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"title": "California Families Can Expect Eligibility Limits in CARE Courts Rollout",
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"content": "\u003cp>Under the low hum of cold fluorescent lights in a nondescript office park in Orange County, dozens of Californians gathered to find out if they could get help for their loved ones under the state’s new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/care-court\">CARE Court\u003c/a> system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless that loved one has a medical diagnosis specific to schizophrenia or some other psychotic disorders, the answer is probably not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mid-August meeting was a series held by a mental health advocacy group in Orange County with the officials in charge of implementing CARE Court, which starts in October, about what the new system can and cannot do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re here to do is share the facts to help manage expectations,” said Veronica Kelley, Orange County’s chief of mental health and recovery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court was Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-lawmakers-approved-care-court-what-comes-next/\">biggest legislative priority\u003c/a> last year — what state lawmakers and local politicians hoped would be one answer to California’s dual, overlapping homelessness and mental health crises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new program allows family members and others to petition someone with untreated mental illness into civil courts, where a judge would order a treatment plan and require county mental health departments to provide it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backed by millions in new state funds, it’s a mandate for those departments at a time when Californians have become increasingly frustrated with one of the most visible consequences of the state’s trenchant homelessness crisis — people with the most severe mental illnesses languishing on the streets. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Luke Bergmann, director, San Diego County Behavioral Health Services\"]‘[CARE Court’s] not going to be this thing that dramatically changes homelessness.’[/pullquote] Counties will be judged on how well they’re able to get people, who may be resistant to help, inside and into treatment, even though CARE Court is not exclusively a program targeting homelessness. Local mental health officials are warning it won’t be a panacea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a presumption — and this is, to be clear, driven by how the administration talked about CARE Court at the outset — a broad presumption that CARE Court is going to fix homelessness or have a broad impact on the nexus of homelessness and behavioral health,” said Luke Bergmann, director of the San Diego County Behavioral Health Services department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, he said, it’s “actually going to be a pretty small program. It’s not going to be this thing that dramatically changes homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program aims to walk the line between forced treatment and completely voluntary treatment for those with the gravest needs. Disability rights groups decry it as a violation of a person’s civil liberties, and a potential path \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2021/07/britney-spears-conservatorship/\">toward conservatorship\u003c/a> and the loss of legal rights for those who repeatedly decline care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959338\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959338\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02.jpg\" alt='An office full of people sit at tables looking toward a woman with a purple blouse who speaks from a microphone and holding index cards in her other hand. A flat-screen television hangs above her head displaying \"What is in a CARE Agreement Plan?\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Mugrditchian, deputy director, speaks to community members about CARE Court at the Behavioral Health Training Center in Orange County. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CARE Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-26/disability-advocates-lawsuit-care-court-newsom-mental-illness-addiction-homeless\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from Disability Rights California and other civil rights groups earlier this year. The group sat on a state working group for the program’s implementation and will monitor its rollout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program was welcomed by some family members of those with severe mental illness, who have complained that the state’s privacy and patients’ rights laws only allow their loved ones to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/mentally-ill-forced-treatment-conservatorship-california-debate/\">be compelled into treatment \u003c/a>when in crisis, trapping them in a revolving door of short-term hospital stays and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first courts will open across the state in about a month. Seven counties, urban and rural, have been deep in preparation to be the first to roll out the program in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County, whose roughly 75,000-person unhoused population is the state’s largest, will start the program in December; the rest of the state will follow next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in the first group — San Francisco, Orange, San Diego, Riverside, Stanislaus, Glenn and Tuolumne counties — have had numerous questions to address, such as:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Who will find and serve respondents with their CARE Court petition if the respondent is unhoused?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How can county courts make the paperwork-heavy petition process easy for family members?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How many mental health treatment beds will counties need to add?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Where will people live after completing the court-ordered plans?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state estimates between 7,000 and 12,000 people will qualify. They needn’t be homeless to receive the services, though many who qualify are likely to be unhoused. The state’s homeless population on any given night last year topped 171,000. [aside postID=news_11955211 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg'] A UC San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">study of homelessness statewide (PDF)\u003c/a> this year found that more than a quarter of unhoused people had been hospitalized at some point in their lives for a mental health problem; the homeless services authority in Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=3422-2019-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-los-angeles-continuum-of-care.pdf\">has estimated (PDF)\u003c/a> a quarter of the city’s homeless adults has a severe mental illness. But CARE Court is targeted at an even narrower set of diagnoses and circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So counties are also playing a careful game of “level-setting,” Bergman said, “about what this thing will actually be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, local officials see the program as an opportunity to get more people into mental health care who haven’t been treated, before their condition deteriorates to the point of being put in conservatorships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the state’s Department of Health Care Services says it will be looking out for whether the program reduces emergency room visits, police encounters, short-term hospital stays and involuntary psychiatric holds — and whether it helps people find stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Managing expectations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One major uncertainty counties face, officials say, is even knowing how many cases they’ll get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because the law allows a wide range of people to petition for someone to be in CARE Court, including family members, roommates, health care providers, paramedics, hospital officials or homeless outreach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the list of actual conditions the program targets is narrow. It’s limited to schizophrenia and related illnesses. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Michelle Doty Cabrera, director, County Behavioral Health Directors Association\"]‘What the public thinks CARE Court is and what it is are definitely two very different things.’[/pullquote] That could disappoint those whose loved ones have other diagnoses — and create an unknown amount of work for counties if a flood of those family members file petitions. Behavioral health departments must evaluate each person if it’s not clear whether they qualify for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County estimates it will get 1,000 petitions in the first year and establish court-ordered treatment plans for 250 people; the remainder likely will either not qualify or will agree to services voluntarily, Bergmann said. Orange County expects about 1,400 petitions and anywhere from 400 to 600 treatment plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in Riverside County don’t even have an estimate, citing varying data there on the prevalence of schizophrenia in the unhoused population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really think it’s unknowable,” said Marcus Cannon, the county’s deputy behavioral health director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties want the state to help them manage public expectations. Both Kelley and Cannon said they’ve heard from local leaders who have floated having city workers file petitions for a wide swath of unhoused residents, to get them indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the public thinks CARE Court is and what it is are definitely two very different things,” said Michelle Doty Cabrera, director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbhda.org/\">the County Behavioral Health Directors Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, state Department of Health Care Services spokesperson Sami Gallegos said that counties “are managing public relations among local elected officials and others” to spread the message about who the program is and isn’t for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After learning of the narrow eligibility criteria at a community meeting in August, Nancy Beltran considered her options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beltran, of Anaheim, said she lives with a family member whose psychotic condition caused him to hit another relative in 2020, landing him in the hospital against his will. She said he’s refused treatment and doesn’t believe he’s sick. Another psychotic episode earlier this year didn’t qualify him for hospitalization, she said, because the symptoms weren’t as severe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want it to get to that point,” she said. “I don’t want him to be incarcerated. I want it to be the least restrictive, least traumatic experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s still not sure whether the program is for her family member, because they haven’t gotten a clear diagnosis, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beltran said she also wishes the program could help a friend, who is already enrolled in therapy sessions for diagnosed schizophrenia, find a place to live. Her friend’s condition, she said, deteriorates because he is unhoused, but he remains on waiting lists for housing. But CARE Court, she was disappointed to learn at the meetings, is only for those with untreated schizophrenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Threading a needle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Everyone involved in CARE Court in Orange County — from the judge who would ultimately order treatment to the public defender who will represent respondents to the behavioral health officials responsible for finding, diagnosing and treating them — had the same message for the public: The program will be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, however,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>contend that there’s no way a court process can be voluntary, since at some point there is a judge’s order. By law, counties must try at least twice to persuade a respondent to accept treatment before a judge orders it. Even then, the treatment plan, which can include therapy, medication and housing, doesn’t come with much enforcement. Medication can be ordered, but not forcibly administered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959344\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959344\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03.jpg\" alt=\"A bald man in a business suit speaks to a crowd as he sits at a table holding a microphone in his hand.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks to community members about CARE Court, a new program that will be implemented in the fall. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the course of a year, respondents will attend court hearings to see whether they’re adhering to the treatment and whether the county is providing it. Counties can be fined as much as $1,000 a day for not providing the care; if the person fails to complete treatment they could be considered for conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But county officials stressed that’s not the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have tried for 40 years in this wonderful country of ours to force people with mental illness” to be treated, Orange County Superior Court Judge Ebrahim Baytieh told family members at another community meeting, in a church in Cypress. “Study after study has found it doesn’t work. We all know there’s no magical answer. But we will be patient, and we will be persistent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley’s department is training its workers and peer supporters — people who also have mental illness or have recovered who can help guide a respondent through CARE Court — in a well-regarded communication method \u003ca href=\"https://leapinstitute.org/about/#:~:text=LEAP%20(Listen%2DEmpathize%2DAgree,and%20the%20treatment%20they%20need.\">called LEAP\u003c/a> to persuade respondents to accept care. It will offer services to those in CARE Court under a “whatever it takes” approach, whether it’s a ride to the doctor’s office, help to enroll in food stamps, addiction treatment, or temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task will take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the community meetings, Kelley and her colleagues repeatedly described a pilot program she ran as behavioral health director in San Bernardino County. The program took referrals from family, police or other community members who wanted to prod those who were resistant to mental health treatment. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Orange County Superior Court Judge Ebrahim Baytieh\"]‘We have tried for 40 years in this wonderful country of ours to force people with mental illness” [to be treated]. … We all know there’s no magical answer. But we will be patient, and we will be persistent.’[/pullquote] The time it took for county workers using the LEAP method to persuade respondents to enter treatment varied, Kelley said. But on average, she said it took 20 visits if a respondent was housed — and 40 visits if they were unhoused. Visit times varied, from a few minutes to a whole day so that the whole process could take weeks or months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timetables set by law for CARE Court are much tighter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If counties initially determine a client won’t agree to treatment, they get 14 days to try again before the next court hearing. Kelley said the judges in her county are sympathetic toward those concerns, but not all counties will get such flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t do 40 face-to-face visits in 14 days,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights advocates balked at the counties’ suggestion that any program involving the pressure of the judicial system, even a non-criminal court, could be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re trying to engage somebody, and there’s a petition that involves a court,” there’s less hope of building genuine trust, said Keris Myrick, a mental health advocate who lives with schizophrenia and a board member of Disability Rights California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is particularly concerned the court process could be ineffective or harmful among Black residents, who are overrepresented both in California’s homeless population and among people diagnosed with schizophrenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Myrick, who is Black, said she has been subject to involuntary treatment and described harrowing experiences during which she was handcuffed in the back of a police car or strapped down to a gurney for hours before a doctor visited. She said one thing that actually helped her recover was having a peer supporter who was also African American and related to her experiences, eventually persuading her to get treatment on her own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later ran a peer support program in Los Angeles County and trained workers in the county mental health department. Myrick says the state needs to expand those services, as well as housing and social supports to help people live stable lives, without the threat of a judicial order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Barnard, a sociologist at New York University who has studied involuntary mental health treatment in California, is skeptical about whether the state can appease both civil libertarians and those who want more aggressive treatment. But he said the program’s mandate of a year of persistent engagement is promising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If CARE Courts work, it will probably be because of that,” he said. “It creates some accountability on the provider to keep trying to work with somebody who might be very challenging, and elsewhere in the system would just have their file closed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Long-term resources\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Those implementation questions are among a list of other practical hurdles counties face for the program to be successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s long-term funding. The first seven counties were given $26 million in one-time state grants to start the programs; some have estimated annual costs of the services themselves will \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2023/04/20/newsoms-care-court-faces-50-million-hurdle-in-san-francisco-as-key-deadline-approaches/\">far exceed\u003c/a> those allotments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state says most services will be covered by Medi-Cal or private insurance, and expects counties to submit reimbursement requests, including the costs of going to court or finding respondents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923034/were-drowning-why-kaiser-mental-health-workers-are-striking#:~:text=Kaiser%20administrators%20point%20to%20what,15%20statement.\">nationwide shortage of behavioral health workers\u003c/a> has made it a challenge for some departments to hire. In San Diego County, Bergmann’s department plans to add 55 new staff, including 10 clinicians, for CARE Court. Only 35% have been hired so far, a spokesperson said. [aside label='More on Public Health' tag='public-health'] And there’s housing and beds, which all agree are crucial to making treatment a success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health officials believe most people who qualify for CARE Court will need a more intensive treatment placement in the beginning, while some may be able to be placed in residential facilities or their own apartments after being stabilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are shortages across that spectrum. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA1824-1-v2.html\">2021 Rand analysis\u003c/a> found the state is short more than 4,700 psychiatric inpatient treatment beds and nearly 3,000 residential facility beds such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/board-and-care-homes-closing-in-california-mental-health-crisis/\">board-and-cares\u003c/a>—long-term housing for people with severe mental illness and one option for respondents to live after they complete CARE Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Included in last year’s state budget was \u003ca href=\"https://bridgehousing.buildingcalhhs.com/county-behavioral-health-agencies/\">nearly $1 billion\u003c/a> in new funding for counties to expand temporary housing placements for those with mental illness, with priority given to people in CARE Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County and some others are using the grants to open new treatment beds. In San Diego, Bergmann’s department will use the money to pay for board-and-care placements. Significant new infrastructure, however, will take years to complete. Over the past five years, Bergmann said, the county has lost a fifth of those residential facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the near term, those funds will help us help people with the fewest resources to compete more” for placements, he said. “It’s not going to all of a sudden create a net increase in infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/marisa-kendall/\">Marisa Kendall\u003c/a> contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom’s plan to encourage people with mental illnesses to accept treatment starts this fall. Counties responsible say it may be more modest than advertised.",
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"title": "California Families Can Expect Eligibility Limits in CARE Courts Rollout | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Under the low hum of cold fluorescent lights in a nondescript office park in Orange County, dozens of Californians gathered to find out if they could get help for their loved ones under the state’s new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/care-court\">CARE Court\u003c/a> system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless that loved one has a medical diagnosis specific to schizophrenia or some other psychotic disorders, the answer is probably not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mid-August meeting was a series held by a mental health advocacy group in Orange County with the officials in charge of implementing CARE Court, which starts in October, about what the new system can and cannot do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re here to do is share the facts to help manage expectations,” said Veronica Kelley, Orange County’s chief of mental health and recovery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court was Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/09/california-lawmakers-approved-care-court-what-comes-next/\">biggest legislative priority\u003c/a> last year — what state lawmakers and local politicians hoped would be one answer to California’s dual, overlapping homelessness and mental health crises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new program allows family members and others to petition someone with untreated mental illness into civil courts, where a judge would order a treatment plan and require county mental health departments to provide it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backed by millions in new state funds, it’s a mandate for those departments at a time when Californians have become increasingly frustrated with one of the most visible consequences of the state’s trenchant homelessness crisis — people with the most severe mental illnesses languishing on the streets. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[CARE Court’s] not going to be this thing that dramatically changes homelessness.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Counties will be judged on how well they’re able to get people, who may be resistant to help, inside and into treatment, even though CARE Court is not exclusively a program targeting homelessness. Local mental health officials are warning it won’t be a panacea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a presumption — and this is, to be clear, driven by how the administration talked about CARE Court at the outset — a broad presumption that CARE Court is going to fix homelessness or have a broad impact on the nexus of homelessness and behavioral health,” said Luke Bergmann, director of the San Diego County Behavioral Health Services department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, he said, it’s “actually going to be a pretty small program. It’s not going to be this thing that dramatically changes homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program aims to walk the line between forced treatment and completely voluntary treatment for those with the gravest needs. Disability rights groups decry it as a violation of a person’s civil liberties, and a potential path \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2021/07/britney-spears-conservatorship/\">toward conservatorship\u003c/a> and the loss of legal rights for those who repeatedly decline care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959338\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959338\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02.jpg\" alt='An office full of people sit at tables looking toward a woman with a purple blouse who speaks from a microphone and holding index cards in her other hand. A flat-screen television hangs above her head displaying \"What is in a CARE Agreement Plan?\"' width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Annette Mugrditchian, deputy director, speaks to community members about CARE Court at the Behavioral Health Training Center in Orange County. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>CARE Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-01-26/disability-advocates-lawsuit-care-court-newsom-mental-illness-addiction-homeless\">survived a legal challenge\u003c/a> from Disability Rights California and other civil rights groups earlier this year. The group sat on a state working group for the program’s implementation and will monitor its rollout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program was welcomed by some family members of those with severe mental illness, who have complained that the state’s privacy and patients’ rights laws only allow their loved ones to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/mentally-ill-forced-treatment-conservatorship-california-debate/\">be compelled into treatment \u003c/a>when in crisis, trapping them in a revolving door of short-term hospital stays and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first courts will open across the state in about a month. Seven counties, urban and rural, have been deep in preparation to be the first to roll out the program in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County, whose roughly 75,000-person unhoused population is the state’s largest, will start the program in December; the rest of the state will follow next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in the first group — San Francisco, Orange, San Diego, Riverside, Stanislaus, Glenn and Tuolumne counties — have had numerous questions to address, such as:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Who will find and serve respondents with their CARE Court petition if the respondent is unhoused?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How can county courts make the paperwork-heavy petition process easy for family members?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How many mental health treatment beds will counties need to add?\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Where will people live after completing the court-ordered plans?\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state estimates between 7,000 and 12,000 people will qualify. They needn’t be homeless to receive the services, though many who qualify are likely to be unhoused. The state’s homeless population on any given night last year topped 171,000. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> A UC San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/sites/default/files/2023-06/CASPEH_Report_62023.pdf\">study of homelessness statewide (PDF)\u003c/a> this year found that more than a quarter of unhoused people had been hospitalized at some point in their lives for a mental health problem; the homeless services authority in Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.lahsa.org/documents?id=3422-2019-greater-los-angeles-homeless-count-los-angeles-continuum-of-care.pdf\">has estimated (PDF)\u003c/a> a quarter of the city’s homeless adults has a severe mental illness. But CARE Court is targeted at an even narrower set of diagnoses and circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So counties are also playing a careful game of “level-setting,” Bergman said, “about what this thing will actually be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, local officials see the program as an opportunity to get more people into mental health care who haven’t been treated, before their condition deteriorates to the point of being put in conservatorships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the state’s Department of Health Care Services says it will be looking out for whether the program reduces emergency room visits, police encounters, short-term hospital stays and involuntary psychiatric holds — and whether it helps people find stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Managing expectations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One major uncertainty counties face, officials say, is even knowing how many cases they’ll get.