech companies using their platforms to influence legislation came around the Stop Online Piracy Act and the PROTECT IP Act when major companies, including Google, organized to shut down their websites for a day in September 2012 to oppose those laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mack thinks mobilizing users has been devastatingly effective, but companies probably do it sparingly because if they do it too often people will be more aware of how much control large tech companies have over people’s information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d call it anti-democratic, but I wouldn’t call it desperate, because, frankly, it mostly works,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Powerful companies typically combine traditional lobbying and strategies used by civil society organizations when regulatory pressures threaten their core business model, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/ser/article/21/4/1917/7202313\">2023 research paper\u003c/a> about corporate lobbying campaigns. Those tactics were historically associated with the fossil fuel, pharmaceutical and tobacco industries, but tech companies have innovated on and rejuvenated the lobbying form. They can do so more effectively because they can tap into user data and their platforms give them unmediated communication with customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies typically recruit users to advance their policy initiatives when they sense a threat to their business and no longer believe conventional lobbying will be sufficient, said UCLA sociology professor Edward Walker, who studies how companies mobilize customers to speak out about legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it only works if users are motivated to speak out, such as when video game players fought efforts to regulate in-game violence, or when for-profit college students opposed a push by the Obama administration to keep them from receiving federal student aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s important to know that these kinds of grassroots lobbying strategies, or user mobilization strategies, are a double-edged sword. It’s not a given that they’re always going to work in your favor,” he said. “If you do this in a scattershot way, you really increase the risk it’s going to backfire on you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>For the record\u003c/strong>: An earlier version of this post misstated Uber and Lyft’s position on Prop. 22.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/09/google-lobbying/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At Google’s San Francisco offices on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/08/07/governor-newsom-partners-with-worlds-leading-tech-companies-to-prepare-californians-for-ai-future/\">joint effort\u003c/a> with four top tech companies to better prepare California’s students for the future of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when hundreds of thousands of tech workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906932/are-you-struggling-to-find-a-tech-job-in-california\">losing their jobs\u003c/a> to layoffs, California is teaming up with Microsoft, Google, IBM and Adobe to help students and teachers get up to speed on generative AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The world in many ways is now competing against us, and we’ve got to step up our game,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements will bring the companies’ free AI training — along with software, certification programs and internship opportunities — into California’s high schools, community colleges and California State University campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies already offer an array of educational services nationwide, free of charge. IBM offers IBM SkillsBuild globally and nationwide. Google recently announced $1 billion in funding over three years for U.S. education, including AI literacy programs, research funding and cloud computing resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051438\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12051438 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a major statewide partnership with Google, Microsoft, IBM and Adobe to expand generative AI education across California’s high schools, community colleges and Cal State universities on Aug. 7, 2025, at Google’s San Francisco office. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Office of the Governor)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Its AI for Education Accelerator promises free\u003ca href=\"https://grow.google/students/\"> AI training\u003c/a> and Google Career Certificates to every college student in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over 100 public universities, including the University of Michigan, The Ohio State University, the University of Virginia and the University Systems in Texas, North Carolina and Pennsylvania have already signed up,” a spokesperson wrote KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What distinguishes the memorandum of understanding Newsom announced is unclear. The California State University System and the California Community College systems are already involved with the Google accelerator.[aside postID=news_12049674 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/IMG_1101-2000x1500.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also unclear how many people benefiting most from the generative AI boom are homegrown Californians or imported from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom frequently notes that the San Francisco Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/ai50/\">leads the world\u003c/a> in both the number of AI companies and \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/newsletters/axios-what%27s-next-50f48bee-afd8-4f83-9ba4-56bc73b0317e?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">AI jobs\u003c/a> by nearly all available measures. He has created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/June-17-2025-%E2%80%93-The-California-Report-on-Frontier-AI-Policy.pdf\">working group\u003c/a> to advise state leaders on how to address the ramifications for the state’s government, economy and education system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AI is reshaping the future of work, revolutionizing industries, transforming government services and creating entirely new career paths,” said Matthew Schneider, who heads the Education, State & Local Government division for Google Public Sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already proving true, as is the corollary that generative AI is rapidly eliminating old career paths in Silicon Valley and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he recognizes the nature of work is “radically changing,” as is the value of university degrees in the modern workplace. He suggested that credentials issued by private companies, along with practical experience such as internships, could become more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At Google’s San Francisco offices on Thursday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/08/07/governor-newsom-partners-with-worlds-leading-tech-companies-to-prepare-californians-for-ai-future/\">joint effort\u003c/a> with four top tech companies to better prepare California’s students for the future of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a time when hundreds of thousands of tech workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906932/are-you-struggling-to-find-a-tech-job-in-california\">losing their jobs\u003c/a> to layoffs, California is teaming up with Microsoft, Google, IBM and Adobe to help students and teachers get up to speed on generative AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The world in many ways is now competing against us, and we’ve got to step up our game,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreements will bring the companies’ free AI training — along with software, certification programs and internship opportunities — into California’s high schools, community colleges and California State University campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies already offer an array of educational services nationwide, free of charge. IBM offers IBM SkillsBuild globally and nationwide. Google recently announced $1 billion in funding over three years for U.S. education, including AI literacy programs, research funding and cloud computing resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051438\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12051438 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/GavinNewsomAISF2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a major statewide partnership with Google, Microsoft, IBM and Adobe to expand generative AI education across California’s high schools, community colleges and Cal State universities on Aug. 7, 2025, at Google’s San Francisco office. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Office of the Governor)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Its AI for Education Accelerator promises free\u003ca href=\"https://grow.google/students/\"> AI training\u003c/a> and Google Career Certificates to every college student in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over 100 public universities, including the University of Michigan, The Ohio State University, the University of Virginia and the University Systems in Texas, North Carolina and Pennsylvania have already signed up,” a spokesperson wrote KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What distinguishes the memorandum of understanding Newsom announced is unclear. The California State University System and the California Community College systems are already involved with the Google accelerator.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also unclear how many people benefiting most from the generative AI boom are homegrown Californians or imported from elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom frequently notes that the San Francisco Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/lists/ai50/\">leads the world\u003c/a> in both the number of AI companies and \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/newsletters/axios-what%27s-next-50f48bee-afd8-4f83-9ba4-56bc73b0317e?utm_source=chatgpt.com\">AI jobs\u003c/a> by nearly all available measures. He has created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/June-17-2025-%E2%80%93-The-California-Report-on-Frontier-AI-Policy.pdf\">working group\u003c/a> to advise state leaders on how to address the ramifications for the state’s government, economy and education system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AI is reshaping the future of work, revolutionizing industries, transforming government services and creating entirely new career paths,” said Matthew Schneider, who heads the Education, State & Local Government division for Google Public Sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s already proving true, as is the corollary that generative AI is rapidly eliminating old career paths in Silicon Valley and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he recognizes the nature of work is “radically changing,” as is the value of university degrees in the modern workplace. He suggested that credentials issued by private companies, along with practical experience such as internships, could become more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "4-more-states-caught-sharing-personal-health-data-with-big-tech",
"title": "4 More States Caught Sharing Personal Health Data With Big Tech",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State-run health care websites around the country, meant to provide a simple way to shop for insurance, have been quietly sending visitors’ sensitive health information to Google and social media companies, The Markup and CalMatters found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/investigation-healthcare-exchange-tracking\">The data\u003c/a>, including prescription drug names and dosages, was sent by web trackers on state exchanges set up under the Affordable Care Act to help Americans purchase health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exchange websites ask users to answer a series of questions, including about their health histories, to find them the most relevant information on plans. But in some cases, when visitors responded to sensitive questions, the invisible trackers sent that information to platforms like Google, LinkedIn, and Snapchat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Markup and CalMatters audited the websites of all 19 states that independently operate their own online health exchange. While most of the sites contained advertising trackers of some kind, The Markup and CalMatters found that four states exposed visitors’ sensitive health information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada’s exchange, Nevada Health Link, asks visitors about what prescriptions they use, including the names and dosages of the drugs, to help them find their best options for health insurance. When visitors start typing, it suggests specific medications, including antidepressants, birth control and hormone therapies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As visitors answered the questions, their responses were sent to LinkedIn and Snapchat, according to tests conducted by The Markup and CalMatters in April and May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12045091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Image-6-19-25-at-9.49%E2%80%AFAM.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"747\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Image-6-19-25-at-9.49 AM.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Image-6-19-25-at-9.49 AM-160x117.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side of the country, Maine’s exchange, CoverME.gov, sent information on drug prescriptions and dosages to Google through an analytics tool. It also sent the names of doctors and hospitals that people had previously visited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhode Island’s exchange, HealthSource RI, sent prescription information, dosages, and doctors’ names to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12037319 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2207057172-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massachusetts Health Connector, another exchange, told LinkedIn whether visitors said they were pregnant, blind, or disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After being contacted by The Markup and CalMatters, Nevada’s health exchange stopped sending visitors’ data to Snapchat and Massachusetts stopped sending data to LinkedIn. Additionally, The Markup and CalMatters found that Nevada stopped sending data to LinkedIn in early May, as we were testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Markup and CalMatters discovered the sharing after finding that California’s exchange, Covered California, \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2025/04/28/how-california-sent-residents-personal-health-data-to-linkedin\">told LinkedIn when a visitor indicated\u003c/a> they were blind, pregnant, or a victim of domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts said state health exchanges’ use of advertising trackers was troubling if not entirely surprising. Such tools can help organizations to reach visitors and tailor ads for them. Google Analytics allows website operators to better understand who is coming to their site and to optimize ad campaigns. The LinkedIn and Snap trackers, like a similar offering from Meta, help companies target their social media ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada uses the trackers to help target marketing at uninsured residents, according to Russell Cook, Executive Director of the state agency that operates Nevada’s exchange, Silver State Health Insurance Exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But health care services need to be especially careful with those tools, said John Haskell, a data privacy attorney who has previously worked as an investigator for the Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t surprise me that organizations that have these massive tech stacks that rely on third party-resources don’t have a full understanding of what the configuration is, what the data flows are, and then once they go to somebody, what that data is being used for,” Haskell said. “It’s something that needs to be addressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How was state exchange data tied to users’ identities?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2025/04/28/how-california-sent-residents-personal-health-data-to-linkedin\">The Markup and CalMatters reported\u003c/a> on Covered California’s sharing of health data with LinkedIn, the exchange removed its trackers and said it would review its data practices. The news \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/impact/2025/05/02/after-markup-investigation-linkedin-and-google-face-lawsuit-alleging-improper-access-to-health-data\">triggered\u003c/a> a class-action lawsuit and questions from federal lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Markup and CalMatters then examined websites operated by 18 states other than California, as well as Washington, D.C., to see what information they shared as users navigated them. The sites were established under the Affordable Care Act, which requires states to offer health insurance either through their own exchanges or one operated by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To test them, we first ran the sites through \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/blacklight\">Blacklight\u003c/a>, a tool we developed to reveal web trackers. We then reviewed network traffic on the sites to see what data the trackers received when visitors filled out forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results showed that 18 used some sort of tracker. Some were filled with them. Nevada, for example, used nearly 50. By contrast, Blacklight found no tracker of any kind on Washington, D.C.’s exchange. Popular websites use on average seven trackers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/blacklight/2020/09/22/how-we-built-a-real-time-privacy-inspector#survey\">Blacklight scans of the 100,000 most trafficked sites on the web\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"datawrapper-vis-KRc8b\" style=\"min-height: 971px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/KRc8b/full.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Many of the sites used trackers in relatively innocuous ways, like counting page views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four exchanges we found sharing sensitive health data sent varied responses to questions about the tracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook said in a statement that trackers placed by his Nevada agency were “inadvertently obtaining information regarding the name and dosage of prescription drugs” and sending it to LinkedIn and Snapchat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook acknowledged such data was “wholly irrelevant to our marketing efforts” and said it had disabled tracking software pending an audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason Lefferts, a spokesperson for Massachusetts Health Connector, said in a statement that “personally identifiable information is not part of the tool’s structure and no personally identifiable information, not even the IP addresses of users of the tool, has ever been shared with any party in any way via this tool.” But LinkedIn’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/help/lms/answer/a427660\">tracker documentation\u003c/a> makes clear that it correlates the information it receives with specific LinkedIn accounts so companies can use the data for features like retargeting website visitors. The company’s documentation also states it later obscures this information and eventually deletes it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for the Rhode Island and Maine health exchanges said that they pay a vendor, Consumers’ Checkbook, to run a separate site that allows visitors to explore what plans are available to them through their states’ exchanges. It was from these sites that sensitive information was shared to Google. Consumers’ Checkbook’s sites are at different web addresses than the exchange sites, but are prominently linked to on the exchange sites and display identical branding like the state health exchange’s logo, making it unlikely that an average visitor would realize they were no longer on a state-run domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christina Spaight O’Reilly, a spokesperson for HealthSource RI, said the company uses Google Analytics to study trends but not to serve ads, and “disables Google Signals Data Collection, ensuring that no data is shared with Google Ads for audience creation or ad personalization, and no session data is linked to Google’s advertising cookies or identifiers.” HealthSource RI’s terms of use mention the use of Google Analytics, she noted. A spokesperson for CoverME.gov made similar points, saying that the agency “does not collect or retain any data entered into the tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers’ Checkbook declined to comment beyond the exchanges’ statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the exchanges said that individually identifiable health information, like names and addresses, wasn’t sent to third parties. But the point of the trackers is to enhance information sent about a user with data the platforms already have on that user, and every tracker found by The Markup and CalMatters logged details about individual visitors, such as their operating system, browser, device, and times of visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to requests for comment, the tech companies whose trackers we examined uniformly said they do not want organizations sending them potentially sensitive health data, and that doing so is against their terms of use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Ganem, Director of Product Management for Google Analytics, said that “by default any data sent to Google Analytics does not identify individuals, and we have strict policies against collecting Private Health Information or advertising based on sensitive information.” A spokesperson for LinkedIn, Brionna Ruff, said that advertisers are not allowed “to target ads based on sensitive data categories,” such as health issues. A spokesperson for Snapchat owner Snap said the same, noting that sending purchases of supplies like prescriptions would run afoul of the company’s rules about sensitive data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/analytics/answer/13297105?hl=en\">A Google Analytics information page\u003c/a> specifically discusses how organizations that use the company’s tools should comply with the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, which protects health data. The page notes that “Google makes no representations that Google Analytics satisfies HIPAA requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to ensure that your implementation of Google Analytics and the data collected about visitors to your properties satisfies all applicable legal requirements,” the page reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Full disclosure: CalMatters uses Google Analytics on our website. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/policies-and-standards/#j-privacy-policy\">Read more about how\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More incidents\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State exchanges aren’t the only health sites that have sent medical information to social media companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2022/06/16/facebook-is-receiving-sensitive-medical-information-from-hospital-websites\">The Markup revealed\u003c/a> that dozens of hospital websites shared information with Facebook’s parent company, Meta, through a tool called the Meta Pixel. The hospitals faced \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2022/09/19/meta-faces-mounting-questions-from-congress-on-health-data-privacy-as-hospitals-remove-facebook-tracker\">scrutiny from Congress and legal action\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2023/06/30/need-to-get-plan-b-or-an-hiv-test-online-facebook-may-know-about-it\">Another Markup investigation\u003c/a> found trackers logging information about online drugstore visitors purchasing HIV tests and Plan B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, a New York hospital agreed to pay a $300,000 fine for violations of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, or HIPAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a series of incidents, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/use-online-tracking-technologies.pdf\">Department of Health and Human Services said in 2023\u003c/a> that use of social media trackers to log health information could violate HIPAA, although recent court decisions have narrowed how the law can be applied against companies that use those trackers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some plaintiffs have used state laws, like those in California, to argue that they should be compensated for having their health data sent to third parties without consent. Others have argued that this kind of tracking runs afoul of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wisnerbaum.com/consumer-class-actions/hr-block-lawsuit/\">wiretapping or even racketeering laws\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n“Organizations aren’t investing enough time and resources into properly vetting everything,” said Haskell, who advises clients to be very careful about the information they track on their sites. “When organizations are saying, ‘we didn’t understand that there’s a certain configuration of this tool that we’re using,’ well, I can’t really \u003cem>not\u003c/em> put that on you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/more-states-share-health-data-to-trackers/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Health care exchanges in Nevada, Maine, Massachusetts and Rhode Island shared users’ sensitive health data with companies like Google and LinkedIn.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State-run health care websites around the country, meant to provide a simple way to shop for insurance, have been quietly sending visitors’ sensitive health information to Google and social media companies, The Markup and CalMatters found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/investigation-healthcare-exchange-tracking\">The data\u003c/a>, including prescription drug names and dosages, was sent by web trackers on state exchanges set up under the Affordable Care Act to help Americans purchase health coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exchange websites ask users to answer a series of questions, including about their health histories, to find them the most relevant information on plans. But in some cases, when visitors responded to sensitive questions, the invisible trackers sent that information to platforms like Google, LinkedIn, and Snapchat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Markup and CalMatters audited the websites of all 19 states that independently operate their own online health exchange. While most of the sites contained advertising trackers of some kind, The Markup and CalMatters found that four states exposed visitors’ sensitive health information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada’s exchange, Nevada Health Link, asks visitors about what prescriptions they use, including the names and dosages of the drugs, to help them find their best options for health insurance. When visitors start typing, it suggests specific medications, including antidepressants, birth control and hormone therapies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As visitors answered the questions, their responses were sent to LinkedIn and Snapchat, according to tests conducted by The Markup and CalMatters in April and May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12045091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Image-6-19-25-at-9.49%E2%80%AFAM.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"747\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Image-6-19-25-at-9.49 AM.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Image-6-19-25-at-9.49 AM-160x117.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other side of the country, Maine’s exchange, CoverME.gov, sent information on drug prescriptions and dosages to Google through an analytics tool. It also sent the names of doctors and hospitals that people had previously visited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rhode Island’s exchange, HealthSource RI, sent prescription information, dosages, and doctors’ names to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massachusetts Health Connector, another exchange, told LinkedIn whether visitors said they were pregnant, blind, or disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After being contacted by The Markup and CalMatters, Nevada’s health exchange stopped sending visitors’ data to Snapchat and Massachusetts stopped sending data to LinkedIn. Additionally, The Markup and CalMatters found that Nevada stopped sending data to LinkedIn in early May, as we were testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Markup and CalMatters discovered the sharing after finding that California’s exchange, Covered California, \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2025/04/28/how-california-sent-residents-personal-health-data-to-linkedin\">told LinkedIn when a visitor indicated\u003c/a> they were blind, pregnant, or a victim of domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts said state health exchanges’ use of advertising trackers was troubling if not entirely surprising. Such tools can help organizations to reach visitors and tailor ads for them. Google Analytics allows website operators to better understand who is coming to their site and to optimize ad campaigns. The LinkedIn and Snap trackers, like a similar offering from Meta, help companies target their social media ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada uses the trackers to help target marketing at uninsured residents, according to Russell Cook, Executive Director of the state agency that operates Nevada’s exchange, Silver State Health Insurance Exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But health care services need to be especially careful with those tools, said John Haskell, a data privacy attorney who has previously worked as an investigator for the Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t surprise me that organizations that have these massive tech stacks that rely on third party-resources don’t have a full understanding of what the configuration is, what the data flows are, and then once they go to somebody, what that data is being used for,” Haskell said. “It’s something that needs to be addressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How was state exchange data tied to users’ identities?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2025/04/28/how-california-sent-residents-personal-health-data-to-linkedin\">The Markup and CalMatters reported\u003c/a> on Covered California’s sharing of health data with LinkedIn, the exchange removed its trackers and said it would review its data practices. The news \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/impact/2025/05/02/after-markup-investigation-linkedin-and-google-face-lawsuit-alleging-improper-access-to-health-data\">triggered\u003c/a> a class-action lawsuit and questions from federal lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Markup and CalMatters then examined websites operated by 18 states other than California, as well as Washington, D.C., to see what information they shared as users navigated them. The sites were established under the Affordable Care Act, which requires states to offer health insurance either through their own exchanges or one operated by the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To test them, we first ran the sites through \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/blacklight\">Blacklight\u003c/a>, a tool we developed to reveal web trackers. We then reviewed network traffic on the sites to see what data the trackers received when visitors filled out forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results showed that 18 used some sort of tracker. Some were filled with them. Nevada, for example, used nearly 50. By contrast, Blacklight found no tracker of any kind on Washington, D.C.’s exchange. Popular websites use on average seven trackers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/blacklight/2020/09/22/how-we-built-a-real-time-privacy-inspector#survey\">Blacklight scans of the 100,000 most trafficked sites on the web\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"datawrapper-vis-KRc8b\" style=\"min-height: 971px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/KRc8b/full.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Many of the sites used trackers in relatively innocuous ways, like counting page views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four exchanges we found sharing sensitive health data sent varied responses to questions about the tracking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook said in a statement that trackers placed by his Nevada agency were “inadvertently obtaining information regarding the name and dosage of prescription drugs” and sending it to LinkedIn and Snapchat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook acknowledged such data was “wholly irrelevant to our marketing efforts” and said it had disabled tracking software pending an audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jason Lefferts, a spokesperson for Massachusetts Health Connector, said in a statement that “personally identifiable information is not part of the tool’s structure and no personally identifiable information, not even the IP addresses of users of the tool, has ever been shared with any party in any way via this tool.” But LinkedIn’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/help/lms/answer/a427660\">tracker documentation\u003c/a> makes clear that it correlates the information it receives with specific LinkedIn accounts so companies can use the data for features like retargeting website visitors. The company’s documentation also states it later obscures this information and eventually deletes it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for the Rhode Island and Maine health exchanges said that they pay a vendor, Consumers’ Checkbook, to run a separate site that allows visitors to explore what plans are available to them through their states’ exchanges. It was from these sites that sensitive information was shared to Google. Consumers’ Checkbook’s sites are at different web addresses than the exchange sites, but are prominently linked to on the exchange sites and display identical branding like the state health exchange’s logo, making it unlikely that an average visitor would realize they were no longer on a state-run domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christina Spaight O’Reilly, a spokesperson for HealthSource RI, said the company uses Google Analytics to study trends but not to serve ads, and “disables Google Signals Data Collection, ensuring that no data is shared with Google Ads for audience creation or ad personalization, and no session data is linked to Google’s advertising cookies or identifiers.” HealthSource RI’s terms of use mention the use of Google Analytics, she noted. A spokesperson for CoverME.gov made similar points, saying that the agency “does not collect or retain any data entered into the tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers’ Checkbook declined to comment beyond the exchanges’ statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the exchanges said that individually identifiable health information, like names and addresses, wasn’t sent to third parties. But the point of the trackers is to enhance information sent about a user with data the platforms already have on that user, and every tracker found by The Markup and CalMatters logged details about individual visitors, such as their operating system, browser, device, and times of visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to requests for comment, the tech companies whose trackers we examined uniformly said they do not want organizations sending them potentially sensitive health data, and that doing so is against their terms of use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Ganem, Director of Product Management for Google Analytics, said that “by default any data sent to Google Analytics does not identify individuals, and we have strict policies against collecting Private Health Information or advertising based on sensitive information.” A spokesperson for LinkedIn, Brionna Ruff, said that advertisers are not allowed “to target ads based on sensitive data categories,” such as health issues. A spokesperson for Snapchat owner Snap said the same, noting that sending purchases of supplies like prescriptions would run afoul of the company’s rules about sensitive data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/analytics/answer/13297105?hl=en\">A Google Analytics information page\u003c/a> specifically discusses how organizations that use the company’s tools should comply with the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, which protects health data. The page notes that “Google makes no representations that Google Analytics satisfies HIPAA requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is important to ensure that your implementation of Google Analytics and the data collected about visitors to your properties satisfies all applicable legal requirements,” the page reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Full disclosure: CalMatters uses Google Analytics on our website. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/about/policies-and-standards/#j-privacy-policy\">Read more about how\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More incidents\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State exchanges aren’t the only health sites that have sent medical information to social media companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2022/06/16/facebook-is-receiving-sensitive-medical-information-from-hospital-websites\">The Markup revealed\u003c/a> that dozens of hospital websites shared information with Facebook’s parent company, Meta, through a tool called the Meta Pixel. The hospitals faced \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2022/09/19/meta-faces-mounting-questions-from-congress-on-health-data-privacy-as-hospitals-remove-facebook-tracker\">scrutiny from Congress and legal action\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/pixel-hunt/2023/06/30/need-to-get-plan-b-or-an-hiv-test-online-facebook-may-know-about-it\">Another Markup investigation\u003c/a> found trackers logging information about online drugstore visitors purchasing HIV tests and Plan B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, a New York hospital agreed to pay a $300,000 fine for violations of the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, or HIPAA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a series of incidents, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/use-online-tracking-technologies.pdf\">Department of Health and Human Services said in 2023\u003c/a> that use of social media trackers to log health information could violate HIPAA, although recent court decisions have narrowed how the law can be applied against companies that use those trackers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some plaintiffs have used state laws, like those in California, to argue that they should be compensated for having their health data sent to third parties without consent. Others have argued that this kind of tracking runs afoul of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wisnerbaum.com/consumer-class-actions/hr-block-lawsuit/\">wiretapping or even racketeering laws\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n“Organizations aren’t investing enough time and resources into properly vetting everything,” said Haskell, who advises clients to be very careful about the information they track on their sites. “When organizations are saying, ‘we didn’t understand that there’s a certain configuration of this tool that we’re using,’ well, I can’t really \u003cem>not\u003c/em> put that on you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/technology/2025/06/more-states-share-health-data-to-trackers/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-most-important-case-about-the-internet-since-the-internet-was-invented-enters-its-final-phase",
"title": "The ‘Most Important Case About the Internet Since the Internet was Invented’ Enters Its Final Phase",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google\u003c/a> search is the default, as obvious and unremarkable as water is to fish. That could soon change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the U.S. Department of Justice and a group of states,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-moves-join-federal-lawsuit-against-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> later joined by California\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/press-release/file/1328941/dl\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">accused Google\u003c/a> of illegally stifling competition by paying to have its search engine as the default on web browsers and phones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the complaint, the DOJ argued, “Largely as a result of Google’s exclusionary agreements and anticompetitive conduct, Google in recent years has accounted for nearly 90 percent of all general-search-engine queries in the United States, and almost 95 percent of queries on mobile devices.” Google’s monopoly in general search services thus provided the company “extraordinary power as the gateway to the internet, which it uses to promote its own web content and increase its profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906758/will-the-government-break-up-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed\u003c/a>, ruling after a 10-week trial that “Google is a monopolist, and it has acted as one to maintain its monopoly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, during a remedies phase expected to stretch over several weeks, attorneys for the Justice Department and Google will present competing visions of how to remedy the company’s monopolistic behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Google search case, in my opinion, is the most important case about the Internet since the Internet was invented,” said Doha Mekki, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/atr/staff-profile/doha-mekki-acting-assistant-attorney-general\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formerly a top antitrust official at the DOJ\u003c/a>, and currently a senior fellow at UC Berkeley’s Center for Consumer Law and Economic Justice. “The idea that we have to trust all of our innovation and ingenuity to this small set of companies is actually deeply un-American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After a judge ruled that Google held an illegal monopoly on search, legal analysts are split on whether the case will break up the company or influence other antitrust lawsuits. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During her decade-long tenure at the Justice Department, Mekki had a front-row seat to a series of major antitrust cases the agency has pursued since the first Trump Administration, including cases against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036411/googles-ad-dominance-is-illegal-federal-judge-rules\">Google over its advertising technology\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035855/metas-purchased-dominance-social-media-ftc-trial\">Facebook\u003c/a> over its purchases of WhatsApp and Instagram.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mekki argues this Google antitrust case comes at a pivotal moment when large tech companies are jostling for a lead position in the development of generative artificial intelligence. “AI has done nothing to disturb the Internet search monopoly. ChatGPT has not displaced Google search,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley giant has already said it will appeal. “The U.S. Department of Justice’s 2020 search distribution lawsuit is a backwards-looking case at a time of intense \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/gweb-uniblog-publish-prod/documents/AI_has_Transformed_the_Tech_Industry_-_Google_Docs.pdf\">competition\u003c/a> and unprecedented innovation. With new services like ChatGPT (and foreign competitors like DeepSeek) thriving, DOJ’s sweeping remedy proposals are both unnecessary and harmful,” Lee-Anne Mulholland, Google’s Vice President for Regulatory Affairs, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/outreach-initiatives/public-policy/doj-search-remedies-apr-2025/\">wrote\u003c/a> in a blog post.[aside postID=news_12036411 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/GettyImages-2166671481-1020x703.jpg']In the company’s early days, Google’s search service was widely praised for its credibility. But over time, the company began to prioritize ad revenue, and its highly profitable advertising business has been powered by data harvested from user activity on Google Search and Chrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly three decades since Larry Page and Sergey Brin launched Google as a research project at Stanford University, the company has drawn criticism because of its practice of topping search results with paid product placements and even \u003ca href=\"https://www.malwarebytes.com/blog/scams/2024/04/google-ad-for-facebook-redirects-to-scam\">scam links\u003c/a>. “We heard throughout the investigation and trial of this case that Internet search is not what it used to be, that the Google search page is now more littered with ads, and there’s more routing to Google’s products and services,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ is seeking strong remedies to address Google’s unlawful monopoly in the online search market, including proposing that Google be required to sell its Chrome browser and barring Google from entering into agreements that set its search engine as the default on devices and browsers, such as those it has with Apple. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems like a bad idea to have people paying tens of billions of dollars to buy placement of their search engines,” said Mark Lemley, who teaches intellectual property, antitrust and internet law at Stanford Law School. “We’d probably be better off in a world in which Apple couldn’t just auction off to the highest bidder what search engine you were going to use. But Apple’s not the defendant in this case. Google is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley added that Judge Mehta’s challenge is to respond to a search market where there aren’t many viable alternatives to Google search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley argues that the court might consider giving consumers a choice screen from which they can select Google or one of its rivals, like Bing. “My guess is most people choose Google, and so it’s not obvious that the Google monopoly in search is much diminished if that happens, but at least we’re giving [consumers] an option up front.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For many people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Google\u003c/a> search is the default, as obvious and unremarkable as water is to fish. That could soon change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the U.S. Department of Justice and a group of states,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-moves-join-federal-lawsuit-against-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> later joined by California\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/press-release/file/1328941/dl\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">accused Google\u003c/a> of illegally stifling competition by paying to have its search engine as the default on web browsers and phones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the complaint, the DOJ argued, “Largely as a result of Google’s exclusionary agreements and anticompetitive conduct, Google in recent years has accounted for nearly 90 percent of all general-search-engine queries in the United States, and almost 95 percent of queries on mobile devices.” Google’s monopoly in general search services thus provided the company “extraordinary power as the gateway to the internet, which it uses to promote its own web content and increase its profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906758/will-the-government-break-up-google\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreed\u003c/a>, ruling after a 10-week trial that “Google is a monopolist, and it has acted as one to maintain its monopoly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, during a remedies phase expected to stretch over several weeks, attorneys for the Justice Department and Google will present competing visions of how to remedy the company’s monopolistic behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Google search case, in my opinion, is the most important case about the Internet since the Internet was invented,” said Doha Mekki, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/atr/staff-profile/doha-mekki-acting-assistant-attorney-general\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">formerly a top antitrust official at the DOJ\u003c/a>, and currently a senior fellow at UC Berkeley’s Center for Consumer Law and Economic Justice. “The idea that we have to trust all of our innovation and ingenuity to this small set of companies is actually deeply un-American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After a judge ruled that Google held an illegal monopoly on search, legal analysts are split on whether the case will break up the company or influence other antitrust lawsuits. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During her decade-long tenure at the Justice Department, Mekki had a front-row seat to a series of major antitrust cases the agency has pursued since the first Trump Administration, including cases against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036411/googles-ad-dominance-is-illegal-federal-judge-rules\">Google over its advertising technology\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035855/metas-purchased-dominance-social-media-ftc-trial\">Facebook\u003c/a> over its purchases of WhatsApp and Instagram.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mekki argues this Google antitrust case comes at a pivotal moment when large tech companies are jostling for a lead position in the development of generative artificial intelligence. “AI has done nothing to disturb the Internet search monopoly. ChatGPT has not displaced Google search,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley giant has already said it will appeal. “The U.S. Department of Justice’s 2020 search distribution lawsuit is a backwards-looking case at a time of intense \u003ca href=\"https://storage.googleapis.com/gweb-uniblog-publish-prod/documents/AI_has_Transformed_the_Tech_Industry_-_Google_Docs.pdf\">competition\u003c/a> and unprecedented innovation. With new services like ChatGPT (and foreign competitors like DeepSeek) thriving, DOJ’s sweeping remedy proposals are both unnecessary and harmful,” Lee-Anne Mulholland, Google’s Vice President for Regulatory Affairs, \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/outreach-initiatives/public-policy/doj-search-remedies-apr-2025/\">wrote\u003c/a> in a blog post.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the company’s early days, Google’s search service was widely praised for its credibility. But over time, the company began to prioritize ad revenue, and its highly profitable advertising business has been powered by data harvested from user activity on Google Search and Chrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearly three decades since Larry Page and Sergey Brin launched Google as a research project at Stanford University, the company has drawn criticism because of its practice of topping search results with paid product placements and even \u003ca href=\"https://www.malwarebytes.com/blog/scams/2024/04/google-ad-for-facebook-redirects-to-scam\">scam links\u003c/a>. “We heard throughout the investigation and trial of this case that Internet search is not what it used to be, that the Google search page is now more littered with ads, and there’s more routing to Google’s products and services,” Mekki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ is seeking strong remedies to address Google’s unlawful monopoly in the online search market, including proposing that Google be required to sell its Chrome browser and barring Google from entering into agreements that set its search engine as the default on devices and browsers, such as those it has with Apple. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems like a bad idea to have people paying tens of billions of dollars to buy placement of their search engines,” said Mark Lemley, who teaches intellectual property, antitrust and internet law at Stanford Law School. “We’d probably be better off in a world in which Apple couldn’t just auction off to the highest bidder what search engine you were going to use. But Apple’s not the defendant in this case. Google is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley added that Judge Mehta’s challenge is to respond to a search market where there aren’t many viable alternatives to Google search.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemley argues that the court might consider giving consumers a choice screen from which they can select Google or one of its rivals, like Bing. “My guess is most people choose Google, and so it’s not obvious that the Google monopoly in search is much diminished if that happens, but at least we’re giving [consumers] an option up front.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "googles-ad-dominance-is-illegal-federal-judge-rules",
"title": "Google’s Ad Dominance Is Illegal, Federal Judge Rules",
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"content": "\u003cp>Google has illegally built “monopoly power” with its \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/10/nx-s1-5106389/google-is-back-in-court-this-time-over-its-digital-advertising-technology\">web advertising business\u003c/a>, a federal judge in Virginia \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Google%20AdTech%20decision.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled (PDF)\u003c/a> on Thursday, siding with the Department of Justice in a landmark case against the tech giant that could reshape the basic economics of running a modern website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her ruling in the case, brought by the DOJ, the District of Columbia and 17 states including California, Judge Leonie Brinkema of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia mostly agreed with the argument that Google’s monopoly in online advertising allowed it to charge higher prices and take a bigger cut of each ad sale. The Mountain View-based giant now faces the prospect of being forced to sell off some of its ad business, which brings in the lion’s share of its profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brinkema’s ruling addresses the technology “stack” that determines what banner ads appear on countless sites across the web. She found that Google’s monopoly in ad exchanges and server markets violated the Sherman Antitrust Act, harming advertisers and consumers, and conditioning access to one product on paying for another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In addition to depriving rivals of the ability to compete,” the judge wrote, “this exclusionary conduct substantially harmed Google’s publisher customers, the competitive process, and, ultimately, consumers of information on the open web.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is the latest in a series of antitrust challenges against Google, which together could force the company to undergo drastic restructuring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999009/landmark-google-antitrust-case-could-shake-up-silicon-valley-heres-what-to-know\">Another case\u003c/a> might force it to sell off part of its search business, including its Chrome browser. A third antitrust case threatens yet another part of its empire: the Google Play Store. Filed by a coalition of state attorneys general and led by Epic Games, that case alleges Google engaged in exclusionary practices to maintain its dominance over Android app distribution and in-app payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, the three lawsuits represent the most sweeping antitrust challenge Google has faced since its founding in 1998.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this latest lawsuit, the Justice Department didn’t win on all of its legal claims. The judge rejected the government’s position that Google unlawfully monopolized a third market within the ad tech industry: the market for networks that help advertisers buy display ads across the open web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999009 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GoogleAntitrustGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, California Attorney General Bonta declared victory.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Advertising is key to a business’s success, and Google has been playing unfairly in the advertising space,” he wrote in a statement. “As the fifth largest economy in the world, California has an outsized role in protecting competition and a vibrant economy where business can thrive on merits, not on illegal business practices — today, we’ve done just that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s parent company, Alphabet’s shares fell in Thursday morning trading, but company lawyers are declaring the ruling a partial win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won half of this case and we will appeal the other half,” Lee-Anne Mulholland, Google’s Vice President of Regulatory Affairs, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NewsFromGoogle/status/1912892999047971152\">wrote on X\u003c/a>. “The Court found that our advertiser tools and our acquisitions, such as DoubleClick, don’t harm competition. We disagree with the Court’s decision regarding our publisher tools. Publishers have many options, and they choose Google because our ad tech tools are simple, affordable and effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley giant’s hope for salvation may ultimately lie with the conservative-leaning U.S. Supreme Court. However, even though Republican appointees now control the Justice Department and Federal Trade Commission, they have signaled an intent to continue pursuing Big Tech in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, this week, Meta’s trial got \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035855/metas-purchased-dominance-social-media-ftc-trial\">underway\u003c/a> with CEO Mark Zuckerberg taking the stand to defend the company against claims it bought its competition to maintain dominance in social media. The Justice Department has also sued Apple, arguing that the company made it difficult for consumers to leave its tightly knit universe of devices and software. Meanwhile, the Federal Trade Commission is investigating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925651/california-sues-amazon-alleging-antitrust-and-unfair-competition-law-violations\">Amazon\u003c/a>‘s $3.9 billion acquisition of the primary health organization One Medical as well as the sign-up and cancellation practices of Amazon Prime, the company’s paid subscription service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates say this is a long time coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re excited to see such enthusiasm,” said Alison Rice with \u003ca href=\"https://accountabletech.org/about/\">Accountable Tech\u003c/a>, which targets the industry’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BjDyqZoVwMA\">surveillance advertising business model\u003c/a>. “The mechanism and the model that Big Tech has been using is taking advantage of the power that they have over this entire ecosystem to leverage nefarious designs and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028137/california-lawmakers-take-on-predatory-surveillance-pricing\">weaponize\u003c/a> them in order to drive profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Google has illegally built “monopoly power” with its \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/10/nx-s1-5106389/google-is-back-in-court-this-time-over-its-digital-advertising-technology\">web advertising business\u003c/a>, a federal judge in Virginia \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Google%20AdTech%20decision.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruled (PDF)\u003c/a> on Thursday, siding with the Department of Justice in a landmark case against the tech giant that could reshape the basic economics of running a modern website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her ruling in the case, brought by the DOJ, the District of Columbia and 17 states including California, Judge Leonie Brinkema of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia mostly agreed with the argument that Google’s monopoly in online advertising allowed it to charge higher prices and take a bigger cut of each ad sale. The Mountain View-based giant now faces the prospect of being forced to sell off some of its ad business, which brings in the lion’s share of its profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Brinkema’s ruling addresses the technology “stack” that determines what banner ads appear on countless sites across the web. She found that Google’s monopoly in ad exchanges and server markets violated the Sherman Antitrust Act, harming advertisers and consumers, and conditioning access to one product on paying for another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In addition to depriving rivals of the ability to compete,” the judge wrote, “this exclusionary conduct substantially harmed Google’s publisher customers, the competitive process, and, ultimately, consumers of information on the open web.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is the latest in a series of antitrust challenges against Google, which together could force the company to undergo drastic restructuring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999009/landmark-google-antitrust-case-could-shake-up-silicon-valley-heres-what-to-know\">Another case\u003c/a> might force it to sell off part of its search business, including its Chrome browser. A third antitrust case threatens yet another part of its empire: the Google Play Store. Filed by a coalition of state attorneys general and led by Epic Games, that case alleges Google engaged in exclusionary practices to maintain its dominance over Android app distribution and in-app payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, the three lawsuits represent the most sweeping antitrust challenge Google has faced since its founding in 1998.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this latest lawsuit, the Justice Department didn’t win on all of its legal claims. The judge rejected the government’s position that Google unlawfully monopolized a third market within the ad tech industry: the market for networks that help advertisers buy display ads across the open web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, California Attorney General Bonta declared victory.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Advertising is key to a business’s success, and Google has been playing unfairly in the advertising space,” he wrote in a statement. “As the fifth largest economy in the world, California has an outsized role in protecting competition and a vibrant economy where business can thrive on merits, not on illegal business practices — today, we’ve done just that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s parent company, Alphabet’s shares fell in Thursday morning trading, but company lawyers are declaring the ruling a partial win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won half of this case and we will appeal the other half,” Lee-Anne Mulholland, Google’s Vice President of Regulatory Affairs, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NewsFromGoogle/status/1912892999047971152\">wrote on X\u003c/a>. “The Court found that our advertiser tools and our acquisitions, such as DoubleClick, don’t harm competition. We disagree with the Court’s decision regarding our publisher tools. Publishers have many options, and they choose Google because our ad tech tools are simple, affordable and effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silicon Valley giant’s hope for salvation may ultimately lie with the conservative-leaning U.S. Supreme Court. However, even though Republican appointees now control the Justice Department and Federal Trade Commission, they have signaled an intent to continue pursuing Big Tech in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, this week, Meta’s trial got \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035855/metas-purchased-dominance-social-media-ftc-trial\">underway\u003c/a> with CEO Mark Zuckerberg taking the stand to defend the company against claims it bought its competition to maintain dominance in social media. The Justice Department has also sued Apple, arguing that the company made it difficult for consumers to leave its tightly knit universe of devices and software. Meanwhile, the Federal Trade Commission is investigating \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925651/california-sues-amazon-alleging-antitrust-and-unfair-competition-law-violations\">Amazon\u003c/a>‘s $3.9 billion acquisition of the primary health organization One Medical as well as the sign-up and cancellation practices of Amazon Prime, the company’s paid subscription service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates say this is a long time coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re excited to see such enthusiasm,” said Alison Rice with \u003ca href=\"https://accountabletech.org/about/\">Accountable Tech\u003c/a>, which targets the industry’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BjDyqZoVwMA\">surveillance advertising business model\u003c/a>. “The mechanism and the model that Big Tech has been using is taking advantage of the power that they have over this entire ecosystem to leverage nefarious designs and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028137/california-lawmakers-take-on-predatory-surveillance-pricing\">weaponize\u003c/a> them in order to drive profits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "‘Better to Buy Than Compete’: US Challenges Meta’s Market Dominance in Court",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2012, Facebook announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/61601/facebook-to-buy-instagram-for-1-billion\">$1 billion deal\u003c/a> to buy Instagram, and the Federal Trade Commission approved. Two years later, Facebook \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/127028/facebooks-purchase-of-whatsapp-is-about-reaching-its-next-5-billion-users\">paid $19 billion\u003c/a> to take over WhatsApp, and once again, antitrust regulators signed off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t the end of the story for federal regulators, who observed the fallout from those corporate deals, investigated and brought a case against the Menlo-Park based \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-zuckerberg\">social media juggernaut\u003c/a>. Their primary argument: that Meta used those acquisitions to build and maintain a monopoly in the ad surveillance economy that the social media giant helped create.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At stake is Meta’s $1.4 trillion advertising business and the prospect of a corporate breakup the likes of which has not been seen since AT&T’s telephone monopoly was forced to split apart more than 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his opening statement in court on Monday, FTC attorney Daniel Matheson said Meta used its size to crush rivals. “They decided that competition was too hard, and it would be easier to buy out their rivals rather than compete with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s lawyer, Mark Hansen, countered that the quality of Meta’s apps “has improved on every objective measure,” adding that people use more of something when it becomes better. “That’s economics 101.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11951943\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The Meta booth at the Game Developers Conference 2023 in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Despite heavy lobbying by Mark Zuckerberg to avoid a trial, the Federal Trade Commission’s case against Meta began Monday, alleging the company violated competition laws with its acquisitions of Instagram and WhatsApp. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meta does not charge consumers money for its services, so there are no consumer price hikes to demonstrate what many consider direct evidence of monopoly power. However, the FTC will attempt to demonstrate that market power allowed Meta to diminish the quality of its product for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalist Cory Doctorow famously coined a term for this pattern, which he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/tiktok-platforms-cory-doctorow/\">enshittification\u003c/a>.” In short, Doctorow argues that tech platforms start with a compellingly enjoyable service to build their consumer base and achieve scale. But over time, platforms inevitably try to maximize profits by stuffing their products with as much advertising as possible.