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"title": "Embattled SF School District Will Offer Hundreds of Buyouts — Then Potential Layoffs",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> will offer buyouts for hundreds of eligible employees to retire early as part of its latest effort to patch a massive multi-year budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on state funding and how many employees take the buyout, the district could also pursue layoffs after the end of the academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said the plan, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013574/sf-school-board-is-headed-for-a-shakeup-its-newcomers-will-inherit-a-crisis\">the Board of Education\u003c/a> approved unanimously on Tuesday evening, will save tens of millions of dollars by 2030. Parents and the teachers’ union, however, worry about the impact of losing so many veteran teachers in one fell swoop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More older, experienced teachers leaving our schools replaced by new, younger, less experienced teachers will result in poorer learning outcomes for our students,” Cindy Chung, whose first-grader attends Starr King Elementary School, said at Tuesday’s meeting. “We’ve already seen high turnover of [paraeducators] and lower-paid staff who have less financial stability, can’t afford to live in SF and have incredibly long commutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff ranging from paraeducators to upper management will be eligible for the Supplemental Employee Retirement Plan so long as they have permanent full-time positions, are over 55, and will have worked within SFUSD for a consecutive five years as of June 2025. The district plans to send notification letters with information for employees who qualify beginning Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many positions will be filled with “lower-paid new hires,” whose starting salaries are $18,000 to $30,000 lower, while an estimated 69 positions could be eliminated. Together, SFUSD said, this could save over $30 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12013574 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41635_002_KQED_Election_Prop13_02262020_4349-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who agree to the buyout by mid-February will receive a one-time payment equal to 60% of their salary upon their resignation while retaining their retirement benefits. If fewer than 314 employees sign up to participate, though, the offer could be retracted entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassondra Curiel, the president of United Educators San Francisco, said that although early retirement could be beneficial to some of the union’s members, it will destabilize overall school staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have classrooms right now with students in them who don’t have permanent teachers. They’ve had substitutes since August,” she told KQED. “We feel like that is management and the district’s negligence, and now they’re going to compound that vacancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The early retirement program is one part of the district’s three-pronged fiscal stabilization plan, which it said will help balance its budget and avoid state takeover. That plan was also passed by the board on Tuesday, giving Superintendent Maria Su direction to take any and all steps necessary to present balanced budgets for the next three cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD is expected to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011347/sf-schools-wont-close-yet-but-the-city-still-has-questions-about-huge-budget-cuts\">a $113 million budget shortfall\u003c/a> this year and an even larger structural deficit by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elliott Duchon, a state-appointed adviser who has veto power over SFUSD’s spending, told school board members on Tuesday that the reductions are crucial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not attended a board meeting where people are not worried about losing their jobs, where the spend budget hasn’t been an issue, where staffing hasn’t been an issue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, Duchon has had the ability to veto SFUSD’s spending decisions because its budget report was negative, indicating it will fail to cover its expenses in coming years. This year’s first budget report, presented Tuesday, was negative as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unhealthy for the district,” Duchon said. “It’s unhealthy for your staff. It’s unhealthy for your children, the community, and for you as board members. It detracts from your goals and your ability to focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the buyouts, the fiscal stabilization plan includes a review of all budget expenditures and potential layoffs at the end of the academic year. SFUSD needs to cut more than $113.8 million in expenses next fiscal year and $13 million more in 2026-2027 to get back on track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers and certificated staff will be notified of layoffs by March, and civil staff will find out in mid-May. The district will look at how many people choose to participate in the early retirement program and how much funding SFUSD receives in January’s state budget to determine how many layoffs are necessary, Su said. District staffers have already created a seniority list of employees to share with labor partners ahead of the potential reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Michele Huntoon, SFUSD’s associate superintendent of business services, said staff members will review all expenditures based on a few questions: “Are we using them? Are they meeting our purpose? Is it meeting our needs?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duchon said that while the changes will be challenging, SFUSD needs to face the reality of its financial situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are living in a time of declining enrollment, declining revenue,” he said. “You have used one-time revenues to pay for ongoing staffing, and that has put you in a position of staffing in a way that is richer than what your resources allow you to do. We want to be hopeful, but there may be pain to go through before you get there. And if you don’t go through the pain, the pain will continue on and on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> will offer buyouts for hundreds of eligible employees to retire early as part of its latest effort to patch a massive multi-year budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on state funding and how many employees take the buyout, the district could also pursue layoffs after the end of the academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said the plan, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013574/sf-school-board-is-headed-for-a-shakeup-its-newcomers-will-inherit-a-crisis\">the Board of Education\u003c/a> approved unanimously on Tuesday evening, will save tens of millions of dollars by 2030. Parents and the teachers’ union, however, worry about the impact of losing so many veteran teachers in one fell swoop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More older, experienced teachers leaving our schools replaced by new, younger, less experienced teachers will result in poorer learning outcomes for our students,” Cindy Chung, whose first-grader attends Starr King Elementary School, said at Tuesday’s meeting. “We’ve already seen high turnover of [paraeducators] and lower-paid staff who have less financial stability, can’t afford to live in SF and have incredibly long commutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff ranging from paraeducators to upper management will be eligible for the Supplemental Employee Retirement Plan so long as they have permanent full-time positions, are over 55, and will have worked within SFUSD for a consecutive five years as of June 2025. The district plans to send notification letters with information for employees who qualify beginning Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many positions will be filled with “lower-paid new hires,” whose starting salaries are $18,000 to $30,000 lower, while an estimated 69 positions could be eliminated. Together, SFUSD said, this could save over $30 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who agree to the buyout by mid-February will receive a one-time payment equal to 60% of their salary upon their resignation while retaining their retirement benefits. If fewer than 314 employees sign up to participate, though, the offer could be retracted entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassondra Curiel, the president of United Educators San Francisco, said that although early retirement could be beneficial to some of the union’s members, it will destabilize overall school staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have classrooms right now with students in them who don’t have permanent teachers. They’ve had substitutes since August,” she told KQED. “We feel like that is management and the district’s negligence, and now they’re going to compound that vacancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The early retirement program is one part of the district’s three-pronged fiscal stabilization plan, which it said will help balance its budget and avoid state takeover. That plan was also passed by the board on Tuesday, giving Superintendent Maria Su direction to take any and all steps necessary to present balanced budgets for the next three cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD is expected to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011347/sf-schools-wont-close-yet-but-the-city-still-has-questions-about-huge-budget-cuts\">a $113 million budget shortfall\u003c/a> this year and an even larger structural deficit by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elliott Duchon, a state-appointed adviser who has veto power over SFUSD’s spending, told school board members on Tuesday that the reductions are crucial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not attended a board meeting where people are not worried about losing their jobs, where the spend budget hasn’t been an issue, where staffing hasn’t been an issue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, Duchon has had the ability to veto SFUSD’s spending decisions because its budget report was negative, indicating it will fail to cover its expenses in coming years. This year’s first budget report, presented Tuesday, was negative as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unhealthy for the district,” Duchon said. “It’s unhealthy for your staff. It’s unhealthy for your children, the community, and for you as board members. It detracts from your goals and your ability to focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the buyouts, the fiscal stabilization plan includes a review of all budget expenditures and potential layoffs at the end of the academic year. SFUSD needs to cut more than $113.8 million in expenses next fiscal year and $13 million more in 2026-2027 to get back on track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers and certificated staff will be notified of layoffs by March, and civil staff will find out in mid-May. The district will look at how many people choose to participate in the early retirement program and how much funding SFUSD receives in January’s state budget to determine how many layoffs are necessary, Su said. District staffers have already created a seniority list of employees to share with labor partners ahead of the potential reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Michele Huntoon, SFUSD’s associate superintendent of business services, said staff members will review all expenditures based on a few questions: “Are we using them? Are they meeting our purpose? Is it meeting our needs?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duchon said that while the changes will be challenging, SFUSD needs to face the reality of its financial situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are living in a time of declining enrollment, declining revenue,” he said. “You have used one-time revenues to pay for ongoing staffing, and that has put you in a position of staffing in a way that is richer than what your resources allow you to do. We want to be hopeful, but there may be pain to go through before you get there. And if you don’t go through the pain, the pain will continue on and on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-banned-bilingual-education-for-almost-20-years-it-still-hasnt-recovered",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n 1953, Bárbara Flores entered kindergarten at Washington Elementary School in Madera, California, a small city in the Central Valley surrounded by farm fields. Her mother and grandmother had talked it up: You’re going to learn a lot. You’re going to like it. She believed them. A little girl who would one day become a teacher, Flores was excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only until she got there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked out,” Flores recalled recently. She got to her grandmother’s house a few blocks away, furious. “Son mentirosas,” she said. “No entiendo nada. Y jamas voy a regresar.” \u003cem>You’re liars. I don’t understand anything. And I’m never going back\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores only spoke Spanish. As the grandchild of Mexican immigrants, she didn’t find her language or culture welcome in the school. But little Bárbara didn’t get her way. And after depositing her daughter back in the classroom, Flores’ mother asked the teacher a question: \u003cem>Aren’t you paying attention? My daughter walked out\u003c/em>. The answer felt like a slap and became a part of family lore. \u003cem>All these little Mexican girls look alike. I didn’t notice\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores returned to her old school this fall; the building she walked out of still stands, but almost everything else has changed. Now, students speak Spanish because their teachers require them to. Little Mexican girls see their culture celebrated on the walls of every classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washington students will graduate knowing how to speak, read and write in both Spanish and English, joining a growing number of “dual-language immersion” schools in California. Flores’ eyes open wide as she describes the about-face her alma mater has taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were punished for speaking Spanish,” she said. “We were hit with rulers, pinched, our braids were pulled. Now the whole school is dual-language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A family photograph of Bárbara Flores and her sister in their backyard in 1953. The path has not been linear. When Flores was a child, California still had an English-only law on the books from the 1800s. As governor, Ronald Reagan signed a bill eliminating it. Then, the Civil Rights Movement ushered in a new era of bilingual education, and the California Legislature went further, requiring the model for students still learning English from 1976 until the anti-immigrant backlash of the 1990s. Voters banned it again in 1998, only reversing the latest prohibition in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers have found bilingual education helps students learn English faster and can boost their standardized test scores, increase graduation rates, better prepare them for college and much more. California has removed the official barriers to offering this type of instruction since 2016, and the state now champions bilingualism and biliteracy, encouraging all students to strive for both. But eight years after repeal, California schools have yet to recover. A decades-long enrollment slump in bilingual-teacher prep programs has led to a decimated teacher pipeline. And underinvestment by the Legislature, paired with a hamstrung state Education Department, has limited the pace of bilingual education’s comeback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result? A rare case in which Californians can say Texas is inspiring. Both states enroll more than 1 million students still learning English — but last year, the Lone Star State put 40% of them in bilingual classrooms. California managed that for just 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1987, Flores didn’t think state policy would go this way. At the time, both states required bilingual education. She was a professor, helping build a bilingual-education teacher prep program at Cal State San Bernardino. Her home state could have kept pace with Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The English-only years: 1998 to 2016\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 1998, the bilingual-teacher prep program was flourishing. Flores helped aspiring teachers understand how students learn to read and write in two languages, sending them off into classrooms with binders full of instructional tips. Her daughter, then 10, was learning both English and Spanish through bilingual classes in the San Bernardino City Unified School District. Flores was on a parent committee organizing broader support for such programs in the face of a statewide campaign to get rid of them, bankrolled by Silicon Valley entrepreneur Ron Unz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017259\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017259\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children’s books in Spanish and English line the wall of a classroom at Washington Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227, which passed with 61% of the vote, required schools to teach only in English with students who were still learning the language, something that may sound like a good idea but often ends up unnecessarily putting students’ grade-level learning of other subjects on pause while they master English. Flores saw the impact immediately. Faculty on campus called for the elimination of her program, an effort that ultimately failed but showed, she said, “the intensity of the discrimination and language racism that was prevalent.” Enrollment in bilingual-teacher prep programs across the state plummeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores also watched local school districts respond. “I was shocked at superintendents in the area,” she said. “They just made everybody throw away their Spanish books. It was horrendous.” As she recalls, every single school district in the Inland Empire got rid of its bilingual programs except San Bernardino City Unified, where parent activism helped ensure the district took advantage of an exception to the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dual-language students outperform their peers in San Bernardino City Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/AiGqM/5/\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, student achievement data from San Bernardino City Unified had shown that bilingual programs were helping kids succeed. And over the next two decades, researchers studying programs across the United States released a steady stream of evidence about the benefits of bilingual education, especially a version called “dual language.” Traditional bilingual education essentially lets students use their first language while they learn English. Once students become fluent, their schools shift entirely to English instruction, which was the goal all along. Dual-language programs, by contrast, set bilingualism as the goal. Students continue to take courses in Spanish or another language for about half of the school day until they leave the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While dual-language programs often stop after elementary school, the “\u003ca href=\"https://civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/language-minority-students/bilingual-education-and-americas-future-evidence-and-pathways/bilingual-biliteracy-ed_06132023-082923-copyright.pdf\">bilingual advantage\u003c/a>” stretches through students’ K-12 years and into their working lives. Dual-language students have been found to score higher than their peers on both \u003ca href=\"https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED566267.pdf\">math\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED577026.pdf\">English language arts\u003c/a> exams by middle school. They also get higher scores \u003ca href=\"https://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ1229260\">on the ACT\u003c/a> in high school, setting them up to be more competitive in college admissions. And importantly, a team at Stanford found that native Spanish speakers were more likely to test out of English-learner services \u003ca href=\"https://cepa.stanford.edu/content/reclassification-patterns-among-latino-english-learner-students-bilingual-dual-immersion-and-english-immersion-classrooms\">if they took bilingual classes\u003c/a>, a coveted goal because of how well “former English learners” do. University of Chicago researchers just released data showing that Chicago high schoolers in this group had \u003ca href=\"https://consortium.uchicago.edu/publications/english-learners-in-chicago-public-schools-a-spotlight-on-high-school-students?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_content=A%20new%20study%20out%20today&utm_campaign=EL%202024%20Report%20Release\">higher-than-average\u003c/a> GPAs and SAT scores, high school graduation rates, and community college enrollment and persistence rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patricia Gándara co-directs the UCLA Civil Rights Project, which has published similar findings and has spent decades of her career cataloging the bilingual advantage. She laments the narrow value placed on bilingual education in the U.S., where it has historically been pursued as a way to help kids who don’t speak English learn the language more quickly and then succeed in English-only classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a very shortsighted view,” Gándara said, “particularly from the research that we’ve done that shows kids who get a strong bilingual education are more likely to go to college, they’re more likely to complete college, they’re more likely to have better jobs and better opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017260\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017260\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk through campus at Madison Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 30, 2024. The school opened a dual language program in 2017. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet while policymakers didn’t catch on right away, well-off and well-educated white parents did, seeing the economic benefits of bilingualism for their children very clearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glendale Unified School District launched its first Spanish-English dual-language program in 2003, going on to add programs in six other languages while official state policy was to ban them. Last year, 85% of the students enrolled were fluent English speakers, according to program director Nancy Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant families, weighed down by the pressure to speak English and make sure their children do too, have been hard to recruit. Hong said immigrant parents have long been concerned that letting their children spend half the school day or more hearing their home language will get in the way of learning English, even though research has shown it can make the whole process go faster. “The goal is to dismantle those myths and misperceptions,” she said. However, even though about 20% of students districtwide are English learners, only about 10% of them are in dual-language programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant families, however, have become strong advocates for the programs. José Sanjas, a Mexican-born father in Madera Unified School District, takes his 6-year-old daughter past her neighborhood school every day en route to one of the district’s dual-language programs. He and his wife want to preserve their native language as their daughter grows up here, but the draw isn’t only personal; Sanjas also sees how bilingualism will benefit his daughter in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She can help more people in the future,” Sanjas said. “Professionally, she’ll be able to serve everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017258\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017258\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bárbara Flores stands inside her old kindergarten classroom at Washington Elementary. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spurred on by support like his, a diverse coalition of school leaders in Madera Unified had, by 2016, come to see dual-language education as key to turning around the district’s chronically low performance, especially among the children of immigrants. Flores had helped make the case, inviting school board members to the annual conference of the California Association for Bilingual Education. And in Flores’ hometown, U.S.-born, white families were among those speaking up in support of the programs, knowing even if the immigrant students’ test scores had the most room to grow, their children could benefit too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, public opinion had swung in the other direction; that November, about 74% of California voters said yes to Proposition 58, officially allowing bilingual education back in California classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a relief we [could] finally move forward for our children,” Flores said. “We lost a whole generation of kids — quite a few generations, really — because of English-only.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next generation, however, is still waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A limping recovery: 2016 to 2024\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Flores spent 40 years training future teachers before retiring in 2019. Across three institutions and 32 years at Cal State San Bernardino, she likely taught 10,000 students, many of whom remain sprinkled throughout the state’s bilingual-education system. But if anything defines the legacy of Prop. 227, it is the shattered teacher pipeline it left in its wake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gándara, of the UCLA Civil Rights Project, said the current state of affairs is “one of those stories of ‘I told you so.’ … I could see what the problem was going to be: that when people came back to their senses and realized what a mistake this was, the big fallout was going to be that we didn’t have the teachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California colleges are not producing nearly enough teachers to meet the state’s bilingual-education goals. During the 2022-23 school year, the state commission on teacher credentialing only authorized 1,011 new bilingual teachers — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ctc.ca.gov/commission/reports/data/other-teacher-supply-bilingual-authorizations\">across all languages\u003c/a>. Only seven went to teachers who speak Vietnamese, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/ad/cefelfacts.asp\">second-most-common language\u003c/a> in California schools that year. And it actually gave out fewer credentials to Spanish-speaking teachers that year than in the three years prior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has not ignored this problem entirely. In 2017, it funded six grants, totaling $20 million, to help districts coach up bilingual staffers and prepare them to lead bilingual classrooms. But Edgar Lampkin, CEO of the California Association for Bilingual Education, said seeding such “grow your own” programs falls far short of addressing the statewide need. “That’s not systemic,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the National Resource Center for Asian Languages, based at Cal State Fullerton, got state money to train 200 teachers over five years. They’re on track, and the center’s director, Natalie Tran, is proud that their programs are not only increasing the number of teachers certified to teach in Asian languages but also diversifying the languages they speak. She expects to certify teachers who speak Tagalog, Hmong and Khmer this school year. Still, she said, the state needs to do more to train additional teachers of Asian languages, including the less common ones. “We’re going to need help from policymakers to make this happen,” Tran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She isn’t the only one calling on lawmakers to be part of the solution. Anya Hurwitz is executive director of SEAL, a nonprofit that got its start as an initiative of the Sobrato Family Foundation to address achievement gaps between immigrant and native-born children in Silicon Valley. She says the state underfunds education, which gets in the way of doing what’s best for kids who don’t speak English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the last year for which \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2022/econ/school-finances/secondary-education-finance.html\">federal census data\u003c/a> is available, New York spent almost $30,000 per student. California spent about $17,000. And besides its support for teacher training, the Legislature has only given districts \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/fo/r28/dlig21result.asp\">$10 million\u003c/a> extra to start or expand dual-language programs. In Massachusetts, home to about one-tenth the number of kids still learning English, the Legislature disbursed $11.8 million for the same work, kicking off its own recovery from an English-only law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Funding is not the solution to everything in and of itself,” Hurwitz said, “but at the same time, we can’t build capacity without funding and resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017263\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students pay attention during a class in Spanish at Madison Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in Flores’ hometown, Madera administrators have been able to use state and federal money earmarked for their sizable number of immigrant families and those living in poverty to achieve their dual-language goals. However, startup costs for dual-language programs are expensive. Teacher preparation programs, Superintendent Todd Lile said, are not producing graduates who are ready to do this work, leaving districts like his with steep professional development costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A residency program with Cal State Fresno has given Madera a solid pipeline of teachers, but the recent grads have to clear all the usual hurdles of being new to the profession while also adapting to using Spanish in the classroom. While these new hires at Washington Elementary School grew up bilingual, they went to school through the Prop. 227 years, meaning most of them didn’t develop an academic vocabulary in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viviana Valerio, a kindergarten teacher, said that history made bilingual education an intimidating proposition. “I commonly speak Spanish at home, but then when I was thinking about teaching, I was thinking, ‘OK, academic terms, I don’t know how to translate that,’ or ‘Parents ask me a question and I can’t think of it, I’m going to want to transition into English,’” she said. “For me, that was the scary part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas, too, lacks bilingual-education teachers, echoing a shortage present in much of the country, but the state is far ahead of California; many districts are able to recruit their own alumni because their programs have been around so long. Texas also continues to invest in bilingual education, helping districts comply with state mandates to offer it. Like California, Texas gives districts more per-pupil funding for every student still learning English; unlike California, Texas offers an additional premium for each of them enrolled in a dual-language program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an extra incentive to start and maintain these programs, Texas has started bumping up funding for the native English speakers enrolled too. Research shows the programs work better when classes are evenly split between native English speakers and speakers of the program’s second language. Then, not only are students learning their second language from the teacher but from their peers as well. Conveniently, this also makes for more integrated classrooms, something Gándara said California needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to take advantage of that, in large part because people don’t pay attention to that as a major issue and also because we don’t have the teachers to pull it off,” Gándara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017256\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12017256 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students work on multiplication problems during a Spanish language math class at Madison Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"background-color: transparent\">Indeed, districts across the state cite staffing as a major barrier to starting or expanding their programs. Some have gone abroad to recruit. Others have been forced to scrap their plans entirely. Newark Unified School District, in the Bay Area, got rid of its dual-language program this year because it couldn’t find teachers to staff it. “We tried everything,” said Karen Allard, assistant superintendent of education services.