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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/elections/\">upcoming election\u003c/a>, less than a week away, could reshape the U.S. Supreme Court — or not, depending on retirements, deaths, or other unforeseen events. The only certainty is political struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on who wins the presidential election, \u003cem>and\u003c/em> control of the Senate, the current 6–to–3 conservative supermajority could remain the same, be trimmed to 5–to–4, or expand to an even larger and more lopsided conservative majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public, for the most part, understands that if there is a Supreme Court vacancy, the president’s nominee will generally reflect the president’s views. But, there is a genuine possibility that if the Senate is controlled by the opposition party, the open seat will remain unfilled — not for months, but for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there is also a real possibility that lower court seats will go unfilled, unless there is significant backroom horse-trading. In short, with power split between the White House and the Senate, there could be unprecedented gridlock on judicial nominations that extends all the way up to the Supreme Court and down to the appellate and even district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The Merrick Garland treatment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans have wielded their power in unprecedented ways to prevent a president’s Supreme Court nominee from being confirmed. When conservative Justice Antonin Scalia died unexpectedly in 2016, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell immediately announced that no Obama nominee would be considered at all prior to the election that was nearly a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/29/624467256/what-happened-with-merrick-garland-in-2016-and-why-it-matters-now\">went ahead anyway\u003c/a>, figuring that old norms would prevail if he nominated a respected and centrist judge, someone acceptable to both Democrats and Republicans. Judge Merrick Garland seemed the best fit, but Garland didn’t even get a hearing, much less a vote. Four years later, after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/18/100306972/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\">death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a>, Senate Republicans put the pedal to the metal just weeks before the election, rapidly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/26/927640619/senate-confirms-amy-coney-barrett-to-the-supreme-court\">pushing through the confirmation of judge, now Justice, Amy Coney Barrett\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, conservatives are just as determined to keep or expand their 6–to–3 Supreme Court majority. So what happens if Kamala Harris is elected president, but the Senate flips to Republican control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll give you the Merrick Garland treatment,” says conservative scholar Josh Blackman, a professor at South Texas College of Law, Houston. “We’ll have the seat open for three or four years,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump win and a Democratic Senate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Would the reverse happen if Trump is elected but the Senate remains in Democratic hands?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats like to think of themselves as “more responsible” than Republicans, but the pressures would be enormous to do unto the Republicans what they did to the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans “essentially crossed the Rubicon” in 2016 with the Garland nomination, says Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, who has written extensively about the court’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that we’re in a world of … controversial revolutionary decisions, neither party would be likely to give a positive vote to a nominee of the president from the opposite party,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NYU law professor Bob Bauer, who served as White House counsel for two years in the Obama administration, notes that institutional norms aren’t necessarily permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole notion that “a certain process has to be respected, regardless of the potential impact on one party or another,” he says. “It’s not a norm if it doesn’t command general adherence anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if Trump is elected, and the Senate flips, as expected, to Republican control? The only thing then standing between nominating and confirming a new Trump-appointed justice would be two moderate Republican senators, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine. If the Republican margin in the Senate is 52–48, their votes aren’t needed; JD Vance would cast the tie-breaking vote as vice president even if Murkowski and Collins voted against the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what recourse would the Democrats have in a situation like that? How would they fight a Trump nomination? After all, there is no filibuster anymore to block a vote. Democrats abolished the filibuster for lower court nominations in 2011 in response to Republicans routinely blocking judicial nominations. Republicans then abolished the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations in 2017 after Trump was elected and nominated Neil Gorsuch to fill the seat that GOP leader McConnell had held open after Scalia’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are only candid about this when speaking not for attribution. As one put it, “We would largely be left with the politics of personal destruction, investigating every aspect of a nominee’s life to find something that is disqualifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unforeseen circumstances\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, right now, there is no vacant seat at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the deaths of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg prove that nothing is certain, they were far older than any member of the current court. Scalia was just days shy of turning 80 and Ginsburg was 87. In contrast, the oldest members of the current court are also among its most conservative. Justice Clarence Thomas is 76 and Justice Samuel Alito is 74, followed by liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, 70, and Chief Justice Roberts, 69.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most politically active conservative thinkers would like to see Thomas and Alito step down for younger conservative judges who could serve for many decades longer and move the conservative needle even further to the right. They see as their “farm team” the ultra-conservative Fifth Circuit Court of appeals, populated with former Thomas and Alito clerks whose decisions are often reversed even by the current conservatives on the Supreme Court, including the men they once clerked for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who know Thomas and Alito well are adamant that neither man would leave the court at this point. Several NPR spoke to would only speak candidly on condition of anonymity. “What would he do, go home and fly flags with his wife at the beach?” said one Alito ally, adding that the court is “Alito’s life.” As for Thomas, his friends and former clerks say he would see retirement as “caving into his critics” and being “driven off the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if there are no retirements or unexpected health crises, the court could well remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A period of dysfunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That leaves the lower courts, which get less attention than the Supreme Court, but decide many more cases. During the last year of the Obama administration, when Republicans controlled the Senate, not one nominee to a regional appeals court was confirmed, though 10 trial court judges, a tiny fraction of vacancies, were. The result was that on the day Trump was sworn in, there were 105 judicial vacancies to fill.