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because the law allows a wide range of people to petition for someone to be in CARE Court, including family members, roommates, health care providers, paramedics, hospital officials or homeless outreach workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the list of actual conditions the program targets is narrow. It’s limited to schizophrenia and related illnesses. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘What the public thinks CARE Court is and what it is are definitely two very different things.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> That could disappoint those whose loved ones have other diagnoses — and create an unknown amount of work for counties if a flood of those family members file petitions. Behavioral health departments must evaluate each person if it’s not clear whether they qualify for the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County estimates it will get 1,000 petitions in the first year and establish court-ordered treatment plans for 250 people; the remainder likely will either not qualify or will agree to services voluntarily, Bergmann said. Orange County expects about 1,400 petitions and anywhere from 400 to 600 treatment plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials in Riverside County don’t even have an estimate, citing varying data there on the prevalence of schizophrenia in the unhoused population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really think it’s unknowable,” said Marcus Cannon, the county’s deputy behavioral health director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties want the state to help them manage public expectations. Both Kelley and Cannon said they’ve heard from local leaders who have floated having city workers file petitions for a wide swath of unhoused residents, to get them indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the public thinks CARE Court is and what it is are definitely two very different things,” said Michelle Doty Cabrera, director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbhda.org/\">the County Behavioral Health Directors Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, state Department of Health Care Services spokesperson Sami Gallegos said that counties “are managing public relations among local elected officials and others” to spread the message about who the program is and isn’t for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After learning of the narrow eligibility criteria at a community meeting in August, Nancy Beltran considered her options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beltran, of Anaheim, said she lives with a family member whose psychotic condition caused him to hit another relative in 2020, landing him in the hospital against his will. She said he’s refused treatment and doesn’t believe he’s sick. Another psychotic episode earlier this year didn’t qualify him for hospitalization, she said, because the symptoms weren’t as severe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t want it to get to that point,” she said. “I don’t want him to be incarcerated. I want it to be the least restrictive, least traumatic experience.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s still not sure whether the program is for her family member, because they haven’t gotten a clear diagnosis, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beltran said she also wishes the program could help a friend, who is already enrolled in therapy sessions for diagnosed schizophrenia, find a place to live. Her friend’s condition, she said, deteriorates because he is unhoused, but he remains on waiting lists for housing. But CARE Court, she was disappointed to learn at the meetings, is only for those with untreated schizophrenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Threading a needle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Everyone involved in CARE Court in Orange County — from the judge who would ultimately order treatment to the public defender who will represent respondents to the behavioral health officials responsible for finding, diagnosing and treating them — had the same message for the public: The program will be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, however,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>contend that there’s no way a court process can be voluntary, since at some point there is a judge’s order. By law, counties must try at least twice to persuade a respondent to accept treatment before a judge orders it. Even then, the treatment plan, which can include therapy, medication and housing, doesn’t come with much enforcement. Medication can be ordered, but not forcibly administered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959344\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959344\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03.jpg\" alt=\"A bald man in a business suit speaks to a crowd as he sits at a table holding a microphone in his hand.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/CMCareCourts03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks to community members about CARE Court, a new program that will be implemented in the fall. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Over the course of a year, respondents will attend court hearings to see whether they’re adhering to the treatment and whether the county is providing it. Counties can be fined as much as $1,000 a day for not providing the care; if the person fails to complete treatment they could be considered for conservatorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But county officials stressed that’s not the goal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have tried for 40 years in this wonderful country of ours to force people with mental illness” to be treated, Orange County Superior Court Judge Ebrahim Baytieh told family members at another community meeting, in a church in Cypress. “Study after study has found it doesn’t work. We all know there’s no magical answer. But we will be patient, and we will be persistent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley’s department is training its workers and peer supporters — people who also have mental illness or have recovered who can help guide a respondent through CARE Court — in a well-regarded communication method \u003ca href=\"https://leapinstitute.org/about/#:~:text=LEAP%20(Listen%2DEmpathize%2DAgree,and%20the%20treatment%20they%20need.\">called LEAP\u003c/a> to persuade respondents to accept care. It will offer services to those in CARE Court under a “whatever it takes” approach, whether it’s a ride to the doctor’s office, help to enroll in food stamps, addiction treatment, or temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task will take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the community meetings, Kelley and her colleagues repeatedly described a pilot program she ran as behavioral health director in San Bernardino County. The program took referrals from family, police or other community members who wanted to prod those who were resistant to mental health treatment. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The time it took for county workers using the LEAP method to persuade respondents to enter treatment varied, Kelley said. But on average, she said it took 20 visits if a respondent was housed — and 40 visits if they were unhoused. Visit times varied, from a few minutes to a whole day so that the whole process could take weeks or months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timetables set by law for CARE Court are much tighter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If counties initially determine a client won’t agree to treatment, they get 14 days to try again before the next court hearing. Kelley said the judges in her county are sympathetic toward those concerns, but not all counties will get such flexibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t do 40 face-to-face visits in 14 days,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights advocates balked at the counties’ suggestion that any program involving the pressure of the judicial system, even a non-criminal court, could be voluntary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re trying to engage somebody, and there’s a petition that involves a court,” there’s less hope of building genuine trust, said Keris Myrick, a mental health advocate who lives with schizophrenia and a board member of Disability Rights California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is particularly concerned the court process could be ineffective or harmful among Black residents, who are overrepresented both in California’s homeless population and among people diagnosed with schizophrenia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Myrick, who is Black, said she has been subject to involuntary treatment and described harrowing experiences during which she was handcuffed in the back of a police car or strapped down to a gurney for hours before a doctor visited. She said one thing that actually helped her recover was having a peer supporter who was also African American and related to her experiences, eventually persuading her to get treatment on her own terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later ran a peer support program in Los Angeles County and trained workers in the county mental health department. Myrick says the state needs to expand those services, as well as housing and social supports to help people live stable lives, without the threat of a judicial order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Barnard, a sociologist at New York University who has studied involuntary mental health treatment in California, is skeptical about whether the state can appease both civil libertarians and those who want more aggressive treatment. But he said the program’s mandate of a year of persistent engagement is promising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If CARE Courts work, it will probably be because of that,” he said. “It creates some accountability on the provider to keep trying to work with somebody who might be very challenging, and elsewhere in the system would just have their file closed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Long-term resources\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Those implementation questions are among a list of other practical hurdles counties face for the program to be successful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s long-term funding. The first seven counties were given $26 million in one-time state grants to start the programs; some have estimated annual costs of the services themselves will \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2023/04/20/newsoms-care-court-faces-50-million-hurdle-in-san-francisco-as-key-deadline-approaches/\">far exceed\u003c/a> those allotments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state says most services will be covered by Medi-Cal or private insurance, and expects counties to submit reimbursement requests, including the costs of going to court or finding respondents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923034/were-drowning-why-kaiser-mental-health-workers-are-striking#:~:text=Kaiser%20administrators%20point%20to%20what,15%20statement.\">nationwide shortage of behavioral health workers\u003c/a> has made it a challenge for some departments to hire. In San Diego County, Bergmann’s department plans to add 55 new staff, including 10 clinicians, for CARE Court. Only 35% have been hired so far, a spokesperson said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> And there’s housing and beds, which all agree are crucial to making treatment a success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health officials believe most people who qualify for CARE Court will need a more intensive treatment placement in the beginning, while some may be able to be placed in residential facilities or their own apartments after being stabilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are shortages across that spectrum. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA1824-1-v2.html\">2021 Rand analysis\u003c/a> found the state is short more than 4,700 psychiatric inpatient treatment beds and nearly 3,000 residential facility beds such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/board-and-care-homes-closing-in-california-mental-health-crisis/\">board-and-cares\u003c/a>—long-term housing for people with severe mental illness and one option for respondents to live after they complete CARE Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Included in last year’s state budget was \u003ca href=\"https://bridgehousing.buildingcalhhs.com/county-behavioral-health-agencies/\">nearly $1 billion\u003c/a> in new funding for counties to expand temporary housing placements for those with mental illness, with priority given to people in CARE Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County and some others are using the grants to open new treatment beds. In San Diego, Bergmann’s department will use the money to pay for board-and-care placements. Significant new infrastructure, however, will take years to complete. Over the past five years, Bergmann said, the county has lost a fifth of those residential facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the near term, those funds will help us help people with the fewest resources to compete more” for placements, he said. “It’s not going to all of a sudden create a net increase in infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/marisa-kendall/\">Marisa Kendall\u003c/a> contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a major about-face, Gov. Gavin Newsom gave ground this week on his signature mental health plan, aiming to appease critics who have argued his overhaul would starve youth services and other county-run programs of millions of dollars of tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is the second time in as many years that Newsom has advocated for significant changes to the state’s behavioral health system, following the passage of last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/07/care-court-california/\">controversial CARE Court law\u003c/a>. This year’s proposal aims to update the Mental Health Services Act, a 20-year-old ballot initiative that has raised billions of dollars per year for mental health programs through a tax on high incomes. The tax funds nearly one-third of the state’s mental health infrastructure and raised $4.8 billion last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its crux, Newsom’s proposal would require counties to spend two-thirds of revenue from the tax on housing and 24/7 services for the state’s severely mentally ill homeless population. That equates to roughly $3.1 billion based on last year’s Mental Health Services Act revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the concessions introduced this week would loosen the definition of the “housing interventions” counties would be required to fund, reinstate some local spending flexibility, remove a requirement to add services for people suffering from addiction, and carve out money for children and youth programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s reform needs more than legislative buy-in. It also requires voter support to change the original ballot initiative. His pitch to voters: Redirect some of the money in an effort to help address California’s out-of-control homelessness crisis. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">state has spent more than $20 billion\u003c/a> on homelessness in the past five years with little impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, key mental health advocates remain skeptical. Many of the organizations that voiced concerns with the initial proposal say the recent amendments are “weak” and continue to stretch vital resources too thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re still slicing up the too-small pie,” said Clare Cortright, policy director for Cal Voices, a coalition of mental health peer support organizations. “What happens to the people with services now? What happens to the people with housing now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan, which mental health groups have criticized for being rushed, will get its first full legislative hearing next week. Lawmakers then would have four weeks before the end of the session to decide whether to place the measure on the March 2024 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom argues that his administration has spent “years preparing for this” overhaul in tandem with other major changes to the state’s health care delivery system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve organized this very deliberatively,” Newsom told reporters last week. “This is very methodical, very focused. It’s not ready, fire, aim. It’s ready, aim, fire. It’s long overdue, and the consequences of neglect, delay denial — it’s too great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What Newsom’s mental health amendments allow\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Tuesday night’s amendments preserve the most significant change Newsom put forward — that a majority of the money be used on housing interventions and intensive services for unhoused people — it offers counties more local control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended proposal:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Allows counties to transfer some money between spending categories like housing and prevention.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Offers small counties with more volatile year-to-year budgets exemptions from meeting some mandates.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increases the amount of money allocated to the “flexible” spending bucket by 5%.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Expands the definition of housing interventions to include a wide range of social services like housing navigation rather than only “hard” costs like rent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Requires 51% of money spent on prevention programs go toward children and youth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Reinstates some of the power previously stripped from the Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Committee.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen some changes and certainly changes that seem helpful in moving to ameliorate some of the concerns that we’ve had. However, there’s also a bunch of new stuff in here that we’re trying to figure out,” said Jacqueline Wong-Hernandez, chief policy officer for the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County leaders and behavioral health directors are most concerned with proposed minimum spending mandates that are funded through volatile income tax revenue. The Mental Health Services Act levies a 1% tax on earnings over $1 million, an income bracket that depends on capital gains. They have also questioned how many existing services would be cut to meet the new housing mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendments come on the heels of several \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">Legislative Analyst’s Office briefs\u003c/a> that estimated $718 million would be stripped from existing county mental health programs, including children and youth early intervention services, to fund the proposed housing mandate. The briefs said the Newsom administration gave “incomplete justification” for the changes without an impact analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Momentum builds from youth advocates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite Newsom investing significant political capital into pushing this reform, it became increasingly difficult to ignore the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">opposition of children’s mental health advocates,\u003c/a> who said the governor was unnecessarily pitting the needs of the state’s homeless population against children’s mental services. Prevention and early intervention services would take the biggest cuts, they said, ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/california-mental-health/\">worsening a parallel mental health crisis\u003c/a>.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Adrienne Shilton, lobbyist, California Alliance of Child and Family Services\"]‘We’re moving in a positive direction here … The administration has come a long way in partnership with us.’[/pullquote]Last week a coalition of nearly 300 groups representing local mental health agencies, school districts, and family resource centers among others, sent a letter to Newsom and Senate Health Committee Chair Susan Talamantes-Eggman, urging them to continue funding programs targeting ages 0 to 25. Eggman, a Democrat from Stockton, is carrying the bill that would place Newsom’s proposal on the ballot and was instrumental in passing Newsom’s CARE Court legislation last year. Eggman has not responded to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For years, children’s advocates have worked to ensure (this) funding prioritizes children and youth given the historic lack of focus on this population,” the letter states. “We are deeply concerned by the current proposal … to severely limit and reroute hard fought investments away from child-serving programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendments address the primary concerns raised by the coalition and preserve a majority of the roughly $448 million spent on children and youth mental health programs annually, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Child and Family Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re moving in a positive direction here,” Shilton said. “The administration has come a long way in partnership with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom administration officials contend that the proposal is part of a larger effort to remake the state’s health care system. They point to last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/?series=california-mental-health\">$4.3 billion budget allocation for children and youth mental health services\u003c/a> and Medi-Cal as alternate funding sources for current programs. But advocates say a majority of that investment comes from one-time allocations and integral programs like family support groups, parenting classes and suicide prevention programs don’t qualify for Medi-Cal reimbursement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courtney Armstrong, director of government affairs with the First 5 Association of California, said roughly 95% of programs statewide that serve infants and children up to age 5 are not reimbursable through Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is still left out in mental health plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the concessions, disability rights groups, peer support advocates, and many of the advocates that opposed last year’s CARE Court legislation are still against this version of Newsom’s overhaul. They want more assurances that the money won’t be used to place homeless people in locked treatment facilities against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The average Californian absolutely wants more services and more housing for those who need it most, but they don’t want to be duped into funding the legal system and criminalization of communities of color and more involuntary institutionalization,” said Carolina Valle, senior policy director with the California Pan Ethnic Health Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically institutionalization and jail-based services have disproportionately impacted \u003ca href=\"https://cpehn.org/assets/uploads/2021/09/A-Right-To-Heal-Report_final.pdf\">communities of color (PDF)\u003c/a>, Valle said. Critics also point out that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">California’s homelessness crisis\u003c/a> is primarily driven by lack of affordable housing and incomes that have not kept pace with the cost of living, not mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget fight around the (Mental Health Services Act) is not a moment in time. It’s a continuation of failed mental health policy and failed housing policy in California,” Valle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Newsom wants counties to spend some revenue from California’s so-called 'millionaire’s tax' on the state’s homeless crisis. That alarms advocates for programs that are getting that money today.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a major about-face, Gov. Gavin Newsom gave ground this week on his signature mental health plan, aiming to appease critics who have argued his overhaul would starve youth services and other county-run programs of millions of dollars of tax revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is the second time in as many years that Newsom has advocated for significant changes to the state’s behavioral health system, following the passage of last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/07/care-court-california/\">controversial CARE Court law\u003c/a>. This year’s proposal aims to update the Mental Health Services Act, a 20-year-old ballot initiative that has raised billions of dollars per year for mental health programs through a tax on high incomes. The tax funds nearly one-third of the state’s mental health infrastructure and raised $4.8 billion last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its crux, Newsom’s proposal would require counties to spend two-thirds of revenue from the tax on housing and 24/7 services for the state’s severely mentally ill homeless population. That equates to roughly $3.1 billion based on last year’s Mental Health Services Act revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the concessions introduced this week would loosen the definition of the “housing interventions” counties would be required to fund, reinstate some local spending flexibility, remove a requirement to add services for people suffering from addiction, and carve out money for children and youth programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s reform needs more than legislative buy-in. It also requires voter support to change the original ballot initiative. His pitch to voters: Redirect some of the money in an effort to help address California’s out-of-control homelessness crisis. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">state has spent more than $20 billion\u003c/a> on homelessness in the past five years with little impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, key mental health advocates remain skeptical. Many of the organizations that voiced concerns with the initial proposal say the recent amendments are “weak” and continue to stretch vital resources too thin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re still slicing up the too-small pie,” said Clare Cortright, policy director for Cal Voices, a coalition of mental health peer support organizations. “What happens to the people with services now? What happens to the people with housing now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan, which mental health groups have criticized for being rushed, will get its first full legislative hearing next week. Lawmakers then would have four weeks before the end of the session to decide whether to place the measure on the March 2024 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom argues that his administration has spent “years preparing for this” overhaul in tandem with other major changes to the state’s health care delivery system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve organized this very deliberatively,” Newsom told reporters last week. “This is very methodical, very focused. It’s not ready, fire, aim. It’s ready, aim, fire. It’s long overdue, and the consequences of neglect, delay denial — it’s too great.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What Newsom’s mental health amendments allow\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Tuesday night’s amendments preserve the most significant change Newsom put forward — that a majority of the money be used on housing interventions and intensive services for unhoused people — it offers counties more local control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended proposal:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Allows counties to transfer some money between spending categories like housing and prevention.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Offers small counties with more volatile year-to-year budgets exemptions from meeting some mandates.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Increases the amount of money allocated to the “flexible” spending bucket by 5%.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Expands the definition of housing interventions to include a wide range of social services like housing navigation rather than only “hard” costs like rent.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Requires 51% of money spent on prevention programs go toward children and youth.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Reinstates some of the power previously stripped from the Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Committee.