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a decade now, the state’s Education Department has tried to champion bilingual programs. Students who can prove their fluency in two languages before graduation get a special seal on their diplomas. The department also implores schools to help the children of immigrants maintain their home language while learning English, building that recommendation into its 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/roadmap.asp\">English Learner Roadmap\u003c/a>. By 2030, it wants half of California students on a path to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/documents/globalca2030.pdf\">becoming bilingual\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet all of this largely amounts to cheerleading. The department is \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/california-department-of-education-limited-in-ability-to-help-districts-improve-report-says/603168\">minimally funded and staffed\u003c/a>, a result of the state’s commitment to sending almost all K-12 funding directly to school districts, and its support for bilingual education has not come with any firm demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conor Williams, a senior fellow at The Century Foundation, a progressive think tank based in Washington, D.C., recently found himself — a self-described “professional lefty” — in the surprising position of \u003ca href=\"https://tcf.org/content/report/moving-from-vision-to-reality-establishing-california-as-a-national-bilingual-education-and-dual-language-immersion-leader/\">celebrating Texas’ policy over California’s\u003c/a>. Besides following Texas’ lead on funding, he said, California should rethink teacher licensing. The state requires college graduates to pass a suite of tests to become teachers, but Williams points out the tests don’t lead to better instruction and can keep good teachers from classrooms. Getting rid of the requirement could bring more bilingual adults into the profession and expand the teacher pipeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hard to overcome, however, is California’s shift toward more local control over schooling. Williams doesn’t always agree with what the Texas education department does with its power, but the state’s centralized approach means it has “enough power and muscle and will to set rules and hold districts to them,” he said. California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/03/school-finance/\">Local Control Funding Formula\u003c/a> is widely popular and has ensured districts get more state money to serve students still learning English as well as those in foster care and low-income households. However, Williams points out that local control has its limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t win civil rights battles by leaving it up to local school boards,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017264\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12017264 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A native Farsi speaker works on a Spanish language assignment at Washington Elementary School in Madera. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, districts like Madera are moving ahead on their own. In 2020, Flores’ alma mater, Washington Elementary, became Madera Unified’s second dual-language school, welcoming its first class of kindergartners who are expected to leave proficient in both English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mateo Diaz Zanjas was one of them. He’s now a fourth-grader and speaks in easy Spanish about the school and his long-term dream of going to Harvard. Upon hearing that he and his peers speak very good Spanish, he eagerly replies: “We also speak good English.” And he proves it, going on to answer questions in English about his favorite subjects and the languages he speaks with certain friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrators, however, are still waiting for the data to show that their bet on bilingual education will pay off in student achievement gains. The pandemic interrupted their early years and set them back, and the oldest students aren’t doing as well as district leaders would have hoped. Commitment to the programs, however, has not wavered. Students’ overall test scores remain low, but their growth scores — or how much they learn over the course of the year — are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district is helping students learn English more quickly, too, meaning they are becoming “former English learners” faster with the newer supports and joining the district’s highest-performing student group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Madera teachers are using bilingual education to give Spanish speakers grade-level material, knowing that once they sharpen their English skills, all that information will transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids can learn math in Spanish; it’s still math,” Lile said. “They can learn social studies in Spanish; it’s still history and geography. These subject matters don’t exist only in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Flores’ recent visit to Madera Unified, she heard Lile describe his long-term goals for the district, including higher graduation rates and better college readiness for the children of immigrants. She looked on proudly, sure her hometown district was finally getting it right.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An uncertain future: 2024 and beyond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few years ago, Flores introduced Lile to Margarita Machado-Casas, a professor at San Diego State’s Department of Dual Language and English Learner Education, which has long been a top producer of the state’s bilingual teachers. Machado-Casas is helping the district figure out what concrete steps teachers and administrators should take to follow the high-level recommendations of the state’s English Learner Roadmap. They started out with “Principle 1,” which asks school and district staffers to see immigrant students’ language and culture as assets rather than seeing their lack of English proficiency as a deficit. Pointing to Madera’s long and painful history of discriminating against immigrant students, including Flores, Machado-Casas said this principle unexpectedly took the entire first year, requiring “courageous conversations” — including asking staffers to think deeply about whether they believed in the work enough to stay in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12017267 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bárbara Flores sits by a tree at Washington Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 29, 2024. As a child in the 1950s, Flores played Ring Around the Rosie here. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Machado-Casas is helping educators in Madera understand both how to help immigrant students tackle grade-level material and convince them that the students can handle it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores hopes the work ends up being a playbook for the entire state — which could soon need one. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2074?slug=CA_202320240AB2074&_gl=1*1vfy6nl*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczMzc2NzIyMC4xNS4xLjE3MzM3Njg3MDcuNTYuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczMzc2NzIyMC4xNS4xLjE3MzM3Njc5NDAuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczMzc2NzIyMC4xNS4xLjE3MzM3Njc5NDAuMC4wLjA.\">signed a bill\u003c/a> this year requiring the Education Department to come up with a statewide plan for helping districts adopt the road map’s guidelines and report on their progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This planning process guarantees California will be over a decade into its recovery from the English-only years before the state even considers holding schools accountable for changing their practices. When New York passed a blueprint for how to serve English learners in 2014, it followed it up with new state regulations that same year, creating stricter policies for serving students who were still learning English, including a broader mandate for bilingual education, which had already been required for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='education' label='More Education Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alesha Moreno-Ramirez leads the California Education Department’s multilingual support division. She said state budget limitations have gotten in the way of implementing the English Learner Roadmap and said any call to require bilingual education, like Texas or New York, would have to come from the Legislature, not the department. “That said, we would enthusiastically support the movement toward requiring bilingual education,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates caution such a mandate would have to come with enough funding to help districts create high-quality programs, but many agree it would be a win for California students. Children from immigrant families speak \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/ad/cefelfacts.asp\">108 different languages\u003c/a>, according to the Education Department, but 93% of them speak one of 10. To require bilingual programs, the Legislature would likely tweak the current law, which says if the parents of 30 or more students in a single school request a language acquisition program, the school has to offer it “to the extent possible.” Texas, Illinois and New York have similar laws, but instead of requiring bilingual programs in response to parent advocacy, they do so based solely on enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores thinks the state is at least moving in the right direction. And Madera Unified gives her hope. During her recent visit, she was flooded with memories: She saw the tree she and her friends used to circle while playing “Ring Around the Rosie.” She visited the classroom she walked out of as a 5-year-old, where the walls are now decorated with vocabulary in Spanish as well as English. She suffered in that room 70 years ago. Now, little Mexican girls do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t stop,” she said. “We keep plugging away. That’s our tenacity. That’s our grit. And our motivation, of course, is for our children.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California has a tortured history with bilingual education in public schools, but state leaders won’t do what it takes to repair the damage.",
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"title": "California Banned Bilingual Education for Almost 20 Years. It Still Hasn’t Recovered | KQED",
"description": "California has a tortured history with bilingual education in public schools, but state leaders won’t do what it takes to repair the damage.",
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"headline": "California Banned Bilingual Education for Almost 20 Years. It Still Hasn’t Recovered",
"datePublished": "2024-12-09T14:00:38-08:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n 1953, Bárbara Flores entered kindergarten at Washington Elementary School in Madera, California, a small city in the Central Valley surrounded by farm fields. Her mother and grandmother had talked it up: You’re going to learn a lot. You’re going to like it. She believed them. A little girl who would one day become a teacher, Flores was excited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only until she got there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked out,” Flores recalled recently. She got to her grandmother’s house a few blocks away, furious. “Son mentirosas,” she said. “No entiendo nada. Y jamas voy a regresar.” \u003cem>You’re liars. I don’t understand anything. And I’m never going back\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores only spoke Spanish. As the grandchild of Mexican immigrants, she didn’t find her language or culture welcome in the school. But little Bárbara didn’t get her way. And after depositing her daughter back in the classroom, Flores’ mother asked the teacher a question: \u003cem>Aren’t you paying attention? My daughter walked out\u003c/em>. The answer felt like a slap and became a part of family lore. \u003cem>All these little Mexican girls look alike. I didn’t notice\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores returned to her old school this fall; the building she walked out of still stands, but almost everything else has changed. Now, students speak Spanish because their teachers require them to. Little Mexican girls see their culture celebrated on the walls of every classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washington students will graduate knowing how to speak, read and write in both Spanish and English, joining a growing number of “dual-language immersion” schools in California. Flores’ eyes open wide as she describes the about-face her alma mater has taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were punished for speaking Spanish,” she said. “We were hit with rulers, pinched, our braids were pulled. Now the whole school is dual-language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A family photograph of Bárbara Flores and her sister in their backyard in 1953. The path has not been linear. When Flores was a child, California still had an English-only law on the books from the 1800s. As governor, Ronald Reagan signed a bill eliminating it. Then, the Civil Rights Movement ushered in a new era of bilingual education, and the California Legislature went further, requiring the model for students still learning English from 1976 until the anti-immigrant backlash of the 1990s. Voters banned it again in 1998, only reversing the latest prohibition in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers have found bilingual education helps students learn English faster and can boost their standardized test scores, increase graduation rates, better prepare them for college and much more. California has removed the official barriers to offering this type of instruction since 2016, and the state now champions bilingualism and biliteracy, encouraging all students to strive for both. But eight years after repeal, California schools have yet to recover. A decades-long enrollment slump in bilingual-teacher prep programs has led to a decimated teacher pipeline. And underinvestment by the Legislature, paired with a hamstrung state Education Department, has limited the pace of bilingual education’s comeback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result? A rare case in which Californians can say Texas is inspiring. Both states enroll more than 1 million students still learning English — but last year, the Lone Star State put 40% of them in bilingual classrooms. California managed that for just 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1987, Flores didn’t think state policy would go this way. At the time, both states required bilingual education. She was a professor, helping build a bilingual-education teacher prep program at Cal State San Bernardino. Her home state could have kept pace with Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The English-only years: 1998 to 2016\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 1998, the bilingual-teacher prep program was flourishing. Flores helped aspiring teachers understand how students learn to read and write in two languages, sending them off into classrooms with binders full of instructional tips. Her daughter, then 10, was learning both English and Spanish through bilingual classes in the San Bernardino City Unified School District. Flores was on a parent committee organizing broader support for such programs in the face of a statewide campaign to get rid of them, bankrolled by Silicon Valley entrepreneur Ron Unz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017259\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017259\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_4-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children’s books in Spanish and English line the wall of a classroom at Washington Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227, which passed with 61% of the vote, required schools to teach only in English with students who were still learning the language, something that may sound like a good idea but often ends up unnecessarily putting students’ grade-level learning of other subjects on pause while they master English. Flores saw the impact immediately. Faculty on campus called for the elimination of her program, an effort that ultimately failed but showed, she said, “the intensity of the discrimination and language racism that was prevalent.” Enrollment in bilingual-teacher prep programs across the state plummeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores also watched local school districts respond. “I was shocked at superintendents in the area,” she said. “They just made everybody throw away their Spanish books. It was horrendous.” As she recalls, every single school district in the Inland Empire got rid of its bilingual programs except San Bernardino City Unified, where parent activism helped ensure the district took advantage of an exception to the new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dual-language students outperform their peers in San Bernardino City Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/AiGqM/5/\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, student achievement data from San Bernardino City Unified had shown that bilingual programs were helping kids succeed. And over the next two decades, researchers studying programs across the United States released a steady stream of evidence about the benefits of bilingual education, especially a version called “dual language.” Traditional bilingual education essentially lets students use their first language while they learn English. Once students become fluent, their schools shift entirely to English instruction, which was the goal all along. Dual-language programs, by contrast, set bilingualism as the goal. Students continue to take courses in Spanish or another language for about half of the school day until they leave the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While dual-language programs often stop after elementary school, the “\u003ca href=\"https://civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/language-minority-students/bilingual-education-and-americas-future-evidence-and-pathways/bilingual-biliteracy-ed_06132023-082923-copyright.pdf\">bilingual advantage\u003c/a>” stretches through students’ K-12 years and into their working lives. Dual-language students have been found to score higher than their peers on both \u003ca href=\"https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED566267.pdf\">math\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED577026.pdf\">English language arts\u003c/a> exams by middle school. They also get higher scores \u003ca href=\"https://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ1229260\">on the ACT\u003c/a> in high school, setting them up to be more competitive in college admissions. And importantly, a team at Stanford found that native Spanish speakers were more likely to test out of English-learner services \u003ca href=\"https://cepa.stanford.edu/content/reclassification-patterns-among-latino-english-learner-students-bilingual-dual-immersion-and-english-immersion-classrooms\">if they took bilingual classes\u003c/a>, a coveted goal because of how well “former English learners” do. University of Chicago researchers just released data showing that Chicago high schoolers in this group had \u003ca href=\"https://consortium.uchicago.edu/publications/english-learners-in-chicago-public-schools-a-spotlight-on-high-school-students?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_content=A%20new%20study%20out%20today&utm_campaign=EL%202024%20Report%20Release\">higher-than-average\u003c/a> GPAs and SAT scores, high school graduation rates, and community college enrollment and persistence rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patricia Gándara co-directs the UCLA Civil Rights Project, which has published similar findings and has spent decades of her career cataloging the bilingual advantage. She laments the narrow value placed on bilingual education in the U.S., where it has historically been pursued as a way to help kids who don’t speak English learn the language more quickly and then succeed in English-only classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a very shortsighted view,” Gándara said, “particularly from the research that we’ve done that shows kids who get a strong bilingual education are more likely to go to college, they’re more likely to complete college, they’re more likely to have better jobs and better opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017260\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017260\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_5-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk through campus at Madison Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 30, 2024. The school opened a dual language program in 2017. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet while policymakers didn’t catch on right away, well-off and well-educated white parents did, seeing the economic benefits of bilingualism for their children very clearly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glendale Unified School District launched its first Spanish-English dual-language program in 2003, going on to add programs in six other languages while official state policy was to ban them. Last year, 85% of the students enrolled were fluent English speakers, according to program director Nancy Hong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant families, weighed down by the pressure to speak English and make sure their children do too, have been hard to recruit. Hong said immigrant parents have long been concerned that letting their children spend half the school day or more hearing their home language will get in the way of learning English, even though research has shown it can make the whole process go faster. “The goal is to dismantle those myths and misperceptions,” she said. However, even though about 20% of students districtwide are English learners, only about 10% of them are in dual-language programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many immigrant families, however, have become strong advocates for the programs. José Sanjas, a Mexican-born father in Madera Unified School District, takes his 6-year-old daughter past her neighborhood school every day en route to one of the district’s dual-language programs. He and his wife want to preserve their native language as their daughter grows up here, but the draw isn’t only personal; Sanjas also sees how bilingualism will benefit his daughter in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She can help more people in the future,” Sanjas said. “Professionally, she’ll be able to serve everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017258\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017258\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_3-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bárbara Flores stands inside her old kindergarten classroom at Washington Elementary. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Spurred on by support like his, a diverse coalition of school leaders in Madera Unified had, by 2016, come to see dual-language education as key to turning around the district’s chronically low performance, especially among the children of immigrants. Flores had helped make the case, inviting school board members to the annual conference of the California Association for Bilingual Education. And in Flores’ hometown, U.S.-born, white families were among those speaking up in support of the programs, knowing even if the immigrant students’ test scores had the most room to grow, their children could benefit too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, public opinion had swung in the other direction; that November, about 74% of California voters said yes to Proposition 58, officially allowing bilingual education back in California classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a relief we [could] finally move forward for our children,” Flores said. “We lost a whole generation of kids — quite a few generations, really — because of English-only.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next generation, however, is still waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A limping recovery: 2016 to 2024\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Flores spent 40 years training future teachers before retiring in 2019. Across three institutions and 32 years at Cal State San Bernardino, she likely taught 10,000 students, many of whom remain sprinkled throughout the state’s bilingual-education system. But if anything defines the legacy of Prop. 227, it is the shattered teacher pipeline it left in its wake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gándara, of the UCLA Civil Rights Project, said the current state of affairs is “one of those stories of ‘I told you so.’ … I could see what the problem was going to be: that when people came back to their senses and realized what a mistake this was, the big fallout was going to be that we didn’t have the teachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California colleges are not producing nearly enough teachers to meet the state’s bilingual-education goals. During the 2022-23 school year, the state commission on teacher credentialing only authorized 1,011 new bilingual teachers — \u003ca href=\"https://www.ctc.ca.gov/commission/reports/data/other-teacher-supply-bilingual-authorizations\">across all languages\u003c/a>. Only seven went to teachers who speak Vietnamese, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/ad/cefelfacts.asp\">second-most-common language\u003c/a> in California schools that year. And it actually gave out fewer credentials to Spanish-speaking teachers that year than in the three years prior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has not ignored this problem entirely. In 2017, it funded six grants, totaling $20 million, to help districts coach up bilingual staffers and prepare them to lead bilingual classrooms. But Edgar Lampkin, CEO of the California Association for Bilingual Education, said seeding such “grow your own” programs falls far short of addressing the statewide need. “That’s not systemic,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the National Resource Center for Asian Languages, based at Cal State Fullerton, got state money to train 200 teachers over five years. They’re on track, and the center’s director, Natalie Tran, is proud that their programs are not only increasing the number of teachers certified to teach in Asian languages but also diversifying the languages they speak. She expects to certify teachers who speak Tagalog, Hmong and Khmer this school year. Still, she said, the state needs to do more to train additional teachers of Asian languages, including the less common ones. “We’re going to need help from policymakers to make this happen,” Tran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She isn’t the only one calling on lawmakers to be part of the solution. Anya Hurwitz is executive director of SEAL, a nonprofit that got its start as an initiative of the Sobrato Family Foundation to address achievement gaps between immigrant and native-born children in Silicon Valley. She says the state underfunds education, which gets in the way of doing what’s best for kids who don’t speak English.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the last year for which \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2022/econ/school-finances/secondary-education-finance.html\">federal census data\u003c/a> is available, New York spent almost $30,000 per student. California spent about $17,000. And besides its support for teacher training, the Legislature has only given districts \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/fo/r28/dlig21result.asp\">$10 million\u003c/a> extra to start or expand dual-language programs. In Massachusetts, home to about one-tenth the number of kids still learning English, the Legislature disbursed $11.8 million for the same work, kicking off its own recovery from an English-only law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Funding is not the solution to everything in and of itself,” Hurwitz said, “but at the same time, we can’t build capacity without funding and resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017263\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_8-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students pay attention during a class in Spanish at Madison Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in Flores’ hometown, Madera administrators have been able to use state and federal money earmarked for their sizable number of immigrant families and those living in poverty to achieve their dual-language goals. However, startup costs for dual-language programs are expensive. Teacher preparation programs, Superintendent Todd Lile said, are not producing graduates who are ready to do this work, leaving districts like his with steep professional development costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A residency program with Cal State Fresno has given Madera a solid pipeline of teachers, but the recent grads have to clear all the usual hurdles of being new to the profession while also adapting to using Spanish in the classroom. While these new hires at Washington Elementary School grew up bilingual, they went to school through the Prop. 227 years, meaning most of them didn’t develop an academic vocabulary in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viviana Valerio, a kindergarten teacher, said that history made bilingual education an intimidating proposition. “I commonly speak Spanish at home, but then when I was thinking about teaching, I was thinking, ‘OK, academic terms, I don’t know how to translate that,’ or ‘Parents ask me a question and I can’t think of it, I’m going to want to transition into English,’” she said. “For me, that was the scary part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas, too, lacks bilingual-education teachers, echoing a shortage present in much of the country, but the state is far ahead of California; many districts are able to recruit their own alumni because their programs have been around so long. Texas also continues to invest in bilingual education, helping districts comply with state mandates to offer it. Like California, Texas gives districts more per-pupil funding for every student still learning English; unlike California, Texas offers an additional premium for each of them enrolled in a dual-language program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an extra incentive to start and maintain these programs, Texas has started bumping up funding for the native English speakers enrolled too. Research shows the programs work better when classes are evenly split between native English speakers and speakers of the program’s second language. Then, not only are students learning their second language from the teacher but from their peers as well. Conveniently, this also makes for more integrated classrooms, something Gándara said California needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t been able to take advantage of that, in large part because people don’t pay attention to that as a major issue and also because we don’t have the teachers to pull it off,” Gándara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017256\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12017256 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924_BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_CM_9-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students work on multiplication problems during a Spanish language math class at Madison Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"background-color: transparent\">Indeed, districts across the state cite staffing as a major barrier to starting or expanding their programs. Some have gone abroad to recruit. Others have been forced to scrap their plans entirely. Newark Unified School District, in the Bay Area, got rid of its dual-language program this year because it couldn’t find teachers to staff it. “We tried everything,” said Karen Allard, assistant superintendent of education services.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a decade now, the state’s Education Department has tried to champion bilingual programs. Students who can prove their fluency in two languages before graduation get a special seal on their diplomas. The department also implores schools to help the children of immigrants maintain their home language while learning English, building that recommendation into its 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/roadmap.asp\">English Learner Roadmap\u003c/a>. By 2030, it wants half of California students on a path to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/documents/globalca2030.pdf\">becoming bilingual\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet all of this largely amounts to cheerleading. The department is \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2018/california-department-of-education-limited-in-ability-to-help-districts-improve-report-says/603168\">minimally funded and staffed\u003c/a>, a result of the state’s commitment to sending almost all K-12 funding directly to school districts, and its support for bilingual education has not come with any firm demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conor Williams, a senior fellow at The Century Foundation, a progressive think tank based in Washington, D.C., recently found himself — a self-described “professional lefty” — in the surprising position of \u003ca href=\"https://tcf.org/content/report/moving-from-vision-to-reality-establishing-california-as-a-national-bilingual-education-and-dual-language-immersion-leader/\">celebrating Texas’ policy over California’s\u003c/a>. Besides following Texas’ lead on funding, he said, California should rethink teacher licensing. The state requires college graduates to pass a suite of tests to become teachers, but Williams points out the tests don’t lead to better instruction and can keep good teachers from classrooms. Getting rid of the requirement could bring more bilingual adults into the profession and expand the teacher pipeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hard to overcome, however, is California’s shift toward more local control over schooling. Williams doesn’t always agree with what the Texas education department does with its power, but the state’s centralized approach means it has “enough power and muscle and will to set rules and hold districts to them,” he said. California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/03/school-finance/\">Local Control Funding Formula\u003c/a> is widely popular and has ensured districts get more state money to serve students still learning English as well as those in foster care and low-income households. However, Williams points out that local control has its limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t win civil rights battles by leaving it up to local school boards,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017264\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12017264 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_10-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A native Farsi speaker works on a Spanish language assignment at Washington Elementary School in Madera. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, districts like Madera are moving ahead on their own. In 2020, Flores’ alma mater, Washington Elementary, became Madera Unified’s second dual-language school, welcoming its first class of kindergartners who are expected to leave proficient in both English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mateo Diaz Zanjas was one of them. He’s now a fourth-grader and speaks in easy Spanish about the school and his long-term dream of going to Harvard. Upon hearing that he and his peers speak very good Spanish, he eagerly replies: “We also speak good English.” And he proves it, going on to answer questions in English about his favorite subjects and the languages he speaks with certain friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrators, however, are still waiting for the data to show that their bet on bilingual education will pay off in student achievement gains. The pandemic interrupted their early years and set them back, and the oldest students aren’t doing as well as district leaders would have hoped. Commitment to the programs, however, has not wavered. Students’ overall test scores remain low, but their growth scores — or how much they learn over the course of the year — are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district is helping students learn English more quickly, too, meaning they are becoming “former English learners” faster with the newer supports and joining the district’s highest-performing student group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Madera teachers are using bilingual education to give Spanish speakers grade-level material, knowing that once they sharpen their English skills, all that information will transfer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids can learn math in Spanish; it’s still math,” Lile said. “They can learn social studies in Spanish; it’s still history and geography. These subject matters don’t exist only in English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Flores’ recent visit to Madera Unified, she heard Lile describe his long-term goals for the district, including higher graduation rates and better college readiness for the children of immigrants. She looked on proudly, sure her hometown district was finally getting it right.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An uncertain future: 2024 and beyond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few years ago, Flores introduced Lile to Margarita Machado-Casas, a professor at San Diego State’s Department of Dual Language and English Learner Education, which has long been a top producer of the state’s bilingual teachers. Machado-Casas is helping the district figure out what concrete steps teachers and administrators should take to follow the high-level recommendations of the state’s English Learner Roadmap. They started out with “Principle 1,” which asks school and district staffers to see immigrant students’ language and culture as assets rather than seeing their lack of English proficiency as a deficit. Pointing to Madera’s long and painful history of discriminating against immigrant students, including Flores, Machado-Casas said this principle unexpectedly took the entire first year, requiring “courageous conversations” — including asking staffers to think deeply about whether they believed in the work enough to stay in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12017267 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/102924-BILINGUAL-RECOVERY-LV_12-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bárbara Flores sits by a tree at Washington Elementary School in Madera on Oct. 29, 2024. As a child in the 1950s, Flores played Ring Around the Rosie here. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Machado-Casas is helping educators in Madera understand both how to help immigrant students tackle grade-level material and convince them that the students can handle it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores hopes the work ends up being a playbook for the entire state — which could soon need one. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2074?slug=CA_202320240AB2074&_gl=1*1vfy6nl*_gcl_au*Nzk3MzE2MDMuMTczMTAyMjU2Mg..*_ga*Mjk2NjI4MjAxLjE3MzEwMjI1NjI.*_ga_5TKXNLE5NK*MTczMzc2NzIyMC4xNS4xLjE3MzM3Njg3MDcuNTYuMC4w*_ga_DX0K9PCWYH*MTczMzc2NzIyMC4xNS4xLjE3MzM3Njc5NDAuMC4wLjA.*_ga_GNY4L81DZE*MTczMzc2NzIyMC4xNS4xLjE3MzM3Njc5NDAuMC4wLjA.\">signed a bill\u003c/a> this year requiring the Education Department to come up with a statewide plan for helping districts adopt the road map’s guidelines and report on their progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This planning process guarantees California will be over a decade into its recovery from the English-only years before the state even considers holding schools accountable for changing their practices. When New York passed a blueprint for how to serve English learners in 2014, it followed it up with new state regulations that same year, creating stricter policies for serving students who were still learning English, including a broader mandate for bilingual education, which had already been required for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alesha Moreno-Ramirez leads the California Education Department’s multilingual support division. She said state budget limitations have gotten in the way of implementing the English Learner Roadmap and said any call to require bilingual education, like Texas or New York, would have to come from the Legislature, not the department. “That said, we would enthusiastically support the movement toward requiring bilingual education,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates caution such a mandate would have to come with enough funding to help districts create high-quality programs, but many agree it would be a win for California students. Children from immigrant families speak \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/ad/cefelfacts.asp\">108 different languages\u003c/a>, according to the Education Department, but 93% of them speak one of 10. To require bilingual programs, the Legislature would likely tweak the current law, which says if the parents of 30 or more students in a single school request a language acquisition program, the school has to offer it “to the extent possible.” Texas, Illinois and New York have similar laws, but instead of requiring bilingual programs in response to parent advocacy, they do so based solely on enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores thinks the state is at least moving in the right direction. And Madera Unified gives her hope. During her recent visit, she was flooded with memories: She saw the tree she and her friends used to circle while playing “Ring Around the Rosie.” She visited the classroom she walked out of as a 5-year-old, where the walls are now decorated with vocabulary in Spanish as well as English. She suffered in that room 70 years ago. Now, little Mexican girls do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t stop,” she said. “We keep plugging away. That’s our tenacity. That’s our grit. And our motivation, of course, is for our children.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Amid fear of mass deportations under the incoming Trump administration, a state lawmaker wants to make all California schools and child care centers safe havens for immigrant children by passing legislation that would limit immigration officers’ access to school grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB49\">The bill, introduced Monday by Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi,\u003c/a> would prohibit school or child care center employees from letting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers enter their sites without a valid ID, statement of purpose, court order and approval from the school district’s superintendent or director of the child care center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an ICE officer meets all those requirements, they can only enter facilities where children aren’t present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/mixed-status-families\">One in 5, or 20%, of California children live in mixed-status families\u003c/a> where at least one of their relatives is an undocumented immigrant, according to researchers at the University of Southern California. Muratsuchi, who chairs the Assembly’s education committee, said the threat of being deported or becoming separated from their parents is casting fear over many of those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Our children should not be afraid to come to school and parents should not be afraid to send their children to school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State leaders worry that fear may affect students’ attendance and ability to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Trump’s first term as president, Latino student attendance and academic performance dropped significantly in areas affected by deportation arrests,\u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/how-strict-immigration-enforcement-harms-schoolchildren\"> according to a 2018 Stanford study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late November, Gov. Gavin Newsom sent\u003ca href=\"https://content.acsa.org/governors-letter-to-schools-re-immigration-enforcement/\"> a letter to school leaders\u003c/a> to remind them that all students have the constitutional right to attend public school, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009791 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240524_MobileHeadStart-39_qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we continue our shared work to provide students with a safe and supportive environment, I am compelled to reaffirm the state’s unwavering commitment to the rights and dignity of all students within our education system, including immigrant students and students from immigrant families,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muratsuchi’s bill builds upon a state law that prohibits schools from gathering information about students’ immigration status and another that allows schools to deny anyone access to a campus during school hours to limit disruption to the learning environment and to ensure the safety of their staff and students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts praised the bill for designating schools and child care centers as safe spaces for immigrant families but say it stops short of addressing the possibility of immigration crackdowns that occur near or just outside of schools when parents pick up or drop off young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are vulnerable moments for parents if they are undocumented. I think that’s a real concern,” said John Rogers, an education professor at UCLA who has studied the intersection of politics and K–12 education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muratsuchi said he plans to look into the legality of establishing a buffer zone surrounding schools and child care centers that’s off-limits to immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has a longstanding policy that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/ero-outreach/pdf/10029.2-policy.pdf\">discourages immigration enforcement actions in “sensitive locations,”\u003c/a> including schools, hospitals and places of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It remains to be seen whether the Trump administration will adhere to that guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025, a set of policy recommendations written by several former Trump administration officials, calls for rescinding all ICE memos that identify sensitive zones where immigration action should be limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Amid fear of mass deportations under the incoming Trump administration, a state lawmaker wants to make all California schools and child care centers safe havens for immigrant children by passing legislation that would limit immigration officers’ access to school grounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB49\">The bill, introduced Monday by Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi,\u003c/a> would prohibit school or child care center employees from letting U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers enter their sites without a valid ID, statement of purpose, court order and approval from the school district’s superintendent or director of the child care center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an ICE officer meets all those requirements, they can only enter facilities where children aren’t present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/mixed-status-families\">One in 5, or 20%, of California children live in mixed-status families\u003c/a> where at least one of their relatives is an undocumented immigrant, according to researchers at the University of Southern California. Muratsuchi, who chairs the Assembly’s education committee, said the threat of being deported or becoming separated from their parents is casting fear over many of those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Our children should not be afraid to come to school and parents should not be afraid to send their children to school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State leaders worry that fear may affect students’ attendance and ability to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Trump’s first term as president, Latino student attendance and academic performance dropped significantly in areas affected by deportation arrests,\u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/how-strict-immigration-enforcement-harms-schoolchildren\"> according to a 2018 Stanford study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late November, Gov. Gavin Newsom sent\u003ca href=\"https://content.acsa.org/governors-letter-to-schools-re-immigration-enforcement/\"> a letter to school leaders\u003c/a> to remind them that all students have the constitutional right to attend public school, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we continue our shared work to provide students with a safe and supportive environment, I am compelled to reaffirm the state’s unwavering commitment to the rights and dignity of all students within our education system, including immigrant students and students from immigrant families,” Newsom wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muratsuchi’s bill builds upon a state law that prohibits schools from gathering information about students’ immigration status and another that allows schools to deny anyone access to a campus during school hours to limit disruption to the learning environment and to ensure the safety of their staff and students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts praised the bill for designating schools and child care centers as safe spaces for immigrant families but say it stops short of addressing the possibility of immigration crackdowns that occur near or just outside of schools when parents pick up or drop off young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are vulnerable moments for parents if they are undocumented. I think that’s a real concern,” said John Rogers, an education professor at UCLA who has studied the intersection of politics and K–12 education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muratsuchi said he plans to look into the legality of establishing a buffer zone surrounding schools and child care centers that’s off-limits to immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has a longstanding policy that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/ero-outreach/pdf/10029.2-policy.pdf\">discourages immigration enforcement actions in “sensitive locations,”\u003c/a> including schools, hospitals and places of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It remains to be seen whether the Trump administration will adhere to that guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025, a set of policy recommendations written by several former Trump administration officials, calls for rescinding all ICE memos that identify sensitive zones where immigration action should be limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-state-lecturers-rattled-by-looming-job-cuts-enrollment-slides",
"title": "SF State Lecturers Rattled by Looming Job Cuts as Enrollment Slides",
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"content": "\u003cp>In more than a decade as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-state-university\">San Francisco State University\u003c/a> lecturer, Christy Shick has taught a steady stream of first-year students fulfilling their mandatory writing requirements and dedicated English majors enrolled in upper-division electives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her long career at SF State has perks. Shick now works toward a pension, has built up the credit to warrant longer contracts and said she’s entitled to a more consistent workload — important benefits for lecturers, who lack the tenure track and job security of professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spring, all of that could go away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have chosen to stay with this career at SF State because of the job security I thought I had,” Shick told KQED. “I’ve spent decades becoming, I think, highly expert at what I do. To suddenly have to change that, of course, is hard for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shick is one of an unknown number of lecturers who won’t be rehired next semester. She said she hasn’t been assigned courses despite being entitled to four because of her long-running employment status with SF State, where she has worked since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lecturer cuts are due to declining enrollment and follow similar reductions in recent semesters, according to University President Lynn Mahoney. SF State’s student body has been decreasing since the fall of 2019, and this year, its freshman class was 20% to 25% smaller than anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11847079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11847079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty campus at San Francisco State University on Wednesday, March 11, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shick and her colleagues worry that the Department of English Language and Literature will be hit especially hard by this round of cuts. Some reports have estimated that six lecturers could be dropped ahead of the spring semester, and there will be 19 fewer introductory writing courses than in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the lecturer cuts, the university declared a fiscal emergency last month. Mahoney has maintained that the declaration was just a matter of language in a school policy that allows her to initiate a review of programs with low enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Outside of that policy, I have not declared a financial emergency,” she told KQED. “It’s actually just the language that I had to use based on a very old [Academic] Senate policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the budget situation at the university isn’t good as enrollment falls, forcing lecturer cuts and other budget reductions to bring costs in line with revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrollment hovered around 30,000 throughout much of the 2010s, but since the fall of 2019, it has been declining quickly. This semester, SF State has just over 22,300 registered students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12015757 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarriottHotelWorkerStrikeGetty-1020x735.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding for the university comes from two primary sources: tuition revenue, which is dwindling, and state dollars, which are also down after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-state-university\">California State University\u003c/a> system reallocated some funds away from campuses, including SF State, that haven’t met enrollment goals. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998761/california-state-university-stares-down-a-1-billion-budget-gap-as-campuses-cut-costs\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s budget\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year, due in January, is expected to reduce overall CSU funding altogether by nearly 8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university has made $40 million worth of budget reductions and is predicting it will need $25 million or so more to get back on track. That doesn’t factor in budget constraints if enrollment continues to decline at its current rate, which hasn’t shown signs of slowing yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While lecturers worry about their job security, they’re also advocating for the university to retain courses that cater specifically to freshmen. While 30 lecturers taught 90 sections of a required first-year writing course this fall, only 11 are expected to teach 34 sections in the spring. Last spring, 23 lecturers taught 90 sections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By gutting first your experience courses, by piling too many students into these classrooms, by having faculty who are not trained teach them, there’s going to be a legacy of an incredible decline in graduation rates,” Shick told KQED. “The school is going to be so much less appealing to students because a lot of the reason students come here is for these programs that have been built over decades to make them feel heard, to give them voices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that cuts to administrative roles and wages would have much less of an effect on students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there’s been that much of a decrease, why do we need the same number of administrators?” Shick asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney said the university was curtailing the hiring of both staff and administrators. After one of her office’s vice presidents left their role last year, their work was divided up among other VPs instead of hiring a replacement. Mahoney’s salary, which is nearly half a million dollars, hasn’t been affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just very sad for a university that’s been built on decades of a reputation of inclusivity and diversity and opportunity for all students … be mishandled and downsized so swiftly,” Shick told KQED. “My students are wondering if they should transfer somewhere else. They’re not even sure they want to stay here anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In more than a decade as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-state-university\">San Francisco State University\u003c/a> lecturer, Christy Shick has taught a steady stream of first-year students fulfilling their mandatory writing requirements and dedicated English majors enrolled in upper-division electives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her long career at SF State has perks. Shick now works toward a pension, has built up the credit to warrant longer contracts and said she’s entitled to a more consistent workload — important benefits for lecturers, who lack the tenure track and job security of professors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spring, all of that could go away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have chosen to stay with this career at SF State because of the job security I thought I had,” Shick told KQED. “I’ve spent decades becoming, I think, highly expert at what I do. To suddenly have to change that, of course, is hard for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shick is one of an unknown number of lecturers who won’t be rehired next semester. She said she hasn’t been assigned courses despite being entitled to four because of her long-running employment status with SF State, where she has worked since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lecturer cuts are due to declining enrollment and follow similar reductions in recent semesters, according to University President Lynn Mahoney. SF State’s student body has been decreasing since the fall of 2019, and this year, its freshman class was 20% to 25% smaller than anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11847079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11847079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/11/RS41990_023_KQED_SanFrancisco_SFSU_03112020_6857-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty campus at San Francisco State University on Wednesday, March 11, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shick and her colleagues worry that the Department of English Language and Literature will be hit especially hard by this round of cuts. Some reports have estimated that six lecturers could be dropped ahead of the spring semester, and there will be 19 fewer introductory writing courses than in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the lecturer cuts, the university declared a fiscal emergency last month. Mahoney has maintained that the declaration was just a matter of language in a school policy that allows her to initiate a review of programs with low enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Outside of that policy, I have not declared a financial emergency,” she told KQED. “It’s actually just the language that I had to use based on a very old [Academic] Senate policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the budget situation at the university isn’t good as enrollment falls, forcing lecturer cuts and other budget reductions to bring costs in line with revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrollment hovered around 30,000 throughout much of the 2010s, but since the fall of 2019, it has been declining quickly. This semester, SF State has just over 22,300 registered students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding for the university comes from two primary sources: tuition revenue, which is dwindling, and state dollars, which are also down after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-state-university\">California State University\u003c/a> system reallocated some funds away from campuses, including SF State, that haven’t met enrollment goals. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998761/california-state-university-stares-down-a-1-billion-budget-gap-as-campuses-cut-costs\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s budget\u003c/a> for the next fiscal year, due in January, is expected to reduce overall CSU funding altogether by nearly 8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university has made $40 million worth of budget reductions and is predicting it will need $25 million or so more to get back on track. That doesn’t factor in budget constraints if enrollment continues to decline at its current rate, which hasn’t shown signs of slowing yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While lecturers worry about their job security, they’re also advocating for the university to retain courses that cater specifically to freshmen. While 30 lecturers taught 90 sections of a required first-year writing course this fall, only 11 are expected to teach 34 sections in the spring. Last spring, 23 lecturers taught 90 sections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By gutting first your experience courses, by piling too many students into these classrooms, by having faculty who are not trained teach them, there’s going to be a legacy of an incredible decline in graduation rates,” Shick told KQED. “The school is going to be so much less appealing to students because a lot of the reason students come here is for these programs that have been built over decades to make them feel heard, to give them voices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that cuts to administrative roles and wages would have much less of an effect on students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there’s been that much of a decrease, why do we need the same number of administrators?” Shick asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahoney said the university was curtailing the hiring of both staff and administrators. After one of her office’s vice presidents left their role last year, their work was divided up among other VPs instead of hiring a replacement. Mahoney’s salary, which is nearly half a million dollars, hasn’t been affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just very sad for a university that’s been built on decades of a reputation of inclusivity and diversity and opportunity for all students … be mishandled and downsized so swiftly,” Shick told KQED. “My students are wondering if they should transfer somewhere else. They’re not even sure they want to stay here anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-bill-would-give-public-university-admission-priority-to-slaves-descendants",