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11992718,forum_2010101906513,news_12011637\"]Professor Blackman expects that if Harris is elected and Republicans control the Senate, something similar could happen for a full four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may just stop, confirming” any lower court judges, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conservatives think that is far too dire a prediction. They expect that especially in states where both senators are Democrats, there would be horse-trading and a deal that allocates judicial seats — basically, the Democrats get one, for example, for every two or three GOP nominees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvard’s Feldman says he sees no light at the end of the tunnel when the parties are split, with a president of one party, and a Senate controlled by the other party. But dysfunction, he thinks could lead to change … eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We might have what I call the incredible shrinking Supreme Court,” he says, adding that “if we have divided government and we have justices naturally retiring or dying and they don’t get replaced, we could go down to eight, to seven, to six and eventually the public might start to notice and complain about it, and then some sort of compromise formation might be reached.” That said, he acknowledges a process like that could take 15 or 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he’s right, the end of dysfunction is a long way of off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Justice Clarence Thomas, the most senior and seasoned Supreme Court justice, provides a lesson of longevity and power. If he serves another three years, he will break Justice William O. Douglas’ 36-year record for length of service on the court. Indeed, even sooner, when the next president is sworn in this January, Thomas will be making decisions that directly effect his 11th presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public, for the most part, understands that if there is a Supreme Court vacancy, the president’s nominee will generally reflect the president’s views. But, there is a genuine possibility that if the Senate is controlled by the opposition party, the open seat will remain unfilled — not for months, but for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, there is also a real possibility that lower court seats will go unfilled, unless there is significant backroom horse-trading. In short, with power split between the White House and the Senate, there could be unprecedented gridlock on judicial nominations that extends all the way up to the Supreme Court and down to the appellate and even district courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The Merrick Garland treatment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Republicans have wielded their power in unprecedented ways to prevent a president’s Supreme Court nominee from being confirmed. When conservative Justice Antonin Scalia died unexpectedly in 2016, Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell immediately announced that no Obama nominee would be considered at all prior to the election that was nearly a year away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obama \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/29/624467256/what-happened-with-merrick-garland-in-2016-and-why-it-matters-now\">went ahead anyway\u003c/a>, figuring that old norms would prevail if he nominated a respected and centrist judge, someone acceptable to both Democrats and Republicans. Judge Merrick Garland seemed the best fit, but Garland didn’t even get a hearing, much less a vote. Four years later, after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/09/18/100306972/justice-ruth-bader-ginsburg-champion-of-gender-equality-dies-at-87\">death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg\u003c/a>, Senate Republicans put the pedal to the metal just weeks before the election, rapidly \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/10/26/927640619/senate-confirms-amy-coney-barrett-to-the-supreme-court\">pushing through the confirmation of judge, now Justice, Amy Coney Barrett\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, conservatives are just as determined to keep or expand their 6–to–3 Supreme Court majority. So what happens if Kamala Harris is elected president, but the Senate flips to Republican control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll give you the Merrick Garland treatment,” says conservative scholar Josh Blackman, a professor at South Texas College of Law, Houston. “We’ll have the seat open for three or four years,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump win and a Democratic Senate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Would the reverse happen if Trump is elected but the Senate remains in Democratic hands?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats like to think of themselves as “more responsible” than Republicans, but the pressures would be enormous to do unto the Republicans what they did to the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans “essentially crossed the Rubicon” in 2016 with the Garland nomination, says Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, who has written extensively about the court’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given that we’re in a world of … controversial revolutionary decisions, neither party would be likely to give a positive vote to a nominee of the president from the opposite party,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NYU law professor Bob Bauer, who served as White House counsel for two years in the Obama administration, notes that institutional norms aren’t necessarily permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole notion that “a certain process has to be respected, regardless of the potential impact on one party or another,” he says. “It’s not a norm if it doesn’t command general adherence anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what if Trump is elected, and the Senate flips, as expected, to Republican control? The only thing then standing between nominating and confirming a new Trump-appointed justice would be two moderate Republican senators, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine. If the Republican margin in the Senate is 52–48, their votes aren’t needed; JD Vance would cast the tie-breaking vote as vice president even if Murkowski and Collins voted against the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what recourse would the Democrats have in a situation like that? How would they fight a Trump nomination? After all, there is no filibuster anymore to block a vote. Democrats abolished the filibuster for lower court nominations in 2011 in response to Republicans routinely blocking judicial nominations. Republicans then abolished the filibuster for Supreme Court nominations in 2017 after Trump was elected and nominated Neil Gorsuch to fill the seat that GOP leader McConnell had held open after Scalia’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are only candid about this when speaking not for attribution. As one put it, “We would largely be left with the politics of personal destruction, investigating every aspect of a nominee’s life to find something that is disqualifying.