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen some changes and certainly changes that seem helpful in moving to ameliorate some of the concerns that we’ve had. However, there’s also a bunch of new stuff in here that we’re trying to figure out,” said Jacqueline Wong-Hernandez, chief policy officer for the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County leaders and behavioral health directors are most concerned with proposed minimum spending mandates that are funded through volatile income tax revenue. The Mental Health Services Act levies a 1% tax on earnings over $1 million, an income bracket that depends on capital gains. They have also questioned how many existing services would be cut to meet the new housing mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendments come on the heels of several \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">Legislative Analyst’s Office briefs\u003c/a> that estimated $718 million would be stripped from existing county mental health programs, including children and youth early intervention services, to fund the proposed housing mandate. The briefs said the Newsom administration gave “incomplete justification” for the changes without an impact analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Momentum builds from youth advocates\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite Newsom investing significant political capital into pushing this reform, it became increasingly difficult to ignore the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">opposition of children’s mental health advocates,\u003c/a> who said the governor was unnecessarily pitting the needs of the state’s homeless population against children’s mental services. Prevention and early intervention services would take the biggest cuts, they said, ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/california-mental-health/\">worsening a parallel mental health crisis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last week a coalition of nearly 300 groups representing local mental health agencies, school districts, and family resource centers among others, sent a letter to Newsom and Senate Health Committee Chair Susan Talamantes-Eggman, urging them to continue funding programs targeting ages 0 to 25. Eggman, a Democrat from Stockton, is carrying the bill that would place Newsom’s proposal on the ballot and was instrumental in passing Newsom’s CARE Court legislation last year. Eggman has not responded to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For years, children’s advocates have worked to ensure (this) funding prioritizes children and youth given the historic lack of focus on this population,” the letter states. “We are deeply concerned by the current proposal … to severely limit and reroute hard fought investments away from child-serving programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendments address the primary concerns raised by the coalition and preserve a majority of the roughly $448 million spent on children and youth mental health programs annually, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Child and Family Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re moving in a positive direction here,” Shilton said. “The administration has come a long way in partnership with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom administration officials contend that the proposal is part of a larger effort to remake the state’s health care system. They point to last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/?series=california-mental-health\">$4.3 billion budget allocation for children and youth mental health services\u003c/a> and Medi-Cal as alternate funding sources for current programs. But advocates say a majority of that investment comes from one-time allocations and integral programs like family support groups, parenting classes and suicide prevention programs don’t qualify for Medi-Cal reimbursement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Courtney Armstrong, director of government affairs with the First 5 Association of California, said roughly 95% of programs statewide that serve infants and children up to age 5 are not reimbursable through Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is still left out in mental health plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the concessions, disability rights groups, peer support advocates, and many of the advocates that opposed last year’s CARE Court legislation are still against this version of Newsom’s overhaul. They want more assurances that the money won’t be used to place homeless people in locked treatment facilities against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The average Californian absolutely wants more services and more housing for those who need it most, but they don’t want to be duped into funding the legal system and criminalization of communities of color and more involuntary institutionalization,” said Carolina Valle, senior policy director with the California Pan Ethnic Health Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically institutionalization and jail-based services have disproportionately impacted \u003ca href=\"https://cpehn.org/assets/uploads/2021/09/A-Right-To-Heal-Report_final.pdf\">communities of color (PDF)\u003c/a>, Valle said. Critics also point out that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">California’s homelessness crisis\u003c/a> is primarily driven by lack of affordable housing and incomes that have not kept pace with the cost of living, not mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget fight around the (Mental Health Services Act) is not a moment in time. It’s a continuation of failed mental health policy and failed housing policy in California,” Valle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-californias-rising-insurance-premiums-threaten-affordable-housing",
"title": "How California’s Rising Insurance Premiums Threaten Affordable Housing",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Sarah Letts went to renew the property insurance for her organization’s 32 apartment buildings last year, she got a sticker shock: a 33% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year? Her carrier, Great American Insurance Group, dropped the policy entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she might have understood if the nonprofit she helms, Hollywood Community Housing Corporation, was based in a forested area, but the affordable housing properties are all on urban infill sites within Los Angeles County and have been upgraded with sprinklers and seismic reinforcements where needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not abutting a fire hazard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with less than a month to go before the current policy runs out, she’s scrambling. “We will get [property insurance] because we’re obligated to get it,” Letts said. “But the frightening part is, how much will we pay?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an “existential” crisis, according to Seana O’Shaughnessy, the president and CEO of Community Housing Improvement Program, which manages nearly 3,000 homes and apartments across seven counties in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state’s volatile insurance market calls into question the state’s ability to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930679/newsom-campaigned-on-building-3-5-million-homes-he-hasnt-gotten-even-close\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s ambitious goal of building 2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So this cannot be overstated, how important figuring out and fixing and stabilizing insurance is for our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment for this story, deferring instead to the California Department of Insurance, which has recently held hearings to address rising premiums, as well as carriers leaving California, an issue that’s impacting all property owners. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Seana O’Shaughnessy, president and CEO, Community Housing Improvement Program\"]‘Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively.’[/pullquote] Affordable housing providers, however, say they are at a particular disadvantage. Unlike for-profit apartment owners, who can raise rents to offset increased costs, the very nature of affordable housing means rents are restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our margins in the affordable housing industry are very thin,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So, that means the nonprofit has to subsidize [increased costs].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups that track the number of carriers and spending on premiums don’t separate affordable housing from other forms of commercial property. That means apartment buildings are lumped into the same category as gas stations and grocery stores. But according to the analytics firm CoreLogic, commercial property insurance premiums increased 45% since 2018, though the increases were not uniform across sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she is girding for a 100% increase in premiums when she eventually does find a carrier, if not a 150% increase. Such an increase would raise the annual cost of insuring her organization’s properties from $500,000 to somewhere between $1 million to $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Community Housing Improvement Program’s 17 apartment buildings, property insurance premiums have more than tripled since 2017, according to the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, nonprofit Burbank Housing’s Director of Asset Management, Julie Heredia, said premiums doubled since 2018 across its portfolio of more than 70 properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Northern California, Ryan LaRue, the executive director of Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation, said property insurance premiums for its portfolio of 33 properties doubled between 2021 and 2022 alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a disaster,” LaRue said. “It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising premiums\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driving the premium increases are inflation, rising interest rates and the ballooning cost of reinsurance, the insurance that carriers get to cover their losses, said Sheri Scott, a principal and consulting actuary at Milliman, an actuarial firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in other states, California doesn’t allow insurance companies to include the cost of reinsurance in determining its fire insurance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A new condo building is seen through the overgrown grasses of the lot across the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laurel at Perennial Park, an affordable apartment complex for seniors, can be seen behind flowers from Journey’s End mobile home park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023, which burned almost entirely during the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an ‘existential’ crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And if insurance companies aren’t able to include that cost of doing business in their insurance rates, that could create an issue where insurance companies don’t feel they’re able to get the appropriate rate for the risk,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Great American Insurance Group, the carrier that declined to continue providing coverage to Hollywood Community Housing Group, did not respond to requests for comment about its decision to discontinue the nonprofit’s policy. In the single-family home market, large carriers, including Allstate, State Farm, Farmers and AIG, cited economic conditions and the increasing frequency and severity of weather events such as floods and wildfires as reasons for declining to sell new policies in the state. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ryan LaRue, executive director, Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation\"]‘It’s a disaster. It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.’[/pullquote] According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, since 1980 there has been an average of 8.1 weather events nationally that amounted to $1 billion or more in damage. Over the past five years, the average was 18. And, as of July 11 this year, 12 events cost $1 billion or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a higher frequency of events and a higher severity of these events when they occur than we ever historically have had,” said Justin Dove, a broker specializing in real estate with Arthur J. Gallagher & Co., a risk management services firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past decade, according to Cal Fire. But, insurance carriers in the state are barred from using catastrophe models to estimate their expected future losses to develop insurance rates. Instead, they must look at the previous 20 years of losses, a practice other states have long abandoned, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other states that use that methodology anymore,” she said. “They have since modernized their procedures in what insurance companies use so that they can use catastrophe models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Insurance Commissioner Tony Cignarale said the Department of Insurance is currently looking at allowing insurers to use catastrophe modeling, as well as to include the cost of reinsurance in setting rates. Allowing the latter change might improve the availability of insurance, but not necessarily affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957164\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty lot with overgrown grasses surrounded by houses.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty plot of land in Coffey Park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023. Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past 10 years, according to Cal Fire. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With reinsurance, it is an additional cost. So, in theory [premiums] would rise,” Cignarale said. “The question is, how much would be allowable to add on to an individual policyholder’s premium? That’s another area that the [insurance] commissioner is looking at to ensure that it’s not excessive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while insurance groups say allowing catastrophe modeling won’t necessarily raise rates — it may lower rates for some property owners — Cignarale said more information is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a deeper dive into these catastrophe models and see, are there good models? Are there bad models? Is there a way to make sure that there’s transparency, so that the public, as well as the insurance commissioner, can see what’s under the hood and make sure that there aren’t any negative algorithms there that may be unfair to policyholders just for the sake of increasing rates and premiums?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no timeline for when the Department of Insurance will finalize or implement any proposed changes, Cignarale said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the department in March announced the FAIR Plan — California’s insurance coverage of last resort. The plan is available to property owners who can’t secure fire insurance, though it doesn’t cover other hazards, such as floods or general liability — and it would raise its coverage cap to $20 million for commercial property owners. The FAIR Plan is expected to begin offering the new coverage by the end of the year. [aside label='More on Affordable Housing' tag='affordable-housing'] In October of 2022, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara began enforcing new regulations requiring insurance carriers to provide discounts to property owners who mitigate their own risk of wildfires. The companies are now in the process of getting those proposed discounts approved by the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s really the goal,” Cignarale said. “If you can reduce the risk, then you can reduce the insurance companies’ need to either restrict writing or increase premiums on consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with all these changes, it isn’t clear whether it would translate into lower premiums for property owners, or if the changing climate and increasing risk from wildfires and other extreme weather will discourage carriers from returning to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, affordable housing providers say they aren’t going out of business — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always figure it out, but I don’t know that we should have to figure it out,” O’Shaughnessy said. “This is something that the state has to help figure out so that we can continue to provide essential housing for folks. We’ll do it as long as we have to, but we do need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California's rising insurance premiums and fleeing carriers are affecting the state’s affordable housing developers and its goal to build 2.5 million homes by 2031.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Sarah Letts went to renew the property insurance for her organization’s 32 apartment buildings last year, she got a sticker shock: a 33% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year? Her carrier, Great American Insurance Group, dropped the policy entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she might have understood if the nonprofit she helms, Hollywood Community Housing Corporation, was based in a forested area, but the affordable housing properties are all on urban infill sites within Los Angeles County and have been upgraded with sprinklers and seismic reinforcements where needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not abutting a fire hazard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with less than a month to go before the current policy runs out, she’s scrambling. “We will get [property insurance] because we’re obligated to get it,” Letts said. “But the frightening part is, how much will we pay?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an “existential” crisis, according to Seana O’Shaughnessy, the president and CEO of Community Housing Improvement Program, which manages nearly 3,000 homes and apartments across seven counties in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state’s volatile insurance market calls into question the state’s ability to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930679/newsom-campaigned-on-building-3-5-million-homes-he-hasnt-gotten-even-close\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s ambitious goal of building 2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So this cannot be overstated, how important figuring out and fixing and stabilizing insurance is for our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment for this story, deferring instead to the California Department of Insurance, which has recently held hearings to address rising premiums, as well as carriers leaving California, an issue that’s impacting all property owners. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Affordable housing providers, however, say they are at a particular disadvantage. Unlike for-profit apartment owners, who can raise rents to offset increased costs, the very nature of affordable housing means rents are restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our margins in the affordable housing industry are very thin,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So, that means the nonprofit has to subsidize [increased costs].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups that track the number of carriers and spending on premiums don’t separate affordable housing from other forms of commercial property. That means apartment buildings are lumped into the same category as gas stations and grocery stores. But according to the analytics firm CoreLogic, commercial property insurance premiums increased 45% since 2018, though the increases were not uniform across sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she is girding for a 100% increase in premiums when she eventually does find a carrier, if not a 150% increase. Such an increase would raise the annual cost of insuring her organization’s properties from $500,000 to somewhere between $1 million to $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Community Housing Improvement Program’s 17 apartment buildings, property insurance premiums have more than tripled since 2017, according to the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, nonprofit Burbank Housing’s Director of Asset Management, Julie Heredia, said premiums doubled since 2018 across its portfolio of more than 70 properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Northern California, Ryan LaRue, the executive director of Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation, said property insurance premiums for its portfolio of 33 properties doubled between 2021 and 2022 alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a disaster,” LaRue said. “It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising premiums\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driving the premium increases are inflation, rising interest rates and the ballooning cost of reinsurance, the insurance that carriers get to cover their losses, said Sheri Scott, a principal and consulting actuary at Milliman, an actuarial firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in other states, California doesn’t allow insurance companies to include the cost of reinsurance in determining its fire insurance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A new condo building is seen through the overgrown grasses of the lot across the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laurel at Perennial Park, an affordable apartment complex for seniors, can be seen behind flowers from Journey’s End mobile home park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023, which burned almost entirely during the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an ‘existential’ crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And if insurance companies aren’t able to include that cost of doing business in their insurance rates, that could create an issue where insurance companies don’t feel they’re able to get the appropriate rate for the risk,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Great American Insurance Group, the carrier that declined to continue providing coverage to Hollywood Community Housing Group, did not respond to requests for comment about its decision to discontinue the nonprofit’s policy. In the single-family home market, large carriers, including Allstate, State Farm, Farmers and AIG, cited economic conditions and the increasing frequency and severity of weather events such as floods and wildfires as reasons for declining to sell new policies in the state. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, since 1980 there has been an average of 8.1 weather events nationally that amounted to $1 billion or more in damage. Over the past five years, the average was 18. And, as of July 11 this year, 12 events cost $1 billion or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a higher frequency of events and a higher severity of these events when they occur than we ever historically have had,” said Justin Dove, a broker specializing in real estate with Arthur J. Gallagher & Co., a risk management services firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past decade, according to Cal Fire. But, insurance carriers in the state are barred from using catastrophe models to estimate their expected future losses to develop insurance rates. Instead, they must look at the previous 20 years of losses, a practice other states have long abandoned, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other states that use that methodology anymore,” she said. “They have since modernized their procedures in what insurance companies use so that they can use catastrophe models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Insurance Commissioner Tony Cignarale said the Department of Insurance is currently looking at allowing insurers to use catastrophe modeling, as well as to include the cost of reinsurance in setting rates. Allowing the latter change might improve the availability of insurance, but not necessarily affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957164\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty lot with overgrown grasses surrounded by houses.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty plot of land in Coffey Park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023. Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past 10 years, according to Cal Fire. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With reinsurance, it is an additional cost. So, in theory [premiums] would rise,” Cignarale said. “The question is, how much would be allowable to add on to an individual policyholder’s premium? That’s another area that the [insurance] commissioner is looking at to ensure that it’s not excessive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while insurance groups say allowing catastrophe modeling won’t necessarily raise rates — it may lower rates for some property owners — Cignarale said more information is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a deeper dive into these catastrophe models and see, are there good models? Are there bad models? Is there a way to make sure that there’s transparency, so that the public, as well as the insurance commissioner, can see what’s under the hood and make sure that there aren’t any negative algorithms there that may be unfair to policyholders just for the sake of increasing rates and premiums?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no timeline for when the Department of Insurance will finalize or implement any proposed changes, Cignarale said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the department in March announced the FAIR Plan — California’s insurance coverage of last resort. The plan is available to property owners who can’t secure fire insurance, though it doesn’t cover other hazards, such as floods or general liability — and it would raise its coverage cap to $20 million for commercial property owners. The FAIR Plan is expected to begin offering the new coverage by the end of the year. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> In October of 2022, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara began enforcing new regulations requiring insurance carriers to provide discounts to property owners who mitigate their own risk of wildfires. The companies are now in the process of getting those proposed discounts approved by the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s really the goal,” Cignarale said. “If you can reduce the risk, then you can reduce the insurance companies’ need to either restrict writing or increase premiums on consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with all these changes, it isn’t clear whether it would translate into lower premiums for property owners, or if the changing climate and increasing risk from wildfires and other extreme weather will discourage carriers from returning to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, affordable housing providers say they aren’t going out of business — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always figure it out, but I don’t know that we should have to figure it out,” O’Shaughnessy said. “This is something that the state has to help figure out so that we can continue to provide essential housing for folks. We’ll do it as long as we have to, but we do need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Could Borrow a Record-Breaking $35 Billion to Tackle the Housing Crisis. Will Voters Go Along?",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters regularly name out-of-reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/survey/survey-data/?survey-search=true&AllWords=most+important&AnyWords=&DateSearchType=Last+Year&DateFromMonth=1&DateFromDay=1&DateFromYear=1998&DateToMonth=12&DateToDay=31&DateToYear=2023&SortOrder=desc#survey_results\">housing costs and homelessness\u003c/a> as among the most important issues facing the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now lawmakers are calling their bluff. Next year the electorate will likely get the chance to put unprecedented gobs of money where its mouth is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s the $10 billion bond proposal, spearheaded by Oakland Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/buffy-wicks-1977/\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> and currently slated for the March ballot, that would replenish the coffers of some of the state’s premier affordable housing programs. If a majority of voters approve, it would be the largest housing-related IOU that California has issued since at least 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, there’s the $4.68 billion measure, backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and also scheduled for March, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">build housing and expand psychiatric and substance abuse treatment for homeless Californians\u003c/a>. That would be the largest-ever expansion of behavioral health funding in California, according to the governor’s office. As a housing-related bond, it would also be the third largest such measure in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both of those state measures could be dwarfed by a third proposed at the regional level. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/New-agency-would-raise-public-dollars-to-build-13669232.php\">recently created Bay Area Housing Finance Authority\u003c/a>, tasked with funding affordable housing projects across the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay, is still figuring out exactly how much it wants to ask voters to sign off on in November 2024. But it could be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/affordable-housing-bond-measure-18189407.php\">$20 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the largest housing bonds in California history would seem to be great news for housing advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why are some so worried?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a runner. I’ve never run my three best races in a row,” said Louis Mirante, a lobbyist with the Bay Area Council, where he focuses on housing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622594/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With lawmakers considering a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">bevy of other bond measures\u003c/a> in 2024 that could total as much as $80 billion — more potential debt than the state has put on the ballot since at least 1980, even adjusting for inflation — the sheer scale of the state’s potential borrowing plans could test the upper limit of what voters are willing to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money,’” said Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before the question is put to voters, lawmakers will have to negotiate what goes on which ballot in the first place. Unlike the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/initiative-and-referendum-status/eligible-statewide-initiative-measures\">initiatives, constitutional amendments\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/qualified-ballot-measures\">referenda\u003c/a> that will already crowd the 2024 ballot, bond measures can only be put before voters with a vote by the Legislature and approval of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only so much capacity that the state has for debt,” said Ray Pearl, executive director of the California Housing Consortium, which lobbies for more affordable housing construction in the Legislature. “And politically, for the governor and the Legislature, there’s only so much they are willing to take on.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Louis Mirante, lobbyist, Bay Area Council\"]‘It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money.’[/pullquote]Lawmakers may not have long to hammer out those negotiations. Any bonds bound for the March ballot need to clear the Legislature by the end of the session on Sept. 14. Branch-on-branch negotiations have been slow to get going so far, but may ramp up once the lawmakers return from recess on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we’re presenting a ballot to the electorate, in as much as we have the ability to, that is thoughtful and aims to tackle some of our tougher challenges, but in a way that doesn’t confuse voters with, like, ‘Here are your 10 opportunities to vote for housing,’” said Wicks. “I anticipate over the next probably two or three months that we’ll start landing some of these planes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone in housing world is so concerned. The mere fact that so many housing-related bond measures are vying for space on next year’s primary and general election ballots is a sign that the state’s affordability crisis is finally getting the political and fiscal attention it deserves, said Kate Hartley, who directs the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what voters will think about” a glut of bond measures next year, she said. “But I do know that voters really care about this and they want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You name it, there’s a bond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the most competitive real estate in California these days is a spot on either of the two 2024 ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering as many as ten borrowing measures for either the March primary or November general election next year. Among them are competing school bonds, climate and flood protection proposals and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-lawmakers-push-to-fight-fentanyl/44643707\">bond aimed at fighting the fentanyl crisis\u003c/a>. Though it isn’t likely that all will make the cut, taken together, they come with a collective debt of at least $80 billion, with the price tag on one proposal still undetermined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many crises for people facing so many different challenges,” said Chris Martin, policy director with Housing California, an affordable housing advocacy group. “You name it, there’s a bond for it being considered in the Legislature and there’s only so much bonding authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">reportedly set the borrowing limit\u003c/a> for both of next year’s ballots at $26 billion, but the final number is likely to be ironed out in negotiations with legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the borrowing cap, it’s as much a question of political arithmetic as it is budget math. There is no legal limit on how much debt voters can approve in a given election. Budget analysts keep their \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/publications/dar/2022.pdf\">eye on different metrics comparing the state’s debt payments (PDF)\u003c/a> to its discretionary cash cushion, its overall budget or the total size of the California economy. Projections of future interest rates and future budget surpluses and deficits also get considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622746/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One measure — the ratio of the state’s annual debt payments to the budget’s discretionary “general” fund — currently sits at roughly 3.5%, depending on how you measure it. That’s a tad high compared to other large states, but it’s far lower than it has been in the past. Keeping that figure below 6% is “generally considered prudent,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no evidence that voters have any of that in mind when they vote “yes” or “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have generally been perfectly happy to put big projects on the state’s credit card. That may be because bond proceeds are typically directed at politically sympathetic causes and the downsides of borrowing — higher debt payments in future years — are more abstract for the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1980, the electorate has signed off on more than 75% of all state bonds put before them, approving $182 billion in new debt and rejecting only $42 billion. In contrast, voters have approved only \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ballot-measures/pdf/initiatives-by-title-and-summary-year.pdf\">about 40% of all non-fiscal propositions (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The prospect of ‘bond fatigue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are clear exceptions. Sometimes the voting public, presented with particularly eye-popping sums, gets into a tight-fisted mood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The November 1990 election was the most bond-happy in recent history, with 14 borrowing proposals in total. Voters batted down 12 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example of bond failure: The March primary election in 2020, when voters rejected what would have been the largest school bond in California history, a $15 billion IOU. One of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/03/california-prop-13-school-bond-defeated/\">possible post-election explanations\u003c/a> offered at the time: Voters, saddled with a bumper crop of borrowing measures at the local level, succumbed to “bond fatigue.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"housing\"]Now, with 2024 approaching, some housing advocates worry the electorate is susceptible to the same condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a matter of fiscal reality, the two major housing proposals — the affordable housing measure and the Newsom-backed mental health bond — are dipping from the same pool of fiscal overhead and electorate will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as policies — one that supports the construction of more housing and the other that boosts behavioral health treatment capacity for people living on the street — they could very well complement one another. According to the governor’s office, his mental health bond would allow for the shelter and treatment of 10,000 more unhoused Californians. As negotiations kick into gear, some proponents of both measures are hoping the governor and legislative leaders will see things that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have temporary shelter beds and services for an individual suffering from mental health or substance abuse disorder but no affordable housing, that person is likely going to return to homelessness,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness, which supports the affordable housing bond and is still reviewing the mental health-related proposal. “Conversely if you have affordable housing, but no services available, then that individual is going to struggle to maintain their housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel the Legislature has a real opportunity to connect the two,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A race against the clock\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Politically, California voter frustration with unaffordable housing and homelessness could cut one of two ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters who believe public dollars are poorly spent may not welcome proposals to throw more money at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers directed the state auditor’s office to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\"> dig into how the state’s homelessness funds are actually being spent\u003c/a>. A 2020 audit from the same office called for an “overhaul” of California’s “cumbersome” affordable housing funding process, after the state\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/11/20/its-a-shame-california-squandered-27-billion-for-affordable-housing-audit-says/\"> allowed $2.7 billion in bonds to expire untapped\u003c/a>. (The state application process has\u003ca href=\"https://www.thecentersquare.com/california/article_d56ec9a4-acc0-11ed-af17-93d7eb0b5a89.html\"> since been streamlined\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many housing developers hope it will translate into the popular political will to ratchet up the spending. In fact, they’re counting on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 2.5 million units the state Housing and Community Development department says California communities need to build over the next eight years to make up for years of under-building, \u003ca href=\"https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/94729ab1648d43b1811c1698a748c136\">roughly 1 million must be set aside\u003c/a> for people earning less than 80% of the median income in their region.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Heather Hood, vice president and Northern California market leader, Enterprise Community Partners\"]‘The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are. And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.’[/pullquote]But that planned-for boom in affordable housing won’t materialize without some extra help, said Heather Hood, who manages the northern California market for Enterprise Community Partners, a nonprofit that funds, consults and advocates for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are,” she said. “And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many additional units $10 billion in extra state funding could bring online. The cost per-unit of affordable housing climbs year after year, occasionally exceeding $1 million. By that math, the eye-popping face value on the bond would only be enough to fund 10,000 new units. But state funding is almost always used to supplement private, federal and local sources of cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing isn’t completely paid for by public dollars,” said Hood. “Having this kind of security in the public realm means that there’s more security in the private realm and so it smooths the pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the state turned to the voters to fund affordable housing construction was in November 2018. Voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 1, giving the state the go-ahead to borrow $4 billion. Of that, about half went toward the construction, rehabilitation and preservation of income-restricted rental housing. The remainder was meant to be split between programs that promote homeownership, the construction of farmworker housing and other housing-related infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of Wicks affordable housing bond next year is also no coincidence. With a little over $656 million remaining, that Proposition 1 funding is expected to run dry by next year\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if voters are feeling generous next year and sign off on each of the housing bonds on the ballot, Wicks said she is only just getting started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have significant ongoing investments for a serious amount of time in order to crawl out of where we are right now,” she said. That could mean putting yet more bond measures on the ballot or dedicating more money from the state budget on an ongoing basis. “That’s something that I want to work on next year. And probably the year after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Three of the biggest housing bonds in state history are bound for the 2024 ballot. But with no shortage of crises facing the state, California can only borrow so much and voters may succumb to 'bond fatigue.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters regularly name out-of-reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/survey/survey-data/?survey-search=true&AllWords=most+important&AnyWords=&DateSearchType=Last+Year&DateFromMonth=1&DateFromDay=1&DateFromYear=1998&DateToMonth=12&DateToDay=31&DateToYear=2023&SortOrder=desc#survey_results\">housing costs and homelessness\u003c/a> as among the most important issues facing the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now lawmakers are calling their bluff. Next year the electorate will likely get the chance to put unprecedented gobs of money where its mouth is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s the $10 billion bond proposal, spearheaded by Oakland Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/buffy-wicks-1977/\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> and currently slated for the March ballot, that would replenish the coffers of some of the state’s premier affordable housing programs. If a majority of voters approve, it would be the largest housing-related IOU that California has issued since at least 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, there’s the $4.68 billion measure, backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and also scheduled for March, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">build housing and expand psychiatric and substance abuse treatment for homeless Californians\u003c/a>. That would be the largest-ever expansion of behavioral health funding in California, according to the governor’s office. As a housing-related bond, it would also be the third largest such measure in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both of those state measures could be dwarfed by a third proposed at the regional level. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/New-agency-would-raise-public-dollars-to-build-13669232.php\">recently created Bay Area Housing Finance Authority\u003c/a>, tasked with funding affordable housing projects across the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay, is still figuring out exactly how much it wants to ask voters to sign off on in November 2024. But it could be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/affordable-housing-bond-measure-18189407.php\">$20 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the largest housing bonds in California history would seem to be great news for housing advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why are some so worried?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a runner. I’ve never run my three best races in a row,” said Louis Mirante, a lobbyist with the Bay Area Council, where he focuses on housing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622594/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With lawmakers considering a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">bevy of other bond measures\u003c/a> in 2024 that could total as much as $80 billion — more potential debt than the state has put on the ballot since at least 1980, even adjusting for inflation — the sheer scale of the state’s potential borrowing plans could test the upper limit of what voters are willing to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money,’” said Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before the question is put to voters, lawmakers will have to negotiate what goes on which ballot in the first place. Unlike the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/initiative-and-referendum-status/eligible-statewide-initiative-measures\">initiatives, constitutional amendments\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/qualified-ballot-measures\">referenda\u003c/a> that will already crowd the 2024 ballot, bond measures can only be put before voters with a vote by the Legislature and approval of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only so much capacity that the state has for debt,” said Ray Pearl, executive director of the California Housing Consortium, which lobbies for more affordable housing construction in the Legislature. “And politically, for the governor and the Legislature, there’s only so much they are willing to take on.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lawmakers may not have long to hammer out those negotiations. Any bonds bound for the March ballot need to clear the Legislature by the end of the session on Sept. 14. Branch-on-branch negotiations have been slow to get going so far, but may ramp up once the lawmakers return from recess on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we’re presenting a ballot to the electorate, in as much as we have the ability to, that is thoughtful and aims to tackle some of our tougher challenges, but in a way that doesn’t confuse voters with, like, ‘Here are your 10 opportunities to vote for housing,’” said Wicks. “I anticipate over the next probably two or three months that we’ll start landing some of these planes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone in housing world is so concerned. The mere fact that so many housing-related bond measures are vying for space on next year’s primary and general election ballots is a sign that the state’s affordability crisis is finally getting the political and fiscal attention it deserves, said Kate Hartley, who directs the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what voters will think about” a glut of bond measures next year, she said. “But I do know that voters really care about this and they want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You name it, there’s a bond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the most competitive real estate in California these days is a spot on either of the two 2024 ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering as many as ten borrowing measures for either the March primary or November general election next year. Among them are competing school bonds, climate and flood protection proposals and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-lawmakers-push-to-fight-fentanyl/44643707\">bond aimed at fighting the fentanyl crisis\u003c/a>. Though it isn’t likely that all will make the cut, taken together, they come with a collective debt of at least $80 billion, with the price tag on one proposal still undetermined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many crises for people facing so many different challenges,” said Chris Martin, policy director with Housing California, an affordable housing advocacy group. “You name it, there’s a bond for it being considered in the Legislature and there’s only so much bonding authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">reportedly set the borrowing limit\u003c/a> for both of next year’s ballots at $26 billion, but the final number is likely to be ironed out in negotiations with legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the borrowing cap, it’s as much a question of political arithmetic as it is budget math. There is no legal limit on how much debt voters can approve in a given election. Budget analysts keep their \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/publications/dar/2022.pdf\">eye on different metrics comparing the state’s debt payments (PDF)\u003c/a> to its discretionary cash cushion, its overall budget or the total size of the California economy. Projections of future interest rates and future budget surpluses and deficits also get considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622746/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One measure — the ratio of the state’s annual debt payments to the budget’s discretionary “general” fund — currently sits at roughly 3.5%, depending on how you measure it. That’s a tad high compared to other large states, but it’s far lower than it has been in the past. Keeping that figure below 6% is “generally considered prudent,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no evidence that voters have any of that in mind when they vote “yes” or “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have generally been perfectly happy to put big projects on the state’s credit card. That may be because bond proceeds are typically directed at politically sympathetic causes and the downsides of borrowing — higher debt payments in future years — are more abstract for the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1980, the electorate has signed off on more than 75% of all state bonds put before them, approving $182 billion in new debt and rejecting only $42 billion. In contrast, voters have approved only \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ballot-measures/pdf/initiatives-by-title-and-summary-year.pdf\">about 40% of all non-fiscal propositions (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The prospect of ‘bond fatigue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are clear exceptions. Sometimes the voting public, presented with particularly eye-popping sums, gets into a tight-fisted mood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The November 1990 election was the most bond-happy in recent history, with 14 borrowing proposals in total. Voters batted down 12 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example of bond failure: The March primary election in 2020, when voters rejected what would have been the largest school bond in California history, a $15 billion IOU. One of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/03/california-prop-13-school-bond-defeated/\">possible post-election explanations\u003c/a> offered at the time: Voters, saddled with a bumper crop of borrowing measures at the local level, succumbed to “bond fatigue.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, with 2024 approaching, some housing advocates worry the electorate is susceptible to the same condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a matter of fiscal reality, the two major housing proposals — the affordable housing measure and the Newsom-backed mental health bond — are dipping from the same pool of fiscal overhead and electorate will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as policies — one that supports the construction of more housing and the other that boosts behavioral health treatment capacity for people living on the street — they could very well complement one another. According to the governor’s office, his mental health bond would allow for the shelter and treatment of 10,000 more unhoused Californians. As negotiations kick into gear, some proponents of both measures are hoping the governor and legislative leaders will see things that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have temporary shelter beds and services for an individual suffering from mental health or substance abuse disorder but no affordable housing, that person is likely going to return to homelessness,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness, which supports the affordable housing bond and is still reviewing the mental health-related proposal. “Conversely if you have affordable housing, but no services available, then that individual is going to struggle to maintain their housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel the Legislature has a real opportunity to connect the two,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A race against the clock\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Politically, California voter frustration with unaffordable housing and homelessness could cut one of two ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters who believe public dollars are poorly spent may not welcome proposals to throw more money at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers directed the state auditor’s office to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\"> dig into how the state’s homelessness funds are actually being spent\u003c/a>. A 2020 audit from the same office called for an “overhaul” of California’s “cumbersome” affordable housing funding process, after the state\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/11/20/its-a-shame-california-squandered-27-billion-for-affordable-housing-audit-says/\"> allowed $2.7 billion in bonds to expire untapped\u003c/a>. (The state application process has\u003ca href=\"https://www.thecentersquare.com/california/article_d56ec9a4-acc0-11ed-af17-93d7eb0b5a89.html\"> since been streamlined\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many housing developers hope it will translate into the popular political will to ratchet up the spending. In fact, they’re counting on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 2.5 million units the state Housing and Community Development department says California communities need to build over the next eight years to make up for years of under-building, \u003ca href=\"https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/94729ab1648d43b1811c1698a748c136\">roughly 1 million must be set aside\u003c/a> for people earning less than 80% of the median income in their region.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But that planned-for boom in affordable housing won’t materialize without some extra help, said Heather Hood, who manages the northern California market for Enterprise Community Partners, a nonprofit that funds, consults and advocates for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are,” she said. “And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many additional units $10 billion in extra state funding could bring online. The cost per-unit of affordable housing climbs year after year, occasionally exceeding $1 million. By that math, the eye-popping face value on the bond would only be enough to fund 10,000 new units. But state funding is almost always used to supplement private, federal and local sources of cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing isn’t completely paid for by public dollars,” said Hood. “Having this kind of security in the public realm means that there’s more security in the private realm and so it smooths the pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the state turned to the voters to fund affordable housing construction was in November 2018. Voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 1, giving the state the go-ahead to borrow $4 billion. Of that, about half went toward the construction, rehabilitation and preservation of income-restricted rental housing. The remainder was meant to be split between programs that promote homeownership, the construction of farmworker housing and other housing-related infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of Wicks affordable housing bond next year is also no coincidence. With a little over $656 million remaining, that Proposition 1 funding is expected to run dry by next year\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if voters are feeling generous next year and sign off on each of the housing bonds on the ballot, Wicks said she is only just getting started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have significant ongoing investments for a serious amount of time in order to crawl out of where we are right now,” she said. That could mean putting yet more bond measures on the ballot or dedicating more money from the state budget on an ongoing basis. “That’s something that I want to work on next year. And probably the year after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "$100 Million Grant to Assist California Native Tribes With Buying Back Land",