[aside postID=news_12031294 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-1327685501-1020x720.jpg']By that point, Doctorow explains, that both users and advertisers are locked in to continued use of the platform; advertisers, because they value the market share the company dominates; consumers, because it’s difficult to replicate their social network elsewhere and they’ve posted a lot of personal history that can’t easily be shifted elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine Meta is a castle, and they want to maintain their kingdom, so they build this moat around their monopoly, so no one else can access their users or take them away,” said Jen Howard, who was chief of staff at the FTC under former chair Lina Khan. Before that, Howard was at the agency when the case was opened under Joe Simons, the FTC chair during the first Trump Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the transition from desktop to mobile, Facebook was caught “flat-footed,” Howard argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t have the technical talent to make Facebook a popular mobile app,” Howard said. “They panicked, absolutely panicked, and they decided to buy their way to the top.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta, for its part, argues the FTC’s case “ignores how the market actually works and chases a theory that doesn’t hold up in the real world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Newstead, Meta’s chief legal officer, posting on Sunday, wrote that the company has invested vast technical resources into making Instagram and WhatsApp better products, and “in reality, more time is spent on TikTok and YouTube than on either Facebook or Instagram — if you only add TikTok and YouTube into the FTC’s social media market definition, Meta has <30% market share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/TrumpDailyPosts/status/1864361511776395438?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been speculation that President Trump could be convinced to abandon the trial and force federal regulators to settle with Meta after CEO Mark Zuckerberg donated $1 million to Trump’s inaugural committee. Zuckerberg \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/29/nx-s1-5279570/meta-trump-settlement-facebook-instagram-suspensions\">agreed to pay\u003c/a> Trump $25 million to settle a suit Trump filed for being suspended from Facebook and Instagram in the wake of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020383/looking-back-on-january-6-insurrection-four-years-later\">Jan. 6\u003c/a>. Zuckerberg ended fact-checking on Facebook and Instagram and dialed back diversity, equity and inclusion programs. The CEO has also repeatedly visited Trump’s White House and the Mar-a-Lago club in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But so far, there’s no indication that Trump is responding to the lobbying. And not just for Meta, but for Google, which \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-search-engine-verdict-apple-319a61f20fb11510097845a30abaefd8\">also faces an antitrust case\u003c/a> launched during Trump’s first term. Next week, in the same courthouse where Meta’s case is happening, Alphabet’s Google will argue why it shouldn’t face a breakup after a judge found it illegally monopolized the online search market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard calls the case a “reckoning” for Meta — and a sign the president meant what he posted when he announced Gail Slater his pick to head the Department of Justice, writing on X: “Big Tech has run wild for years, stifling competition in our most innovative sector and, as we all know, using its market power to crack down on the rights of so many Americans, as well as those of Little Tech! I was proud to fight these abuses in my First Term, and our Department of Justice’s antitrust team will continue that work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to be competitive if we allow these big, bloated bureaucratic businesses to continue to stifle the next generation of innovation,” Howard told KQED. “Certainly, it’s not going to come from here if we continue to protect them by allowing them to do this sort of moating of monopolies. China’s going to come, and come with something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On that score, Howard noted, antitrust advocates on both sides of the political divide have something they can agree on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2012, Facebook announced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/61601/facebook-to-buy-instagram-for-1-billion\">$1 billion deal\u003c/a> to buy Instagram, and the Federal Trade Commission approved. Two years later, Facebook \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/127028/facebooks-purchase-of-whatsapp-is-about-reaching-its-next-5-billion-users\">paid $19 billion\u003c/a> to take over WhatsApp, and once again, antitrust regulators signed off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t the end of the story for federal regulators, who observed the fallout from those corporate deals, investigated and brought a case against the Menlo-Park based \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-zuckerberg\">social media juggernaut\u003c/a>. Their primary argument: that Meta used those acquisitions to build and maintain a monopoly in the ad surveillance economy that the social media giant helped create.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At stake is Meta’s $1.4 trillion advertising business and the prospect of a corporate breakup the likes of which has not been seen since AT&T’s telephone monopoly was forced to split apart more than 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his opening statement in court on Monday, FTC attorney Daniel Matheson said Meta used its size to crush rivals. “They decided that competition was too hard, and it would be easier to buy out their rivals rather than compete with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s lawyer, Mark Hansen, countered that the quality of Meta’s apps “has improved on every objective measure,” adding that people use more of something when it becomes better. “That’s economics 101.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11951943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11951943\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The Meta booth at the Game Developers Conference 2023 in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Meta-Facebook-Instagram-AP-JC-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Despite heavy lobbying by Mark Zuckerberg to avoid a trial, the Federal Trade Commission’s case against Meta began Monday, alleging the company violated competition laws with its acquisitions of Instagram and WhatsApp. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meta does not charge consumers money for its services, so there are no consumer price hikes to demonstrate what many consider direct evidence of monopoly power. However, the FTC will attempt to demonstrate that market power allowed Meta to diminish the quality of its product for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalist Cory Doctorow famously coined a term for this pattern, which he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/tiktok-platforms-cory-doctorow/\">enshittification\u003c/a>.” In short, Doctorow argues that tech platforms start with a compellingly enjoyable service to build their consumer base and achieve scale. But over time, platforms inevitably try to maximize profits by stuffing their products with as much advertising as possible.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>By that point, Doctorow explains, that both users and advertisers are locked in to continued use of the platform; advertisers, because they value the market share the company dominates; consumers, because it’s difficult to replicate their social network elsewhere and they’ve posted a lot of personal history that can’t easily be shifted elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Imagine Meta is a castle, and they want to maintain their kingdom, so they build this moat around their monopoly, so no one else can access their users or take them away,” said Jen Howard, who was chief of staff at the FTC under former chair Lina Khan. Before that, Howard was at the agency when the case was opened under Joe Simons, the FTC chair during the first Trump Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the transition from desktop to mobile, Facebook was caught “flat-footed,” Howard argues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t have the technical talent to make Facebook a popular mobile app,” Howard said. “They panicked, absolutely panicked, and they decided to buy their way to the top.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta, for its part, argues the FTC’s case “ignores how the market actually works and chases a theory that doesn’t hold up in the real world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Newstead, Meta’s chief legal officer, posting on Sunday, wrote that the company has invested vast technical resources into making Instagram and WhatsApp better products, and “in reality, more time is spent on TikTok and YouTube than on either Facebook or Instagram — if you only add TikTok and YouTube into the FTC’s social media market definition, Meta has <30% market share.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>There has been speculation that President Trump could be convinced to abandon the trial and force federal regulators to settle with Meta after CEO Mark Zuckerberg donated $1 million to Trump’s inaugural committee. Zuckerberg \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/29/nx-s1-5279570/meta-trump-settlement-facebook-instagram-suspensions\">agreed to pay\u003c/a> Trump $25 million to settle a suit Trump filed for being suspended from Facebook and Instagram in the wake of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020383/looking-back-on-january-6-insurrection-four-years-later\">Jan. 6\u003c/a>. Zuckerberg ended fact-checking on Facebook and Instagram and dialed back diversity, equity and inclusion programs. The CEO has also repeatedly visited Trump’s White House and the Mar-a-Lago club in recent months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But so far, there’s no indication that Trump is responding to the lobbying. And not just for Meta, but for Google, which \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-search-engine-verdict-apple-319a61f20fb11510097845a30abaefd8\">also faces an antitrust case\u003c/a> launched during Trump’s first term. Next week, in the same courthouse where Meta’s case is happening, Alphabet’s Google will argue why it shouldn’t face a breakup after a judge found it illegally monopolized the online search market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard calls the case a “reckoning” for Meta — and a sign the president meant what he posted when he announced Gail Slater his pick to head the Department of Justice, writing on X: “Big Tech has run wild for years, stifling competition in our most innovative sector and, as we all know, using its market power to crack down on the rights of so many Americans, as well as those of Little Tech! I was proud to fight these abuses in my First Term, and our Department of Justice’s antitrust team will continue that work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not going to be competitive if we allow these big, bloated bureaucratic businesses to continue to stifle the next generation of innovation,” Howard told KQED. “Certainly, it’s not going to come from here if we continue to protect them by allowing them to do this sort of moating of monopolies. China’s going to come, and come with something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On that score, Howard noted, antitrust advocates on both sides of the political divide have something they can agree on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California officials are looking for another school to help execute its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020406/journalists-union-california-should-renegotiate-states-newsroom-funding-deal-google\">controversial\u003c/a> deal with Google to fund journalism in the state after the University of California, Berkeley, announced it would not host the partnership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, reached last summer, came after Google and Meta lobbied against legislation, modeled after agreements in\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2024-07-24/california-is-trying-to-pressure-big-tech-to-pay-for-news-what-can-we-learn-from-australia-and-canada\"> Australia and Canada\u003c/a>, that would have mandated that digital platforms pay publishers for using their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, authored by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks and approved by Gov. Gavin Newsom, promises to send $180 million to California journalism programs over five years, beginning in 2025. Of that money, $125 million was earmarked for a proposed News Transformation Fund to be housed at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a spokesperson for Wicks confirmed, “The journalism school did write a letter indicating that UC Berkeley cannot serve as a passthrough for funds from Google and the state. However, the letter does express an interest in other potential ways for us to work together, and there have been continuing conversations with members of the journalism school in recent months,” Erin Ivie wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the letter sent to Wicks’ office in mid-October, school officials wrote they had concerns about the fact the school would not have the power to determine how money would be allocated to newsrooms. The agreement would leave decisions up to a seven-member board that has yet to be named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12020406 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/RS26525_GettyImages-486234008-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain actively in conversation with Assemblymember Wicks about how our school can be helpful and about any and all efforts that can support California newsrooms,” Acting Dean Elena Conis told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office wrote to KQED, “The Governor agreed to allocate $30 million as part of the proposed budget for this program, and we have done that,” in his 2025 budget proposal, released last week. The final budget is expected to be approved this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the University of Southern California — which previously indicated it was approached by state negotiators about housing the fund — told KQED that no final decision had been made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were contacted about the proposal last fall. We are learning more, and no commitment has been made,” the USC spokesperson wrote in an email on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Media Guild of the West \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020406/journalists-union-california-should-renegotiate-states-newsroom-funding-deal-google\">called for an overhaul\u003c/a> of the agreement. Union President Matt Pearce wrote that the “meager” contributions of the deal will not be enough to “correct” the market and stimulate job growth across California’s collapsing news sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google did not respond to repeated requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California officials are looking for another school to help execute its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020406/journalists-union-california-should-renegotiate-states-newsroom-funding-deal-google\">controversial\u003c/a> deal with Google to fund journalism in the state after the University of California, Berkeley, announced it would not host the partnership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, reached last summer, came after Google and Meta lobbied against legislation, modeled after agreements in\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2024-07-24/california-is-trying-to-pressure-big-tech-to-pay-for-news-what-can-we-learn-from-australia-and-canada\"> Australia and Canada\u003c/a>, that would have mandated that digital platforms pay publishers for using their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, authored by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks and approved by Gov. Gavin Newsom, promises to send $180 million to California journalism programs over five years, beginning in 2025. Of that money, $125 million was earmarked for a proposed News Transformation Fund to be housed at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a spokesperson for Wicks confirmed, “The journalism school did write a letter indicating that UC Berkeley cannot serve as a passthrough for funds from Google and the state. However, the letter does express an interest in other potential ways for us to work together, and there have been continuing conversations with members of the journalism school in recent months,” Erin Ivie wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the letter sent to Wicks’ office in mid-October, school officials wrote they had concerns about the fact the school would not have the power to determine how money would be allocated to newsrooms. The agreement would leave decisions up to a seven-member board that has yet to be named.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain actively in conversation with Assemblymember Wicks about how our school can be helpful and about any and all efforts that can support California newsrooms,” Acting Dean Elena Conis told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office wrote to KQED, “The Governor agreed to allocate $30 million as part of the proposed budget for this program, and we have done that,” in his 2025 budget proposal, released last week. The final budget is expected to be approved this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the University of Southern California — which previously indicated it was approached by state negotiators about housing the fund — told KQED that no final decision had been made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were contacted about the proposal last fall. We are learning more, and no commitment has been made,” the USC spokesperson wrote in an email on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Media Guild of the West \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020406/journalists-union-california-should-renegotiate-states-newsroom-funding-deal-google\">called for an overhaul\u003c/a> of the agreement. Union President Matt Pearce wrote that the “meager” contributions of the deal will not be enough to “correct” the market and stimulate job growth across California’s collapsing news sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google did not respond to repeated requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Media Guild of the West is calling for an overhaul of last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001227/newsom-strikes-deal-with-google-and-openai-to-support-california-newsrooms\">agreement with Google\u003c/a> to fund California newsrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $250 million deal reached in August promised to provide funding over the next five years to newsrooms and launch a “National AI Innovation Accelerator.” The accelerator would have supplied financial resources “and other support” to enable newsrooms to experiment with AI to bolster their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in a\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5dc4d9a691d92155f36cba0d/t/677bf06e33d1ab24cf430c2d/1736175726789/1-6-24+MGW+Google+fund+letter.pdf\"> letter addressed to Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders\u003c/a>, the union representing local journalists in Southern California, Arizona and Texas explained that it sees the upcoming budget process as an opportunity to rework the first-of-its-kind settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union President Matt Pearce wrote that the “meager” contributions of the deal will not be enough to “correct” the market and stimulate job growth across California’s collapsing news sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our guild believes the draft settlement cannot achieve Governor Newsom’s stated aim of creating a program that ‘helps rebuild a robust and dynamic California press corps for years to come, reinforcing the vital role of journalism in our democracy,’” Pearce wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement tabled the California Journalism Preservation Act, a bill Google fiercely objected to. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB886\">The bill\u003c/a> from Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, D-Oakland, would have forced large tech platforms to pay California newsrooms a portion of their online advertising revenues in exchange for using their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12018788 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/GoogleQuantumAI_WillowChip_Closeup04-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal also shelved a\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1327\"> bill\u003c/a> by state Sen. Steve Glazer, D-Orinda, that would have levied a 7.25% tax on digital advertising revenue to create a tax credit for newsrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearce told KQED he is also concerned about the public funding provisions in the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a real risk of news publishers in California doing unsavory things that would make their own journalists uncomfortable if we create a system where [news publishers are] incentivized to hire lobbyists instead of hiring more reporters to go back to the Legislature and ask for more money,” Pearce said. “We need a law, not lobbying mayhem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearce supports a different funding model, similar to stricter laws passed in\u003ca href=\"https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-news.html\"> Canada\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.accc.gov.au/by-industry/digital-platforms-and-services/news-media-bargaining-code/news-media-bargaining-code#:~:text=The%20Treasury%20Laws%20Amendment%20(News,a%20significant%20bargaining%20power%20imbalance.