"title": "California Bill Would Give Public University Admission Priority to Descendants of Slaves",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California lawmaker said he will introduce a bill on Monday that would give admission priority to the descendants of slaves at the University of California and California State University, the state’s two large public university systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, a Democrat who represents parts of Los Angeles, told \u003cem>The Associated Press\u003c/em> he will introduce the bill as lawmakers meet in the Capitol to swear in new members for a new legislative session. They also will convene a special session to consider ways to protect the state’s progressive policies ahead of another Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incoming administration of President-elect Donald Trump is expected to make dismantling diversity, equity and inclusion programs a priority. Around the U.S., a conservative movement to limit DEI initiatives has been gaining momentum in state capitals and college governing boards, with officials in many states taking action against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement gained momentum last year after the Supreme Court’s decision to end affirmative action at universities, which created a new legal landscape around diversity programs in the workplace and civil society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But DEI’s emergence as a political rallying cry also has its roots on campus, with Republican opponents saying the programs are discriminatory and promote left-wing ideology. Trump has hinted at potential legislation to fine universities over diversity initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, legacy admissions, long seen as a perk for the white and wealthy at selective colleges, have come under fire in recent years following the Supreme Court’s ruling against affirmative action. By banning affirmative action but allowing legacy preferences, which favor the children of alumni and donors, critics say the court left admissions even more lopsided against students of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For decades, universities gave preferential admission treatment to donors and their family members, while others tied to legacies of harm were ignored and at times outright excluded,” Bryan told the AP. “We have a moral responsibility to do all we can to right those wrongs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='reparations']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan said he is hopeful for approval of the measure, which is in line with recommendations developed by members of California’s Black Reparations Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a growing understanding of California’s role in perpetuating the inequalities that arose from slavery, and there’s a willingness to try to rectify that harm, to heal that harm,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black students made up about 4% of the California State University’s student population and about 4.7% at the University of California in 2023, according to the university systems’ latest reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal follows reparations efforts at the state level that have yielded mixed results. Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law in September to formally apologize for the state’s legacy of racism and discrimination against Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But state lawmakers blocked a bill that would have created an agency to administer reparations programs, and Newsom vetoed a proposal that would have helped Black families reclaim property that was seized unjustly by the government through eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California voters also rejected a ballot measure that would have amended the state constitution to ban forced prison labor, squashing another proposal championed by Bryan and other members of the California Legislative Black Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002657\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12002657 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (right) talks to members of Coalition for a Just and Equitable California about two reparations bills in the rotunda on the last day of the legislative year, Saturday, Aug. 31, 2024, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Tran Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The purpose of the measure is to rectify past and current discrimination at universities, Bryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When folks think about reparations, they think about just cash payments. But repairing the harm and the inequality that came from slavery and the policies thereafter is a much bigger process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan said he also proposed the measure, which will have to go through a monthslong legislative approval process, in part to respond to Trump’s recent statements about paying “reparations” to white students that he said have been affected by diversity, equity and inclusion programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States, including Kansas and Iowa, passed laws banning DEI offices and initiatives in higher education, and Republican lawmakers in about two dozen states proposed at least 50 bills to restrict DEI programs last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s incoming deputy chief of policy will be his former adviser, Stephen Miller, who leads a group called America First Legal that has aggressively challenged corporate DEI policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump, who has vowed to rid America’s schools of perceived “ wokeness,” also has plans to cut funding for schools that defy him on a multitude of issues on his first day in office, though even some of his supporters say he lacks the authority to make such swift and sweeping changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990718\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990718 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1279\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students walk through Sproul Plaza on the UC Berkeley campus on April 23, 2012, in Berkeley, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump has heaped scorn on the federal Department of Education, describing it as infiltrated by “radicals, zealots and Marxists.” He has picked Linda McMahon, a former wrestling executive, to lead the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like many conservative politicians before him, Trump also has called for dismantling the department altogether, a cumbersome task that likely would require action from Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "California Bill Would Give Public University Admission Priority to Descendants of Slaves",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California lawmaker said he will introduce a bill on Monday that would give admission priority to the descendants of slaves at the University of California and California State University, the state’s two large public university systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Isaac Bryan, a Democrat who represents parts of Los Angeles, told \u003cem>The Associated Press\u003c/em> he will introduce the bill as lawmakers meet in the Capitol to swear in new members for a new legislative session. They also will convene a special session to consider ways to protect the state’s progressive policies ahead of another Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incoming administration of President-elect Donald Trump is expected to make dismantling diversity, equity and inclusion programs a priority. Around the U.S., a conservative movement to limit DEI initiatives has been gaining momentum in state capitals and college governing boards, with officials in many states taking action against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement gained momentum last year after the Supreme Court’s decision to end affirmative action at universities, which created a new legal landscape around diversity programs in the workplace and civil society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But DEI’s emergence as a political rallying cry also has its roots on campus, with Republican opponents saying the programs are discriminatory and promote left-wing ideology. Trump has hinted at potential legislation to fine universities over diversity initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, legacy admissions, long seen as a perk for the white and wealthy at selective colleges, have come under fire in recent years following the Supreme Court’s ruling against affirmative action. By banning affirmative action but allowing legacy preferences, which favor the children of alumni and donors, critics say the court left admissions even more lopsided against students of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For decades, universities gave preferential admission treatment to donors and their family members, while others tied to legacies of harm were ignored and at times outright excluded,” Bryan told the AP. “We have a moral responsibility to do all we can to right those wrongs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan said he is hopeful for approval of the measure, which is in line with recommendations developed by members of California’s Black Reparations Task Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a growing understanding of California’s role in perpetuating the inequalities that arose from slavery, and there’s a willingness to try to rectify that harm, to heal that harm,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black students made up about 4% of the California State University’s student population and about 4.7% at the University of California in 2023, according to the university systems’ latest reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal follows reparations efforts at the state level that have yielded mixed results. Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law in September to formally apologize for the state’s legacy of racism and discrimination against Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But state lawmakers blocked a bill that would have created an agency to administer reparations programs, and Newsom vetoed a proposal that would have helped Black families reclaim property that was seized unjustly by the government through eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California voters also rejected a ballot measure that would have amended the state constitution to ban forced prison labor, squashing another proposal championed by Bryan and other members of the California Legislative Black Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002657\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12002657 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24244812299639-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (right) talks to members of Coalition for a Just and Equitable California about two reparations bills in the rotunda on the last day of the legislative year, Saturday, Aug. 31, 2024, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Tran Nguyen/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The purpose of the measure is to rectify past and current discrimination at universities, Bryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When folks think about reparations, they think about just cash payments. But repairing the harm and the inequality that came from slavery and the policies thereafter is a much bigger process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryan said he also proposed the measure, which will have to go through a monthslong legislative approval process, in part to respond to Trump’s recent statements about paying “reparations” to white students that he said have been affected by diversity, equity and inclusion programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States, including Kansas and Iowa, passed laws banning DEI offices and initiatives in higher education, and Republican lawmakers in about two dozen states proposed at least 50 bills to restrict DEI programs last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump’s incoming deputy chief of policy will be his former adviser, Stephen Miller, who leads a group called America First Legal that has aggressively challenged corporate DEI policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump, who has vowed to rid America’s schools of perceived “ wokeness,” also has plans to cut funding for schools that defy him on a multitude of issues on his first day in office, though even some of his supporters say he lacks the authority to make such swift and sweeping changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990718\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990718 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1279\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ucberkeley20140213-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Berkeley students walk through Sproul Plaza on the UC Berkeley campus on April 23, 2012, in Berkeley, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump has heaped scorn on the federal Department of Education, describing it as infiltrated by “radicals, zealots and Marxists.” He has picked Linda McMahon, a former wrestling executive, to lead the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like many conservative politicians before him, Trump also has called for dismantling the department altogether, a cumbersome task that likely would require action from Congress.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San José State's Volleyball Season That Ignited Debate Over Women in Sports Ends in Title Match",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated, 5:30 p.m. Saturday:\u003c/strong> San José State’s volleyball team, the subject of a national debate about women in sports, was beaten by Colorado State 27–25, 25–20, 23–25, 25–16 in Saturday’s Mountain West tournament final, ending the Spartans’ season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rams (20–10) received the conference’s automatic bid to the 64-team NCAA Tournament.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State’s season was marked by forfeits, limited protests and the topic of gender identity becoming a political issue in an election year. The Spartans were 14–6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversy didn’t end during the Mountain West tournament.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boise State, which twice boycotted regular-season matches with San José State, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-boise-state-mountain-west-volleyball-e568628c57805bb26f1be1fdf8f1e7a7?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">pulled out of the conference tournament\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, hours after it defeated Utah State to secure a spot against the Spartans in Friday’s semifinals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Broncos didn’t announce explicitly why they withdrew, a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-colorado-state-volleyball-title-ix-9f5e4f5642c2fe2a07cf3ff048bc9730\">lawsuit was recently filed\u003c/a> in Colorado by players from various schools against the conference and San José State officials calling for a Spartans player to be blocked from participating in the tournament. They cited unspecified reports asserting there was a transgender player on the San José State volleyball team, even naming her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Magistrate Judge S. Kato Crews in Denver \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-a45e6751924f73abd5ba5d786d43f5a3?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">ruled Monday\u003c/a> that the player was allowed to play, and a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-901f0a74e816d91eca10c37e52a54f7c?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">upheld the decision\u003c/a> the following day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State, which received six forfeit victories \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-volleyball-transgender-forfeit-3481bc5bfd68ad9aecef9cff7f497465?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">because of boycotts\u003c/a> from opponents during the regular season, was seeded second in the conference tournament and received a first-round bye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Boise State, Mountain West members Wyoming, Utah State and Nevada as well as Southern Utah canceled matches this season against the Spartans. Nevada’s players said they “refuse to participate in any match that advances injustice against female athletes,” without providing further details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some media have reported those and other details, San José State has not confirmed the school has a trans women’s volleyball player. The Associated Press is withholding the player’s name because she has not publicly commented on her gender identity and through school officials has declined an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participation of transgender women in women’s sports became a hot political topic ahead of the recent election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though there were two protestors outside of Cox Pavilion on Friday, none were there Saturday. There also were no noticeable signs of hostility directed from the crowd of about 100 in the championship match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, 8:18 a.m. Saturday:\u003c/strong> Colorado State coach Emily Kohan said her team will take the floor rather than become the latest team to forfeit against San José State after the top-seeded Rams advanced to the Mountain West volleyball tournament final on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An automatic bid to the 64-team NCAA Tournament is on the line in Saturday’s final.[aside tag=\"transgender, sports\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]Colorado State made the final by beating fifth-seeded San Diego State 20–25, 25–23, 25–21, 25–23.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boise State, which twice boycotted regular-season matches with San José State, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-boise-state-mountain-west-volleyball-e568628c57805bb26f1be1fdf8f1e7a7\">pulled out of the conference tournament\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, hours after it defeated Utah State to secure a spot against the Spartans in Friday’s semifinals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Broncos didn’t announce explicitly why they withdrew, a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-colorado-state-volleyball-title-ix-9f5e4f5642c2fe2a07cf3ff048bc9730\">lawsuit was recently filed\u003c/a> in Colorado by players from various schools against the conference and San José State officials calling for a Spartans player to be blocked from participating in the tournament. They cited unspecified reports asserting there was a transgender player on the San José State volleyball team, even naming her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Magistrate Judge S. Kato Crews in Denver \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-a45e6751924f73abd5ba5d786d43f5a3\">ruled Monday\u003c/a> that the player was allowed to play, and a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-901f0a74e816d91eca10c37e52a54f7c\">upheld the decision\u003c/a> the following day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complex and emotional situation for us this season,” Colorado State’s Kohan said. “Unless you’re in those rooms having those hard conversations and making those hard decisions, I don’t think you truly know how this feels. I also think regardless of your opinion on it, there’s some room here to acknowledge that there’s been a lot of young people showing courage all season long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This can stop with us. We’re not going to pass these difficult conversations on to the NCAA committee or any other team to have those crying conversations in the hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State, which received six forfeit victories \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-volleyball-transgender-forfeit-3481bc5bfd68ad9aecef9cff7f497465\">because of boycotts\u003c/a> from opponents during the regular season, is seeded second in the conference tournament and received a first-round bye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boise State was the latest school to forfeit. The Broncos’ athletic department released a statement Wednesday night saying their team “should not have to forgo this opportunity while waiting for a more thoughtful and better system that serves all athletes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Boise State, Mountain West members Wyoming, Utah State and Nevada as well as Southern Utah canceled matches this season against the Spartans. Nevada’s players said they “refuse to participate in any match that advances injustice against female athletes,” without providing further details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some media have reported those and other details, San José State has not confirmed the school has a trans women’s volleyball player. The Associated Press is withholding the player’s name because she has not publicly commented on her gender identity and through school officials has declined an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participation of transgender women in women’s sports became a hot political topic ahead of the recent election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two protestors from Davis, California, stood outside Cox Pavilion before and during the Colorado State-San Diego State semifinal match on Friday. They supported those teams that forfeited matches against San José State, arguing the Spartans had an unfair athletic advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated, 5:30 p.m. Saturday:\u003c/strong> San José State’s volleyball team, the subject of a national debate about women in sports, was beaten by Colorado State 27–25, 25–20, 23–25, 25–16 in Saturday’s Mountain West tournament final, ending the Spartans’ season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rams (20–10) received the conference’s automatic bid to the 64-team NCAA Tournament.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State’s season was marked by forfeits, limited protests and the topic of gender identity becoming a political issue in an election year. The Spartans were 14–6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversy didn’t end during the Mountain West tournament.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boise State, which twice boycotted regular-season matches with San José State, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-boise-state-mountain-west-volleyball-e568628c57805bb26f1be1fdf8f1e7a7?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">pulled out of the conference tournament\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, hours after it defeated Utah State to secure a spot against the Spartans in Friday’s semifinals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Broncos didn’t announce explicitly why they withdrew, a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-colorado-state-volleyball-title-ix-9f5e4f5642c2fe2a07cf3ff048bc9730\">lawsuit was recently filed\u003c/a> in Colorado by players from various schools against the conference and San José State officials calling for a Spartans player to be blocked from participating in the tournament. They cited unspecified reports asserting there was a transgender player on the San José State volleyball team, even naming her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Magistrate Judge S. Kato Crews in Denver \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-a45e6751924f73abd5ba5d786d43f5a3?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">ruled Monday\u003c/a> that the player was allowed to play, and a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-901f0a74e816d91eca10c37e52a54f7c?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">upheld the decision\u003c/a> the following day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State, which received six forfeit victories \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-volleyball-transgender-forfeit-3481bc5bfd68ad9aecef9cff7f497465?utm_source=copy&utm_medium=share\">because of boycotts\u003c/a> from opponents during the regular season, was seeded second in the conference tournament and received a first-round bye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Boise State, Mountain West members Wyoming, Utah State and Nevada as well as Southern Utah canceled matches this season against the Spartans. Nevada’s players said they “refuse to participate in any match that advances injustice against female athletes,” without providing further details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some media have reported those and other details, San José State has not confirmed the school has a trans women’s volleyball player. The Associated Press is withholding the player’s name because she has not publicly commented on her gender identity and through school officials has declined an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participation of transgender women in women’s sports became a hot political topic ahead of the recent election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though there were two protestors outside of Cox Pavilion on Friday, none were there Saturday. There also were no noticeable signs of hostility directed from the crowd of about 100 in the championship match.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story, 8:18 a.m. Saturday:\u003c/strong> Colorado State coach Emily Kohan said her team will take the floor rather than become the latest team to forfeit against San José State after the top-seeded Rams advanced to the Mountain West volleyball tournament final on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An automatic bid to the 64-team NCAA Tournament is on the line in Saturday’s final.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Colorado State made the final by beating fifth-seeded San Diego State 20–25, 25–23, 25–21, 25–23.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boise State, which twice boycotted regular-season matches with San José State, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-boise-state-mountain-west-volleyball-e568628c57805bb26f1be1fdf8f1e7a7\">pulled out of the conference tournament\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, hours after it defeated Utah State to secure a spot against the Spartans in Friday’s semifinals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Broncos didn’t announce explicitly why they withdrew, a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-colorado-state-volleyball-title-ix-9f5e4f5642c2fe2a07cf3ff048bc9730\">lawsuit was recently filed\u003c/a> in Colorado by players from various schools against the conference and San José State officials calling for a Spartans player to be blocked from participating in the tournament. They cited unspecified reports asserting there was a transgender player on the San José State volleyball team, even naming her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Magistrate Judge S. Kato Crews in Denver \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-a45e6751924f73abd5ba5d786d43f5a3\">ruled Monday\u003c/a> that the player was allowed to play, and a federal appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/transgender-san-jose-women-volleyball-judge-ruling-901f0a74e816d91eca10c37e52a54f7c\">upheld the decision\u003c/a> the following day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been a really complex and emotional situation for us this season,” Colorado State’s Kohan said. “Unless you’re in those rooms having those hard conversations and making those hard decisions, I don’t think you truly know how this feels. I also think regardless of your opinion on it, there’s some room here to acknowledge that there’s been a lot of young people showing courage all season long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This can stop with us. We’re not going to pass these difficult conversations on to the NCAA committee or any other team to have those crying conversations in the hotel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State, which received six forfeit victories \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-jose-state-volleyball-transgender-forfeit-3481bc5bfd68ad9aecef9cff7f497465\">because of boycotts\u003c/a> from opponents during the regular season, is seeded second in the conference tournament and received a first-round bye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boise State was the latest school to forfeit. The Broncos’ athletic department released a statement Wednesday night saying their team “should not have to forgo this opportunity while waiting for a more thoughtful and better system that serves all athletes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to Boise State, Mountain West members Wyoming, Utah State and Nevada as well as Southern Utah canceled matches this season against the Spartans. Nevada’s players said they “refuse to participate in any match that advances injustice against female athletes,” without providing further details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some media have reported those and other details, San José State has not confirmed the school has a trans women’s volleyball player. The Associated Press is withholding the player’s name because she has not publicly commented on her gender identity and through school officials has declined an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participation of transgender women in women’s sports became a hot political topic ahead of the recent election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two protestors from Davis, California, stood outside Cox Pavilion before and during the Colorado State-San Diego State semifinal match on Friday. They supported those teams that forfeited matches against San José State, arguing the Spartans had an unfair athletic advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump's Education Secretary Pick Linda McMahon Is Backed by a Detailed Policy Agenda",
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"content": "\u003cp>President-elect Donald Trump’s selection of a close ally and the co-chair of his transition team indicates that education could be a major priority of his administration, even though it did not feature prominently in the 2024 presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda McMahon, the former CEO of World Wrestling Entertainment, is a leading financial backer Trump has been close to for decades. She is also chair of the board of the little-known \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://americafirstpolicy.com/\">America First Policy Institute,\u003c/a> \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://americafirstpolicy.com/\">sometimes\u003c/a> referred to as a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2024/11/06/america-first-agenda-what-to-know-about-the-project-2025-alternative-reportedly-behind-trump-transition/\">“shadow transition operation\u003c/a>” or “\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/08/29/trump-transition-plan-afpi-00176674\">White House in waiting.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The institute has issued a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://americafirstpolicy.com/issues/education/k-12\">detailed education policy\u003c/a> agenda that is likely to serve as a guide for McMahon and the Trump administration in general, should the U.S. Senate confirm her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those reading the political tea leaves, it was notable that in nominating McMahon, Trump did not explicitly charge her with shutting down the U.S. Department of Education and that the agenda of the America First Policy Institute does not call for it either. Instead, Trump called on her “\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/11/19/politics/linda-mcmahon-education-secretary-trump/index.html\">to spearhead efforts to send education back to the states,”\u003c/a> an expansive and undefined charge, especially because, by law, education is already mostly a state and local function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the fate of the department, the contrast between President Joe Biden’s and Trump’s education agendas — and between McMahon and current Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona — could not be wider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardona is a lifelong educator, becoming secretary after a career as a teacher, principal, district administrator and state commissioner of education. McMahon spent most of her career building the WWE, founded with her husband, Vince McMahon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardona’s net worth is estimated by Forbes magazine to be \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/michelatindera/2021/06/26/heres-how-much-education-secretary-miguel-cardona-is-worth/\">$1 million\u003c/a>, most of it tied up in his principal residence, retirement savings and a 529 college savings account for his children. By contrast, Forbes places McMahon and her husband’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/news/billionaire-presidential-administration-trump-plans-170515584.html\">net worth\u003c/a> at $2.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only thing they seem to have in common is that they are both from Connecticut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, even though McMahon has a slim resume regarding education, she is not entirely an education neophyte. She studied to become a French teacher in college. She has been a trustee of \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.sacredheart.edu/about-shu/leadership/\">Sacred Heart College,\u003c/a> a Catholic college in Fairfield, Connecticut, for years. She was appointed to the Connecticut State Board of Education in 2009, although she left after a year to run for the U.S. Senate in 2010 and again in 2012 — both times unsuccessfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMahon is more of a traditional conservative Republican than several of Trump’s other Cabinet nominees. In some ways, she is more similar to Betsy DeVos, another billionaire, who was Trump’s first secretary of education. However, unlike DeVos, she has had experience in government as head of the Small Business Administration during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, she left that post — not under a cloud or fleeing vitriol from Trump, like many others in his administration — to head the America First PAC, which raised funds for Trump’s reelection bid in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the explosive issue of “school choice,” publicly, at least, she has mostly called for expanding charter schools, rather than taxpayer-funded vouchers. “I am an advocate for choice through charter schools,” she declared in her 2010 campaign for Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also has some bipartisan instincts, even getting support from the Democratic senators she had previously run against when they had to approve her nomination to head the Small Business Administration. Sen. Richard Blumenthal called her “a person of serious accomplishment and ability,” and Sen. Chris Murphy described her as a “talented and experienced businessperson.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As SBA administrator, she drew \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.govexec.com/management/2019/04/small-business-administrator-departs-bipartisan-praise/155968/\">high praise\u003c/a> from some Democrats for increasing loans to women-owned businesses and for making the agency more efficient, including from then-Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.), the ranking member of the Small Business and Entrepreneur Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another sign of her bipartisan inclinations came in a September \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://thehill.com/opinion/congress-blog/4871602-skilled-workforce-investment/\">commentary \u003c/a>in \u003cem>The Hill\u003c/em> newspaper when she argued for a radical revision of the Pell Grant, the main form of federal student financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most Pell Grants go to full-time students, McMahon argued that the grant should also be available to students enrolled in “high-quality, shorter-term, industry-aligned education programs that could lead to immediate employment in well-paying jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, she endorsed a bill \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/6585\">known as the Workforce Pell Act\u003c/a>, sponsored by lawmakers usually on far opposite sides of the political aisle, including Reps. Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.), Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.), Mark DeSaulnier (D-Calif.) and Bobby Scott (D-Va).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arguably, one of her key qualifications is that she and Trump have a positive relationship. Unlike many who served in his first administration and left reviled by their former boss, when she stepped down as SBA administrator, Trump \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/29/us/politics/linda-mcmahon-small-business-trump.html\">praised her as a “superstar\u003c/a>.” “Just so smooth,” he said. “She’s been one of our all-time favorites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, her most important credential may well be her role as chair of the board of the America First Policy Institute, which \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/linda-mcmahon-trump-education-secretary-wwe-613016d0c164b89765af761404cbb123\">she helped start.