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"content": "\u003cp>Native American tribes in California can apply for money to help buy back lands they lost during colonization, the California Natural Resources Agency announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intention of the $100 million Tribal Nature-Based Solutions grant program is to advance the state’s climate goals by giving tribes the opportunity to buy land for conservation and cultural projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The purpose of the grant program really is to strengthen our partnerships with tribes in the natural resources conservation and environmental space,” said Geneva Thompson, Deputy Secretary of Tribal Affairs for the agency. The grant program is part of a broader strategy in Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration to promote “nature-based” solutions to climate change, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.californianature.ca.gov/\">30×30 plan\u003c/a> to conserve 30% of California’s lands and coastal waters by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that the lands benefit and are healthier by being stewarded by tribes and by being lived with in relation to tribal traditional ecological knowledge [and] cultural practices,” Thompson said. The grant will assist tribes to “reacquire those lands to ensure that tribes are back in the stewardship role.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forestry management and restoration through cultural burning, or the use of fire to manage land, is one type of project that tribes can propose to apply for this money. Initiatives to recover ancestral knowledge and practices, such as traditional food harvesting, will also be considered. Newsom announced the grant program during a Truth and Healing Council meeting last year.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Geneva Thompson, deputy secretary of tribal affairs, California Natural Resources Agency\"]‘We know that the lands benefit and are healthier by being stewarded by tribes and by being lived with in relation to tribal traditional ecological knowledge [and] cultural practices.’[/pullquote]Thompson said in the process of developing guidelines for this grant program, 45 tribes were consulted and ancestral land return was a top priority. Housing for tribal members was also a concern brought up by tribal representatives, she said, but lands purchased through this grant program cannot be lived on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 109 federally-recognized tribes in California, and more than 40 tribes have applied for federal status. Thompson said that all California Native American tribes are eligible to apply for the grant, regardless of federally-recognized status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some tribes have raised concerns over the focus of the grant program. Muwekma Ohlone Chairwoman Charlene Nijmeh said in an email that her tribe is open to developing a project for this grant, but “too much focus is on plants and animals and not the native people. It’s a perpetuation of colonialism and performative allyship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for the tribe also wrote in an email that they were not informed of the grant program. Chairwoman Nijmeh also said her tribe was also not included in Newsom’s Truth and Healing Council initiative.[aside label='More on Envrionmental News' tag='environment']The Muwekma Ohlone Tribe, which currently has 614 members, is not a federally-recognized tribe. They lost that status in 1927 when their tribe, along with more than a hundred other tribes in California, were deemed not in need of land by a \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1056&context=hornbeck_usa_3_d\">report on landless tribes (CGI)\u003c/a> issued by an agent for the Bureau of Indian Affairs (at the time called Indian Services).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With few exceptions, tribes that did not gain land then still are landless today, including the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe, whose members say they’ve called the San Francisco Bay Area home for more than 10,000 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1851 and 1852, tribes across California \u003ca href=\"https://americanindian.si.edu/nationtonation/unratified-california-treaty-k.html\">signed 18 treaties\u003c/a> with the U.S. government, relinquishing their territories in exchange for a total of 7.5 million acres of reservations — but the Senate never ratified them. Native people, who had already left their territories, were turned away from the lands allocated in the unratified treaties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor’s Office of Tribal Affairs Secretary Christina Snider-Ashtari said in a press release that the grant program “is a step in the right direction to begin to address some of the historical wrongs committed against California Native peoples.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/Newsroom/Page-Content/News-List/California-Launches-Grant-Program-to-Support-California-Native-American-Tribes\">The California Natural Resources Agency\u003c/a> will be hosting a series of webinars for interested tribes, and the first round of applications will be due on Aug. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Native American tribes in California can apply for money to help buy back lands they lost during colonization, the California Natural Resources Agency announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intention of the $100 million Tribal Nature-Based Solutions grant program is to advance the state’s climate goals by giving tribes the opportunity to buy land for conservation and cultural projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The purpose of the grant program really is to strengthen our partnerships with tribes in the natural resources conservation and environmental space,” said Geneva Thompson, Deputy Secretary of Tribal Affairs for the agency. The grant program is part of a broader strategy in Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration to promote “nature-based” solutions to climate change, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.californianature.ca.gov/\">30×30 plan\u003c/a> to conserve 30% of California’s lands and coastal waters by 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Thompson said in the process of developing guidelines for this grant program, 45 tribes were consulted and ancestral land return was a top priority. Housing for tribal members was also a concern brought up by tribal representatives, she said, but lands purchased through this grant program cannot be lived on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 109 federally-recognized tribes in California, and more than 40 tribes have applied for federal status. Thompson said that all California Native American tribes are eligible to apply for the grant, regardless of federally-recognized status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some tribes have raised concerns over the focus of the grant program. Muwekma Ohlone Chairwoman Charlene Nijmeh said in an email that her tribe is open to developing a project for this grant, but “too much focus is on plants and animals and not the native people. It’s a perpetuation of colonialism and performative allyship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for the tribe also wrote in an email that they were not informed of the grant program. Chairwoman Nijmeh also said her tribe was also not included in Newsom’s Truth and Healing Council initiative.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Muwekma Ohlone Tribe, which currently has 614 members, is not a federally-recognized tribe. They lost that status in 1927 when their tribe, along with more than a hundred other tribes in California, were deemed not in need of land by a \u003ca href=\"https://digitalcommons.csumb.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1056&context=hornbeck_usa_3_d\">report on landless tribes (CGI)\u003c/a> issued by an agent for the Bureau of Indian Affairs (at the time called Indian Services).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With few exceptions, tribes that did not gain land then still are landless today, including the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe, whose members say they’ve called the San Francisco Bay Area home for more than 10,000 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1851 and 1852, tribes across California \u003ca href=\"https://americanindian.si.edu/nationtonation/unratified-california-treaty-k.html\">signed 18 treaties\u003c/a> with the U.S. government, relinquishing their territories in exchange for a total of 7.5 million acres of reservations — but the Senate never ratified them. Native people, who had already left their territories, were turned away from the lands allocated in the unratified treaties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Governor’s Office of Tribal Affairs Secretary Christina Snider-Ashtari said in a press release that the grant program “is a step in the right direction to begin to address some of the historical wrongs committed against California Native peoples.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/Newsroom/Page-Content/News-List/California-Launches-Grant-Program-to-Support-California-Native-American-Tribes\">The California Natural Resources Agency\u003c/a> will be hosting a series of webinars for interested tribes, and the first round of applications will be due on Aug. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Close to Launching $80 Million Child Care Worker Retirement Fund",
"headTitle": "California Close to Launching $80 Million Child Care Worker Retirement Fund | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>California is one step closer to creating the nation’s first retirement fund for family child care providers after they overwhelmingly approved a new contract with the state, Child Care Providers United, \u003ca href=\"https://childcareprovidersunited.org/\">the union representing 40,000 of these workers\u003c/a>, announced late Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, which still needs to be approved by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom this summer, would provide an $80 million retirement fund for an underpaid workforce that is dominated by women of color. This would make California the first of 11 states with family child care unions to offer such a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re exceedingly happy,” said Nancy Harvey, a 61-year-old family child care provider in West Oakland who helped negotiate the deal. “This is a historic moment for child care providers, not only here in California, but throughout the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A little over 50% of family child care providers in California are 50 years old or older, yet less than a quarter of them have any retirement savings, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/report/early-educator-compensation/\">according to research\u003c/a> from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nancy Harvey, family child care provider\"]‘We’re exceedingly happy. This is a historic moment for child care providers, not only here in California, but throughout the nation.’[/pullquote]“It’s really a huge step forward in terms of equity when you think about who the workforce is,” said Brandy Jones Lawrence, a senior analyst at the UC Berkeley center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said improving work conditions will raise the quality of care for California’s youngest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>If an educator is worrying about whether or not they’re going to be able to put food on the table or if they’re going to get their lights turned back on, they’re not going to be able to bring their whole self and all that they know and need to be for children at this age. … when [they’re] feeling much more professionally supported I think that they can show up the way they need to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family child care providers are small-business owners who care for children out of their homes. There are \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/CSCCE-California-ECE-Profiles-FCCs.pdf\">more than 24,700 (PDF)\u003c/a> licensed family child care providers in the state. When license-exempt carers are added (family members, friends or neighbors who care for children), that number rises to about 40,000, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with long, black braids and a brown hoodie plays with a baby in a sunhat in the backyard on a sunny day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A little over 50% of family child care providers in California are 50 years old or older, yet less than a quarter of them have any retirement savings, according to research from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For 16 years, family child care workers sought to form a union to improve their pay and obtain benefits such as health care, a retirement plan and access to professional development training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, they won the right to collectively bargain by successfully arguing that they’re employees of the state because they receive public funding for serving lower-income families who qualify for subsidized care.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Shannon Benjamin, family child care provider\"]‘To finally set a plan to reimburse us for the entirety of our costs each month, means I can keep my doors open with the confidence that I can make ends meet and feel the dignity of my work.’[/pullquote]The contract deal addresses one of their biggest demands: a promise and a timeline from the state to overhaul the way providers get paid for subsidized child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948419/care-cant-wait-californias-child-care-workers-demand-better-funding-for-essential-services\">Family child care workers have long complained\u003c/a> that the state calculates reimbursement rates for subsidized child care based on outdated market prices. They’re currently paid based on rates from at least five years ago. The rates neither reflect the true cost of care nor keep pace with current costs of living, making it hard for these workers to stay financially afloat, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-providers-need-a-substantial-pay-raise/\">analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providers frequently set their prices below their true costs to fill the gap between what parents can afford — and what the government pays for subsidized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new contract, the state will provide $600 million in temporary rate increases over two years until a new payment system takes effect. The increases represent a 20% average rate increase, but vary slightly by region. A family child care provider in the Bay Area, for example, will receive an additional $211 a month per child, while a license-exempt provider will get an extra $148.[aside label='More on Child Care' tag='child-care']“This rate increase, and most importantly, the state’s commitment to finally set a plan to reimburse us for the entirety of our costs each month, means I can keep my doors open with the confidence that I can make ends meet and feel the dignity of my work,” said Shannon Benjamin, a provider from Carson in Southern California and a member of the union’s bargaining committee, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the new contract represents major progress, more sweeping changes are needed to ensure that all early childhood educators are making a living wage and can afford to stay in the profession, industry observers like Lawrence said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She estimates that less than a quarter of the family child care workforce is represented by the union, while the larger majority of workers are not because they don’t receive public funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once union-represented providers are paid for the true cost of care, she asked, “How then are we going to reproduce or recreate a system that actually gets to all of the educators … and treat [early childhood education] like the public good that it is, like elementary education, where everyone has access and it’s based on the costs of the care?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is one step closer to creating the nation’s first retirement fund for family child care providers after they overwhelmingly approved a new contract with the state, Child Care Providers United, \u003ca href=\"https://childcareprovidersunited.org/\">the union representing 40,000 of these workers\u003c/a>, announced late Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal, which still needs to be approved by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom this summer, would provide an $80 million retirement fund for an underpaid workforce that is dominated by women of color. This would make California the first of 11 states with family child care unions to offer such a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re exceedingly happy,” said Nancy Harvey, a 61-year-old family child care provider in West Oakland who helped negotiate the deal. “This is a historic moment for child care providers, not only here in California, but throughout the nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s really a huge step forward in terms of equity when you think about who the workforce is,” said Brandy Jones Lawrence, a senior analyst at the UC Berkeley center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said improving work conditions will raise the quality of care for California’s youngest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>If an educator is worrying about whether or not they’re going to be able to put food on the table or if they’re going to get their lights turned back on, they’re not going to be able to bring their whole self and all that they know and need to be for children at this age. … when [they’re] feeling much more professionally supported I think that they can show up the way they need to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Family child care providers are small-business owners who care for children out of their homes. There are \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/CSCCE-California-ECE-Profiles-FCCs.pdf\">more than 24,700 (PDF)\u003c/a> licensed family child care providers in the state. When license-exempt carers are added (family members, friends or neighbors who care for children), that number rises to about 40,000, according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957186\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957186\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with long, black braids and a brown hoodie plays with a baby in a sunhat in the backyard on a sunny day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS64819_015_KQED_EachOneTeachOneChildCare_04262023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A little over 50% of family child care providers in California are 50 years old or older, yet less than a quarter of them have any retirement savings, according to research from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For 16 years, family child care workers sought to form a union to improve their pay and obtain benefits such as health care, a retirement plan and access to professional development training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, they won the right to collectively bargain by successfully arguing that they’re employees of the state because they receive public funding for serving lower-income families who qualify for subsidized care.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The contract deal addresses one of their biggest demands: a promise and a timeline from the state to overhaul the way providers get paid for subsidized child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948419/care-cant-wait-californias-child-care-workers-demand-better-funding-for-essential-services\">Family child care workers have long complained\u003c/a> that the state calculates reimbursement rates for subsidized child care based on outdated market prices. They’re currently paid based on rates from at least five years ago. The rates neither reflect the true cost of care nor keep pace with current costs of living, making it hard for these workers to stay financially afloat, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-providers-need-a-substantial-pay-raise/\">analysis by the California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providers frequently set their prices below their true costs to fill the gap between what parents can afford — and what the government pays for subsidized care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new contract, the state will provide $600 million in temporary rate increases over two years until a new payment system takes effect. The increases represent a 20% average rate increase, but vary slightly by region. A family child care provider in the Bay Area, for example, will receive an additional $211 a month per child, while a license-exempt provider will get an extra $148.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This rate increase, and most importantly, the state’s commitment to finally set a plan to reimburse us for the entirety of our costs each month, means I can keep my doors open with the confidence that I can make ends meet and feel the dignity of my work,” said Shannon Benjamin, a provider from Carson in Southern California and a member of the union’s bargaining committee, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the new contract represents major progress, more sweeping changes are needed to ensure that all early childhood educators are making a living wage and can afford to stay in the profession, industry observers like Lawrence said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She estimates that less than a quarter of the family child care workforce is represented by the union, while the larger majority of workers are not because they don’t receive public funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once union-represented providers are paid for the true cost of care, she asked, “How then are we going to reproduce or recreate a system that actually gets to all of the educators … and treat [early childhood education] like the public good that it is, like elementary education, where everyone has access and it’s based on the costs of the care?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "When Culture Wars Rip Through School Boards, Should the State Intervene?",
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"headTitle": "When Culture Wars Rip Through School Boards, Should the State Intervene? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last week’s tussles between state officials and a pair of Southern California school boards may have died down, but they’ve thrown a spotlight on deeper tensions over who makes decisions for local schools — a rift that’s likely to grow as the culture wars escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both incidents, which garnered national attention, centered on LGBTQ issues and the state’s ability to rein in local boards that it says may have violated California’s education and civil rights laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can expect to see more of this as these right-wing groups now follow a scripted playbook and there’s a new level of organization,” said Bruce Fuller, a UC Berkeley professor of education and public policy. “And certainly as long as we have an ambitious governor, we can expect to see these battles repeated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Chino police \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/updates/conservative-school-board-kicks-out-state-superintendent-tony-thurmond-from-meeting\">escorted the state’s top education official\u003c/a>, Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, from a school board meeting after he urged the board to reject a plan he viewed as harmful to LGBTQ students. The plan, based on a stalled Assembly bill, called for school staff to notify parents if a child identifies as a gender they weren’t assigned at birth. The board ended up approving the proposal 4–1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier in the month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/07/21/temecula-curriculum-adoption/\">threatened\u003c/a> to fine Temecula Valley Unified $1.5 million for rejecting a state-approved textbook that included a supplemental lesson on Harvey Milk, the former San Francisco supervisor who was assassinated in 1978. Newsom said the state would order the new textbooks on its own and bill the district. Last week, the board relented and agreed to purchase the new textbooks but \u003ca href=\"https://simbli.eboardsolutions.com/SB_Meetings/ViewMeeting.aspx?S=36030186&MID=23246\">review\u003c/a> the material related to gay rights, replacing it with a curriculum that reflects “the board’s commitment to exclude sexualized topics of instruction from the elementary school grade levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enforcing the education code\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State officials have several enforcement options when they believe districts have run afoul of the education code. Those include fines, like the one Newsom threatened in Temecula Valley; publicly voicing disapproval, such as Thurmond’s comments in Chino Valley; and investigation and litigation, which Attorney General Rob Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Letter%20to%20TVUSD.pdf\">said (PDF)\u003c/a> he would pursue in Temecula Valley. The California Department of Education also has a complaint process, which anyone can use if they believe their district isn’t complying with state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also legislation. Recently, Thurmond and Newsom have thrown their support behind \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1078\">AB 1078\u003c/a>, which would raise the threshold for school districts to ban books, from a simple board majority to a two-thirds majority. The bill would also strengthen the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/cr/cf/senatebill48faq.asp\">FAIR Act\u003c/a>, a state law that requires districts to include the contributions of African American, Native American, Mexican American, LGBTQ and other under-represented groups in history and social studies curriculum.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Asm. Corey Jackson (D-Moreno Valley)\"]‘Once you start creating a climate that is not welcoming to all students you’re mandated to serve, districts need to know: We are coming for you.’[/pullquote]The bill’s author, Democratic Assemblymember Corey Jackson of Moreno Valley, said legislation like AB 1078 is more important than ever as the state seeks tougher tools to punish districts that stray from civil rights laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These culture wars are being used to generate anger to achieve political goals,” Jackson said. “We have to close as many loopholes as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the issue, Jackson said, is local control, the decade-old policy that gives school districts a large degree of autonomy in how they operate. Put forth by then-Gov. Jerry Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/aa/lc/\">the Local Control Funding Formula\u003c/a> was meant to decentralize state education, allowing districts to tailor their spending policies to the unique needs of their students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, Jackson said, local control has gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my history too well to have faith in local control,” Jackson said. “If a school district discriminates against students, puts politics ahead of education, I honestly don’t have any limits when it comes to limiting local control. … Once you start creating a climate that is not welcoming to all students you’re mandated to serve, districts need to know: We are coming for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nuances of local control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under the previous funding system, schools received money through grants earmarked for specific programs. Under local control, district funding comes through a formula based on how many lower-income students, English learners and foster youth are enrolled. School boards, not the state, decide how to spend the money, allowing them a degree of autonomy they didn’t have previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some districts fear that with bills like Jackson’s and other recent moves, the state might be taking back some of that control. Recently, the state has added several categorical grants and mandated programs and increased its interest in local school board matters, such as in Temecula Valley and Chino Valley. That’s one reason the California School Boards Association has so far opposed Jackson’s bill, saying it would pose an unnecessary hardship for the vast majority of school districts that comply with the law, and that the state already has adequate safeguards.