\"> Australia\u003c/a> that apply to more tech companies than just Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Media Guild of the West proposed six recommendations to improve the settlement, including imposing a contribution incentive encouraging multiple Big Tech companies to donate to the Journalism Fund instead of relying on public dollars; requiring fair-labor standards for public funds allocated to large, corporate-owned news employers via the Journalism Fund; and removing California and the Journalism Fund from involvement with Google’s National AI Accelerator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies, whether through banning hyperlinks or degrading them on their services — which almost all platforms are doing now — to using generative AI to create their own content … they’re still extracting and benefiting from journalism,” Pearce said. “The old rules of copyright don’t quite make sense in this new era of AI-powered factory farming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There need to be compensation systems set up because somebody’s doing the work, whether you realize it or not, and these companies are just free-riding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office and Google did not respond to KQED’s request for comment. However, in a press conference on Monday, Newsom said details about the current deal would be unveiled Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Media Guild of the West is calling for an overhaul of last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001227/newsom-strikes-deal-with-google-and-openai-to-support-california-newsrooms\">agreement with Google\u003c/a> to fund California newsrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $250 million deal reached in August promised to provide funding over the next five years to newsrooms and launch a “National AI Innovation Accelerator.” The accelerator would have supplied financial resources “and other support” to enable newsrooms to experiment with AI to bolster their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in a\u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5dc4d9a691d92155f36cba0d/t/677bf06e33d1ab24cf430c2d/1736175726789/1-6-24+MGW+Google+fund+letter.pdf\"> letter addressed to Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders\u003c/a>, the union representing local journalists in Southern California, Arizona and Texas explained that it sees the upcoming budget process as an opportunity to rework the first-of-its-kind settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal also shelved a\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1327\"> bill\u003c/a> by state Sen. Steve Glazer, D-Orinda, that would have levied a 7.25% tax on digital advertising revenue to create a tax credit for newsrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearce told KQED he is also concerned about the public funding provisions in the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a real risk of news publishers in California doing unsavory things that would make their own journalists uncomfortable if we create a system where [news publishers are] incentivized to hire lobbyists instead of hiring more reporters to go back to the Legislature and ask for more money,” Pearce said. “We need a law, not lobbying mayhem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearce supports a different funding model, similar to stricter laws passed in\u003ca href=\"https://www.canada.ca/en/canadian-heritage/services/online-news.html\"> Canada\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://www.accc.gov.au/by-industry/digital-platforms-and-services/news-media-bargaining-code/news-media-bargaining-code#:~:text=The%20Treasury%20Laws%20Amendment%20(News,a%20significant%20bargaining%20power%20imbalance.\"> Australia\u003c/a> that apply to more tech companies than just Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Media Guild of the West proposed six recommendations to improve the settlement, including imposing a contribution incentive encouraging multiple Big Tech companies to donate to the Journalism Fund instead of relying on public dollars; requiring fair-labor standards for public funds allocated to large, corporate-owned news employers via the Journalism Fund; and removing California and the Journalism Fund from involvement with Google’s National AI Accelerator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies, whether through banning hyperlinks or degrading them on their services — which almost all platforms are doing now — to using generative AI to create their own content … they’re still extracting and benefiting from journalism,” Pearce said. “The old rules of copyright don’t quite make sense in this new era of AI-powered factory farming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There need to be compensation systems set up because somebody’s doing the work, whether you realize it or not, and these companies are just free-riding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office and Google did not respond to KQED’s request for comment. However, in a press conference on Monday, Newsom said details about the current deal would be unveiled Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Google made a big splash \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/technology/research/google-willow-quantum-chip/\">unveiling Willow, a quantum chip\u003c/a> that, among other things, needs just five minutes to solve a problem that would take conventional supercomputers around 10 septillion years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a 1 followed by 25 zeros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think of quantum computing as turbo-charged computing. The classical computer in your laptop or phone uses binary bits to process information — either a 0 or a 1, either on or off. Everything a computer does, whether simple or complex, is the result of billions of zeros and ones working together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A quantum bit, or qubit, sits in a state of possibility between a 0 and a 1. A qubit exists in a superposition, a fundamental concept in quantum mechanics where a quantum system exists in multiple states at the same time. When measured, it collapses to either 0 or 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an interaction between two qubits is engineered — what quantum experts refer to as “entanglement” — the qubits consider interconnected possibilities simultaneously, processing information in ways standard computers simply can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019338\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019338\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On the floor of the Q2B conference at the Santa Clara Convention Center on December 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We just built a fabulous new quantum chip, and we used it to do two interesting computations with it,” said Hartmut Neven, the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://quantumai.google/\">Google Quantum AI\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, there’s not a long list of practical applications for quantum computing, but when you want to crunch a lot of data fast, quantum computing might be the tool companies use. Especially if corporations want to develop new drugs, car batteries or nuclear reactors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers who work for a living should care because one day, quantum computing is going to break out of the lab and into your daily life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neven made the big announcement about Willow at the \u003ca href=\"https://q2b.qcware.com/2024-conferences/silicon-valley/\">Q2B\u003c/a> conference in Santa Clara last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1995370 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/12/20240506_EVFile-9_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a sigh of relief in the community overall that certain things that were theoretically predicted, like how to do error correction, and that’s a technical term for an important technique you need … it was, in theory, always understood that this should work,” Neven said. “But we showed it for the first time in practice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quantum researchers KQED spoke to at the conference applauded Google’s announcement, and not just because it pushes quantum computing forward. Venture capital investment in quantum computing research has dropped in the last two years due in part to the growing interest and investment in AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the European quantum computer manufacturer \u003ca href=\"https://www.meetiqm.com/newsroom/press-releases/state-of-quantum-report-2024#:~:text=A%2050%25%20drop%20occurred%20in,%241.2%20billion%20in%202023%20globally\">IQM\u003c/a>, there’s been a 50% drop in venture capital invested into quantum startups in two years — from $2.2 billion in 2022 to around $1.2 billion in 2023. The hope is that Willow restores interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that Google is doing this work, along with others like IBM, is really wonderful for the industry,” said David Rivas, chief technology officer of Berkeley-based Rigetti Computing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not to say the world needs to choose between the two technologies. Quantum experts see scientists using Generative AI and quantum in tandem — if not now, then sometime in the near future. Quantum computing could help AI tackle higher-dimensional, probabilistic and optimization-heavy challenges like, for instance, delivering a short list of possible treatments for diseases AI could focus on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are two different technologies. Both will turn out to be the most transformational of our time,” Neven said. “But there are many things that AI or machine learning can do that quantum mechanics would be much better suited to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Google made a big splash \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/technology/research/google-willow-quantum-chip/\">unveiling Willow, a quantum chip\u003c/a> that, among other things, needs just five minutes to solve a problem that would take conventional supercomputers around 10 septillion years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a 1 followed by 25 zeros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think of quantum computing as turbo-charged computing. The classical computer in your laptop or phone uses binary bits to process information — either a 0 or a 1, either on or off. Everything a computer does, whether simple or complex, is the result of billions of zeros and ones working together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A quantum bit, or qubit, sits in a state of possibility between a 0 and a 1. A qubit exists in a superposition, a fundamental concept in quantum mechanics where a quantum system exists in multiple states at the same time. When measured, it collapses to either 0 or 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When an interaction between two qubits is engineered — what quantum experts refer to as “entanglement” — the qubits consider interconnected possibilities simultaneously, processing information in ways standard computers simply can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019338\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019338\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/QuantumAI-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On the floor of the Q2B conference at the Santa Clara Convention Center on December 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Rachael Myrow/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We just built a fabulous new quantum chip, and we used it to do two interesting computations with it,” said Hartmut Neven, the founder of \u003ca href=\"https://quantumai.google/\">Google Quantum AI\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, there’s not a long list of practical applications for quantum computing, but when you want to crunch a lot of data fast, quantum computing might be the tool companies use. Especially if corporations want to develop new drugs, car batteries or nuclear reactors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers who work for a living should care because one day, quantum computing is going to break out of the lab and into your daily life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neven made the big announcement about Willow at the \u003ca href=\"https://q2b.qcware.com/2024-conferences/silicon-valley/\">Q2B\u003c/a> conference in Santa Clara last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a sigh of relief in the community overall that certain things that were theoretically predicted, like how to do error correction, and that’s a technical term for an important technique you need … it was, in theory, always understood that this should work,” Neven said. “But we showed it for the first time in practice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quantum researchers KQED spoke to at the conference applauded Google’s announcement, and not just because it pushes quantum computing forward. Venture capital investment in quantum computing research has dropped in the last two years due in part to the growing interest and investment in AI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the European quantum computer manufacturer \u003ca href=\"https://www.meetiqm.com/newsroom/press-releases/state-of-quantum-report-2024#:~:text=A%2050%25%20drop%20occurred%20in,%241.2%20billion%20in%202023%20globally\">IQM\u003c/a>, there’s been a 50% drop in venture capital invested into quantum startups in two years — from $2.2 billion in 2022 to around $1.2 billion in 2023. The hope is that Willow restores interest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that Google is doing this work, along with others like IBM, is really wonderful for the industry,” said David Rivas, chief technology officer of Berkeley-based Rigetti Computing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not to say the world needs to choose between the two technologies. Quantum experts see scientists using Generative AI and quantum in tandem — if not now, then sometime in the near future. Quantum computing could help AI tackle higher-dimensional, probabilistic and optimization-heavy challenges like, for instance, delivering a short list of possible treatments for diseases AI could focus on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are two different technologies. Both will turn out to be the most transformational of our time,” Neven said. “But there are many things that AI or machine learning can do that quantum mechanics would be much better suited to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:25 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, already facing a possible breakup of the company \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">over its ubiquitous search engine\u003c/a>, is fighting to beat back another attack by the U.S. Department of Justice alleging monopolistic conduct, this time over technology that puts \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/marketing-and-advertising\">online advertising\u003c/a> in front of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department and Google made closing arguments Monday in a trial alleging Google’s advertising technology constitutes an illegal monopoly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema in Alexandria, Virginia, will decide the case and is expected to issue a written ruling by the end of the year. If Brinkema finds Google has engaged in illegal, monopolistic conduct, she will then hold further hearings to explore what remedies should be imposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, along with a coalition of states, has already said it believes Google should be forced to sell off parts of its ad tech business, which generates tens of billions of dollars annually for the Mountain View, California-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After roughly a month of trial testimony earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-ad-tech-virginia-opening-7a19f525287f782609a5316b1fdb08f0\">the arguments in the case remain\u003c/a> the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During three hours of arguments Monday, Brinkema, who sometimes tips her hand during legal arguments, did little to indicate how she might rule. She did, though, question the applicability of a key antitrust case Google cites in its defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends Google built and maintained a monopoly in “open-web display advertising,” essentially the rectangular ads that appear on the top and right-hand side of the page when one browses websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google dominates all facets of the market. A technology called DoubleClick is used pervasively by news sites and other online publishers, while Google Ads maintains a cache of advertisers large and small looking to place their ads on the right webpage in front of the right consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between is another Google product, AdExchange, that conducts nearly instantaneous auctions matching advertisers to publishers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court papers, Justice Department lawyers say Google “is more concerned with acquiring and preserving its trifecta of monopolies than serving its own publisher and advertiser customers or winning on the merits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, content providers and news organizations have never been able to generate the online revenue they should due to Google’s excessive fees for brokering transactions between advertisers and publishers, the government says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google argues \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-case-advertising-technology-64dc88ff8ede9db77f80b243ba3605a3\">the government’s case improperly focuses\u003c/a> on a narrow niche of online advertising. If one looks more broadly at online advertising to include social media, streaming TV services, and app-based advertising, Google says it controls as little as 10% of the market, a share that is dwindling as it faces increased and evolving competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google alleges in court papers that the government’s lawsuit “boil(s) down to the persistent complaints of a handful of Google’s rivals and several mammoth publishers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google also says it has invested billions in technology that facilitates the efficient match of advertisers to interested consumers and it should not be forced to share its technology and success with competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Requiring a company to do further engineering work to make its technology and customers accessible by all of its competitors on their preferred terms has never been compelled by U.S. antitrust law,” the company wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brinkema, during Monday’s arguments, also sought clarity on Google’s market share, a number the two sides dispute, depending on how broadly the market is defined.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12008707,forum_2010101906758,news_11999009\"]Historically, courts have been unwilling to declare an illegal monopoly in markets in which a company holds less than a 70% market share. Google says that when online display advertising is viewed as a whole, it holds only a 10% market share, and dwindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends, though, that when focusing on open-web display advertising, Google controls 91% of the market for publisher ad servers and 87% of the market for advertiser ad networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says that the “open web display advertising” market is gerrymandered by the Justice Department to make Google look bad, and that nobody in the industry looks at that category of ads without considering the ability of advertisers to switch to other forms of advertising, like in mobile apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also contends that the public is harmed by the excessive rates Google charges to facilitate ad purchases, saying the company takes 36 cents on the dollar when it facilitates the transaction end to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says its “take rate” has dropped to 31% and continues to decrease, and it says that rate is lower than that of its competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have an integrated system, one of the benefits is lower prices,” Google lawyer Karen Dunn said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Virginia case is separate from an ongoing lawsuit brought against Google in the District of Columbia over its namesake search engine. In that case, the judge determined it constitutes an illegal monopoly but has not decided what remedy to impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said last week it will seek to force Google to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">sell its Chrome web browser\u003c/a>, among a host of other penalties. Google has said the department’s request is overkill and unhinged from legitimate regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Monday’s arguments, Justice Department lawyer Aaron Teitelbaum cited the search engine case when he highlighted an email from a Google executive, David Rosenblatt, who said in a 2009 email that Google’s goal was to “do to display what Google did to search,” which Teitelbaum said showed the company’s intent to achieve market dominance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google did not achieve its trifecta of monopolies by accident,” Teitelbaum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:25 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, already facing a possible breakup of the company \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">over its ubiquitous search engine\u003c/a>, is fighting to beat back another attack by the U.S. Department of Justice alleging monopolistic conduct, this time over technology that puts \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/marketing-and-advertising\">online advertising\u003c/a> in front of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department and Google made closing arguments Monday in a trial alleging Google’s advertising technology constitutes an illegal monopoly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema in Alexandria, Virginia, will decide the case and is expected to issue a written ruling by the end of the year. If Brinkema finds Google has engaged in illegal, monopolistic conduct, she will then hold further hearings to explore what remedies should be imposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department, along with a coalition of states, has already said it believes Google should be forced to sell off parts of its ad tech business, which generates tens of billions of dollars annually for the Mountain View, California-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After roughly a month of trial testimony earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-ad-tech-virginia-opening-7a19f525287f782609a5316b1fdb08f0\">the arguments in the case remain\u003c/a> the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During three hours of arguments Monday, Brinkema, who sometimes tips her hand during legal arguments, did little to indicate how she might rule. She did, though, question the applicability of a key antitrust case Google cites in its defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends Google built and maintained a monopoly in “open-web display advertising,” essentially the rectangular ads that appear on the top and right-hand side of the page when one browses websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google dominates all facets of the market. A technology called DoubleClick is used pervasively by news sites and other online publishers, while Google Ads maintains a cache of advertisers large and small looking to place their ads on the right webpage in front of the right consumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In between is another Google product, AdExchange, that conducts nearly instantaneous auctions matching advertisers to publishers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court papers, Justice Department lawyers say Google “is more concerned with acquiring and preserving its trifecta of monopolies than serving its own publisher and advertiser customers or winning on the merits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, content providers and news organizations have never been able to generate the online revenue they should due to Google’s excessive fees for brokering transactions between advertisers and publishers, the government says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google argues \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-antitrust-case-advertising-technology-64dc88ff8ede9db77f80b243ba3605a3\">the government’s case improperly focuses\u003c/a> on a narrow niche of online advertising. If one looks more broadly at online advertising to include social media, streaming TV services, and app-based advertising, Google says it controls as little as 10% of the market, a share that is dwindling as it faces increased and evolving competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google alleges in court papers that the government’s lawsuit “boil(s) down to the persistent complaints of a handful of Google’s rivals and several mammoth publishers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google also says it has invested billions in technology that facilitates the efficient match of advertisers to interested consumers and it should not be forced to share its technology and success with competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Requiring a company to do further engineering work to make its technology and customers accessible by all of its competitors on their preferred terms has never been compelled by U.S. antitrust law,” the company wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brinkema, during Monday’s arguments, also sought clarity on Google’s market share, a number the two sides dispute, depending on how broadly the market is defined.