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its 150-person staff includes well-known Trump staffers like Kellyanne Conway and its executive director, Chad Wolf, the former secretary of homeland security. Pam Bondi, the head of the institute’s legal arm, \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/21/us/politics/pam-bondi-attorney-general-trump.html\">was just nominated by Trump\u003c/a> to be attorney general in place of Matt Gaetz, who withdrew his nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.project2025.org/\">Project 2025\u003c/a>, the conservative blueprint issued by the Heritage Foundation (which Trump \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/project-2025.html\">has disavowed\u003c/a> and said he had no role in crafting), the America First Policy Institute has also drawn up a similar detailed policy framework, including one on education. Yet the institute has not done much to publicize its proposals, which Trump has reportedly appreciated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The institute draws a sharp contrast between its “America First” policies and what it calls “America Last” policies championed by Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“America Last” policies, it argues, “prioritize radical ideologies and failing public schools.” These include promoting “transgenderism” and “radical ideologies over core subjects” while fighting “school choice expansion” and parent notification policies regarding curriculum and gender identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The institute calls for reinstating Trump’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.heritage.org/american-founders/commentary/bidens-disbanding-1776-commission-shows-lefts-war-us-history\">1776 Commission \u003c/a>to promote “patriotic civic education” and removing critical race theory and diversity, equity and inclusion from what it alleges are requirements for federal grants.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12013558,news_12013686,news_12013269\"]And instead of supporting “leftist teachers unions” and teacher tenure, it advocates for “reduced union influence and increasing flexibility in hiring and firing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For these and other reasons, it is to be expected that key education groups would oppose McMahon’s nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than working to strengthen public schools, expand learning opportunities for students and support educators, McMahon’s only mission is to eliminate the Department of Education and take away taxpayer dollars from public schools,” said President Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association, the largest teachers union in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, for conservatives like Frederick Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, McMahon is an unknown quantity when it comes to education, and he made a pitch for approaching her nomination with an open mind. “I’m looking forward to learning more about her views and approach to the role in the weeks to come,” he said. “I’d avoid gross assumptions based on biography. Those seeking reflexive celebration or condemnation should look elsewhere. “\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Controversy has already surfaced about her nomination. Media reports point to an October lawsuit in Maryland alleging McMahon and her husband failed to stop a prominent WWE ringside announcer in the 1980s and 1990s from sexually abusing 12- and 13-year-olds known as “ring boys” who were hired to do errands in preparation for wrestling matches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is still an open question is whether Trump will move to eliminate the Department of Education or how aggressively he will do so. His administration may decide that it is more important to keep the department intact for any number of reasons, including transforming its influential Office of Civil Rights into a weapon to impose his education agenda onto states or schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it is possible that McMahon will continue to voice her praise for teachers and for public schools, including charter schools. “We have a very good system of public and private schools,” she said \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.leadersmag.com/issues/2014.1_jan/Women%20Leaders/LEADERS-Linda-McMahon.html\">in an interview\u003c/a> a decade ago. “I’ve watched some masterful teachers who are innovative and who are reaching kids who are below grade level in many of the subjects. To see how they get turned around is heartwarming and astounding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/trump-nominee-for-education-secretary-would-come-backed-with-detailed-policy-agenda/722774\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President-elect Donald Trump’s selection of a close ally and the co-chair of his transition team indicates that education could be a major priority of his administration, even though it did not feature prominently in the 2024 presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Linda McMahon, the former CEO of World Wrestling Entertainment, is a leading financial backer Trump has been close to for decades. She is also chair of the board of the little-known \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://americafirstpolicy.com/\">America First Policy Institute,\u003c/a> \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://americafirstpolicy.com/\">sometimes\u003c/a> referred to as a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2024/11/06/america-first-agenda-what-to-know-about-the-project-2025-alternative-reportedly-behind-trump-transition/\">“shadow transition operation\u003c/a>” or “\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/08/29/trump-transition-plan-afpi-00176674\">White House in waiting.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The institute has issued a \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://americafirstpolicy.com/issues/education/k-12\">detailed education policy\u003c/a> agenda that is likely to serve as a guide for McMahon and the Trump administration in general, should the U.S. Senate confirm her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those reading the political tea leaves, it was notable that in nominating McMahon, Trump did not explicitly charge her with shutting down the U.S. Department of Education and that the agenda of the America First Policy Institute does not call for it either. Instead, Trump called on her “\u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/11/19/politics/linda-mcmahon-education-secretary-trump/index.html\">to spearhead efforts to send education back to the states,”\u003c/a> an expansive and undefined charge, especially because, by law, education is already mostly a state and local function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the fate of the department, the contrast between President Joe Biden’s and Trump’s education agendas — and between McMahon and current Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona — could not be wider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardona is a lifelong educator, becoming secretary after a career as a teacher, principal, district administrator and state commissioner of education. McMahon spent most of her career building the WWE, founded with her husband, Vince McMahon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardona’s net worth is estimated by Forbes magazine to be \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/michelatindera/2021/06/26/heres-how-much-education-secretary-miguel-cardona-is-worth/\">$1 million\u003c/a>, most of it tied up in his principal residence, retirement savings and a 529 college savings account for his children. By contrast, Forbes places McMahon and her husband’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.yahoo.com/news/billionaire-presidential-administration-trump-plans-170515584.html\">net worth\u003c/a> at $2.5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only thing they seem to have in common is that they are both from Connecticut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, even though McMahon has a slim resume regarding education, she is not entirely an education neophyte. She studied to become a French teacher in college. She has been a trustee of \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.sacredheart.edu/about-shu/leadership/\">Sacred Heart College,\u003c/a> a Catholic college in Fairfield, Connecticut, for years. She was appointed to the Connecticut State Board of Education in 2009, although she left after a year to run for the U.S. Senate in 2010 and again in 2012 — both times unsuccessfully.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMahon is more of a traditional conservative Republican than several of Trump’s other Cabinet nominees. In some ways, she is more similar to Betsy DeVos, another billionaire, who was Trump’s first secretary of education. However, unlike DeVos, she has had experience in government as head of the Small Business Administration during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, she left that post — not under a cloud or fleeing vitriol from Trump, like many others in his administration — to head the America First PAC, which raised funds for Trump’s reelection bid in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the explosive issue of “school choice,” publicly, at least, she has mostly called for expanding charter schools, rather than taxpayer-funded vouchers. “I am an advocate for choice through charter schools,” she declared in her 2010 campaign for Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also has some bipartisan instincts, even getting support from the Democratic senators she had previously run against when they had to approve her nomination to head the Small Business Administration. Sen. Richard Blumenthal called her “a person of serious accomplishment and ability,” and Sen. Chris Murphy described her as a “talented and experienced businessperson.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As SBA administrator, she drew \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.govexec.com/management/2019/04/small-business-administrator-departs-bipartisan-praise/155968/\">high praise\u003c/a> from some Democrats for increasing loans to women-owned businesses and for making the agency more efficient, including from then-Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.), the ranking member of the Small Business and Entrepreneur Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another sign of her bipartisan inclinations came in a September \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://thehill.com/opinion/congress-blog/4871602-skilled-workforce-investment/\">commentary \u003c/a>in \u003cem>The Hill\u003c/em> newspaper when she argued for a radical revision of the Pell Grant, the main form of federal student financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most Pell Grants go to full-time students, McMahon argued that the grant should also be available to students enrolled in “high-quality, shorter-term, industry-aligned education programs that could lead to immediate employment in well-paying jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, she endorsed a bill \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/6585\">known as the Workforce Pell Act\u003c/a>, sponsored by lawmakers usually on far opposite sides of the political aisle, including Reps. Virginia Foxx (R-N.C.), Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.), Mark DeSaulnier (D-Calif.) and Bobby Scott (D-Va).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arguably, one of her key qualifications is that she and Trump have a positive relationship. Unlike many who served in his first administration and left reviled by their former boss, when she stepped down as SBA administrator, Trump \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/29/us/politics/linda-mcmahon-small-business-trump.html\">praised her as a “superstar\u003c/a>.” “Just so smooth,” he said. “She’s been one of our all-time favorites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, her most important credential may well be her role as chair of the board of the America First Policy Institute, which \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://apnews.com/article/linda-mcmahon-trump-education-secretary-wwe-613016d0c164b89765af761404cbb123\">she helped start.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its 150-person staff includes well-known Trump staffers like Kellyanne Conway and its executive director, Chad Wolf, the former secretary of homeland security. Pam Bondi, the head of the institute’s legal arm, \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/21/us/politics/pam-bondi-attorney-general-trump.html\">was just nominated by Trump\u003c/a> to be attorney general in place of Matt Gaetz, who withdrew his nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.project2025.org/\">Project 2025\u003c/a>, the conservative blueprint issued by the Heritage Foundation (which Trump \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/project-2025.html\">has disavowed\u003c/a> and said he had no role in crafting), the America First Policy Institute has also drawn up a similar detailed policy framework, including one on education. Yet the institute has not done much to publicize its proposals, which Trump has reportedly appreciated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The institute draws a sharp contrast between its “America First” policies and what it calls “America Last” policies championed by Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“America Last” policies, it argues, “prioritize radical ideologies and failing public schools.” These include promoting “transgenderism” and “radical ideologies over core subjects” while fighting “school choice expansion” and parent notification policies regarding curriculum and gender identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The institute calls for reinstating Trump’s \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.heritage.org/american-founders/commentary/bidens-disbanding-1776-commission-shows-lefts-war-us-history\">1776 Commission \u003c/a>to promote “patriotic civic education” and removing critical race theory and diversity, equity and inclusion from what it alleges are requirements for federal grants.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And instead of supporting “leftist teachers unions” and teacher tenure, it advocates for “reduced union influence and increasing flexibility in hiring and firing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For these and other reasons, it is to be expected that key education groups would oppose McMahon’s nomination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than working to strengthen public schools, expand learning opportunities for students and support educators, McMahon’s only mission is to eliminate the Department of Education and take away taxpayer dollars from public schools,” said President Becky Pringle, president of the National Education Association, the largest teachers union in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, for conservatives like Frederick Hess, director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, McMahon is an unknown quantity when it comes to education, and he made a pitch for approaching her nomination with an open mind. “I’m looking forward to learning more about her views and approach to the role in the weeks to come,” he said. “I’d avoid gross assumptions based on biography. Those seeking reflexive celebration or condemnation should look elsewhere. “\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Controversy has already surfaced about her nomination. Media reports point to an October lawsuit in Maryland alleging McMahon and her husband failed to stop a prominent WWE ringside announcer in the 1980s and 1990s from sexually abusing 12- and 13-year-olds known as “ring boys” who were hired to do errands in preparation for wrestling matches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is still an open question is whether Trump will move to eliminate the Department of Education or how aggressively he will do so. His administration may decide that it is more important to keep the department intact for any number of reasons, including transforming its influential Office of Civil Rights into a weapon to impose his education agenda onto states or schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it is possible that McMahon will continue to voice her praise for teachers and for public schools, including charter schools. “We have a very good system of public and private schools,” she said \u003ca class=\"external\" href=\"https://www.leadersmag.com/issues/2014.1_jan/Women%20Leaders/LEADERS-Linda-McMahon.html\">in an interview\u003c/a> a decade ago. “I’ve watched some masterful teachers who are innovative and who are reaching kids who are below grade level in many of the subjects. To see how they get turned around is heartwarming and astounding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/trump-nominee-for-education-secretary-would-come-backed-with-detailed-policy-agenda/722774\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Attendance in California Schools Is Slowly Rebounding, New Data Shows",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s public school students are continuing to rebound from the pandemic, with more showing up for class, more graduating and fewer misbehaving at school, according to new data released on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California School Dashboard, a color-coded snapshot of how students and schools are faring, showed improvements in many categories during the 2023–24 school year — a relief for schools trying to help students recover academically and social-emotionally after the 2020 campus closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notable improvement was in attendance. The percentage of students who were chronically absent, missing more than 10% of school days in a year, dropped to about 20%, a significant decline from when it peaked at 30% three years ago. Prior to the pandemic, about 12% of students were chronically absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is good news,” said Hedy Chang, director of Attendance Works, a nonprofit that advocates for school attendance. “I’m pleasantly surprised. … To benefit from all the services that schools are offering, kids have to show up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, schools across the state have been doubling down on efforts to lure students back to school. Many used their federal and state COVID-19 relief money to hire outreach workers, add bus routes, host pizza parties and otherwise make it easier and more enticing to come to school. Some districts had\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/09/soaring-chronic-absenteeism-in-california-schools-is-at-pivotal-moment/\"> social workers connect directly with parents\u003c/a> to solve transportation and other obstacles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/2uJPe/5/\" height=\"500\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those efforts paid off, Chang said. While the pizza parties helped, she pointed to many schools’ focus on improving campus climate overall. That includes counseling, social-emotional learning, stronger relationships between school staff and families, and health and wellness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pandemic relief \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">grants expired this year\u003c/a>, so some districts will be scrambling to maintain these programs going forward. But the state’s recent investments in community schools, arts education, transitional kindergarten and other services will help, Chang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Recognition for long-term English learners\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Another noteworthy item in the dashboard is the inclusion of a new student group: long-term English learners or students who were not fluent in English after seven years. The reasons for these students’ delays vary, but in general, they’re not receiving adequate help learning English and, as a result, lag far behind their peers academically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 10% of students who were ever classified as English learners were considered long-term English learners last year, according to state data. Those students had some of the lowest math and English language arts scores of any of California’s 13 other student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re celebrating this significant milestone, that long-term English learners get the spotlight they deserve and they are no longer invisible,” said Martha Hernandez, director of Californians Together, which advocates for students who are English learners. “But now the work begins to ensure their needs are met.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools need to do a better job helping families who are recent immigrants by finding translators, providing counseling to students, boosting bilingual education and bringing in tutors to help with English and academic skills, said Lindsay Tornatore, director of systems improvement and student success at California County Superintendents, which represents county office of education superintendents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should be mindful this is a student group that’s in the greatest need of support,” Tornatore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Not good enough’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere on the dashboard, the graduation rate was 86.4%, up a bit from the previous year and higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 84.2%. However, a related item on the dashboard raised alarm bells with researchers. The number of students meeting the requirements for admission to California’s public universities was up only slightly — an increase of just 3,700 students among a graduating class of 438,000. Close to half of high school graduates are ineligible for the University of California or California State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not good enough,” said Alix Gallagher, interim managing director at the nonpartisan think tank Policy Analysis for California Education. “It means the recovery has been anemic, and that’s a problem. We need a different approach, starting at the state level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/mHI0Y/4/\" height=\"400\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to some districts’ policies of placing students on math tracks that don’t allow them to meet the college admission requirements by their senior year. While not all students should be expected to enroll in four-year colleges, they should at least have the option available, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Education hailed a drop in the suspension rate among all student groups. Student misbehavior increased after schools reopened, and schools struggled to maintain a positive atmosphere for staff and other students. The rate dropped from 3.6% to 3.3% last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No major changes to format\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The dashboard itself has been under fire recently. The data is too hard for parents to navigate, and the color coding can be misleading, according to a report from the Center for Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a school might earn an orange color, the second-from-lowest designation, for showing slight improvements, but its scores might actually be lower than schools that earned a red, the lowest ranking. The state said it would consider making some changes but hadn’t made any major alterations to this year’s version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dashboard was released a few weeks earlier than it was last year. By 2026, the dashboard’s release will coincide with the Smarter Balanced test score announcement in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/ericayee/\">Erica Yee\u003c/a> contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s public school students are continuing to rebound from the pandemic, with more showing up for class, more graduating and fewer misbehaving at school, according to new data released on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California School Dashboard, a color-coded snapshot of how students and schools are faring, showed improvements in many categories during the 2023–24 school year — a relief for schools trying to help students recover academically and social-emotionally after the 2020 campus closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most notable improvement was in attendance. The percentage of students who were chronically absent, missing more than 10% of school days in a year, dropped to about 20%, a significant decline from when it peaked at 30% three years ago. Prior to the pandemic, about 12% of students were chronically absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is good news,” said Hedy Chang, director of Attendance Works, a nonprofit that advocates for school attendance. “I’m pleasantly surprised. … To benefit from all the services that schools are offering, kids have to show up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic, schools across the state have been doubling down on efforts to lure students back to school. Many used their federal and state COVID-19 relief money to hire outreach workers, add bus routes, host pizza parties and otherwise make it easier and more enticing to come to school. Some districts had\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/09/soaring-chronic-absenteeism-in-california-schools-is-at-pivotal-moment/\"> social workers connect directly with parents\u003c/a> to solve transportation and other obstacles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/2uJPe/5/\" height=\"500\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those efforts paid off, Chang said. While the pizza parties helped, she pointed to many schools’ focus on improving campus climate overall. That includes counseling, social-emotional learning, stronger relationships between school staff and families, and health and wellness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pandemic relief \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">grants expired this year\u003c/a>, so some districts will be scrambling to maintain these programs going forward. But the state’s recent investments in community schools, arts education, transitional kindergarten and other services will help, Chang said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Recognition for long-term English learners\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Another noteworthy item in the dashboard is the inclusion of a new student group: long-term English learners or students who were not fluent in English after seven years. The reasons for these students’ delays vary, but in general, they’re not receiving adequate help learning English and, as a result, lag far behind their peers academically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 10% of students who were ever classified as English learners were considered long-term English learners last year, according to state data. Those students had some of the lowest math and English language arts scores of any of California’s 13 other student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re celebrating this significant milestone, that long-term English learners get the spotlight they deserve and they are no longer invisible,” said Martha Hernandez, director of Californians Together, which advocates for students who are English learners. “But now the work begins to ensure their needs are met.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools need to do a better job helping families who are recent immigrants by finding translators, providing counseling to students, boosting bilingual education and bringing in tutors to help with English and academic skills, said Lindsay Tornatore, director of systems improvement and student success at California County Superintendents, which represents county office of education superintendents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should be mindful this is a student group that’s in the greatest need of support,” Tornatore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Not good enough’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere on the dashboard, the graduation rate was 86.4%, up a bit from the previous year and higher than the pre-pandemic rate of 84.2%. However, a related item on the dashboard raised alarm bells with researchers. The number of students meeting the requirements for admission to California’s public universities was up only slightly — an increase of just 3,700 students among a graduating class of 438,000. Close to half of high school graduates are ineligible for the University of California or California State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not good enough,” said Alix Gallagher, interim managing director at the nonpartisan think tank Policy Analysis for California Education. “It means the recovery has been anemic, and that’s a problem. We need a different approach, starting at the state level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/mHI0Y/4/\" height=\"400\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to some districts’ policies of placing students on math tracks that don’t allow them to meet the college admission requirements by their senior year. While not all students should be expected to enroll in four-year colleges, they should at least have the option available, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Education hailed a drop in the suspension rate among all student groups. Student misbehavior increased after schools reopened, and schools struggled to maintain a positive atmosphere for staff and other students. The rate dropped from 3.6% to 3.3% last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No major changes to format\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The dashboard itself has been under fire recently. The data is too hard for parents to navigate, and the color coding can be misleading, according to a report from the Center for Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, a school might earn an orange color, the second-from-lowest designation, for showing slight improvements, but its scores might actually be lower than schools that earned a red, the lowest ranking. The state said it would consider making some changes but hadn’t made any major alterations to this year’s version.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dashboard was released a few weeks earlier than it was last year. By 2026, the dashboard’s release will coincide with the Smarter Balanced test score announcement in mid-October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters data reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/ericayee/\">Erica Yee\u003c/a> contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "fewer-kids-are-going-to-california-public-schools-is-there-a-right-way-to-close-campuses",
"title": "Fewer Kids Are Going to California Public Schools. Is There a Right Way to Close Campuses?",