[aside postID=news_11953735 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS55638_011_KQED_GrassValleyElementarySchoolOakland_04282022-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“We are greatly concerned with how (the bill) is drawn from the experience of two or three school districts to apply statewide,” the association wrote to the chair of the Senate Education Committee, noting that California has nearly 1,000 school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Troy Flint, the school board association’s spokesperson, said districts are hoping that the trend does not continue, even as the culture wars intensify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been increased encroachment on local control from a budgetary, policy and administrative perspective,” he said. “School districts and county offices of education believe that their knowledge base and relationships, as members of the community, are essential in developing and implementing policies that make sense for their particular student populations. So naturally, they are very protective of local control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Newsom’s office said that the governor is committed to local control, and the incident in Temecula Valley was an isolated, egregious example of a district flouting the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local control is not — and has never been — a license to willfully violate the law,” said Ben Chida, the governor’s chief deputy cabinet secretary and senior education policy advisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Zimmer, California’s deputy superintendent for student support services, reiterated the state’s support for local control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Superintendent and I are both former school board members. We believe strongly in local control. Local control is a core value of the California public education system,” Zimmer said. “But there have to be checks and balances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Increasing vitriol\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Regardless, school boards are likely to remain an epicenter of conflict, especially as the presidential election nears, said Julie Marsh, professor of education policy in the Rossier School of Education and the Sol Price School of Public Policy at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s going to die down. School boards have become a pawn in a broader national campaign,” Marsh said. “All of this is bringing to a head a classic conflict in education — what’s the role of the state? Local control has to be for everyone, but in some districts we’re now seeing a need for guardrails.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956883\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?attachment_id=11956883\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11956883\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803.jpg\" alt=\"a police officer, in riot gear, stands in front of a barricade, with a group of people holding signs behind it saying 'protect our children'\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A school board meeting in Glendale in June required the police to intervene, coming 2 weeks after another meeting sparked violent protests over declaring June as Pride Month. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She worries about the growing lack of civility and threats of violence. In his response to Temecula Valley, Newsom described three of the board members as “radicalized zealots” and “extremists.” In Chino Valley, board President Sonja Shaw accused Thurmond of “proposing things that pervert children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the vitriol began during the pandemic, when angry parents in some parts of the state protested school closures, mask mandates and vaccines. For some parents, the anger grew to encompass how schools teach subjects related to race, sex and other culture war issues.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Julie Marsh, professor of education policy, USC\"]‘All of this is bringing to a head a classic conflict in education — what’s the role of the state? Local control has to be for everyone, but in some districts we’re now seeing a need for guardrails.’[/pullquote]Capitalizing on some of the dissatisfaction, the state Republican party last year launched the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932143/the-gop-wanted-to-flip-california-school-boards-it-looks-like-they-didnt-succeed\">“Parent Revolt” campaign\u003c/a>, urging \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922860/california-republicans-are-betting-big-on-local-school-board-races\">frustrated parents\u003c/a> to run for their local school boards. Shaw, the Chino Valley board president, was elected as part of that wave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angry rhetoric undoubtedly plays a role in the high turnover rate among superintendents, and the fact that some school boards can’t fill their vacancies, Marsh said. It also deters members of the public from speaking out, for fear of threats or intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not unique to California and it’s not unique to school boards,” she said. “We’re very concerned about the extreme emotion, the tone, the polarization, the personal attacks. We need some kind of legislation to protect civility in public meetings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuller agreed that the rhetoric can have a corrosive effect on schools and other institutions. While the governor and state superintendent were right to step in, perhaps they could have settled the conflict behind the scenes, instead of drawing more attention to the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They could have deployed their influence to expand understanding and engage people with whom they disagree. Instead they became antagonistic to gain political attention,” Fuller said. “They could have settled the issue quietly, rather than spurring it on. There are compelling reasons for the state to intervene in some cases, but why not first try to negotiate an agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the battle over the rights of LGBTQ students is likely to continue. Zimmer said the state is looking at various options to pressure Chino Valley to overturn its policy related to LGBTQ students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also urging students in that district to seek help if they need it. The state’s Department of Education offers numerous \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/pd/ee/supportlgbtq.asp\">resources\u003c/a> for LGBTQ students, families and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very clear that their dignity and humanity matters, and they have a right to a welcoming, safe school environment,” Zimmer said. “Superintendent Thurmond stands behind them and will continue to fight for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last week’s tussles between state officials and a pair of Southern California school boards may have died down, but they’ve thrown a spotlight on deeper tensions over who makes decisions for local schools — a rift that’s likely to grow as the culture wars escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both incidents, which garnered national attention, centered on LGBTQ issues and the state’s ability to rein in local boards that it says may have violated California’s education and civil rights laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can expect to see more of this as these right-wing groups now follow a scripted playbook and there’s a new level of organization,” said Bruce Fuller, a UC Berkeley professor of education and public policy. “And certainly as long as we have an ambitious governor, we can expect to see these battles repeated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Chino police \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/updates/conservative-school-board-kicks-out-state-superintendent-tony-thurmond-from-meeting\">escorted the state’s top education official\u003c/a>, Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, from a school board meeting after he urged the board to reject a plan he viewed as harmful to LGBTQ students. The plan, based on a stalled Assembly bill, called for school staff to notify parents if a child identifies as a gender they weren’t assigned at birth. The board ended up approving the proposal 4–1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier in the month, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/07/21/temecula-curriculum-adoption/\">threatened\u003c/a> to fine Temecula Valley Unified $1.5 million for rejecting a state-approved textbook that included a supplemental lesson on Harvey Milk, the former San Francisco supervisor who was assassinated in 1978. Newsom said the state would order the new textbooks on its own and bill the district. Last week, the board relented and agreed to purchase the new textbooks but \u003ca href=\"https://simbli.eboardsolutions.com/SB_Meetings/ViewMeeting.aspx?S=36030186&MID=23246\">review\u003c/a> the material related to gay rights, replacing it with a curriculum that reflects “the board’s commitment to exclude sexualized topics of instruction from the elementary school grade levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enforcing the education code\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State officials have several enforcement options when they believe districts have run afoul of the education code. Those include fines, like the one Newsom threatened in Temecula Valley; publicly voicing disapproval, such as Thurmond’s comments in Chino Valley; and investigation and litigation, which Attorney General Rob Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Letter%20to%20TVUSD.pdf\">said (PDF)\u003c/a> he would pursue in Temecula Valley. The California Department of Education also has a complaint process, which anyone can use if they believe their district isn’t complying with state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s also legislation. Recently, Thurmond and Newsom have thrown their support behind \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1078\">AB 1078\u003c/a>, which would raise the threshold for school districts to ban books, from a simple board majority to a two-thirds majority. The bill would also strengthen the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/cr/cf/senatebill48faq.asp\">FAIR Act\u003c/a>, a state law that requires districts to include the contributions of African American, Native American, Mexican American, LGBTQ and other under-represented groups in history and social studies curriculum.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Once you start creating a climate that is not welcoming to all students you’re mandated to serve, districts need to know: We are coming for you.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill’s author, Democratic Assemblymember Corey Jackson of Moreno Valley, said legislation like AB 1078 is more important than ever as the state seeks tougher tools to punish districts that stray from civil rights laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These culture wars are being used to generate anger to achieve political goals,” Jackson said. “We have to close as many loopholes as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the issue, Jackson said, is local control, the decade-old policy that gives school districts a large degree of autonomy in how they operate. Put forth by then-Gov. Jerry Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/aa/lc/\">the Local Control Funding Formula\u003c/a> was meant to decentralize state education, allowing districts to tailor their spending policies to the unique needs of their students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, Jackson said, local control has gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know my history too well to have faith in local control,” Jackson said. “If a school district discriminates against students, puts politics ahead of education, I honestly don’t have any limits when it comes to limiting local control. … Once you start creating a climate that is not welcoming to all students you’re mandated to serve, districts need to know: We are coming for you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nuances of local control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under the previous funding system, schools received money through grants earmarked for specific programs. Under local control, district funding comes through a formula based on how many lower-income students, English learners and foster youth are enrolled. School boards, not the state, decide how to spend the money, allowing them a degree of autonomy they didn’t have previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some districts fear that with bills like Jackson’s and other recent moves, the state might be taking back some of that control. Recently, the state has added several categorical grants and mandated programs and increased its interest in local school board matters, such as in Temecula Valley and Chino Valley. That’s one reason the California School Boards Association has so far opposed Jackson’s bill, saying it would pose an unnecessary hardship for the vast majority of school districts that comply with the law, and that the state already has adequate safeguards.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We are greatly concerned with how (the bill) is drawn from the experience of two or three school districts to apply statewide,” the association wrote to the chair of the Senate Education Committee, noting that California has nearly 1,000 school districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Troy Flint, the school board association’s spokesperson, said districts are hoping that the trend does not continue, even as the culture wars intensify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has been increased encroachment on local control from a budgetary, policy and administrative perspective,” he said. “School districts and county offices of education believe that their knowledge base and relationships, as members of the community, are essential in developing and implementing policies that make sense for their particular student populations. So naturally, they are very protective of local control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for Newsom’s office said that the governor is committed to local control, and the incident in Temecula Valley was an isolated, egregious example of a district flouting the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Local control is not — and has never been — a license to willfully violate the law,” said Ben Chida, the governor’s chief deputy cabinet secretary and senior education policy advisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Zimmer, California’s deputy superintendent for student support services, reiterated the state’s support for local control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Superintendent and I are both former school board members. We believe strongly in local control. Local control is a core value of the California public education system,” Zimmer said. “But there have to be checks and balances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Increasing vitriol\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Regardless, school boards are likely to remain an epicenter of conflict, especially as the presidential election nears, said Julie Marsh, professor of education policy in the Rossier School of Education and the Sol Price School of Public Policy at the University of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s going to die down. School boards have become a pawn in a broader national campaign,” Marsh said. “All of this is bringing to a head a classic conflict in education — what’s the role of the state? Local control has to be for everyone, but in some districts we’re now seeing a need for guardrails.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956883\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/?attachment_id=11956883\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11956883\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956883\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803.jpg\" alt=\"a police officer, in riot gear, stands in front of a barricade, with a group of people holding signs behind it saying 'protect our children'\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1258884803-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A school board meeting in Glendale in June required the police to intervene, coming 2 weeks after another meeting sparked violent protests over declaring June as Pride Month. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She worries about the growing lack of civility and threats of violence. In his response to Temecula Valley, Newsom described three of the board members as “radicalized zealots” and “extremists.” In Chino Valley, board President Sonja Shaw accused Thurmond of “proposing things that pervert children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the vitriol began during the pandemic, when angry parents in some parts of the state protested school closures, mask mandates and vaccines. For some parents, the anger grew to encompass how schools teach subjects related to race, sex and other culture war issues.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Capitalizing on some of the dissatisfaction, the state Republican party last year launched the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932143/the-gop-wanted-to-flip-california-school-boards-it-looks-like-they-didnt-succeed\">“Parent Revolt” campaign\u003c/a>, urging \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922860/california-republicans-are-betting-big-on-local-school-board-races\">frustrated parents\u003c/a> to run for their local school boards. Shaw, the Chino Valley board president, was elected as part of that wave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angry rhetoric undoubtedly plays a role in the high turnover rate among superintendents, and the fact that some school boards can’t fill their vacancies, Marsh said. It also deters members of the public from speaking out, for fear of threats or intimidation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not unique to California and it’s not unique to school boards,” she said. “We’re very concerned about the extreme emotion, the tone, the polarization, the personal attacks. We need some kind of legislation to protect civility in public meetings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuller agreed that the rhetoric can have a corrosive effect on schools and other institutions. While the governor and state superintendent were right to step in, perhaps they could have settled the conflict behind the scenes, instead of drawing more attention to the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They could have deployed their influence to expand understanding and engage people with whom they disagree. Instead they became antagonistic to gain political attention,” Fuller said. “They could have settled the issue quietly, rather than spurring it on. There are compelling reasons for the state to intervene in some cases, but why not first try to negotiate an agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the battle over the rights of LGBTQ students is likely to continue. Zimmer said the state is looking at various options to pressure Chino Valley to overturn its policy related to LGBTQ students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also urging students in that district to seek help if they need it. The state’s Department of Education offers numerous \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/pd/ee/supportlgbtq.asp\">resources\u003c/a> for LGBTQ students, families and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very clear that their dignity and humanity matters, and they have a right to a welcoming, safe school environment,” Zimmer said. “Superintendent Thurmond stands behind them and will continue to fight for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Can Newsom Really Transform San Quentin Into the 'Nation's Most Innovative Rehabilitation Facility'?",
"headTitle": "Can Newsom Really Transform San Quentin Into the ‘Nation’s Most Innovative Rehabilitation Facility’? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Four months after Gov. Gavin Newsom announced an ambitious plan to transform San Quentin State Prison into a model for rehabilitation, reporters got a tour of the penitentiary best known as home to California’s largest execution chamber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s idea: to move condemned incarcerated people to other maximum security prisons in California and transform the prison on the San Francisco Bay into “the nation’s most innovative rehabilitation facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to create an atmosphere where the residents and the correctional officers are interacting as human beings,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, the governor’s senior advisor on San Quentin’s future, during a walk through the prison this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956887\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11956887 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A room full of men sitting at computers and working in blue uniforms.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latice Collins (left) and other incarcerated individuals learn coding in the The Last Mile coding program at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Ron Bloomfield, the prison’s warden, led about a dozen journalists through an update on the reimagined penitentiary that will focus on preparing incarcerated people for life on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] a fundamental change in the way that personnel, starting with correctional officers, are trained and how they are recruited and retained,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Norway model\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan for San Quentin is based largely on the way Norway and other Scandinavian countries approach crime and punishment, through de-emphasizing incarceration and deprivation of rights and prioritizing rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, state Assembly Public Safety Committee Chair Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles) joked that “it’s my fault” Newsom is using Norway as a model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade ago, Jones-Sawyer traveled to Norway to see how it approaches crime and punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so what I learned is it’s completely different from the way we do it,” he said. “The most you can serve, whether you did murder, rape or whatever, you only would do 25 years, which means you’re going to get out, which means we have to rehabilitate this person no matter what in Norway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956886\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11956886 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"People jump for a ball on a basketball court.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people play basketball in the yard at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Broomfield, San Quentin’s warden, acknowledged that comparing California to Norway, where the recidivism rate is less than a third of what it is in the United States, “is like comparing a grape to a watermelon,” but he says he’s 100% behind the shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way Broomfield sees it, public safety requires humanizing incarcerated people and giving them real skills they can use once they are paroled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we’re not going to do that by institutionalizing them,” he said. “We’re going to do that by treating them like citizens of our state. Preparing them with opportunities to really produce a better neighbor upon release.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Rob Broomfield, warden of San Quentin Prison\"]‘And we’re not going to do that by institutionalizing them. We’re going to do that by treating them like citizens of our state. Preparing them with opportunities to really produce a better neighbor upon release.’[/pullquote]San Quentin, like the rest of California’s sprawling prison system, has had more than its share of bad news over the years. In 2009, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/10/us/10prison.html\">a three-judge panel ordered the state\u003c/a> to reduce its overflowing prison population, which at one point had reached 167% of capacity. The court ruled that the state’s outdated prison health system amounted to cruel and unusual punishment, in violation of the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And more recently, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/san-quentin-covid-outbreak-cruel-unusual-punishment-cdcr-inmates/\">Marin County Superior Court judge ruled\u003c/a> that California prison officials inflicted “cruel and unusual punishment” on people in San Quentin when more than 2,600 of them — including some staff — contracted COVID-19 in the summer of 2020. The massive outbreak happened shortly after the state transferred 121 inmates from another prison with the highest COVID rates into San Quentin’s general population without properly testing and quarantining them. In all, 28 incarcerated people, and one staff member, died of the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956679\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956679\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing sunglasses in front of a large building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Warden Ron Broomfield at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Can San Quentin really be transformed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Juan Haines, who has been incarcerated 27 years, is hopeful but also skeptical about the proposed changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of people in California prisons, and just rehabilitation is the last thing on their minds,” Haines, an editor at the \u003cem>San Quentin News\u003c/em>, the prison’s award-winning newspaper, told me. “But then there’s a lot of people in California prisons that are really looking for opportunities to better their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to put on his journalist’s hat and say what makes him question the success of this shift, Haines rattled off several things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m skeptical about California’s overcrowded prisons and I’m skeptical over buy-in from both sides,” he said. “I’ve talked to a lot of correctional officers that really love this idea. And then there’s some that don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956889\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man with glasses outdoors anA man with glasses outdoors and beside a chain-link fence topped with barbed wire.d beside a chain-link fence topped with barbed wire.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Haines, who is incarcerated at San Quentin State Prison, where he is an editor of the prison’s award-winning newspaper, stands outside the prison’s adult learning center. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer noted that when he first got to the Legislature over a decade ago, the state Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the agency had “a \u003cem>big\u003c/em> ‘C’” for corrections, and a “little bitty ‘R'” for rehabilitation — and said he’s pleased that is changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s goal to transform the state’s oldest prison into a center of innovation and education is a notion that thrills many criminal justice reformers while antagonizing death penalty proponents and other conservatives.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"san-quentin\"]At a legislative budget hearing on Newsom’s plan in May, one Republican lawmaker found the lack of details disturbing. “I try not to consider it insulting, but it’s close,” said Assemblymember Tom Lackey (R-Palmdale). “I find it to be very disturbing that we’re following a pathway where we’re being asked to fund first and answers will come later.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4771\">report\u003c/a> by California’s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office underscored those concerns, noting that the governor “has not set clear and specific objectives for meeting these goals.” The administration, it added, “has not identified any clear changes to policy, practice, or prison environments it deems necessary to achieve the goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Democrats also raised concerns about the lack of detail in Newsom’s proposal. In the end, the Legislature approved the governor’s request for $360 million in this year’s budget to convert an old furniture warehouse at San Quentin into a kind of “college campus” with more space for classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also questions about the timeline. Newsom wants the first phase of construction and programming completed by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The elephant in the room, of course, is whether Newsom is insisting on a finish date to coincide with a widely anticipated run for president in 2028. When asked if the ribbon cutting for the new facility would be in Iowa, an early presidential primary state, members of the governor’s staff laughed, with a tacit acknowledgment that this is tied to Newsom’s ambitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956682\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956682\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large open indoor space.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Warehouse space at San Quentin that is slated to be converted into an education facility as part of the prison’s transformation to a rehabilitation center. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jody Lewen, the president of Mount Tamalpais College, which runs college preparatory classes at San Quentin, has high hopes for the prison’s proposed transformation, but worries there won’t be enough space to accommodate many more students on top of the 300 already enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe this whole process will be successful if the Department of Corrections and the governor’s office don’t allow themselves to be rushed, if they allow themselves a methodical planning process and they take the time that it takes to undertake something this massive,” said Lewen, who is on the council advising the prison’s transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewen thinks the school could double or triple enrollment if the renovation is done properly, \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>but if they rush, it’s going to be really hard to develop the plans and the vision that will ultimately support the realization of the vision everybody’s hoping will come to fruition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other huge obstacles to success, such as transforming the culture of a prison system focused largely on punishment, where there has long been strict adherence to rules, and consequences for breaking them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he’s inspired by the Scandinavian model, where guards and people behind bars have a much less adversarial relationship than is the norm in California prisons. But whether the powerful California Correctional Peace Officers Association — the union representing prison guards — will embrace Newsom’s vision is very much an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956819\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11956819 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a green uniform stands in front of a chain link fence topped in barbed wire.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Officer T. Ascencio stands guard on the yard at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are 100% behind the Norway project when it’s done right,” Glen Stailey, head of the CCPOA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-03-16/newsom-wants-to-transform-san-quentin-using-a-scandinavian-model\">told the \u003cem>LA Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> earlier this year, without elaborating on what exactly that may entail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While challenges and problems still exist at the prison, one thing is nearly certain: San Quentin’s days as the place where most death sentences in California are carried out are over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There hasn’t been an execution since Clarence Ray Allen was put to death in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Newsom came into office, he issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/3.13.19-EO-N-09-19.pdf\">executive order (PDF)\u003c/a> putting a moratorium on executions, which remains in effect until he leaves office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom will likely be long gone before the impact of his reimagined San Quentin is fully evaluated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Four months after the governor announced his ambitious plan to transform California's oldest prison into a model for rehabilitation, reporters got a tour of the infamous lockup that's home to the state's largest death row.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four months after Gov. Gavin Newsom announced an ambitious plan to transform San Quentin State Prison into a model for rehabilitation, reporters got a tour of the penitentiary best known as home to California’s largest execution chamber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s idea: to move condemned incarcerated people to other maximum security prisons in California and transform the prison on the San Francisco Bay into “the nation’s most innovative rehabilitation facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to create an atmosphere where the residents and the correctional officers are interacting as human beings,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, the governor’s senior advisor on San Quentin’s future, during a walk through the prison this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956887\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11956887 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A room full of men sitting at computers and working in blue uniforms.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-23-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Latice Collins (left) and other incarcerated individuals learn coding in the The Last Mile coding program at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Ron Bloomfield, the prison’s warden, led about a dozen journalists through an update on the reimagined penitentiary that will focus on preparing incarcerated people for life on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] a fundamental change in the way that personnel, starting with correctional officers, are trained and how they are recruited and retained,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Norway model\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan for San Quentin is based largely on the way Norway and other Scandinavian countries approach crime and punishment, through de-emphasizing incarceration and deprivation of rights and prioritizing rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, state Assembly Public Safety Committee Chair Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles) joked that “it’s my fault” Newsom is using Norway as a model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decade ago, Jones-Sawyer traveled to Norway to see how it approaches crime and punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so what I learned is it’s completely different from the way we do it,” he said. “The most you can serve, whether you did murder, rape or whatever, you only would do 25 years, which means you’re going to get out, which means we have to rehabilitate this person no matter what in Norway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956886\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11956886 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"People jump for a ball on a basketball court.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-11-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people play basketball in the yard at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Broomfield, San Quentin’s warden, acknowledged that comparing California to Norway, where the recidivism rate is less than a third of what it is in the United States, “is like comparing a grape to a watermelon,” but he says he’s 100% behind the shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way Broomfield sees it, public safety requires humanizing incarcerated people and giving them real skills they can use once they are paroled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And we’re not going to do that by institutionalizing them,” he said. “We’re going to do that by treating them like citizens of our state. Preparing them with opportunities to really produce a better neighbor upon release.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>San Quentin, like the rest of California’s sprawling prison system, has had more than its share of bad news over the years. In 2009, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/10/us/10prison.html\">a three-judge panel ordered the state\u003c/a> to reduce its overflowing prison population, which at one point had reached 167% of capacity. The court ruled that the state’s outdated prison health system amounted to cruel and unusual punishment, in violation of the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And more recently, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/san-quentin-covid-outbreak-cruel-unusual-punishment-cdcr-inmates/\">Marin County Superior Court judge ruled\u003c/a> that California prison officials inflicted “cruel and unusual punishment” on people in San Quentin when more than 2,600 of them — including some staff — contracted COVID-19 in the summer of 2020. The massive outbreak happened shortly after the state transferred 121 inmates from another prison with the highest COVID rates into San Quentin’s general population without properly testing and quarantining them. In all, 28 incarcerated people, and one staff member, died of the disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956679\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956679\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing sunglasses in front of a large building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Warden Ron Broomfield at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Can San Quentin really be transformed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Juan Haines, who has been incarcerated 27 years, is hopeful but also skeptical about the proposed changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of people in California prisons, and just rehabilitation is the last thing on their minds,” Haines, an editor at the \u003cem>San Quentin News\u003c/em>, the prison’s award-winning newspaper, told me. “But then there’s a lot of people in California prisons that are really looking for opportunities to better their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to put on his journalist’s hat and say what makes him question the success of this shift, Haines rattled off several things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m skeptical about California’s overcrowded prisons and I’m skeptical over buy-in from both sides,” he said. “I’ve talked to a lot of correctional officers that really love this idea. And then there’s some that don’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956889\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956889\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man with glasses outdoors anA man with glasses outdoors and beside a chain-link fence topped with barbed wire.d beside a chain-link fence topped with barbed wire.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-17-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Haines, who is incarcerated at San Quentin State Prison, where he is an editor of the prison’s award-winning newspaper, stands outside the prison’s adult learning center. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jones-Sawyer noted that when he first got to the Legislature over a decade ago, the state Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the agency had “a \u003cem>big\u003c/em> ‘C’” for corrections, and a “little bitty ‘R'” for rehabilitation — and said he’s pleased that is changing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s goal to transform the state’s oldest prison into a center of innovation and education is a notion that thrills many criminal justice reformers while antagonizing death penalty proponents and other conservatives.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At a legislative budget hearing on Newsom’s plan in May, one Republican lawmaker found the lack of details disturbing. “I try not to consider it insulting, but it’s close,” said Assemblymember Tom Lackey (R-Palmdale). “I find it to be very disturbing that we’re following a pathway where we’re being asked to fund first and answers will come later.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4771\">report\u003c/a> by California’s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office underscored those concerns, noting that the governor “has not set clear and specific objectives for meeting these goals.” The administration, it added, “has not identified any clear changes to policy, practice, or prison environments it deems necessary to achieve the goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Democrats also raised concerns about the lack of detail in Newsom’s proposal. In the end, the Legislature approved the governor’s request for $360 million in this year’s budget to convert an old furniture warehouse at San Quentin into a kind of “college campus” with more space for classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also questions about the timeline. Newsom wants the first phase of construction and programming completed by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The elephant in the room, of course, is whether Newsom is insisting on a finish date to coincide with a widely anticipated run for president in 2028. When asked if the ribbon cutting for the new facility would be in Iowa, an early presidential primary state, members of the governor’s staff laughed, with a tacit acknowledgment that this is tied to Newsom’s ambitions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956682\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956682\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large open indoor space.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-15-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Warehouse space at San Quentin that is slated to be converted into an education facility as part of the prison’s transformation to a rehabilitation center. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Jody Lewen, the president of Mount Tamalpais College, which runs college preparatory classes at San Quentin, has high hopes for the prison’s proposed transformation, but worries there won’t be enough space to accommodate many more students on top of the 300 already enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe this whole process will be successful if the Department of Corrections and the governor’s office don’t allow themselves to be rushed, if they allow themselves a methodical planning process and they take the time that it takes to undertake something this massive,” said Lewen, who is on the council advising the prison’s transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewen thinks the school could double or triple enrollment if the renovation is done properly, \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>but if they rush, it’s going to be really hard to develop the plans and the vision that will ultimately support the realization of the vision everybody’s hoping will come to fruition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other huge obstacles to success, such as transforming the culture of a prison system focused largely on punishment, where there has long been strict adherence to rules, and consequences for breaking them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom says he’s inspired by the Scandinavian model, where guards and people behind bars have a much less adversarial relationship than is the norm in California prisons. But whether the powerful California Correctional Peace Officers Association — the union representing prison guards — will embrace Newsom’s vision is very much an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956819\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11956819 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a green uniform stands in front of a chain link fence topped in barbed wire.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS67271_230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Officer T. Ascencio stands guard on the yard at San Quentin State Prison. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are 100% behind the Norway project when it’s done right,” Glen Stailey, head of the CCPOA, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-03-16/newsom-wants-to-transform-san-quentin-using-a-scandinavian-model\">told the \u003cem>LA Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> earlier this year, without elaborating on what exactly that may entail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While challenges and problems still exist at the prison, one thing is nearly certain: San Quentin’s days as the place where most death sentences in California are carried out are over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There hasn’t been an execution since Clarence Ray Allen was put to death in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after Newsom came into office, he issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/3.13.19-EO-N-09-19.pdf\">executive order (PDF)\u003c/a> putting a moratorium on executions, which remains in effect until he leaves office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Newsom will likely be long gone before the impact of his reimagined San Quentin is fully evaluated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Some Migrant Farmworkers to Get Free Legal Help With Immigration",
"headTitle": "Some Migrant Farmworkers to Get Free Legal Help With Immigration | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>California will begin paying for free legal help with immigration for undocumented farmworkers who are involved in state investigations of wage theft or other labor violations, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office announced last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $4.5 million pilot program will provide qualifying farmworkers with referrals for legal help with their immigration status. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly half of California’s farmworker population is believed to be undocumented. Fear of deportation and difficulties finding jobs \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">can discourage workers from filing labor complaints\u003c/a> or serving as witnesses in cases alleging unsafe work temperatures, wage theft, or employer retaliation for unionizing, officials said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maria Elena De La Garza, executive director, Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County\"]‘The time is now for us to ensure that immigrant labor rights are upheld and respected.’[/pullquote]“Farmworkers are the backbone of our economy, and we won’t stand by as bad actors use the threat of deportation as a form of exploitation,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/07/19/california-providing-free-legal-services-for-undocumented-farmworkers/\">said in a press release\u003c/a>. “In the absence of Congress modernizing our broken, outdated immigration system, California continues our efforts to support immigrant families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State labor investigations into wage theft and other violations often take years to resolve, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/california-wage-theft-workers/?series=unpaid-wages-california-workers\">CalMatters investigation revealed last year\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes workers give up the battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Respecting immigrant rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers in labor investigations who qualify for the new state program will receive a direct referral to legal services organizations that already offer immigration services, such as the Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County or the United Farm Workers Foundation, which spoke in support of the program. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11918317 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/06/FarmworkersIlloVignet-1020x659.jpg']The free legal services workers could receive include case review, legal advice and representation by an attorney, according to Newsom’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The time is now for us to ensure that immigrant labor rights are upheld and respected,” said Maria Elena De La Garza, executive director of the Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County. “We commend the state for supporting this pilot, which will help ensure that legal services are available and accessible through partnerships with trusted community-based organizations across California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials did not answer questions about when the program would begin this year, which community organizations it would partner with, or how many cases the pilot program is expected to process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding for the pilot program will come from the $45 million the state annually allocates for immigration services from the California Department of Social Services, said Erin Hickey, spokesperson for the California Labor & Workforce Development Agency. The state is still completing contracts with selected immigration service providers, she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Deferred deportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State officials said the pilot program aligns with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">new Biden administration policy\u003c/a> that makes it easier for undocumented workers who are victims of labor rights violations to request deferred action from deportation. Because the federal Department of Homeland Security can’t respond to all immigration violations, it exercises “prosecutorial discretion” to decide who to try to deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dhs_deferred_action_FAQ.htm\">State officials said\u003c/a> they won’t ask for workers’ immigration status, but noncitizens granted this deferred action may be eligible for work authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11955359,news_11955083,news_11940316\" label=\"Related Stories\"]This year, California labor department officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dhs_deferred_action_FAQ.htm\">began supporting\u003c/a> undocumented workers’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">requests for prosecutorial discretion\u003c/a> or deferred action from federal immigration officials, including when employers threaten workers with immigration enforcement to prevent workers from cooperating with state investigators. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department of Industrial Relations’ Labor Commissioner’s Office … was the first state agency to request deferred action from DHS for employees in an active investigation, and that request was successful,” Hickey said. “This is an important process for undocumented workers to be aware of.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A point person assigned to the pilot program will help connect farmworkers with legal service providers. Other state labor agencies already have staffers working with federal immigration officials on prosecutorial discretion cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/esmeralda-soria-1982/\">Esmerelda Soria\u003c/a>, a Merced Democrat and new chairperson of the Assembly Agriculture Committee, said this is a welcome way to ensure farmworkers among her Central Valley constituents won’t be exploited. Although other organizations serving farmworkers provide similar types of legal aid, she said, funding rarely matches the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that in the absence of comprehensive immigration reform, California acknowledges that we have a broken system,” Soria told CalMatters. “Especially in the region that I represent, farmworkers are really the backbone of one of the largest agricultural economies in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state will spend $4.5 million on free legal services for undocumented workers involved in state investigations of wage theft or other labor violations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California will begin paying for free legal help with immigration for undocumented farmworkers who are involved in state investigations of wage theft or other labor violations, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s office announced last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $4.5 million pilot program will provide qualifying farmworkers with referrals for legal help with their immigration status. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly half of California’s farmworker population is believed to be undocumented. Fear of deportation and difficulties finding jobs \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">can discourage workers from filing labor complaints\u003c/a> or serving as witnesses in cases alleging unsafe work temperatures, wage theft, or employer retaliation for unionizing, officials said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The time is now for us to ensure that immigrant labor rights are upheld and respected.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Farmworkers are the backbone of our economy, and we won’t stand by as bad actors use the threat of deportation as a form of exploitation,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/07/19/california-providing-free-legal-services-for-undocumented-farmworkers/\">said in a press release\u003c/a>. “In the absence of Congress modernizing our broken, outdated immigration system, California continues our efforts to support immigrant families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State labor investigations into wage theft and other violations often take years to resolve, a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/california-wage-theft-workers/?series=unpaid-wages-california-workers\">CalMatters investigation revealed last year\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes workers give up the battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Respecting immigrant rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers in labor investigations who qualify for the new state program will receive a direct referral to legal services organizations that already offer immigration services, such as the Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County or the United Farm Workers Foundation, which spoke in support of the program. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The free legal services workers could receive include case review, legal advice and representation by an attorney, according to Newsom’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The time is now for us to ensure that immigrant labor rights are upheld and respected,” said Maria Elena De La Garza, executive director of the Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County. “We commend the state for supporting this pilot, which will help ensure that legal services are available and accessible through partnerships with trusted community-based organizations across California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials did not answer questions about when the program would begin this year, which community organizations it would partner with, or how many cases the pilot program is expected to process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding for the pilot program will come from the $45 million the state annually allocates for immigration services from the California Department of Social Services, said Erin Hickey, spokesperson for the California Labor & Workforce Development Agency. The state is still completing contracts with selected immigration service providers, she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Deferred deportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State officials said the pilot program aligns with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">new Biden administration policy\u003c/a> that makes it easier for undocumented workers who are victims of labor rights violations to request deferred action from deportation. Because the federal Department of Homeland Security can’t respond to all immigration violations, it exercises “prosecutorial discretion” to decide who to try to deport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dhs_deferred_action_FAQ.htm\">State officials said\u003c/a> they won’t ask for workers’ immigration status, but noncitizens granted this deferred action may be eligible for work authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This year, California labor department officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dhs_deferred_action_FAQ.htm\">began supporting\u003c/a> undocumented workers’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-announces-process-enhancements-supporting-labor-enforcement-investigations\">requests for prosecutorial discretion\u003c/a> or deferred action from federal immigration officials, including when employers threaten workers with immigration enforcement to prevent workers from cooperating with state investigators. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department of Industrial Relations’ Labor Commissioner’s Office … was the first state agency to request deferred action from DHS for employees in an active investigation, and that request was successful,” Hickey said. “This is an important process for undocumented workers to be aware of.