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Historically, courts have been unwilling to declare an illegal monopoly in markets in which a company holds less than a 70% market share. Google says that when online display advertising is viewed as a whole, it holds only a 10% market share, and dwindling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department contends, though, that when focusing on open-web display advertising, Google controls 91% of the market for publisher ad servers and 87% of the market for advertiser ad networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says that the “open web display advertising” market is gerrymandered by the Justice Department to make Google look bad, and that nobody in the industry looks at that category of ads without considering the ability of advertisers to switch to other forms of advertising, like in mobile apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department also contends that the public is harmed by the excessive rates Google charges to facilitate ad purchases, saying the company takes 36 cents on the dollar when it facilitates the transaction end to end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google says its “take rate” has dropped to 31% and continues to decrease, and it says that rate is lower than that of its competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have an integrated system, one of the benefits is lower prices,” Google lawyer Karen Dunn said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Virginia case is separate from an ongoing lawsuit brought against Google in the District of Columbia over its namesake search engine. In that case, the judge determined it constitutes an illegal monopoly but has not decided what remedy to impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said last week it will seek to force Google to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-search-monopoly-penalty-justice-department-84e07fec51c5c59751d846118cb900a7\">sell its Chrome web browser\u003c/a>, among a host of other penalties. Google has said the department’s request is overkill and unhinged from legitimate regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Monday’s arguments, Justice Department lawyer Aaron Teitelbaum cited the search engine case when he highlighted an email from a Google executive, David Rosenblatt, who said in a 2009 email that Google’s goal was to “do to display what Google did to search,” which Teitelbaum said showed the company’s intent to achieve market dominance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google did not achieve its trifecta of monopolies by accident,” Teitelbaum said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Department of Justice is proposing a series of sanctions against Google to ensure it can no longer monopolize the search engine market. In a filing late Tuesday night, the government laid out its framework for reining in the tech giant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals include possibly putting an end to exclusive agreements Google has with companies like Apple and Samsung, and prohibiting certain kinds of data tracking. The government wrote that it’s considering “behavioral and structural” remedies that would ensure Google couldn’t use its Chrome browser or Android phone in a way that advantages its search engine, but didn’t outline what the structural remedies would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google’s anticompetitive conduct resulted in interlocking and pernicious harms,” reads the filing. The markets Google controls, it continues, “are indispensable to the lives of all Americans, whether as individuals or as business owners, and the importance of effectively unfettering these markets and restoring competition cannot be overstated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-page filing follows federal Judge Amit Mehta’s ruling in August that Google had acted illegally to maintain a monopoly on the search engine market. That ruling was the culmination of an antitrust lawsuit that the Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/20/925736276/google-abuses-its-monopoly-power-over-search-justice-department-says-in-lawsuit\">\u003cu>filed against Google in 2020\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, which was joined by 38 state attorneys general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department accused Google of illegally orchestrating its business dealings to ensure its search engine dominated the market. After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/12/1198558372/doj-google-monopoly-antitrust-trial-search-engine\">\u003cu>10-week trial last fall\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, Mehta ruled in favor of the Justice Department. Google has said it will appeal this decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government’s filing on Tuesday is its initial set of proposals to seek remedies against Google. In the filing, the Justice Department said it intends to go through court-ordered discovery for further evidence to support its stance. It will file a more refined framework in November and Google will have a chance to propose its own remedies in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/outreach-initiatives/public-policy/doj-search-remedies-framework/\">blog post\u003c/a> published Tuesday night, Google’s vice president of global affairs, Lee-Anne Mulholland, wrote, “We are concerned the DOJ is already signaling requests that go far beyond the specific legal issues in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mulholland appears to be interpreting the government’s filing as calling for the breakup of Google’s Chrome and Android businesses. She argues that those businesses have cost the company billions to develop. They are free and have open-source code that has benefited competitors and customers, she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make no mistake: Breaking them off would change their business models, raise the cost of devices, and undermine Android and Google Play in their robust competition with Apple’s iPhone and App Store,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a major turning point in the regulation of Big Tech. Monopolies aren’t illegal in and of themselves, but using monopoly power to maintain market dominance is against the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last antitrust case of this magnitude to make it to trial was in 1998 when the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/atr/us-v-microsoft-courts-findings-fact\">\u003cu>Justice Department sued Microsoft\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. That lawsuit centered around claims that Microsoft illegally grouped its various products together in a way that both stifled competition and compelled people to use its products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A judge ruled in favor of the Justice Department back then, saying \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2000/04/04/business/us-vs-microsoft-overview-us-judge-says-microsoft-violated-antitrust-laws-with.html\">\u003cu>Microsoft violated antitrust laws\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and held “an oppressive thumb on the scale of competitive fortune.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last quarter of a century, tech companies have amassed enormous power and now play a crucial part in most people’s daily lives. Google’s parent Alphabet is one of the most valuable companies in the world – now worth more than $2 trillion — and the word “Google” is synonymous with searching the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company controls around \u003ca href=\"https://www.similarweb.com/engines/\">\u003cu>90% of the U.S. search engine market\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, while its closest competitors, Bing and Yahoo, each have around 3% of the market share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Mehta agrees with the Justice Department and decides to put stringent limits on Google’s reach, it could have a ripple effect throughout the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the Justice Department wants from Google\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The thrust of the Justice Department’s case against Google focused on exclusive agreements the company made with device manufacturers, like Apple and Samsung. During the trial, internal documents and witnesses revealed that Google had paid billions of dollars per year to ensure it was the default search engine on smartphones, like the iPhone, and on web browsers, like Mozilla’s Firefox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witness testimony revealed the eye-popping sums Google paid its partners. For example, in 2021 alone, Google\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/05/02/1248152695/google-doj-monopoly-trial-antitrust-closing-arguments\">\u003cu> spent a total of $26.3 billion on its deals\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to be the default search engine. Apple had the most lucrative partnership with Google, bringing in $18 billion from the search giant that one year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/26/technology/google-apple-search-spotlight.html?partner=slack&smid=sl-share\">\u003cu>according to the\u003c/u>\u003cem>\u003cu> New York Times\u003c/u>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government argued that these exclusive agreements made it difficult for rivals to edge in and left consumers with fewer choices. Google’s lawyers argued these were agreements that the search engine’s partners chose to enter on their own accords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department wrote in its Tuesday night filing that one of the remedies it’s evaluating is limiting or prohibiting the agreements. “Fully remedying these harms requires not only ending Google’s control of distribution today but also ensuring Google cannot control the distribution of tomorrow,” the filing states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the monthslong trial last year, Google argued that its search engine is the most popular because it is the best product out there and that people prefer it. When Google’s CEO Sundar Pichai testified, he said paying billions of dollars to ensure its search is the default made sense. [aside postID=\"news_11999009,news_11986133,news_11983333\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make it very, very seamless and easy for users to use our service,” Pichai said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search engine DuckDuckGo is a much smaller rival to Google. In a \u003ca href=\"https://spreadprivacy.com/creating-enduring-competition-in-the-search-market/\">\u003cu>blog post\u003c/u>\u003c/a> last month, CEO Gabriel Weinberg wrote that restricting Google’s exclusive contracts would level the playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google likes to claim everyone chooses Google,” Weinberg wrote. “But most consumers don’t: They just go with the default.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its filing, the Justice Department says it is evaluating other remedies, such as controlling how much data tracking Google carries out online. The government says the tracking raises “genuine privacy concerns” that could not only harm users but “deny scale to rivals.” Additionally, the Justice Department evaluated Google’s advertising business and said it’s considering remedies that would “create more competition and lower the barriers to entry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the Justice Department and Google issue further proposals in November and December, another trial will take place next April. Mehta will also preside over that case and will hear both sides as they argue their cases for possible remedies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google just \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/24237832/google-monopoly-trial-ad-tech-antitrust-us-search\">\u003cu>wrapped up the bulk of another trial\u003c/u>\u003c/a> brought by the Justice Department over its advertising business, in which the government alleged that the company illegally controls ad tools for publishers and advertisers. Closing arguments for that case are expected in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government has targeted several other Big Tech companies in antitrust cases. Over the past few years, it’s sued \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/26/1191099421/amazon-ftc-lawsuit-antitrust-monopoly\">\u003cu>Amazon\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/21/1239802162/apple-iphone-doj-monopoly-antitrust-lawsuit\">\u003cu>Apple\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and Facebook parent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/08/19/1029310979/federal-trade-commission-refiles-suit-accusing-facebook-of-illegal-monopoly\">\u003cu>Meta\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, which owns Facebook and Instagram, over business practices the government says hurt both rivals and consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its case against Google, the government used the 1998 Microsoft suit as a blueprint. Bill Kovacic, an antitrust law professor at the George Washington University Law School and a former chair of the Federal Trade Commission, told NPR in August that the Justice Department’s win against Google could pave the way for other lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It establishes a foundation for obtaining a notable remedy in this case involving Google,” he said. “And it gives momentum to the Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission prosecutions of other major tech companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: Apple Card and Apple News are among NPR’s financial supporters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Department of Justice is proposing a series of sanctions against Google to ensure it can no longer monopolize the search engine market. In a filing late Tuesday night, the government laid out its framework for reining in the tech giant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposals include possibly putting an end to exclusive agreements Google has with companies like Apple and Samsung, and prohibiting certain kinds of data tracking. The government wrote that it’s considering “behavioral and structural” remedies that would ensure Google couldn’t use its Chrome browser or Android phone in a way that advantages its search engine, but didn’t outline what the structural remedies would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google’s anticompetitive conduct resulted in interlocking and pernicious harms,” reads the filing. The markets Google controls, it continues, “are indispensable to the lives of all Americans, whether as individuals or as business owners, and the importance of effectively unfettering these markets and restoring competition cannot be overstated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 32-page filing follows federal Judge Amit Mehta’s ruling in August that Google had acted illegally to maintain a monopoly on the search engine market. That ruling was the culmination of an antitrust lawsuit that the Justice Department \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/20/925736276/google-abuses-its-monopoly-power-over-search-justice-department-says-in-lawsuit\">\u003cu>filed against Google in 2020\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, which was joined by 38 state attorneys general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department accused Google of illegally orchestrating its business dealings to ensure its search engine dominated the market. After a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/12/1198558372/doj-google-monopoly-antitrust-trial-search-engine\">\u003cu>10-week trial last fall\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, Mehta ruled in favor of the Justice Department. Google has said it will appeal this decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government’s filing on Tuesday is its initial set of proposals to seek remedies against Google. In the filing, the Justice Department said it intends to go through court-ordered discovery for further evidence to support its stance. It will file a more refined framework in November and Google will have a chance to propose its own remedies in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/outreach-initiatives/public-policy/doj-search-remedies-framework/\">blog post\u003c/a> published Tuesday night, Google’s vice president of global affairs, Lee-Anne Mulholland, wrote, “We are concerned the DOJ is already signaling requests that go far beyond the specific legal issues in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mulholland appears to be interpreting the government’s filing as calling for the breakup of Google’s Chrome and Android businesses. She argues that those businesses have cost the company billions to develop. They are free and have open-source code that has benefited competitors and customers, she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make no mistake: Breaking them off would change their business models, raise the cost of devices, and undermine Android and Google Play in their robust competition with Apple’s iPhone and App Store,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a major turning point in the regulation of Big Tech. Monopolies aren’t illegal in and of themselves, but using monopoly power to maintain market dominance is against the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last antitrust case of this magnitude to make it to trial was in 1998 when the \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/atr/us-v-microsoft-courts-findings-fact\">\u003cu>Justice Department sued Microsoft\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. That lawsuit centered around claims that Microsoft illegally grouped its various products together in a way that both stifled competition and compelled people to use its products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A judge ruled in favor of the Justice Department back then, saying \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2000/04/04/business/us-vs-microsoft-overview-us-judge-says-microsoft-violated-antitrust-laws-with.html\">\u003cu>Microsoft violated antitrust laws\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and held “an oppressive thumb on the scale of competitive fortune.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last quarter of a century, tech companies have amassed enormous power and now play a crucial part in most people’s daily lives. Google’s parent Alphabet is one of the most valuable companies in the world – now worth more than $2 trillion — and the word “Google” is synonymous with searching the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company controls around \u003ca href=\"https://www.similarweb.com/engines/\">\u003cu>90% of the U.S. search engine market\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, while its closest competitors, Bing and Yahoo, each have around 3% of the market share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Mehta agrees with the Justice Department and decides to put stringent limits on Google’s reach, it could have a ripple effect throughout the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the Justice Department wants from Google\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The thrust of the Justice Department’s case against Google focused on exclusive agreements the company made with device manufacturers, like Apple and Samsung. During the trial, internal documents and witnesses revealed that Google had paid billions of dollars per year to ensure it was the default search engine on smartphones, like the iPhone, and on web browsers, like Mozilla’s Firefox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Witness testimony revealed the eye-popping sums Google paid its partners. For example, in 2021 alone, Google\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/05/02/1248152695/google-doj-monopoly-trial-antitrust-closing-arguments\">\u003cu> spent a total of $26.3 billion on its deals\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to be the default search engine. Apple had the most lucrative partnership with Google, bringing in $18 billion from the search giant that one year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/26/technology/google-apple-search-spotlight.html?partner=slack&smid=sl-share\">\u003cu>according to the\u003c/u>\u003cem>\u003cu> New York Times\u003c/u>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government argued that these exclusive agreements made it difficult for rivals to edge in and left consumers with fewer choices. Google’s lawyers argued these were agreements that the search engine’s partners chose to enter on their own accords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department wrote in its Tuesday night filing that one of the remedies it’s evaluating is limiting or prohibiting the agreements. “Fully remedying these harms requires not only ending Google’s control of distribution today but also ensuring Google cannot control the distribution of tomorrow,” the filing states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the monthslong trial last year, Google argued that its search engine is the most popular because it is the best product out there and that people prefer it. When Google’s CEO Sundar Pichai testified, he said paying billions of dollars to ensure its search is the default made sense. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make it very, very seamless and easy for users to use our service,” Pichai said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search engine DuckDuckGo is a much smaller rival to Google. In a \u003ca href=\"https://spreadprivacy.com/creating-enduring-competition-in-the-search-market/\">\u003cu>blog post\u003c/u>\u003c/a> last month, CEO Gabriel Weinberg wrote that restricting Google’s exclusive contracts would level the playing field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Google likes to claim everyone chooses Google,” Weinberg wrote. “But most consumers don’t: They just go with the default.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its filing, the Justice Department says it is evaluating other remedies, such as controlling how much data tracking Google carries out online. The government says the tracking raises “genuine privacy concerns” that could not only harm users but “deny scale to rivals.” Additionally, the Justice Department evaluated Google’s advertising business and said it’s considering remedies that would “create more competition and lower the barriers to entry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the Justice Department and Google issue further proposals in November and December, another trial will take place next April. Mehta will also preside over that case and will hear both sides as they argue their cases for possible remedies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google just \u003ca href=\"https://www.theverge.com/24237832/google-monopoly-trial-ad-tech-antitrust-us-search\">\u003cu>wrapped up the bulk of another trial\u003c/u>\u003c/a> brought by the Justice Department over its advertising business, in which the government alleged that the company illegally controls ad tools for publishers and advertisers. Closing arguments for that case are expected in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government has targeted several other Big Tech companies in antitrust cases. Over the past few years, it’s sued \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/26/1191099421/amazon-ftc-lawsuit-antitrust-monopoly\">\u003cu>Amazon\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/21/1239802162/apple-iphone-doj-monopoly-antitrust-lawsuit\">\u003cu>Apple\u003c/u>\u003c/a> and Facebook parent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/08/19/1029310979/federal-trade-commission-refiles-suit-accusing-facebook-of-illegal-monopoly\">\u003cu>Meta\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, which owns Facebook and Instagram, over business practices the government says hurt both rivals and consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its case against Google, the government used the 1998 Microsoft suit as a blueprint. Bill Kovacic, an antitrust law professor at the George Washington University Law School and a former chair of the Federal Trade Commission, told NPR in August that the Justice Department’s win against Google could pave the way for other lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It establishes a foundation for obtaining a notable remedy in this case involving Google,” he said. “And it gives momentum to the Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission prosecutions of other major tech companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: Apple Card and Apple News are among NPR’s financial supporters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this edition of The Bay’s monthly news roundup, California politics and government senior editor Molly Solomon joins us to talk about how Kamala Harris tells her life story to a national audience — and why she might be reluctant to mention Berkeley. Also, we discuss a lead water crisis at Oakland schools, and why some journalists are dismayed with a deal Google just reached with state lawmakers to pay millions of dollars to support local news.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC3489421666&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/25/us/politics/kamala-harris-berkeley-hometown.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As Kamala Harris Claims Oakland, Berkeley Forgives\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/29/ousd-has-failed-at-its-most-basic-job-families-teachers-demand-answers-on-lead/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">‘OUSD has failed at its most basic job’: Families, teachers demand answers on lead\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/california-journalism-deal-legislature-google/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California tried to make Google pay news outlets. The company cut a deal that includes funding AI\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted and welcome to our August news roundup where me and the rest of the Bay team sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we have been following this month. I am joined by our senior editor, Alan Montecillo. What’s up, Alan?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Hey. Hey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And we’re also joined by a very special guest today, senior editor of KQED’s California politics and government desk, Molly Solomon. What’s up, Molly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Hey, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>My thank you so much for taking the time. You guys have been super busy over there at the Politics desk, and I know your time is very precious. Can you talk about what you all have been up to this last month?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Busy is like the understatement of the year. It has been a busy, busy week slash man slash. This election has probably aged me like a decade, but this I think more recently, the excitement on our team was being able to go to Chicago to cover in person the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think clearly the big story for us has also been this really quick, sudden ascension of Kamala Harris to the top of the Democratic ticket, replacing Biden. So obviously with her connections and her roots to San Francisco politics, to the Bay Area, that’s been a big story for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>There are times when I go throughout my day and I realize, again, that that happened, that Biden dropped out and that Harris is the nominee. And I still kind of can’t believe that happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And that was a month ago. Allen What is time? Yeah, it’s wild. The last two months have been have been a roller coaster ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, while we are on the topic, why don’t you kick us off with the first story of our news roundup, Molly, that you’ve been watching very closely this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>The story that caught my eye. This last month is really this issue of how Kamala Harris is telling her story. And I think more specifically how she seems to be, as some people say, downplaying or even just saying the name of her hometown where she’s from, Berkeley. I just think it’s been fascinating because all of us, you know, reporters here, especially some of the local reporters on our team, have been covering her for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I just find it very fascinating the way she decides to tell her story, especially now that she’s on this national stage, including, you know, more recently, I was kind of watching for that when she was giving her speech at the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamala Harris: \u003c/strong>Before she could finally afford to buy a home. She rented a small apartment in the east bay. In the bay, in the bay, you either live in the hills or the flatlands. We lived in the flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>A beautiful I think I had actually sent out a tweet when we got the transcript of her speech and I was like, Hey, like, shout out to Berkeley Flatlands. And people immediately, even just in that tweet that I sent out were like, actually, she did not specifically say Berkeley in her speech. So they were already really, like keen to, like, highlight what she was and was not saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>She was actually born in a hospital in Oakland. You know, when she was younger, they did spend some time actually, and then moved to the Midwest. She did end up moving back to Berkeley when her parents divorced and she lived with her mom in this now iconic yellow duplex house on Bancroft in kind of a southwest corner of Berkeley. After that, you know, she spent some of her adolescence actually in Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Her mom had gotten a teaching research job at one of the universities there before. You know, the stage that she’s on now, like Harris has talked about growing up in Berkeley, like she wrote about it in her autobiography. She’s talked about, you know, going to protests with her parents in a stroller. Obviously, she moved back and was an adult and lived in Oakland as she was a prosecutor in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And she was also, I think, as a young child, she was part of this integrated bussing program in Berkeley. And she was actually bussed from, you know, her home in southwest Berkeley up to the wealthier North Berkeley Hills to go to school. So it has played a part in, you know, how she’s talked about her childhood in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I just think it’s more interesting because it seems like there has been this deliberate omission of it. I mean, even in just how she referred to where she’s from in her speech, she said the bay and other times, you know, she’s called herself a daughter of Oakland. So for whatever reason and we can talk about it, it seems like she’s downplaying naming the city that she spent most of her time growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Why is that? Like, why not? Claim Berkeley as much now, or even Oakland explicitly for that matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think it’s pretty strategic. You know, there is a political strategy here of emphasizing, you know, Oakland over Berkeley or maybe neither and just saying East Bay, there’s this idea that it’s just a bunch of like hippies and radical leftist that are in Berkeley. It’s got the nickname, bizarrely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think if she is trying to, you know, as a candidate, make herself palatable to people that don’t live in the Bay Area, especially like one of the more progressive parts of California, she might want to distance herself from that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think from a political strategy standpoint, I could see her either wanting to paint herself with a broader brush or just maybe not even naming that city as a way to connect herself to to this bigger audience that she’s now speaking to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>But, you know, it’s not like Harris is the first candidate to overplay or downplay certain parts of her background as someone from Berkeley. Molly, how does this make you feel?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think there’s like an immense amount of pride for this place for people that have grown up in Berkeley. I mean, for people that have grown up in the Bay, I’m sure you feel this, too, from where you grew up. But, you know, to me, it’s like that is always been this thing that you claim, you know, and that you tell everybody about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I’m from Berkeley, I’m from the bay, you know, almost to the point of like annoyance from my husband or anyone else that is not grown up here. So so I think about it with with this, you know, I think this is something that’s interesting to me and sort of stood out to me because, you know, it tells me a little bit also about how Kamala Harris is choosing to show different parts of her identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, not just with the hometown thing and being from Berkeley. And I’m sure that, like they were quoted in this article that I read to a lot of people in Berkeley were like, we get it. It’s fine. Our feelings are not hurt. We understand you got an election to win, whatever. But I think it’s just interesting to see the way that like what she chooses to claim and reveal about herself. You know, she’s really leaned into this law and order prosecutor role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think that has a lot to do with the current climate around crime being a mixed race woman, South Asian, black woman. I think these are parts of her identity, what she is publicly claiming and telling us who she is as a national candidate says something. So that’s why it stood out to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, Molly, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And after the break, we’ll talk about a lead crisis at Oakland schools and a deal that Google just cut with the state to help California’s struggling local news industry. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And welcome back to the Bay’s Monthly News roundup, where we sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we’ve been following this month. Alan Kids are back to school and it’s been a pretty chaotic return for students in Oakland. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there is lead in the drinking water at dozens of Oakland public schools. You know, it has obviously kids, parents, teachers, very frustrated with the district, afraid for their kids safety. I mean, not a great start to the school year in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And how many schools are we talking about here? How bad and widespread is this problem?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, as of now, we know of at least 30. There’s been a lot of reporting on this from the Oakland side. KQED has done some reporting as well. Now, the district has a policy that if the lead in drinking water is five parts per billion, just the concentration of lead or higher that the district needs to basically get rid of the fountains and replace them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>We know of more than 30 schools in Oakland that are above that five parts per billion number. Some of the schools have much, much higher concentrations of lead. One school, a Lincoln Elementary, tested for 930 parts per billion. And there are at least a dozen that have about 50 parts per million, which is, you know, ten times the district’s sort of minimum level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So how were parents and students finding out about these high levels of lead in the school’s drinking water?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So in mid-August, when almost was starting the new school year, families were getting notified that that there was lead or unsafe levels of lead in the drinking water in some of their schools. In many cases, the testing had actually been done much, much earlier. One example of this is at the Frick United Academy of Language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So on August 12th, which is, you know, the first day of school, teachers say they found out that six water fixtures at their schools tested over the safe limit of lead. But the testing was done in April. So teachers find this out on day one and they’re furious because, A, we have to now tell all of the kids on the first day of school, hey, do not drink the water from the fountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And B, kids were probably drinking it during the end of the school year during summer school. So the firestorm of anger in the district is not just about the fact that there is lead in the water. I mean, it should get fixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>You know, this happens when pipes are old, but that the notification didn’t happen in an efficient way. They found out months later. And that’s something that the district has even copped to, that they did not communicate the test results fast enough to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think, like if I’m a parent and I have a kid in an Oakland school that has like, you know, maybe one of these schools that has a high amount, like you mentioned, should I be worried? I mean, is this dangerous? Is my child affected by this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there are no safe levels of lead in drinking water. I mean, the county health department even recommended that parents who have kids at one of these schools have them tested for lead exposure and that they actually bring along the communication from the district to their primary care doctor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>The fountains that are known to have this lead in it have been shut down. But, you know, in in many cases, it’s possible that the kids have already drink the water that has led in it, because the way the district communicated this was so late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, what has the district said about why it took them so long to notify parents, students and sounds like even teachers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>As of now, we don’t totally know what went wrong here with the notification process. I should say we’re taping this before. Superintendent Kyla Johnson Tremmel is set to give a presentation to the public. The district has promised now that they will notify families within three days of testing and they will publish all of the results on a public dashboard. They say they’ll get this set up by January, but right now we don’t really know why this happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Okay. So it sounds like there’s some plans in the works a little farther off. But what’s being done now about all of this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, I think for the district, just in the immediate term, there’s just the basic like explaining to families what happened here and trying to reassure them. In the meantime, there’s still more testing going on as of this taping. Not all of that. Schools have been fully tested yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And in terms of just being at school, the district is also providing filtered water dispensers at schools that have been affected. I think for teachers and kids, it’s just trying to get through the first month of school with this, you know, huge inconvenience that in many cases a lot of your drinking fountains are unsafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, we’ll definitely continue to follow that story as it develops. Thank you so much, Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And last but not least, will cap off our news roundup with a story about an effort to try and force big tech to help the state’s struggling local news industry. This is a story that I have been following this month in a deal with state lawmakers. Google has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to a fund that would be distributed to local newsrooms and also fund AA technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>This deal comes after this effort by two Bay Area lawmakers to try and force the biggest tech companies in Silicon Valley to really pay up essentially for the impact that some of these tech companies have had on our really I mean, faltering local news industry here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>What role have they played specifically that led to some state lawmakers in California saying, hey, you guys got to pay up or at least help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So some of the context here, I mean, the state of California has lost like about a third of its local newspapers since 2005. And as we know very well, I mean, news organizations are really trying to keep up with the changing media ecosystem. I mean, advertising has always been a huge source of revenue for newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>But now publishers argue that search engines and social media platforms have really harmed the journalism business by hogging up all that advertising revenue while also benefiting from news content that they don’t pay for. And so to local lawmakers in the Bay Area tried to put forward these two laws that were really set up to try and secure a cut of tech money, really to kind of help prop up California’s struggling local news industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So one of them would have forced Google and Medha to negotiate a so-called usage fee with news outlets directly. Basically, Google pays a local news outlet for how many clicks it gets on Google when a user searches for a story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Another lawmaker from the Bay Area proposed a separate law that would have enforced a fee on major platforms like Google and Meta to basically provide a news outlet tax credit to help employ local journalists. And that ad actually would have raised $500 million a year, according to some estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, it sounds like the original idea is not exactly what they ended up agreeing on in the end. Could you kind of walk us through what those changes were? Was there pushback and how they ended up landing on this new deal? That has, you know, I as a part of it as well?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Basically, Google is going to be paying much less than this. The original two bills that these lawmakers proposed. What’s happening instead is that the tech giant has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to support local media outlets. This money is going to be administered by UC Berkeley and kind of distributed to local news outlets from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And it’s also going to help start an artificial intelligence program. The idea is to basically give some of these outlets some financial support to see how I can help them in their work. And there are kind of two big reasons I’d say why the original plan kind of failed. One being that Google has spent a lot of money lobbying against these bills. They spent about $2.1 million in response to Buffy Wicks bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And once Buffy Wicks is, Bill actually passed it in the state Assembly. Google actually retaliated and temporarily removed some links to California news websites from its search results. So there was just a lot of concern about how willing Google would be to kind of go along with this idea. And there was concern about whether Governor Newsom would have been willing to support this idea to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Calmatters actually reported that proponents said that it was actually really unlikely that Newsom would support any one of these bills because he pledged no tax increases this year. So those are two kind of big reasons why their original idea didn’t kind of come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Where were journalists in these negotiations? I mean, you know, this is a little bit of a meta conversation. I didn’t get a call about going to talk about this bill. I assume neither of you did either. What groups, if any, were weighing in on behalf of journalists who would be affected by this? Well, this now new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Some groups representing journalists across California are really not happy about this deal. One really outspoken opponent is the Media Guild of the West, which represents reporters down in Southern California. The guild said that it was particularly concerned about this part of the deal involving artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they sort of have concerns about what promoting A.I. could further do to the local news industry. They saw it as sort of a concession to the tech industry in that way that could actually lead to even more devastation to the local news industry and maybe even a further loss of of jobs among, like, reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So, yeah, I mean, basically, like there are a bunch of unions and and other groups sort of representing journalists across the the state who are accusing California lawmakers of kind of settling and others who say that, you know, local media is not really in a position to say no to more money either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So there’s a lot more work to be done to kind of help local news organizations across the state to to be as healthy as we need them to be, especially in an election year. And that is it for our August news roundup. Thank you so much, Alan and Molly, for joining me, it was fun guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong> Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks so much for having me. This was fun, you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>The Bay is made by me and Alan Montecillo. We get support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad and Holly Kernan Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra…peace.