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"content": "\u003cp>When the superintendent in San Francisco Unified proposed closing schools recently, parents launched a prolonged — and successful — protest. The uproar may have died down for now, but the issue is likely to erupt at school boards across the state — and some say that’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining enrollment, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">end of pandemic relief grants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/05/newsom-budget-revision-deficit-cuts/\">state budget uncertainty\u003c/a> have combined to put hundreds of California school districts in precarious financial straits. Closing schools is never a popular option, but for some districts it may be the only way to avoid the state seizing control of operations. When the state takes over a district, the school board loses power and a state-appointed administrator makes cuts until the budget is balanced. A takeover could last a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the big thing that we’re going to be dealing with in California education over the next few years. The declines in enrollment that we have seen so far pale in comparison to the declines the state is projecting,” said Carrie Hahnel, a senior fellow at Policy Analysis for California Education. “In some areas, the declines will be severe. And I don’t see how we manage those kinds of reductions without closing schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1817\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg 1817w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-800x453.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1020x577.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1536x869.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1817px) 100vw, 1817px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of students enrolled in California’s K–12 public schools has dropped by 461,000 students — or 7% — over the past two decades. Lower birth rates, declines in immigration and an outflow of families from California have all contributed. Enrollment is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://dru-data-portal-cacensus.hub.arcgis.com/apps/a2a7efaa52b941e7878489aeafc4a1ca/explore\">drop even further over the next decade\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Finance, to just over 5 million students — a decline of nearly 20% since the peak in the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The declines have hit some regions harder than others. San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, San José and San Diego have all experienced steep declines in enrollment, in part due to a high cost of living that’s led families to move to less expensive areas. In San Francisco, the lure of private schools has also made a significant dent in public school enrollment: \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthGrd.aspx?cds=3868478&agglevel=district&year=2023-24\">Roughly 40%\u003c/a> of the children in the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/si/ps/psastatcountsbycnty.asp\">attend private school\u003c/a>, compared to about 9% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because California funds its schools based on attendance, fewer students equals less money. Pandemic relief grants — totaling more than $13.5 billion in California — offered a buffer for many school districts facing financial hardship, but those grants expire this year. Meanwhile, the state education budget may dip in the coming years due to a shaky economy. Gov. Gavin Newsom largely protected schools from budget cuts this year, but there’s no guarantee that will continue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing under-enrolled, half-empty schools is an obvious way for school districts to save money. A bit of the savings comes from facilities costs, such as utility bills and maintenance, but the bulk comes from staff. By reassigning or laying off teachers, districts can consolidate programs and lower their payroll costs. Districts can also lease or sell the vacant schools to generate revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But closing schools nearly always sparks impassioned protests from families, students, teachers and the community. Schools are often the heart of a neighborhood, and a closure — especially in a neighborhood that’s already struggling — can be a significant blow. A closed school often means that students must travel further to get to their new school, and adjust to new teachers and a new campus culture. The experience can be deeply disruptive to students as well as teachers and parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact on Black, lower-income students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s often low-income and Black communities that are most affected by school closures, \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/declining-enrollment-school-closures-and-equity-considerations\">research shows\u003c/a>. That’s partly because those neighborhoods have seen some of the greatest declines in enrollment, but some see it as part of a long history of disinvestment in Black students’ education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they invested in the schools they want to close, maybe the district wouldn’t have a problem with declining enrollment,” said Brandie Bowen-Bremond, policy director for Coleman Advocates, a nonprofit that promotes policies related to families of color in San Francisco. Tutoring, wellness centers, social workers and other services would make the under-enrolled schools more attractive to local families and they might be less likely to move away or enroll their children in charter schools, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman Advocates helped fight proposed school closures in San Francisco Unified last month, a battle that resulted in the superintendent’s resignation and a promise from the new superintendent that the district wouldn’t close schools this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014797\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on a worksheet at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association also opposes school closures in nearly all cases. Instead of closing schools, districts should look to lower class sizes, push for more education funding from the state, and look for creative solutions such as partnering with cities to open libraries, parks and community centers at under-used school campuses, the union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Closing schools is the last thing we should be doing,” said David Goldberg, president of the California Teachers Association. “Schools are a safety net in so many communities. These schools have a whole ecosystem, a whole history in a community. Disrupting that is a setback that is hard to undo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tough choices in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But for districts that have already made steep cuts, and are facing grim enrollment projections, school closures may be inevitable. Between 2012 and 2022, California school districts closed nearly 700 schools, and more are almost certain to come. Oakland Unified went through a painful round of school closures three years ago, and the district is bracing for more as it looks to trim a $95 million budget deficit and avoid another state takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s enrollment has dropped from 50,000 students in the early 2000s to just 34,000 last year. Meanwhile, the district maintains 77 schools, one of the lowest students-per-school ratios in the state. Fontana Unified, for example, has 46 schools for about the same number of students. Moreno Valley Unified, also with about the same enrollment, has 40 schools.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12013686,news_12003311,news_11701044\"]“I’m a firm believer that solvency is the foundation of quality,” Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell said. “It’s pretty straightforward. If we fail to make some of the necessary and difficult cuts, we’ll head toward insolvency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She expects pushback from the community, but believes that students, teachers and families will be better off in the long run. Closures will free up more money for teacher raises, workforce housing at vacant school sites and improved academic and extracurricular offerings at existing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that there’s some way we can do this where everyone’s going to be happy is fantasy,” Johnson-Trammell said. “But we can be transparent, we can be honest, we can lead with respect and compassion. But we cannot lose sight of the economics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardest part for school boards might not even be closing schools. It might come later — ensuring a smooth transition for displaced families and creating long-term financial plans so the district doesn’t go through the same upheaval next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts need to consider even the smallest details, like whether the merged school will have a new mascot, or how new families will be included in school events, Hahnel and her colleagues said. And throughout the process, districts need to include teachers and parents at every step, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upsides of closures at Azusa Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Azusa Unified, a predominantly low-income and Latino district in Los Angeles County, recently managed to close schools with relatively little tumult, thanks in part to meticulous planning. With enrollment dropping from about 12,000 to 6,000 over the last two decades, the need to close schools was inevitable, but a transparent process minimized the disruptions, Superintendent Arturo Ortega said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key, Ortega said, was a planning committee made up of parents, union representatives and district administrators, who held a series of community meetings to hear concerns and suggestions. The committee made clear the need for school closures, live-streamed meetings on YouTube and kept a regularly updated website. After months of discussions, the committee submitted recommendations to the school board, which approved the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of closures, mergers and school relocations that Ortega said has led to a slew of upsides: the high school baseball team won the division championship; teachers have more opportunities to collaborate; elementary schools have improved art programs and science labs; the middle school has a new college and career center, science lab and improved sports field; and the high school has more Advanced Placement classes, career pathways and a stronger sports program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was important for us that our community understood the ‘why’ behind the school reorganization process,” Ortega said. “Our ‘why’ was to increase and improve our programs and facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closures, opportunities in Inglewood\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A teacher helps a student during class at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy. Right: The school’s logo on a building in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The story of Inglewood Unified is both a cautionary tale for districts that refuse to address declining enrollment, and a success story for those who are navigating the closure process. A dozen years ago, faced with fewer students and a constricting budget, the school board opted not to close schools or make budget cuts and instead borrowed $29 million from the state to close a budget gap. As a condition of the loan, the state took over district operations, appointing its own administrator and stripping all but advisory power from the school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Morris is the ninth state-appointed administrator in the role, taking over two years ago. He closed one school and plans to close five more next year. There was resistance, he said, but he had little choice: Two decades ago the district had 18,000 students; now, it’s down to 7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m old and I’m tough and I’m going to stay here until the job is done,” said Morris, a former assistant superintendent at Los Angeles Unified. “The children in this district are so full of hope and promise, they deserve the best schools we can give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-800x632.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1020x806.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1536x1213.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing schools has meant laying off staff and closing schools that had expensive maintenance needs. It also stoked the wrath of the community, leading to marathon school board meetings with hundreds of anguished speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the school closures have allowed the district to invest in the new merged schools, modernizing campuses and adding resources. For example, Woodworth-Monroe Academy, a merged TK–8 school, now has a wellness center and more clubs and activities for students. Inglewood High School now has a marching band with 100 students, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-13/dr-dre-jimmy-iovine-to-open-high-school-in-inglewood\">a new design, technology and entrepreneur academy\u003c/a> sponsored by Andre “Dr. Dre” Young and music recording mogul Jimmy Iovine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the community has come around, at least a little. The alumni association of Morningside High, one of the high schools slated to close, actually endorsed its closure because it means students will have more opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have a world-class city if you don’t have a world-class education system,” Morris said. “And that’s what our job has to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/carolyn-jones/\">Carolyn Jones\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the superintendent in San Francisco Unified proposed closing schools recently, parents launched a prolonged — and successful — protest. The uproar may have died down for now, but the issue is likely to erupt at school boards across the state — and some say that’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining enrollment, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">end of pandemic relief grants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/05/newsom-budget-revision-deficit-cuts/\">state budget uncertainty\u003c/a> have combined to put hundreds of California school districts in precarious financial straits. Closing schools is never a popular option, but for some districts it may be the only way to avoid the state seizing control of operations. When the state takes over a district, the school board loses power and a state-appointed administrator makes cuts until the budget is balanced. A takeover could last a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the big thing that we’re going to be dealing with in California education over the next few years. The declines in enrollment that we have seen so far pale in comparison to the declines the state is projecting,” said Carrie Hahnel, a senior fellow at Policy Analysis for California Education. “In some areas, the declines will be severe. And I don’t see how we manage those kinds of reductions without closing schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1817\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg 1817w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-800x453.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1020x577.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1536x869.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1817px) 100vw, 1817px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of students enrolled in California’s K–12 public schools has dropped by 461,000 students — or 7% — over the past two decades. Lower birth rates, declines in immigration and an outflow of families from California have all contributed. Enrollment is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://dru-data-portal-cacensus.hub.arcgis.com/apps/a2a7efaa52b941e7878489aeafc4a1ca/explore\">drop even further over the next decade\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Finance, to just over 5 million students — a decline of nearly 20% since the peak in the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The declines have hit some regions harder than others. San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, San José and San Diego have all experienced steep declines in enrollment, in part due to a high cost of living that’s led families to move to less expensive areas. In San Francisco, the lure of private schools has also made a significant dent in public school enrollment: \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthGrd.aspx?cds=3868478&agglevel=district&year=2023-24\">Roughly 40%\u003c/a> of the children in the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/si/ps/psastatcountsbycnty.asp\">attend private school\u003c/a>, compared to about 9% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because California funds its schools based on attendance, fewer students equals less money. Pandemic relief grants — totaling more than $13.5 billion in California — offered a buffer for many school districts facing financial hardship, but those grants expire this year. Meanwhile, the state education budget may dip in the coming years due to a shaky economy. Gov. Gavin Newsom largely protected schools from budget cuts this year, but there’s no guarantee that will continue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing under-enrolled, half-empty schools is an obvious way for school districts to save money. A bit of the savings comes from facilities costs, such as utility bills and maintenance, but the bulk comes from staff. By reassigning or laying off teachers, districts can consolidate programs and lower their payroll costs. Districts can also lease or sell the vacant schools to generate revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But closing schools nearly always sparks impassioned protests from families, students, teachers and the community. Schools are often the heart of a neighborhood, and a closure — especially in a neighborhood that’s already struggling — can be a significant blow. A closed school often means that students must travel further to get to their new school, and adjust to new teachers and a new campus culture. The experience can be deeply disruptive to students as well as teachers and parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact on Black, lower-income students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s often low-income and Black communities that are most affected by school closures, \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/declining-enrollment-school-closures-and-equity-considerations\">research shows\u003c/a>. That’s partly because those neighborhoods have seen some of the greatest declines in enrollment, but some see it as part of a long history of disinvestment in Black students’ education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they invested in the schools they want to close, maybe the district wouldn’t have a problem with declining enrollment,” said Brandie Bowen-Bremond, policy director for Coleman Advocates, a nonprofit that promotes policies related to families of color in San Francisco. Tutoring, wellness centers, social workers and other services would make the under-enrolled schools more attractive to local families and they might be less likely to move away or enroll their children in charter schools, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman Advocates helped fight proposed school closures in San Francisco Unified last month, a battle that resulted in the superintendent’s resignation and a promise from the new superintendent that the district wouldn’t close schools this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014797\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on a worksheet at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association also opposes school closures in nearly all cases. Instead of closing schools, districts should look to lower class sizes, push for more education funding from the state, and look for creative solutions such as partnering with cities to open libraries, parks and community centers at under-used school campuses, the union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Closing schools is the last thing we should be doing,” said David Goldberg, president of the California Teachers Association. “Schools are a safety net in so many communities. These schools have a whole ecosystem, a whole history in a community. Disrupting that is a setback that is hard to undo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tough choices in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But for districts that have already made steep cuts, and are facing grim enrollment projections, school closures may be inevitable. Between 2012 and 2022, California school districts closed nearly 700 schools, and more are almost certain to come. Oakland Unified went through a painful round of school closures three years ago, and the district is bracing for more as it looks to trim a $95 million budget deficit and avoid another state takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s enrollment has dropped from 50,000 students in the early 2000s to just 34,000 last year. Meanwhile, the district maintains 77 schools, one of the lowest students-per-school ratios in the state. Fontana Unified, for example, has 46 schools for about the same number of students. Moreno Valley Unified, also with about the same enrollment, has 40 schools.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m a firm believer that solvency is the foundation of quality,” Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell said. “It’s pretty straightforward. If we fail to make some of the necessary and difficult cuts, we’ll head toward insolvency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She expects pushback from the community, but believes that students, teachers and families will be better off in the long run. Closures will free up more money for teacher raises, workforce housing at vacant school sites and improved academic and extracurricular offerings at existing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that there’s some way we can do this where everyone’s going to be happy is fantasy,” Johnson-Trammell said. “But we can be transparent, we can be honest, we can lead with respect and compassion. But we cannot lose sight of the economics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardest part for school boards might not even be closing schools. It might come later — ensuring a smooth transition for displaced families and creating long-term financial plans so the district doesn’t go through the same upheaval next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts need to consider even the smallest details, like whether the merged school will have a new mascot, or how new families will be included in school events, Hahnel and her colleagues said. And throughout the process, districts need to include teachers and parents at every step, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upsides of closures at Azusa Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Azusa Unified, a predominantly low-income and Latino district in Los Angeles County, recently managed to close schools with relatively little tumult, thanks in part to meticulous planning. With enrollment dropping from about 12,000 to 6,000 over the last two decades, the need to close schools was inevitable, but a transparent process minimized the disruptions, Superintendent Arturo Ortega said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key, Ortega said, was a planning committee made up of parents, union representatives and district administrators, who held a series of community meetings to hear concerns and suggestions. The committee made clear the need for school closures, live-streamed meetings on YouTube and kept a regularly updated website. After months of discussions, the committee submitted recommendations to the school board, which approved the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of closures, mergers and school relocations that Ortega said has led to a slew of upsides: the high school baseball team won the division championship; teachers have more opportunities to collaborate; elementary schools have improved art programs and science labs; the middle school has a new college and career center, science lab and improved sports field; and the high school has more Advanced Placement classes, career pathways and a stronger sports program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was important for us that our community understood the ‘why’ behind the school reorganization process,” Ortega said. “Our ‘why’ was to increase and improve our programs and facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closures, opportunities in Inglewood\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A teacher helps a student during class at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy. Right: The school’s logo on a building in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The story of Inglewood Unified is both a cautionary tale for districts that refuse to address declining enrollment, and a success story for those who are navigating the closure process. A dozen years ago, faced with fewer students and a constricting budget, the school board opted not to close schools or make budget cuts and instead borrowed $29 million from the state to close a budget gap. As a condition of the loan, the state took over district operations, appointing its own administrator and stripping all but advisory power from the school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Morris is the ninth state-appointed administrator in the role, taking over two years ago. He closed one school and plans to close five more next year. There was resistance, he said, but he had little choice: Two decades ago the district had 18,000 students; now, it’s down to 7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m old and I’m tough and I’m going to stay here until the job is done,” said Morris, a former assistant superintendent at Los Angeles Unified. “The children in this district are so full of hope and promise, they deserve the best schools we can give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-800x632.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1020x806.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1536x1213.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing schools has meant laying off staff and closing schools that had expensive maintenance needs. It also stoked the wrath of the community, leading to marathon school board meetings with hundreds of anguished speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the school closures have allowed the district to invest in the new merged schools, modernizing campuses and adding resources. For example, Woodworth-Monroe Academy, a merged TK–8 school, now has a wellness center and more clubs and activities for students. Inglewood High School now has a marching band with 100 students, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-13/dr-dre-jimmy-iovine-to-open-high-school-in-inglewood\">a new design, technology and entrepreneur academy\u003c/a> sponsored by Andre “Dr. Dre” Young and music recording mogul Jimmy Iovine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the community has come around, at least a little. The alumni association of Morningside High, one of the high schools slated to close, actually endorsed its closure because it means students will have more opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have a world-class city if you don’t have a world-class education system,” Morris said. “And that’s what our job has to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "it-used-to-be-a-notoriously-violent-prison-now-its-home-to-a-first-of-its-kind-education-program",
"title": "It Used to Be a Notoriously Violent Prison. Now It’s Home to a First-of-Its Kind Education Program",
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"headTitle": "It Used to Be a Notoriously Violent Prison. Now It’s Home to a First-of-Its Kind Education Program | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>CRESCENT CITY, Calif. — In less than 15 minutes, Michael Mariscal validated why a team of officials at Cal Poly Humboldt has spent more than three years trying to set up the first bachelor’s degree program at a maximum-security prison in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of a class in persuasive speaking, Mariscal was tasked with giving a presentation to highlight his personal growth. His 22 classmates inside B Facility at Pelican Bay State Prison were skeptical: Just two weeks earlier, Mariscal had used his presentation time to give step-by-step directions on how to make a peanut butter and jelly sandwich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today was different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never told this to anyone before,” the 32-year-old Mariscal said, holding back tears as he explained his feelings when he learned at his trial that the state was requesting he be put to death. “I said, ‘That’s OK, that’s cool,’” showing no outward emotion at the time, he told the class. But inside, his mind was reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not innocent; I did everything I was convicted for,” he quickly added, referring to a gang shooting that left two people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college students applaud Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, after he gave a presentation about his own journey to turn his life around during a CalPoly Humboldt class on persuasive speaking at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal went on to say that his brother had received a life sentence and been murdered while in prison. Mariscal himself was given five life sentences. He declared that he did not expect ever to be released but finished by saying, “I can still live a meaningful life in here. Freedom is different for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shocked silence filled the room before classmate Darryl Baca spoke up. “That’s some raw stuff right here. I recognize the potential in you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not the first time I’ve cried after class,” the professor, Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth, said later, although she was teaching only her fourth session at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014139\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college student Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, center, leaves the education hallway with fellow classmates after school at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, Calif, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal’s speech exemplified everything officials at Cal Poly Humboldt hoped to accomplish when they set out to create a satellite campus at one of the most notorious prisons in the country. They knew that earning a degree could help some men shorten their sentences and possibly land well-paying jobs once released. But they also hoped that the classes, and the camaraderie fostered there, would pay immediate dividends, lessening violence at the prison and improving students’ daily behaviors. Seeing Mariscal address his past while both sharing his feelings and mapping out a hopeful path forward just four weeks into the semester was validating, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been a leader in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2021/10/prison-bachelors-degree-california-inside-out/\">prison education\u003c/a> programs, starting with a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4913#:~:text=In%202014%2C%20the%20state%20approved,closed%20to%20the%20general%20public).