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A point person assigned to the pilot program will help connect farmworkers with legal service providers. Other state labor agencies already have staffers working with federal immigration officials on prosecutorial discretion cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/esmeralda-soria-1982/\">Esmerelda Soria\u003c/a>, a Merced Democrat and new chairperson of the Assembly Agriculture Committee, said this is a welcome way to ensure farmworkers among her Central Valley constituents won’t be exploited. Although other organizations serving farmworkers provide similar types of legal aid, she said, funding rarely matches the need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that in the absence of comprehensive immigration reform, California acknowledges that we have a broken system,” Soria told CalMatters. “Especially in the region that I represent, farmworkers are really the backbone of one of the largest agricultural economies in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954314/3-big-takeaways-from-californias-311-billion-budget-deal\">major proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> to overhaul the state’s behavioral and mental health system is likely to take nearly $720 million away from services provided by county governments annually, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">new analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although that money would be reallocated within the system, in part to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">house homeless individuals with severe mental illness\u003c/a> and addiction disorders, the report authors note that Newsom and key legislators supporting the proposal have neither provided a complete justification for the changes nor have they published an analysis on how the changes may “negatively impact current services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, as the Legislature considers the proposal, we recommend asking the administration certain questions to assess whether the proposal is warranted,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the Legislature to put his proposal before voters next year in tandem with a $4.68 billion bond measure to add psychiatric treatment beds. It would change how the state allocates money under the Mental Health Services Act, which levies a 1% tax on income above $1 million to fund behavioral health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brandon Richards, deputy communications director, Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘What’s more upsetting, is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.[aside label='More on Mental Health Care' tag='mental-health']Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\"]‘The opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care — and nobody is left out or left behind.’[/pullquote]Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The hardest parts of Grace Diaz’s caregiving job are the sleepless nights and aches and pains. And the time away from her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when Diaz’s client, an older Alzheimer’s patient, gets a good night’s sleep, Diaz wakes up at her slightest rustle or groan. Diaz’s shoulder bothers her because she often lifts her client from bed to wheelchair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lives with her client in Westminster, a city in Orange County, seven days a week, making $15.50 an hour and sending some to her children back home in the Philippines, from which she emigrated 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz, who is 56, worries that when she needs care, she won’t be able to afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take care of the elderly, but I’m not even sure that, if I stay here, I’m going to have the same care that I’m giving right now — if I’ll be able to afford it,” said Diaz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many of California’s caregivers, Diaz says she needs a living wage, safer working conditions and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Grace Diaz, caregiver\"]‘We take care of the elderly, but I’m not even sure that, if I stay here, I’m going to have the same care that I’m giving right now — if I’ll be able to afford it.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important not just for in-home workers, advocates say, but for California’s Baby Boomers, who will need to hire them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s caregiver workforce is already too small, experts say, and many are aging immigrants like Diaz, earning near-minimum wages. A few state lawmakers have introduced bills to protect workers and encourage growth in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need for care is going to more than double in the next 12 years here in California, and it’s happening across the country,” said Arnulfo De La Cruz, president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 2015, which represents long-term care workers throughout California. “We’re a country that’s aging, and how do we want to care for people when they age?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California caregivers undervalued, underpaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2030, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2019/05/wave-of-seniors-will-strain-california-caregiver-network-even-more/\">nearly 1 in 5 Californians\u003c/a> will be age 65 or older, according to the nonprofit Public Policy Institute of California. The state will be facing a shortage of as many as \u003ca href=\"https://mpa.aging.ca.gov/Goals/4\">3.2 million care workers\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/CaliforniaDirectCareWorkforce.pdf\"> by then\u003c/a>, said Susan DeMarois, director of the California Department of Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregiving has been an undervalued field, largely because its workers are predominantly immigrant women, said Fernando Torres-Gil, director of the UCLA Center for Policy Research on Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t, as a society, value or honor persons that do caregiving,” Torres-Gil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California 80% of care workers are women, 74% are people of color and 47% are immigrants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.phinational.org/policy-research/workforce-data-center/#states=06&var=Citizenship\">according to PHI\u003c/a>, a New York-based research and elder policy nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Californiau2019s caregiver workforce is mostly women and people of color\" aria-label=\"Split Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-LBBzY\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/LBBzY/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"366\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregivers who work in homes or nursing centers often earn minimum, or close to minimum, wages, Torres-Gil said, and they lack benefits and safety protections typical of 9-to-5 jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes careers in long-term care a hard sell for young people, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution is two-pronged, said Aquilina Soriano Versoza, executive director of the Pilipino Workers Center of Southern California. Long-term care workers should receive living wages and benefits good enough to attract and retain them, she said, and government systems should help Californians pay for the care they’ll need as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shortage of \u003cem>good\u003c/em> jobs,” she said of caregiving. “People are not going into care work, even though it’s one of the fastest growing jobs, because of the conditions and what it’s paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Caregivers’ pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state and counties help set that pay. The state’s In-Home Supportive Services Program serves 700,000 Californians, paying for in-home care for low-income residents age 65 and older and others who are disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s funded with a mix of government money. A state audit in \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2020-109.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> showed California contributing $4.5 billion, counties $1.6 billion and the federal government $7.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The in-home program pays caregivers, who help people stay in their homes. Caregivers’ pay rates are negotiated by the counties where they work and the unions that represent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers often complain about slow negotiations stymied by regional politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Contracts for the stateu2019s In-Home Supportive Services Program are negotiated with each county. What does your county pay providers?\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-TuUnA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/TuUnA/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"406\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, for instance, six years of bargaining for a new contract yielded a recent county offer of 50 cents an hour more on the $15.50 base pay. Sandy Moreno, who left a career in labor to care for her grandmother, said showing up at county supervisors’ meetings didn’t change things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just feels like they don’t really care about IHSS providers,” she said. “No matter how many times we go to their sessions to talk about our work, to let them know we need to invest in this program, it just feels like we’re at the end of their list.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno County Public Authority and SEIU Local 2015 also are in active negotiations for caregiver contracts. Sal Quintero, the only Latino Fresno County supervisor, said he supports organized labor and caregivers — his brother was a caregiver — but “we have to be careful with our county budget and see what’s affordable for us as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Statewide bargaining?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few state lawmakers introduced bills designed to improve pay and working conditions for caregivers.[aside label='More Stories on Caregivers' tag='caregivers']Assemblymember Matt Haney, a Democrat from San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1672\">authored a bill\u003c/a> earlier this year to shift collective bargaining for publicly funded caregiver contracts from counties to the state. Labor supporters said that would make contracts fairer across the state and allow care workers to move across county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who would you want caring for someone you love,” asked De La Cruz, “someone who’s making poverty wages, no retirement and little benefits? Or someone who has a living wage and is able to have benefits to care for their own families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the Assembly, but Haney said he pulled it before a Senate vote after agreeing, in discussions with Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration, that the state needs time to flesh out logistics and finances for statewide bargaining for caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14307615/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1100\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB102\">Newsom’s budget includes $1.5 million\u003c/a> for a working group on the issue. Haney said he expects its findings in 2025. Newsom also agreed to increase state fines for counties that fail to promptly reach contract agreements with caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Domestic Workers said in a statement, “This is a vital first step towards bringing equity and a true living wage” to in-home caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Haney’s proposal said counties have varying needs and costs of living that statewide rates likely won’t address. Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, said in a statement he voted against the bill because it would impose a one-size-fits-all approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way we can actually support these workers is by focusing on policies in Sacramento that address our affordability crisis,” he said. “For example, stopping the upcoming gas tax increase July 1 would greatly benefit IHSS workers, who drive more than other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In-home worker safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Senator María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB686\">introduced a proposal this year\u003c/a> to include home caregivers in the state’s oversight of workplace safety. Her bill, which targets a variety of domestic workers, passed the Senate and is in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, California’s safety work rules don’t apply to domestic workers, including caregivers in private homes. If approved, Durazo’s bill would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/03/domestic-worker-safety/\">change that\u003c/a>. It’s her third bill to improve domestic worker safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020 she proposed extending the Division of Occupational Safety and Health (Cal/OSHA) protections to domestic workers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/governor-vetoes-bill-domestic-workers/\">but Newsom vetoed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955600\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg\" alt=\"A woman's hand is seen on the shoulder of another older woman's shoulder. The older woman is in a wheelchair and is looking up at her caregiver in blue scrubs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grace Diaz, a caregiver, at the home of her client in Orange County on June 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, taking feedback from Newsom, she proposed creating an advisory committee on domestic workers for Cal/OSHA. That led to California’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/documents/Voluntary-Industry-Guidelines-SB-321.pdf\">voluntary occupational health and safety guidelines\u003c/a> for domestic workers.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Senator María Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles)\"]‘It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home. They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.’[/pullquote]If Durazo’s latest bill becomes law, Cal/OSHA would have the authority to develop and enforce its health and safety guidance for employers, making in-home work safer and more desirable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home,” Durazo said. “They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds like a good idea to Diaz, who said it would help caregivers in difficult employment situations. Caregiving is not for the faint of heart, she said. It requires physical and emotional strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes her client yells at her out of the blue, she said. On better days, they do arm exercises in the garden or listen to soothing music in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz likes her work. With her own family thousands of miles away, Diaz said her client has become like family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s like a mother to me,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take care of the elderly, but I’m not even sure that, if I stay here, I’m going to have the same care that I’m giving right now — if I’ll be able to afford it,” said Diaz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many of California’s caregivers, Diaz says she needs a living wage, safer working conditions and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We take care of the elderly, but I’m not even sure that, if I stay here, I’m going to have the same care that I’m giving right now — if I’ll be able to afford it.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important not just for in-home workers, advocates say, but for California’s Baby Boomers, who will need to hire them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s caregiver workforce is already too small, experts say, and many are aging immigrants like Diaz, earning near-minimum wages. A few state lawmakers have introduced bills to protect workers and encourage growth in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need for care is going to more than double in the next 12 years here in California, and it’s happening across the country,” said Arnulfo De La Cruz, president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 2015, which represents long-term care workers throughout California. “We’re a country that’s aging, and how do we want to care for people when they age?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California caregivers undervalued, underpaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2030, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2019/05/wave-of-seniors-will-strain-california-caregiver-network-even-more/\">nearly 1 in 5 Californians\u003c/a> will be age 65 or older, according to the nonprofit Public Policy Institute of California. The state will be facing a shortage of as many as \u003ca href=\"https://mpa.aging.ca.gov/Goals/4\">3.2 million care workers\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/CaliforniaDirectCareWorkforce.pdf\"> by then\u003c/a>, said Susan DeMarois, director of the California Department of Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregiving has been an undervalued field, largely because its workers are predominantly immigrant women, said Fernando Torres-Gil, director of the UCLA Center for Policy Research on Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t, as a society, value or honor persons that do caregiving,” Torres-Gil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California 80% of care workers are women, 74% are people of color and 47% are immigrants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.phinational.org/policy-research/workforce-data-center/#states=06&var=Citizenship\">according to PHI\u003c/a>, a New York-based research and elder policy nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Californiau2019s caregiver workforce is mostly women and people of color\" aria-label=\"Split Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-LBBzY\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/LBBzY/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"366\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregivers who work in homes or nursing centers often earn minimum, or close to minimum, wages, Torres-Gil said, and they lack benefits and safety protections typical of 9-to-5 jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes careers in long-term care a hard sell for young people, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution is two-pronged, said Aquilina Soriano Versoza, executive director of the Pilipino Workers Center of Southern California. Long-term care workers should receive living wages and benefits good enough to attract and retain them, she said, and government systems should help Californians pay for the care they’ll need as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shortage of \u003cem>good\u003c/em> jobs,” she said of caregiving. “People are not going into care work, even though it’s one of the fastest growing jobs, because of the conditions and what it’s paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Caregivers’ pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state and counties help set that pay. The state’s In-Home Supportive Services Program serves 700,000 Californians, paying for in-home care for low-income residents age 65 and older and others who are disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s funded with a mix of government money. A state audit in \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2020-109.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> showed California contributing $4.5 billion, counties $1.6 billion and the federal government $7.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The in-home program pays caregivers, who help people stay in their homes. Caregivers’ pay rates are negotiated by the counties where they work and the unions that represent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers often complain about slow negotiations stymied by regional politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Contracts for the stateu2019s In-Home Supportive Services Program are negotiated with each county. What does your county pay providers?\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-TuUnA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/TuUnA/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"406\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, for instance, six years of bargaining for a new contract yielded a recent county offer of 50 cents an hour more on the $15.50 base pay. Sandy Moreno, who left a career in labor to care for her grandmother, said showing up at county supervisors’ meetings didn’t change things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just feels like they don’t really care about IHSS providers,” she said. “No matter how many times we go to their sessions to talk about our work, to let them know we need to invest in this program, it just feels like we’re at the end of their list.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno County Public Authority and SEIU Local 2015 also are in active negotiations for caregiver contracts. Sal Quintero, the only Latino Fresno County supervisor, said he supports organized labor and caregivers — his brother was a caregiver — but “we have to be careful with our county budget and see what’s affordable for us as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Statewide bargaining?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few state lawmakers introduced bills designed to improve pay and working conditions for caregivers.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney, a Democrat from San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1672\">authored a bill\u003c/a> earlier this year to shift collective bargaining for publicly funded caregiver contracts from counties to the state. Labor supporters said that would make contracts fairer across the state and allow care workers to move across county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who would you want caring for someone you love,” asked De La Cruz, “someone who’s making poverty wages, no retirement and little benefits? Or someone who has a living wage and is able to have benefits to care for their own families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the Assembly, but Haney said he pulled it before a Senate vote after agreeing, in discussions with Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration, that the state needs time to flesh out logistics and finances for statewide bargaining for caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14307615/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1100\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB102\">Newsom’s budget includes $1.5 million\u003c/a> for a working group on the issue. Haney said he expects its findings in 2025. Newsom also agreed to increase state fines for counties that fail to promptly reach contract agreements with caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Domestic Workers said in a statement, “This is a vital first step towards bringing equity and a true living wage” to in-home caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Haney’s proposal said counties have varying needs and costs of living that statewide rates likely won’t address. Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, said in a statement he voted against the bill because it would impose a one-size-fits-all approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way we can actually support these workers is by focusing on policies in Sacramento that address our affordability crisis,” he said. “For example, stopping the upcoming gas tax increase July 1 would greatly benefit IHSS workers, who drive more than other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In-home worker safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Senator María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB686\">introduced a proposal this year\u003c/a> to include home caregivers in the state’s oversight of workplace safety. Her bill, which targets a variety of domestic workers, passed the Senate and is in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, California’s safety work rules don’t apply to domestic workers, including caregivers in private homes. If approved, Durazo’s bill would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/03/domestic-worker-safety/\">change that\u003c/a>. It’s her third bill to improve domestic worker safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020 she proposed extending the Division of Occupational Safety and Health (Cal/OSHA) protections to domestic workers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/governor-vetoes-bill-domestic-workers/\">but Newsom vetoed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955600\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg\" alt=\"A woman's hand is seen on the shoulder of another older woman's shoulder. The older woman is in a wheelchair and is looking up at her caregiver in blue scrubs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grace Diaz, a caregiver, at the home of her client in Orange County on June 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, taking feedback from Newsom, she proposed creating an advisory committee on domestic workers for Cal/OSHA. That led to California’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/documents/Voluntary-Industry-Guidelines-SB-321.pdf\">voluntary occupational health and safety guidelines\u003c/a> for domestic workers.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home. They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If Durazo’s latest bill becomes law, Cal/OSHA would have the authority to develop and enforce its health and safety guidance for employers, making in-home work safer and more desirable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home,” Durazo said. “They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds like a good idea to Diaz, who said it would help caregivers in difficult employment situations. Caregiving is not for the faint of heart, she said. It requires physical and emotional strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes her client yells at her out of the blue, she said. On better days, they do arm exercises in the garden or listen to soothing music in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz likes her work. With her own family thousands of miles away, Diaz said her client has become like family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s like a mother to me,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "This California City Made a Huge Impact on Homelessness. Then Money Ran Out",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new homeless outreach program pairing a social worker with a police officer in Grass Valley, a small town in the Sierra Nevada foothills, seemed to be working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state-funded effort sent the team to homeless encampments, where they helped build trust among vulnerable people and persuaded them to accept help, according to the nonprofit Hospitality House, which ran the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It blew past its goal of engaging 90 people in three years, instead meeting with more than 200. It even helped move some people directly into housing, including an 80-year-old veteran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the three-year grant paying for that outreach ended in June, there was no money to replace it. So the program came to a screeching halt, to the disappointment of all involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a profound loss to not be able to do this,” said Nancy Baglietto, executive director of Hospitality House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That loss embodies the worst fears of homeless service providers across California, as they struggle to piece together new funding sources after their state grants expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO, League of California Cities\"]‘It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.[aside postID=news_11949327 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58533_080_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg']The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nancy Baglietto, executive director, Hospitality House\"]‘We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from. It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.’[/pullquote]Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.[aside label='More on California’s Unhoused Community' tag='homelessness']“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom poured 'unprecedented' money into homelessness, but providers say one-time grants do not allow for long-term solutions to the state's biggest crisis.",
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"title": "This California City Made a Huge Impact on Homelessness. Then Money Ran Out | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new homeless outreach program pairing a social worker with a police officer in Grass Valley, a small town in the Sierra Nevada foothills, seemed to be working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state-funded effort sent the team to homeless encampments, where they helped build trust among vulnerable people and persuaded them to accept help, according to the nonprofit Hospitality House, which ran the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It blew past its goal of engaging 90 people in three years, instead meeting with more than 200. It even helped move some people directly into housing, including an 80-year-old veteran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the three-year grant paying for that outreach ended in June, there was no money to replace it. So the program came to a screeching halt, to the disappointment of all involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a profound loss to not be able to do this,” said Nancy Baglietto, executive director of Hospitality House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That loss embodies the worst fears of homeless service providers across California, as they struggle to piece together new funding sources after their state grants expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from. It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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