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this edition of The Bay’s monthly news roundup, California politics and government senior editor Molly Solomon joins us to talk about how Kamala Harris tells her life story to a national audience — and why she might be reluctant to mention Berkeley. Also, we discuss a lead water crisis at Oakland schools, and why some journalists are dismayed with a deal Google just reached with state lawmakers to pay millions of dollars to support local news.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC3489421666&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/25/us/politics/kamala-harris-berkeley-hometown.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As Kamala Harris Claims Oakland, Berkeley Forgives\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/29/ousd-has-failed-at-its-most-basic-job-families-teachers-demand-answers-on-lead/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">‘OUSD has failed at its most basic job’: Families, teachers demand answers on lead\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/california-journalism-deal-legislature-google/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California tried to make Google pay news outlets. The company cut a deal that includes funding AI\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted and welcome to our August news roundup where me and the rest of the Bay team sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we have been following this month. I am joined by our senior editor, Alan Montecillo. What’s up, Alan?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Hey. Hey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And we’re also joined by a very special guest today, senior editor of KQED’s California politics and government desk, Molly Solomon. What’s up, Molly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Hey, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>My thank you so much for taking the time. You guys have been super busy over there at the Politics desk, and I know your time is very precious. Can you talk about what you all have been up to this last month?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Busy is like the understatement of the year. It has been a busy, busy week slash man slash. This election has probably aged me like a decade, but this I think more recently, the excitement on our team was being able to go to Chicago to cover in person the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think clearly the big story for us has also been this really quick, sudden ascension of Kamala Harris to the top of the Democratic ticket, replacing Biden. So obviously with her connections and her roots to San Francisco politics, to the Bay Area, that’s been a big story for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>There are times when I go throughout my day and I realize, again, that that happened, that Biden dropped out and that Harris is the nominee. And I still kind of can’t believe that happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And that was a month ago. Allen What is time? Yeah, it’s wild. The last two months have been have been a roller coaster ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, while we are on the topic, why don’t you kick us off with the first story of our news roundup, Molly, that you’ve been watching very closely this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>The story that caught my eye. This last month is really this issue of how Kamala Harris is telling her story. And I think more specifically how she seems to be, as some people say, downplaying or even just saying the name of her hometown where she’s from, Berkeley. I just think it’s been fascinating because all of us, you know, reporters here, especially some of the local reporters on our team, have been covering her for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I just find it very fascinating the way she decides to tell her story, especially now that she’s on this national stage, including, you know, more recently, I was kind of watching for that when she was giving her speech at the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamala Harris: \u003c/strong>Before she could finally afford to buy a home. She rented a small apartment in the east bay. In the bay, in the bay, you either live in the hills or the flatlands. We lived in the flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>A beautiful I think I had actually sent out a tweet when we got the transcript of her speech and I was like, Hey, like, shout out to Berkeley Flatlands. And people immediately, even just in that tweet that I sent out were like, actually, she did not specifically say Berkeley in her speech. So they were already really, like keen to, like, highlight what she was and was not saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>She was actually born in a hospital in Oakland. You know, when she was younger, they did spend some time actually, and then moved to the Midwest. She did end up moving back to Berkeley when her parents divorced and she lived with her mom in this now iconic yellow duplex house on Bancroft in kind of a southwest corner of Berkeley. After that, you know, she spent some of her adolescence actually in Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Her mom had gotten a teaching research job at one of the universities there before. You know, the stage that she’s on now, like Harris has talked about growing up in Berkeley, like she wrote about it in her autobiography. She’s talked about, you know, going to protests with her parents in a stroller. Obviously, she moved back and was an adult and lived in Oakland as she was a prosecutor in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And she was also, I think, as a young child, she was part of this integrated bussing program in Berkeley. And she was actually bussed from, you know, her home in southwest Berkeley up to the wealthier North Berkeley Hills to go to school. So it has played a part in, you know, how she’s talked about her childhood in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I just think it’s more interesting because it seems like there has been this deliberate omission of it. I mean, even in just how she referred to where she’s from in her speech, she said the bay and other times, you know, she’s called herself a daughter of Oakland. So for whatever reason and we can talk about it, it seems like she’s downplaying naming the city that she spent most of her time growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Why is that? Like, why not? Claim Berkeley as much now, or even Oakland explicitly for that matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think it’s pretty strategic. You know, there is a political strategy here of emphasizing, you know, Oakland over Berkeley or maybe neither and just saying East Bay, there’s this idea that it’s just a bunch of like hippies and radical leftist that are in Berkeley. It’s got the nickname, bizarrely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think if she is trying to, you know, as a candidate, make herself palatable to people that don’t live in the Bay Area, especially like one of the more progressive parts of California, she might want to distance herself from that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think from a political strategy standpoint, I could see her either wanting to paint herself with a broader brush or just maybe not even naming that city as a way to connect herself to to this bigger audience that she’s now speaking to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>But, you know, it’s not like Harris is the first candidate to overplay or downplay certain parts of her background as someone from Berkeley. Molly, how does this make you feel?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think there’s like an immense amount of pride for this place for people that have grown up in Berkeley. I mean, for people that have grown up in the Bay, I’m sure you feel this, too, from where you grew up. But, you know, to me, it’s like that is always been this thing that you claim, you know, and that you tell everybody about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I’m from Berkeley, I’m from the bay, you know, almost to the point of like annoyance from my husband or anyone else that is not grown up here. So so I think about it with with this, you know, I think this is something that’s interesting to me and sort of stood out to me because, you know, it tells me a little bit also about how Kamala Harris is choosing to show different parts of her identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, not just with the hometown thing and being from Berkeley. And I’m sure that, like they were quoted in this article that I read to a lot of people in Berkeley were like, we get it. It’s fine. Our feelings are not hurt. We understand you got an election to win, whatever. But I think it’s just interesting to see the way that like what she chooses to claim and reveal about herself. You know, she’s really leaned into this law and order prosecutor role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think that has a lot to do with the current climate around crime being a mixed race woman, South Asian, black woman. I think these are parts of her identity, what she is publicly claiming and telling us who she is as a national candidate says something. So that’s why it stood out to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, Molly, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And after the break, we’ll talk about a lead crisis at Oakland schools and a deal that Google just cut with the state to help California’s struggling local news industry. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And welcome back to the Bay’s Monthly News roundup, where we sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we’ve been following this month. Alan Kids are back to school and it’s been a pretty chaotic return for students in Oakland. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there is lead in the drinking water at dozens of Oakland public schools. You know, it has obviously kids, parents, teachers, very frustrated with the district, afraid for their kids safety. I mean, not a great start to the school year in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And how many schools are we talking about here? How bad and widespread is this problem?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, as of now, we know of at least 30. There’s been a lot of reporting on this from the Oakland side. KQED has done some reporting as well. Now, the district has a policy that if the lead in drinking water is five parts per billion, just the concentration of lead or higher that the district needs to basically get rid of the fountains and replace them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>We know of more than 30 schools in Oakland that are above that five parts per billion number. Some of the schools have much, much higher concentrations of lead. One school, a Lincoln Elementary, tested for 930 parts per billion. And there are at least a dozen that have about 50 parts per million, which is, you know, ten times the district’s sort of minimum level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So how were parents and students finding out about these high levels of lead in the school’s drinking water?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So in mid-August, when almost was starting the new school year, families were getting notified that that there was lead or unsafe levels of lead in the drinking water in some of their schools. In many cases, the testing had actually been done much, much earlier. One example of this is at the Frick United Academy of Language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So on August 12th, which is, you know, the first day of school, teachers say they found out that six water fixtures at their schools tested over the safe limit of lead. But the testing was done in April. So teachers find this out on day one and they’re furious because, A, we have to now tell all of the kids on the first day of school, hey, do not drink the water from the fountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And B, kids were probably drinking it during the end of the school year during summer school. So the firestorm of anger in the district is not just about the fact that there is lead in the water. I mean, it should get fixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>You know, this happens when pipes are old, but that the notification didn’t happen in an efficient way. They found out months later. And that’s something that the district has even copped to, that they did not communicate the test results fast enough to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think, like if I’m a parent and I have a kid in an Oakland school that has like, you know, maybe one of these schools that has a high amount, like you mentioned, should I be worried? I mean, is this dangerous? Is my child affected by this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there are no safe levels of lead in drinking water. I mean, the county health department even recommended that parents who have kids at one of these schools have them tested for lead exposure and that they actually bring along the communication from the district to their primary care doctor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>The fountains that are known to have this lead in it have been shut down. But, you know, in in many cases, it’s possible that the kids have already drink the water that has led in it, because the way the district communicated this was so late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, what has the district said about why it took them so long to notify parents, students and sounds like even teachers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>As of now, we don’t totally know what went wrong here with the notification process. I should say we’re taping this before. Superintendent Kyla Johnson Tremmel is set to give a presentation to the public. The district has promised now that they will notify families within three days of testing and they will publish all of the results on a public dashboard. They say they’ll get this set up by January, but right now we don’t really know why this happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Okay. So it sounds like there’s some plans in the works a little farther off. But what’s being done now about all of this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, I think for the district, just in the immediate term, there’s just the basic like explaining to families what happened here and trying to reassure them. In the meantime, there’s still more testing going on as of this taping. Not all of that. Schools have been fully tested yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And in terms of just being at school, the district is also providing filtered water dispensers at schools that have been affected. I think for teachers and kids, it’s just trying to get through the first month of school with this, you know, huge inconvenience that in many cases a lot of your drinking fountains are unsafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, we’ll definitely continue to follow that story as it develops. Thank you so much, Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And last but not least, will cap off our news roundup with a story about an effort to try and force big tech to help the state’s struggling local news industry. This is a story that I have been following this month in a deal with state lawmakers. Google has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to a fund that would be distributed to local newsrooms and also fund AA technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>This deal comes after this effort by two Bay Area lawmakers to try and force the biggest tech companies in Silicon Valley to really pay up essentially for the impact that some of these tech companies have had on our really I mean, faltering local news industry here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>What role have they played specifically that led to some state lawmakers in California saying, hey, you guys got to pay up or at least help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So some of the context here, I mean, the state of California has lost like about a third of its local newspapers since 2005. And as we know very well, I mean, news organizations are really trying to keep up with the changing media ecosystem. I mean, advertising has always been a huge source of revenue for newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>But now publishers argue that search engines and social media platforms have really harmed the journalism business by hogging up all that advertising revenue while also benefiting from news content that they don’t pay for. And so to local lawmakers in the Bay Area tried to put forward these two laws that were really set up to try and secure a cut of tech money, really to kind of help prop up California’s struggling local news industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So one of them would have forced Google and Medha to negotiate a so-called usage fee with news outlets directly. Basically, Google pays a local news outlet for how many clicks it gets on Google when a user searches for a story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Another lawmaker from the Bay Area proposed a separate law that would have enforced a fee on major platforms like Google and Meta to basically provide a news outlet tax credit to help employ local journalists. And that ad actually would have raised $500 million a year, according to some estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, it sounds like the original idea is not exactly what they ended up agreeing on in the end. Could you kind of walk us through what those changes were? Was there pushback and how they ended up landing on this new deal? That has, you know, I as a part of it as well?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Basically, Google is going to be paying much less than this. The original two bills that these lawmakers proposed. What’s happening instead is that the tech giant has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to support local media outlets. This money is going to be administered by UC Berkeley and kind of distributed to local news outlets from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And it’s also going to help start an artificial intelligence program. The idea is to basically give some of these outlets some financial support to see how I can help them in their work. And there are kind of two big reasons I’d say why the original plan kind of failed. One being that Google has spent a lot of money lobbying against these bills. They spent about $2.1 million in response to Buffy Wicks bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And once Buffy Wicks is, Bill actually passed it in the state Assembly. Google actually retaliated and temporarily removed some links to California news websites from its search results. So there was just a lot of concern about how willing Google would be to kind of go along with this idea. And there was concern about whether Governor Newsom would have been willing to support this idea to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Calmatters actually reported that proponents said that it was actually really unlikely that Newsom would support any one of these bills because he pledged no tax increases this year. So those are two kind of big reasons why their original idea didn’t kind of come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Where were journalists in these negotiations? I mean, you know, this is a little bit of a meta conversation. I didn’t get a call about going to talk about this bill. I assume neither of you did either. What groups, if any, were weighing in on behalf of journalists who would be affected by this? Well, this now new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Some groups representing journalists across California are really not happy about this deal. One really outspoken opponent is the Media Guild of the West, which represents reporters down in Southern California. The guild said that it was particularly concerned about this part of the deal involving artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they sort of have concerns about what promoting A.I. could further do to the local news industry. They saw it as sort of a concession to the tech industry in that way that could actually lead to even more devastation to the local news industry and maybe even a further loss of of jobs among, like, reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So, yeah, I mean, basically, like there are a bunch of unions and and other groups sort of representing journalists across the the state who are accusing California lawmakers of kind of settling and others who say that, you know, local media is not really in a position to say no to more money either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So there’s a lot more work to be done to kind of help local news organizations across the state to to be as healthy as we need them to be, especially in an election year. And that is it for our August news roundup. Thank you so much, Alan and Molly, for joining me, it was fun guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong> Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks so much for having me. This was fun, you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>The Bay is made by me and Alan Montecillo. We get support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad and Holly Kernan Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra…peace.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
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"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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