\">2014 rule\u003c/a> authorizing state funding for community colleges to set up programs for students who are incarcerated. Since then, some 25 community colleges and eight universities have established degree-granting programs that now cover every facility in the state. Humboldt’s Pelican Bay program is not only the state’s first bachelor’s initiative at a max-security prison; earlier this year, it became the first program in the country approved under new federal Department of Education rules to let incarcerated individuals access \u003ca href=\"https://now.humboldt.edu/news/prison-education-program-first-nation-receive-pell-grant-eligibility-under-new-federal-policy\">Pell Grant funds\u003c/a> to pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about 29 years, Pell money had been largely prohibited for individuals who are incarcerated, with the exception of a small federal pilot program \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">that debuted in 2015\u003c/a>. The new Pell rules made 767,000 people at state prisons nationwide eligible to pay for college with federal funds — starting with a handful of those at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re setting an example,” said Tony Wallin-Sato, a former Humboldt official who helped create the program. “If we can be successful at Pelican Bay, it can work anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay is one of the most infamous prisons in the country. Built in 1989 in the extreme northwest corner of California, the facility was created to isolate its occupants in two ways. Many of the men who are incarcerated there hail from the Los Angeles area, nearly 700 miles south. And nearly half of the facility’s units were \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/04/health/solitary-confinement-mental-illness.html\">built for solitary confinement\u003c/a>, with some occupants stuck inside these 7-by-11-foot cells for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “60 Minutes” report in 1993 highlighted excessive force by guards, and a 1995 lawsuit exposed inadequate medical care. In 2013, people incarcerated there staged a two-month hunger strike that spread throughout the state’s prisons to protest the excessive use of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">solitary confinement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But program staffers and people incarcerated at the facility say day-to-day life there now bears little resemblance to those days. About 400 of the prison’s 2,200 incarcerated men currently take classes that include GED preparation, courses from four community colleges and, now, Humboldt’s new bachelor’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay “used to be one of the most violent prisons in the country. Now it’s not,” said Mark Taylor, a Humboldt official who spent more than 21 years incarcerated before helping to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, incarcerated students openly drop hints around Kari Telaro Rexford, the prison’s supervisor of academic instruction, telling her they hope she’ll soon bring in a master’s degree program. “I’m trying,” she tells them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Humboldt prison program ‘makes people safer’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Silbert, the deputy superintendent of higher education for the state’s Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, has watched every program that has started in the eight years since bachelor’s degree programs began in state prisons. “Because of the involvement of senior leadership,” she said, “Cal Poly Humboldt’s was the easiest by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Silbert admitted she first tried to talk officials out of creating this program. “Are you sure?” she said she asked them. “It’s easy to be starry-eyed in the beginning, but it’s an endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt’s provost, Jenn Capps, said she agreed with that assessment but pushed on because the program “makes people safer.” Offering bachelor’s degree classes helps “disrupt the narrative” of violence in these men’s lives, making life safer for them, their families, guards at Pelican Bay, and ultimately the public, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are lots of myths out there about people who are incarcerated,” Capps said. “But everybody wants community safety. Offering prison education programs is key to community safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Cal Poly Humboldt officials worked for more than two years before beginning the program in January. The university’s communications department chair, Maxwell Schnurer, taught a class at the prison through the College of the Redwoods to understand why that community college’s program had been so successful. Redwoods began with one course at the prison in 2015, and its program has since mushroomed to 43 courses serving 390 students, said Tory Eagles, the college’s Pelican Bay Scholars program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalPoly Humboldt communications lecturer Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth discusses a presentation assignment with inmates during her persuasive speaking class at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of this semester, the university has ramped up to four classes, each of which are taken by all of the school’s 23 students. Each student had already earned associate degrees and all are now communications majors. Humboldt’s five-year plan is to add other majors and expand to two more of the prison’s four yards, said Steve Ladwig, the director of the university’s Transformative and Restorative Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being the first program the federal government authorized to use Pell Grants for incarcerated men put a spotlight on Humboldt’s work. However, actually getting those funds has proven to be hard, largely because of the federal Department of Education’s botched rollout of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although all of Humboldt’s students are eligible for Pell, only about half of the 23 have had their applications reviewed by the Department of Education so far, said Ladwig. While the university waits for approval of its students’ Pell Grants, it is covering tuition for each student, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Humboldt staged a ceremony to hand incarcerated individuals their college acceptance letters, Ladwig had to venture to the prison’s solitary confinement wing to deliver Mariscal’s letter because he was being punished for getting into a fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decades in solitary confinement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Darryl Baca — the student who praised Mariscal after his classroom speech — epitomizes the entire history of Pelican Bay. He came to the prison in 1990, only months after it opened. He spent his first 25 years in solitary confinement, where many incarcerated individuals with gang backgrounds were placed. He was part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905589/how-a-massive-california-prison-hunger-strike-overhauled-solitary-confinement\">2013 hunger strike \u003c/a>that led to changes in how the prison uses solitary. Now, he’s not only a straight-A student but someone both staff and fellow students look to for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mariscal unspooled his revelation, Baca noticed the seven-minute timer the instructor had set was about to go off and interrupt his speech. From his seat at the front of the class, Baca reached over and deftly paused the timer while handing Mariscal a tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca said it took him three tries to earn his GED. Later, he used correspondence courses to secure an associate degree. He continued his education with College of the Redwood’s courses and said he recently passed up a chance to transfer to a lower-security prison because of his Humboldt classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the opportunity of a lifetime,” he said. The college classes have erased the barriers that typically exist among prisoners of different backgrounds, he explained. While classmates support each other, many people at the prison “are making better choices now. The culture has evolved. We’re like a campus now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca isn’t the only person incarcerated at Pelican Bay who has rejected possible transfers to other prisons. Others said they made the difficult decision to pass up the chance to be moved closer to home and earn a lower-security designation because they wanted to continue in Humboldt’s classes. “I told my family, ‘I want to see you and get closer, but I can’t transfer,’” said Davion Holman, 35, who is originally from the Los Angeles area. Holman, sentenced to 31 years in 2013, told his classmates that before being arrested, he liked school. “I knew I was smart, but I was content being stupid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take it serious because it is serious,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt Professor Roberto Mónico, who teaches a course called multiethnic resistance in the U.S., says at times, it feels more like a graduate-level seminar than an undergraduate class. Students are well prepared, he said, with “all the readings marked up,” and they drop in references to the theories of Plato and Aristotle. Yet they can be sensitive about not knowing how to create a PowerPoint presentation or other computer skills because of their lack of formal education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I tell them to read two out of five essays, they read all five,” said Hitchcock-Tinseth. Added Ladwig: “They are phenomenally well prepared to take on a bachelor’s degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in a college classroom and able to debate ideas freely is “not mirrored in a lot of other prison experiences,” said Ruth Delaney, who directs the Vera Institute of Justice’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which helps colleges develop prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014136\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisco Vallejo, an incarcerated college student with a passion for multicultural resistance courses, poses in front of a mural painted by inmates at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisco Vallejo admitted he struggled when he first began taking community college classes, dropping some before trying again the next semester. But now he hopes his academic progress will bolster his case for parole in 2026. “I had to train to be a student,” he said. “Redwoods gives you the tools, but you use them at Humboldt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Dom Congiardo said the prison environment teaches people to guard their feelings. But taking college classes shows them “you don’t have to be afraid to open up,” he said. “You won’t be judged for it. It’s all new territory for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson Bryant is another student who declined a transfer to stay in Humboldt’s program. At 41 years old, he’s been at Pelican Bay since 2003, more than half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryant said he was scared of the prison’s reputation when he came to Pelican Bay at age 19. “In the beginning, I would have left so fast,” he said. “But there’s too much positive stuff here. It changes you all the way around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Contact editor Lawrie Mifflin at 212-678-4078 or mifflin@hechingerreport.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story about prison education was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/highereducation/\">Hechinger higher education newsletter\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Cal Poly Humboldt’s bachelor’s program offers new opportunity to people incarcerated at maximum-security Pelican Bay State Prison",
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"title": "It Used to Be a Notoriously Violent Prison. Now It’s Home to a First-of-Its Kind Education Program | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>CRESCENT CITY, Calif. — In less than 15 minutes, Michael Mariscal validated why a team of officials at Cal Poly Humboldt has spent more than three years trying to set up the first bachelor’s degree program at a maximum-security prison in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of a class in persuasive speaking, Mariscal was tasked with giving a presentation to highlight his personal growth. His 22 classmates inside B Facility at Pelican Bay State Prison were skeptical: Just two weeks earlier, Mariscal had used his presentation time to give step-by-step directions on how to make a peanut butter and jelly sandwich.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today was different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never told this to anyone before,” the 32-year-old Mariscal said, holding back tears as he explained his feelings when he learned at his trial that the state was requesting he be put to death. “I said, ‘That’s OK, that’s cool,’” showing no outward emotion at the time, he told the class. But inside, his mind was reeling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not innocent; I did everything I was convicted for,” he quickly added, referring to a gang shooting that left two people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college students applaud Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, after he gave a presentation about his own journey to turn his life around during a CalPoly Humboldt class on persuasive speaking at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal went on to say that his brother had received a life sentence and been murdered while in prison. Mariscal himself was given five life sentences. He declared that he did not expect ever to be released but finished by saying, “I can still live a meaningful life in here. Freedom is different for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shocked silence filled the room before classmate Darryl Baca spoke up. “That’s some raw stuff right here. I recognize the potential in you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not the first time I’ve cried after class,” the professor, Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth, said later, although she was teaching only her fourth session at the prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014139\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-13-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated college student Michael Anthony Mariscal, 32, center, leaves the education hallway with fellow classmates after school at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City, Calif, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mariscal’s speech exemplified everything officials at Cal Poly Humboldt hoped to accomplish when they set out to create a satellite campus at one of the most notorious prisons in the country. They knew that earning a degree could help some men shorten their sentences and possibly land well-paying jobs once released. But they also hoped that the classes, and the camaraderie fostered there, would pay immediate dividends, lessening violence at the prison and improving students’ daily behaviors. Seeing Mariscal address his past while both sharing his feelings and mapping out a hopeful path forward just four weeks into the semester was validating, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been a leader in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/college-beat/2021/10/prison-bachelors-degree-california-inside-out/\">prison education\u003c/a> programs, starting with a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4913#:~:text=In%202014%2C%20the%20state%20approved,closed%20to%20the%20general%20public).\">2014 rule\u003c/a> authorizing state funding for community colleges to set up programs for students who are incarcerated. Since then, some 25 community colleges and eight universities have established degree-granting programs that now cover every facility in the state. Humboldt’s Pelican Bay program is not only the state’s first bachelor’s initiative at a max-security prison; earlier this year, it became the first program in the country approved under new federal Department of Education rules to let incarcerated individuals access \u003ca href=\"https://now.humboldt.edu/news/prison-education-program-first-nation-receive-pell-grant-eligibility-under-new-federal-policy\">Pell Grant funds\u003c/a> to pay for college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For about 29 years, Pell money had been largely prohibited for individuals who are incarcerated, with the exception of a small federal pilot program \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">that debuted in 2015\u003c/a>. The new Pell rules made 767,000 people at state prisons nationwide eligible to pay for college with federal funds — starting with a handful of those at Pelican Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re setting an example,” said Tony Wallin-Sato, a former Humboldt official who helped create the program. “If we can be successful at Pelican Bay, it can work anywhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay is one of the most infamous prisons in the country. Built in 1989 in the extreme northwest corner of California, the facility was created to isolate its occupants in two ways. Many of the men who are incarcerated there hail from the Los Angeles area, nearly 700 miles south. And nearly half of the facility’s units were \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/04/health/solitary-confinement-mental-illness.html\">built for solitary confinement\u003c/a>, with some occupants stuck inside these 7-by-11-foot cells for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A “60 Minutes” report in 1993 highlighted excessive force by guards, and a 1995 lawsuit exposed inadequate medical care. In 2013, people incarcerated there staged a two-month hunger strike that spread throughout the state’s prisons to protest the excessive use of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">solitary confinement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But program staffers and people incarcerated at the facility say day-to-day life there now bears little resemblance to those days. About 400 of the prison’s 2,200 incarcerated men currently take classes that include GED preparation, courses from four community colleges and, now, Humboldt’s new bachelor’s program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pelican Bay “used to be one of the most violent prisons in the country. Now it’s not,” said Mark Taylor, a Humboldt official who spent more than 21 years incarcerated before helping to create this program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, incarcerated students openly drop hints around Kari Telaro Rexford, the prison’s supervisor of academic instruction, telling her they hope she’ll soon bring in a master’s degree program. “I’m trying,” she tells them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Humboldt prison program ‘makes people safer’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Silbert, the deputy superintendent of higher education for the state’s Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, has watched every program that has started in the eight years since bachelor’s degree programs began in state prisons. “Because of the involvement of senior leadership,” she said, “Cal Poly Humboldt’s was the easiest by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Silbert admitted she first tried to talk officials out of creating this program. “Are you sure?” she said she asked them. “It’s easy to be starry-eyed in the beginning, but it’s an endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt’s provost, Jenn Capps, said she agreed with that assessment but pushed on because the program “makes people safer.” Offering bachelor’s degree classes helps “disrupt the narrative” of violence in these men’s lives, making life safer for them, their families, guards at Pelican Bay, and ultimately the public, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are lots of myths out there about people who are incarcerated,” Capps said. “But everybody wants community safety. Offering prison education programs is key to community safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of Cal Poly Humboldt officials worked for more than two years before beginning the program in January. The university’s communications department chair, Maxwell Schnurer, taught a class at the prison through the College of the Redwoods to understand why that community college’s program had been so successful. Redwoods began with one course at the prison in 2015, and its program has since mushroomed to 43 courses serving 390 students, said Tory Eagles, the college’s Pelican Bay Scholars program manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014137\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014137\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-03-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalPoly Humboldt communications lecturer Romi Hitchcock-Tinseth discusses a presentation assignment with inmates during her persuasive speaking class at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As of this semester, the university has ramped up to four classes, each of which are taken by all of the school’s 23 students. Each student had already earned associate degrees and all are now communications majors. Humboldt’s five-year plan is to add other majors and expand to two more of the prison’s four yards, said Steve Ladwig, the director of the university’s Transformative and Restorative Education Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being the first program the federal government authorized to use Pell Grants for incarcerated men put a spotlight on Humboldt’s work. However, actually getting those funds has proven to be hard, largely because of the federal Department of Education’s botched rollout of the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, or FAFSA, last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although all of Humboldt’s students are eligible for Pell, only about half of the 23 have had their applications reviewed by the Department of Education so far, said Ladwig. While the university waits for approval of its students’ Pell Grants, it is covering tuition for each student, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Humboldt staged a ceremony to hand incarcerated individuals their college acceptance letters, Ladwig had to venture to the prison’s solitary confinement wing to deliver Mariscal’s letter because he was being punished for getting into a fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Decades in solitary confinement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Darryl Baca — the student who praised Mariscal after his classroom speech — epitomizes the entire history of Pelican Bay. He came to the prison in 1990, only months after it opened. He spent his first 25 years in solitary confinement, where many incarcerated individuals with gang backgrounds were placed. He was part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905589/how-a-massive-california-prison-hunger-strike-overhauled-solitary-confinement\">2013 hunger strike \u003c/a>that led to changes in how the prison uses solitary. Now, he’s not only a straight-A student but someone both staff and fellow students look to for guidance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Mariscal unspooled his revelation, Baca noticed the seven-minute timer the instructor had set was about to go off and interrupt his speech. From his seat at the front of the class, Baca reached over and deftly paused the timer while handing Mariscal a tissue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca said it took him three tries to earn his GED. Later, he used correspondence courses to secure an associate degree. He continued his education with College of the Redwood’s courses and said he recently passed up a chance to transfer to a lower-security prison because of his Humboldt classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s the opportunity of a lifetime,” he said. The college classes have erased the barriers that typically exist among prisoners of different backgrounds, he explained. While classmates support each other, many people at the prison “are making better choices now. The culture has evolved. We’re like a campus now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baca isn’t the only person incarcerated at Pelican Bay who has rejected possible transfers to other prisons. Others said they made the difficult decision to pass up the chance to be moved closer to home and earn a lower-security designation because they wanted to continue in Humboldt’s classes. “I told my family, ‘I want to see you and get closer, but I can’t transfer,’” said Davion Holman, 35, who is originally from the Los Angeles area. Holman, sentenced to 31 years in 2013, told his classmates that before being arrested, he liked school. “I knew I was smart, but I was content being stupid,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take it serious because it is serious,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humboldt Professor Roberto Mónico, who teaches a course called multiethnic resistance in the U.S., says at times, it feels more like a graduate-level seminar than an undergraduate class. Students are well prepared, he said, with “all the readings marked up,” and they drop in references to the theories of Plato and Aristotle. Yet they can be sensitive about not knowing how to create a PowerPoint presentation or other computer skills because of their lack of formal education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I tell them to read two out of five essays, they read all five,” said Hitchcock-Tinseth. Added Ladwig: “They are phenomenally well prepared to take on a bachelor’s degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in a college classroom and able to debate ideas freely is “not mirrored in a lot of other prison experiences,” said Ruth Delaney, who directs the Vera Institute of Justice’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which helps colleges develop prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014136\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/101724-HECHINGER-Pelican-MO-CM-04-copy-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francisco Vallejo, an incarcerated college student with a passion for multicultural resistance courses, poses in front of a mural painted by inmates at Pelican Bay State Prison in Crescent City on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for Hechinger Report)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Francisco Vallejo admitted he struggled when he first began taking community college classes, dropping some before trying again the next semester. But now he hopes his academic progress will bolster his case for parole in 2026. “I had to train to be a student,” he said. “Redwoods gives you the tools, but you use them at Humboldt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Student Dom Congiardo said the prison environment teaches people to guard their feelings. But taking college classes shows them “you don’t have to be afraid to open up,” he said. “You won’t be judged for it. It’s all new territory for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlson Bryant is another student who declined a transfer to stay in Humboldt’s program. At 41 years old, he’s been at Pelican Bay since 2003, more than half his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bryant said he was scared of the prison’s reputation when he came to Pelican Bay at age 19. “In the beginning, I would have left so fast,” he said. “But there’s too much positive stuff here. It changes you all the way around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Contact editor Lawrie Mifflin at 212-678-4078 or mifflin@hechingerreport.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story about prison education was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/\">The Hechinger Report\u003c/a>, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/highereducation/\">Hechinger higher education newsletter\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The University of California is eyeing a looming budget gap of half a billion dollars next year. To help balance the books it’s relying in part on its out-of-state undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the system is pouring tens of billions of dollars into construction projects for seismic retrofitting, new classrooms and medical centers — while also acknowledging it lacks the funding to build or renovate most of what it needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out-of-state undergraduates at the UC are charged more than three times the total tuition in-state students are expected to pay. Now system leaders have increased the supplemental tuition for new nonresident undergraduates by $3,402 next fall, an amount that’s $2,208 more than what the supplemental tuition would increase by under existing UC policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC regents committee approved the new hike Wednesday; the full board voted to green-light the measure today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One regent, Jose M. Hernandez, voted No. Two elected state leaders on the board, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, abstained from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be on the record opposing the tuition increase, and also on the record recognizing the commitment of staff to continue to work to evaluate and understand these decisions to increase the cost of attendance for out of state students,” Kounalakis said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/07/uc-tuition-hike/\">model passed in 2021\u003c/a>, each new cohort of undergraduates sees higher tuition and fees than the previous crop of new students but that tuition stays flat for their time at the UC. In-state students are charged tuition and a systemwide fee. Out-of-state students are charged that plus a much larger supplemental fee. The base tuition and fee would go up as planned under the 2022 model; only the supplemental fee would rise at a higher than expected amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, it would mean new nonresident undergraduates would pay $52,536 in total mandatory tuition next fall, excluding separate campus fees that are an \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">average of $1,700\u003c/a>. Current new nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202425/2024-25.pdf\">pay $48,636 annually (PDF)\u003c/a>, plus campus fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would affect the roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/fall-enrollment-glance#ugentry\">15% of UC undergraduates\u003c/a>, including transfer students, who live outside of California and will begin their studies at the university system next fall. The increase wouldn’t affect current students or future graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As UC prepares for an anticipated state budget cut that could impact student services across the entire system, we are proposing an increase to support core operations without raising costs for current students and California residents,” wrote UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hike would increase revenue by about $41 million for the system annually, Rodriguez wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=zdrPdTCtK5t-A0lD&t=3551\">impending half-billion shortfall next summer\u003c/a> would occur if state lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom make good on a deal to delay previously promised new money for the UC and apply a cut to its state support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s operating revenue is estimated to be \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=3\">about $53 billion in 2024–25 (PDF)\u003c/a>. Most of that is from the system’s medical services work, including hospitals. Its core mission of educating students, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">largely faculty salary and benefits (PDF)\u003c/a> as well as financial aid, makes up about $11 billion of the system’s budget. That amount is \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">almost evenly paid (PDF)\u003c/a> for with state dollars and a combination of tuition revenue and other university funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s among the numerous fiscal details that emerged at the regents’ regularly scheduled November meeting, including the revelation that the UC plans to spend $30 billion to repair or replace its increasingly aging stock of academic buildings, medical centers and dorms by decade’s end. And yet, that massive sum falls far short of the 10-campus system’s stated construction needs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=99wyMrJDoDasG7Ug&t=1643\">a total of $53 billion in projects without a funding source\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building spree is occurring as UC trundles\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=11\"> toward a goal of adding 23,000 new California students by 2030 (PDF)\u003c/a> — fueled in part by lawmaker demands that the vaunted system make space for more California high schoolers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The tuition hike in context\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some ways the emphasis on out-of-state students is a return to form for the UC, which both relies on these students for the much higher tuition they pay but also is under pressure by lawmakers to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/09/uc-out-of-state-tuition/\">limit how many non-Californian undergraduates the system enrolls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Tapia Jr-Urbieta, an executive officer for the UC Student Association, which represents undergraduate students, said that the student association opposes the increase. “Opportunity to higher education should not face any more barriers. Instead of increasing the salaries of UC administrators, let’s make sure college is more affordable for all,” he told regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those September raises came in two waves: \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g2.pdf\">4.2% (PDF)\u003c/a> for senior UC officials, such as the system president and most campus chancellors, and \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g4.pdf\">extra raises (PDF)\u003c/a>, including for most of the chancellors — ranging from \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g3.pdf#page=3\">16% to 33% (PDF)\u003c/a>. The extra chancellor raises are paid with private donations, not tuition or state support. The updated chancellor salaries range from $785,000 to nearly $1.2 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonresident undergraduate students tend to have \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2023/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=the%20data%20glossary.-,2.2%20INCOME%20PROFILE,-A%20large%20proportion\">higher family incomes than resident students\u003c/a>. In 2021, 45% of nonresident undergraduates had family incomes of above $185,000. The same was true for 25% of undergraduates from California. Nearly three-quarters of nonresident undergraduates came from households exceeding $93,000; for California-based undergrads, it was 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nonresident students on average pay much more to attend a UC campus, even after all financial aid \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/undergraduate-affordability#Netcostoftrend\">is factored into their costs\u003c/a>. The net price — which includes tuition, housing and other related costs minus grants and scholarships — for resident undergraduates with household incomes above $180,000 was around $37,000 a year last fall. For nonresident undergraduates, the average net price was $67,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support it (the nonresident tuition increase). I’ll get pushback for that, but here we are,” said Josiah Beharry, a student regent who can cast a vote on the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials said that compared to some other major public universities, UC’s nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=wdlQCmWop4RGp5M8&t=3101\">pay lower nonresident fees\u003c/a>. For example, University of Michigan nonresident students paid $11,500 more than their nonresident UC peers in 2023-24. University of Virginia nonresident undergraduate paid $7,000 more. Even when adjusting for living costs, nonresident Californians are charged less for their education, UC officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC policy permits 20% of new nonresident tuition revenue to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/policies/universitywide-program-policies-and-guidelines/revised-administrative-guidelines-for-usap-and-select-aid-programs-final-002.pdf#page=6\">reserved for financial aid for nonresident undergraduates (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>$30 billion in planned construction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $30 billion construction plan — and $50 billion in projects without a funding source — were spelled out in a new, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf\">207-page report detailing (PDF)\u003c/a> construction plans that UC budget officials presented to the system’s regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s enrollment growth and continuing needs for renewal, modernization and seismic correction of existing facilities are the key drivers of capital investments,” \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f9attach1.pdf#page=17\">the report said (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cranes have been soaring above the system’s campus skylines for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, the UC has added beds for 42,000 students, growing from nearly 75,000 beds. The increase means the system can house 40% of its students, up from 32% a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And UC isn’t done as it’s on track to build dorm space for 14,000 new beds at all nine undergraduate-serving campuses through 2030 — at a cost of $6.9 billion. That’s nearly half-a-million-dollars per bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while student housing projects can largely pay for themselves over time through the rents campuses charge, classroom buildings have fewer sources of cash beyond system bonds and state dollars — which the UC says are hardly enough to meet campus needs.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12006322,news_11986301,news_11987878\"]Take for example all the seismic repairs UC says it must undergo to extend the life of its buildings, with structures built in the 1950s and 1960s \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=18\">representing the largest chunk of UC’s gargantuan building footprint (PDF)\u003c/a>. UC has $16 billion in seismic retrofit needs but only identified funding for 16% of that, or $2.5 billion, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=16\">last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just finding money that’s a concern for UC. As buildings undergo remodeling, the classrooms, research and other activity core to the system’s mission has to continue. “The scope and complexity of planning required to minimize these disruptions can often necessitate the construction of temporary or replacement space,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scale of the need is vast. According to the UC, about 1,464 buildings require seismic upgrades across the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials disclosed yesterday that the system is debuting a new plan in which campuses will reduce its backlog of structures that need seismic upgrades by 4% annually, with the structures most in need of an overhaul receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s all the new construction UC needs. The system \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=21\">completed 139 projects at a cost of $1.4 billion last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a> — but has more than $20 billion in active construction\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=24\"> plans for about 400 projects (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than half of those are for UC’s extensive medical care operation, in part to satisfy state rules on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/seismic-safety-hospitals-california/\">strengthening hospitals to better withstand earthquakes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through 2030, UC’s construction plans total $30 billion, with about $12 billion \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=29\">for its medical centers (PDF)\u003c/a>. Philanthropy helps pay for all those projects, but only a little. Just about $2 billion of the construction plan budget \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">will come from gifts (PDF)\u003c/a>. About $300 million will come from state funds directly — a relatively tiny portion of the overall revenue picture for the system’s six-year building plan. Much of the projects will be paid for \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">with external financing (PDF)\u003c/a>, such as bonds that the system sells to investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s just projects with a funding source. UC Berkeley, for example, has more than $14 billion in construction needs but has identified the funding for just about \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=39\">$2.8 billion of that (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is getting built at the system’s oldest campus? For starters, a new undergraduate academic building that’ll include 27 classrooms and a 400-seat auditorium with a rooftop terrace. \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=41\">All of that costs $137 million (PDF)\u003c/a>. It’s scheduled to open in the 2025–26 academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The University of California anticipates more than a $500 million budget gap next summer, so It’s increasing tuition by at least $3,402 for new nonresident students next fall. Meanwhile, the system is planning billions in construction projects.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The University of California is eyeing a looming budget gap of half a billion dollars next year. To help balance the books it’s relying in part on its out-of-state undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the system is pouring tens of billions of dollars into construction projects for seismic retrofitting, new classrooms and medical centers — while also acknowledging it lacks the funding to build or renovate most of what it needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out-of-state undergraduates at the UC are charged more than three times the total tuition in-state students are expected to pay. Now system leaders have increased the supplemental tuition for new nonresident undergraduates by $3,402 next fall, an amount that’s $2,208 more than what the supplemental tuition would increase by under existing UC policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC regents committee approved the new hike Wednesday; the full board voted to green-light the measure today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One regent, Jose M. Hernandez, voted No. Two elected state leaders on the board, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, abstained from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be on the record opposing the tuition increase, and also on the record recognizing the commitment of staff to continue to work to evaluate and understand these decisions to increase the cost of attendance for out of state students,” Kounalakis said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/07/uc-tuition-hike/\">model passed in 2021\u003c/a>, each new cohort of undergraduates sees higher tuition and fees than the previous crop of new students but that tuition stays flat for their time at the UC. In-state students are charged tuition and a systemwide fee. Out-of-state students are charged that plus a much larger supplemental fee. The base tuition and fee would go up as planned under the 2022 model; only the supplemental fee would rise at a higher than expected amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, it would mean new nonresident undergraduates would pay $52,536 in total mandatory tuition next fall, excluding separate campus fees that are an \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">average of $1,700\u003c/a>. Current new nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202425/2024-25.pdf\">pay $48,636 annually (PDF)\u003c/a>, plus campus fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would affect the roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/fall-enrollment-glance#ugentry\">15% of UC undergraduates\u003c/a>, including transfer students, who live outside of California and will begin their studies at the university system next fall. The increase wouldn’t affect current students or future graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As UC prepares for an anticipated state budget cut that could impact student services across the entire system, we are proposing an increase to support core operations without raising costs for current students and California residents,” wrote UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hike would increase revenue by about $41 million for the system annually, Rodriguez wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=zdrPdTCtK5t-A0lD&t=3551\">impending half-billion shortfall next summer\u003c/a> would occur if state lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom make good on a deal to delay previously promised new money for the UC and apply a cut to its state support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s operating revenue is estimated to be \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=3\">about $53 billion in 2024–25 (PDF)\u003c/a>. Most of that is from the system’s medical services work, including hospitals. Its core mission of educating students, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">largely faculty salary and benefits (PDF)\u003c/a> as well as financial aid, makes up about $11 billion of the system’s budget. That amount is \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">almost evenly paid (PDF)\u003c/a> for with state dollars and a combination of tuition revenue and other university funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s among the numerous fiscal details that emerged at the regents’ regularly scheduled November meeting, including the revelation that the UC plans to spend $30 billion to repair or replace its increasingly aging stock of academic buildings, medical centers and dorms by decade’s end. And yet, that massive sum falls far short of the 10-campus system’s stated construction needs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=99wyMrJDoDasG7Ug&t=1643\">a total of $53 billion in projects without a funding source\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building spree is occurring as UC trundles\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=11\"> toward a goal of adding 23,000 new California students by 2030 (PDF)\u003c/a> — fueled in part by lawmaker demands that the vaunted system make space for more California high schoolers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The tuition hike in context\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some ways the emphasis on out-of-state students is a return to form for the UC, which both relies on these students for the much higher tuition they pay but also is under pressure by lawmakers to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/09/uc-out-of-state-tuition/\">limit how many non-Californian undergraduates the system enrolls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Tapia Jr-Urbieta, an executive officer for the UC Student Association, which represents undergraduate students, said that the student association opposes the increase. “Opportunity to higher education should not face any more barriers. Instead of increasing the salaries of UC administrators, let’s make sure college is more affordable for all,” he told regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those September raises came in two waves: \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g2.pdf\">4.2% (PDF)\u003c/a> for senior UC officials, such as the system president and most campus chancellors, and \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g4.pdf\">extra raises (PDF)\u003c/a>, including for most of the chancellors — ranging from \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g3.pdf#page=3\">16% to 33% (PDF)\u003c/a>. The extra chancellor raises are paid with private donations, not tuition or state support. The updated chancellor salaries range from $785,000 to nearly $1.2 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonresident undergraduate students tend to have \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2023/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=the%20data%20glossary.-,2.2%20INCOME%20PROFILE,-A%20large%20proportion\">higher family incomes than resident students\u003c/a>. In 2021, 45% of nonresident undergraduates had family incomes of above $185,000. The same was true for 25% of undergraduates from California. Nearly three-quarters of nonresident undergraduates came from households exceeding $93,000; for California-based undergrads, it was 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nonresident students on average pay much more to attend a UC campus, even after all financial aid \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/undergraduate-affordability#Netcostoftrend\">is factored into their costs\u003c/a>. The net price — which includes tuition, housing and other related costs minus grants and scholarships — for resident undergraduates with household incomes above $180,000 was around $37,000 a year last fall. For nonresident undergraduates, the average net price was $67,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support it (the nonresident tuition increase). I’ll get pushback for that, but here we are,” said Josiah Beharry, a student regent who can cast a vote on the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials said that compared to some other major public universities, UC’s nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=wdlQCmWop4RGp5M8&t=3101\">pay lower nonresident fees\u003c/a>. For example, University of Michigan nonresident students paid $11,500 more than their nonresident UC peers in 2023-24. University of Virginia nonresident undergraduate paid $7,000 more. Even when adjusting for living costs, nonresident Californians are charged less for their education, UC officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC policy permits 20% of new nonresident tuition revenue to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/policies/universitywide-program-policies-and-guidelines/revised-administrative-guidelines-for-usap-and-select-aid-programs-final-002.pdf#page=6\">reserved for financial aid for nonresident undergraduates (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>$30 billion in planned construction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $30 billion construction plan — and $50 billion in projects without a funding source — were spelled out in a new, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf\">207-page report detailing (PDF)\u003c/a> construction plans that UC budget officials presented to the system’s regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s enrollment growth and continuing needs for renewal, modernization and seismic correction of existing facilities are the key drivers of capital investments,” \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f9attach1.pdf#page=17\">the report said (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cranes have been soaring above the system’s campus skylines for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, the UC has added beds for 42,000 students, growing from nearly 75,000 beds. The increase means the system can house 40% of its students, up from 32% a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And UC isn’t done as it’s on track to build dorm space for 14,000 new beds at all nine undergraduate-serving campuses through 2030 — at a cost of $6.9 billion. That’s nearly half-a-million-dollars per bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while student housing projects can largely pay for themselves over time through the rents campuses charge, classroom buildings have fewer sources of cash beyond system bonds and state dollars — which the UC says are hardly enough to meet campus needs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Take for example all the seismic repairs UC says it must undergo to extend the life of its buildings, with structures built in the 1950s and 1960s \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=18\">representing the largest chunk of UC’s gargantuan building footprint (PDF)\u003c/a>. UC has $16 billion in seismic retrofit needs but only identified funding for 16% of that, or $2.5 billion, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=16\">last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just finding money that’s a concern for UC. As buildings undergo remodeling, the classrooms, research and other activity core to the system’s mission has to continue. “The scope and complexity of planning required to minimize these disruptions can often necessitate the construction of temporary or replacement space,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scale of the need is vast. According to the UC, about 1,464 buildings require seismic upgrades across the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials disclosed yesterday that the system is debuting a new plan in which campuses will reduce its backlog of structures that need seismic upgrades by 4% annually, with the structures most in need of an overhaul receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s all the new construction UC needs. The system \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=21\">completed 139 projects at a cost of $1.4 billion last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a> — but has more than $20 billion in active construction\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=24\"> plans for about 400 projects (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than half of those are for UC’s extensive medical care operation, in part to satisfy state rules on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/seismic-safety-hospitals-california/\">strengthening hospitals to better withstand earthquakes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through 2030, UC’s construction plans total $30 billion, with about $12 billion \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=29\">for its medical centers (PDF)\u003c/a>. Philanthropy helps pay for all those projects, but only a little. Just about $2 billion of the construction plan budget \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">will come from gifts (PDF)\u003c/a>. About $300 million will come from state funds directly — a relatively tiny portion of the overall revenue picture for the system’s six-year building plan. Much of the projects will be paid for \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">with external financing (PDF)\u003c/a>, such as bonds that the system sells to investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s just projects with a funding source. UC Berkeley, for example, has more than $14 billion in construction needs but has identified the funding for just about \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=39\">$2.8 billion of that (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is getting built at the system’s oldest campus? For starters, a new undergraduate academic building that’ll include 27 classrooms and a 400-seat auditorium with a rooftop terrace. \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=41\">All of that costs $137 million (PDF)\u003c/a>. It’s scheduled to open in the 2025–26 academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Local Measures in California to Fund Child Care Programs on Verge of Victory",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ballot measures to increase local funding for early childhood and youth programs are headed toward victory in three California jurisdictions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In Sonoma County, 61% of voters approved a\u003ca href=\"https://www.yesoniforkids.com/\"> quarter-cent sales tax by \u003c/a>to raise about $30 million annually to shore up the county’s crumbling child care system and provide mental health services for the youngest kids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In Santa Cruz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofsantacruz.com/government/city-departments/city-clerk/2024-elections/november-5-2024/measure-z-sugar-sweetened-beverage-tax\">a soda tax \u003c/a>to raise about $1.3 million annually for services that benefit young people is garnering 51.60% of votes, according to the latest tally announced Wednesday.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In eastern Los Angeles County, 62% of voters in Pomona have approved\u003ca href=\"https://www.pomonakidsfirst.com/\"> a measure to set aside 10% of the city’s budget for children’s programs and services\u003c/a> — including child care and housing assistance for families with young children.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The early election results show voters understand that local governments play an important role in providing adequate funding for kids as communities face problems like unaffordable child care, said Margaret Brodkin, founder of Funding The Next Generation, a nonprofit that promotes local ballot initiatives that support children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve watched the states struggle and had promises broken. We have no idea what’s going to happen with the federal government at this point, which makes it all the more important to have local communities step up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brodkin led a 1991 ballot initiative in San Francisco that made it the first city in the nation to dedicate a portion of its annual budget to children. Voters reauthorized the Children and Youth Fund twice and passed a measure in 2004 to expand access to preschool for 4-year-olds and in 2018 to impose a commercial rent tax to fund \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">early care and education\u003c/a> for infants and toddlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those successful campaigns became models for pro-kid ballot measures in other cities and counties. In the Bay Area, voters in Oakland agreed in 2018 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/boards-commissions/childrens-initiative-oversight-commission\">pay a new parcel tax\u003c/a> to expand access to preschool and help high school students prepare for college, and two years later, Alameda County \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care\">voters approved a 0.5% sales tax \u003c/a>to fund child care and health care for the neediest young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-tax groups sued to block the San Francisco and Alameda County tax measures, arguing they needed a two-thirds supermajority vote to pass, but state courts ruled initiatives placed on the ballot by private citizens only need a simple majority to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rulings bolstered children’s advocates in Sonoma County, who spent a decade gathering enough support to establish a local funding stream for children’s services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We polled many, many times over the years and just could not be confident that we could get two-thirds,” said Angie Dillon-Shore, executive director of First Five Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A simple majority requirement made getting the sales tax measure on this November’s ballot more feasible, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more early childhood ed coverage\" tag=\"early-childhood-education-and-care\"]The measure earned support from a broad coalition of local elected officials, business and community organizations, while it had no formal opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results show voters were frustrated with the shortage of child care in Sonoma County, Dillon-Shore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1xAETmxI5XcsYTYHegEi0TwfFAkix-2zw/view\">A study found \u003c/a>the county lost 450 licensed child care slots after the destructive North Bay wildfires in 2017. After the COVID-19 pandemic, so many child care workers left their jobs that the county was only left with 52% of the slots it once had. That made it hard for parents, especially mothers, to return to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s quite clear now that the public knows that child care providers are some of the lowest-paid folks in our economic engine and yet they do some of the most important work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brodkin said getting these measures on a ballot can be a hard sell to voters who aren’t used to voting for children’s services. In 2016, efforts to raise a local tax for that purpose failed in Napa, Marin and Solano counties. In 2022, parcel tax measures to fund child care failed in South San Francisco and Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she said the strategy works best at the local level when people who are feeling the impact of the problem get organized to campaign for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a wonderful thing for a community to work on because it’s your neighbors, it’s your kids, it’s the childcare center down the street or the family day care home your kids have gone to,” she said. “The results [of new funding] are very palpable for people, and they can immediately appreciate it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pomona, community advocates spent years pushing for a greater city investment in young people before gathering enough signatures to put a measure on the November ballot, seeking a permanent funding stream for youth services and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pomonakidsfirst.com/\">Pomona Kids First Initiative\u003c/a>, would require the city to spend at least 10% of its budget on kids and create a city Department of Youth & Children to administer the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opposition campaign, dubbed “Save Our Pomona Public Library,” countered that the measure would lead the city to reduce library hours, police, fire and other essential city services. On its website, it characterized the Heising-Simons Action Fund, a Los Altos-based social welfare organization that donated $160,000 to support the measure, as “Bay Area billionaires who know nothing about Pomona and care even less about the impact of this measure on our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pomona mayor Tim Sandoval, several city council members and the region’s largest newspaper — the Inland Valley Daily Bulletin — endorsed a no vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters credit young people and families for building strong public support for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looking at what’s happening at the state and national level, I think the lesson here is that we need to create more opportunities to empower voters locally,” said Jesus Sanchez, co-founder of the nonprofit Gente Organizada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We gave our community a vote in investing in themselves and their kids and their families, and they overwhelmingly decided, yes, that’s the right thing to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Initial tallies suggest voters in Sonoma County and the cities of Santa Cruz and Pomona have approved local measures that direct more funding to services aimed at helping young people and families. \r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ballot measures to increase local funding for early childhood and youth programs are headed toward victory in three California jurisdictions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In Sonoma County, 61% of voters approved a\u003ca href=\"https://www.yesoniforkids.com/\"> quarter-cent sales tax by \u003c/a>to raise about $30 million annually to shore up the county’s crumbling child care system and provide mental health services for the youngest kids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In Santa Cruz, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cityofsantacruz.com/government/city-departments/city-clerk/2024-elections/november-5-2024/measure-z-sugar-sweetened-beverage-tax\">a soda tax \u003c/a>to raise about $1.3 million annually for services that benefit young people is garnering 51.60% of votes, according to the latest tally announced Wednesday.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In eastern Los Angeles County, 62% of voters in Pomona have approved\u003ca href=\"https://www.pomonakidsfirst.com/\"> a measure to set aside 10% of the city’s budget for children’s programs and services\u003c/a> — including child care and housing assistance for families with young children.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The early election results show voters understand that local governments play an important role in providing adequate funding for kids as communities face problems like unaffordable child care, said Margaret Brodkin, founder of Funding The Next Generation, a nonprofit that promotes local ballot initiatives that support children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve watched the states struggle and had promises broken. We have no idea what’s going to happen with the federal government at this point, which makes it all the more important to have local communities step up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brodkin led a 1991 ballot initiative in San Francisco that made it the first city in the nation to dedicate a portion of its annual budget to children. Voters reauthorized the Children and Youth Fund twice and passed a measure in 2004 to expand access to preschool for 4-year-olds and in 2018 to impose a commercial rent tax to fund \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948690/business-tax-provides-crucial-funding-for-early-childhood-education-and-care-in-san-francisco\">early care and education\u003c/a> for infants and toddlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those successful campaigns became models for pro-kid ballot measures in other cities and counties. In the Bay Area, voters in Oakland agreed in 2018 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/boards-commissions/childrens-initiative-oversight-commission\">pay a new parcel tax\u003c/a> to expand access to preschool and help high school students prepare for college, and two years later, Alameda County \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care\">voters approved a 0.5% sales tax \u003c/a>to fund child care and health care for the neediest young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-tax groups sued to block the San Francisco and Alameda County tax measures, arguing they needed a two-thirds supermajority vote to pass, but state courts ruled initiatives placed on the ballot by private citizens only need a simple majority to win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rulings bolstered children’s advocates in Sonoma County, who spent a decade gathering enough support to establish a local funding stream for children’s services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We polled many, many times over the years and just could not be confident that we could get two-thirds,” said Angie Dillon-Shore, executive director of First Five Sonoma County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A simple majority requirement made getting the sales tax measure on this November’s ballot more feasible, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The measure earned support from a broad coalition of local elected officials, business and community organizations, while it had no formal opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results show voters were frustrated with the shortage of child care in Sonoma County, Dillon-Shore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1xAETmxI5XcsYTYHegEi0TwfFAkix-2zw/view\">A study found \u003c/a>the county lost 450 licensed child care slots after the destructive North Bay wildfires in 2017. After the COVID-19 pandemic, so many child care workers left their jobs that the county was only left with 52% of the slots it once had. That made it hard for parents, especially mothers, to return to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s quite clear now that the public knows that child care providers are some of the lowest-paid folks in our economic engine and yet they do some of the most important work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brodkin said getting these measures on a ballot can be a hard sell to voters who aren’t used to voting for children’s services. In 2016, efforts to raise a local tax for that purpose failed in Napa, Marin and Solano counties. In 2022, parcel tax measures to fund child care failed in South San Francisco and Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she said the strategy works best at the local level when people who are feeling the impact of the problem get organized to campaign for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a wonderful thing for a community to work on because it’s your neighbors, it’s your kids, it’s the childcare center down the street or the family day care home your kids have gone to,” she said. “The results [of new funding] are very palpable for people, and they can immediately appreciate it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pomona, community advocates spent years pushing for a greater city investment in young people before gathering enough signatures to put a measure on the November ballot, seeking a permanent funding stream for youth services and programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pomonakidsfirst.com/\">Pomona Kids First Initiative\u003c/a>, would require the city to spend at least 10% of its budget on kids and create a city Department of Youth & Children to administer the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opposition campaign, dubbed “Save Our Pomona Public Library,” countered that the measure would lead the city to reduce library hours, police, fire and other essential city services. On its website, it characterized the Heising-Simons Action Fund, a Los Altos-based social welfare organization that donated $160,000 to support the measure, as “Bay Area billionaires who know nothing about Pomona and care even less about the impact of this measure on our city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pomona mayor Tim Sandoval, several city council members and the region’s largest newspaper — the Inland Valley Daily Bulletin — endorsed a no vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters credit young people and families for building strong public support for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Looking at what’s happening at the state and national level, I think the lesson here is that we need to create more opportunities to empower voters locally,” said Jesus Sanchez, co-founder of the nonprofit Gente Organizada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We gave our community a vote in investing in themselves and their kids and their families, and they overwhelmingly decided, yes, that’s the right thing to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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