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unforeseen circumstances\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of course, right now, there is no vacant seat at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the deaths of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg prove that nothing is certain, they were far older than any member of the current court. Scalia was just days shy of turning 80 and Ginsburg was 87. In contrast, the oldest members of the current court are also among its most conservative. Justice Clarence Thomas is 76 and Justice Samuel Alito is 74, followed by liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, 70, and Chief Justice Roberts, 69.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the most politically active conservative thinkers would like to see Thomas and Alito step down for younger conservative judges who could serve for many decades longer and move the conservative needle even further to the right. They see as their “farm team” the ultra-conservative Fifth Circuit Court of appeals, populated with former Thomas and Alito clerks whose decisions are often reversed even by the current conservatives on the Supreme Court, including the men they once clerked for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who know Thomas and Alito well are adamant that neither man would leave the court at this point. Several NPR spoke to would only speak candidly on condition of anonymity. “What would he do, go home and fly flags with his wife at the beach?” said one Alito ally, adding that the court is “Alito’s life.” As for Thomas, his friends and former clerks say he would see retirement as “caving into his critics” and being “driven off the court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if there are no retirements or unexpected health crises, the court could well remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A period of dysfunction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That leaves the lower courts, which get less attention than the Supreme Court, but decide many more cases. During the last year of the Obama administration, when Republicans controlled the Senate, not one nominee to a regional appeals court was confirmed, though 10 trial court judges, a tiny fraction of vacancies, were. The result was that on the day Trump was sworn in, there were 105 judicial vacancies to fill.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Professor Blackman expects that if Harris is elected and Republicans control the Senate, something similar could happen for a full four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They may just stop, confirming” any lower court judges, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conservatives think that is far too dire a prediction. They expect that especially in states where both senators are Democrats, there would be horse-trading and a deal that allocates judicial seats — basically, the Democrats get one, for example, for every two or three GOP nominees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvard’s Feldman says he sees no light at the end of the tunnel when the parties are split, with a president of one party, and a Senate controlled by the other party. But dysfunction, he thinks could lead to change … eventually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We might have what I call the incredible shrinking Supreme Court,” he says, adding that “if we have divided government and we have justices naturally retiring or dying and they don’t get replaced, we could go down to eight, to seven, to six and eventually the public might start to notice and complain about it, and then some sort of compromise formation might be reached.” That said, he acknowledges a process like that could take 15 or 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If he’s right, the end of dysfunction is a long way of off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Justice Clarence Thomas, the most senior and seasoned Supreme Court justice, provides a lesson of longevity and power. If he serves another three years, he will break Justice William O. Douglas’ 36-year record for length of service on the court. Indeed, even sooner, when the next president is sworn in this January, Thomas will be making decisions that directly effect his 11th presidential administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger held up the idea of bipartisanship and noted that his time as governor taught him “to love policy and ignore politics.” He said that while he isn’t pleased with either party, a second Trump administration would only leave the country “angrier, more divided, and more hateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate who won’t respect your vote unless it is for him, a candidate who will send his followers to storm the Capitol while he watches with a Diet Coke, a candidate who has shown no ability to work to pass any policy besides a tax cut that helped his donors and other rich people like me but helped no one else … a candidate who thinks Americans who disagree with him are the bigger enemies than China, Russia, or North Korea — that won’t solve our problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger continued that it’s time “to close the door on this chapter of American history” and move forward as a country — and that even though he has plenty of disagreements with their platform, the only way to do that is with Harris and running mate Tim Walz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vote this week,” he said. “Turn the page and put this junk behind us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger held up the idea of bipartisanship and noted that his time as governor taught him “to love policy and ignore politics.” He said that while he isn’t pleased with either party, a second Trump administration would only leave the country “angrier, more divided, and more hateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate who won’t respect your vote unless it is for him, a candidate who will send his followers to storm the Capitol while he watches with a Diet Coke, a candidate who has shown no ability to work to pass any policy besides a tax cut that helped his donors and other rich people like me but helped no one else … a candidate who thinks Americans who disagree with him are the bigger enemies than China, Russia, or North Korea — that won’t solve our problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger continued that it’s time “to close the door on this chapter of American history” and move forward as a country — and that even though he has plenty of disagreements with their platform, the only way to do that is with Harris and running mate Tim Walz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vote this week,” he said. “Turn the page and put this junk behind us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s very unlikely — but \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2024-election-forecast/\">theoretically possible\u003c/a> — that the presidential election ends with a 269–269 tie in the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would mean that neither Kamala Harris nor Donald Trump, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/15/nx-s1-5153420/swing-state-map-donald-trump-kamala-harris-polls\">locked in a toss-up race\u003c/a>, wins enough electoral votes to become president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hasn’t happened in modern American politics — \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1800\">it did happen back in 1800\u003c/a> — and after a renewed effort to change how Nebraska allocates its electoral votes \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/24/nx-s1-5123871/a-republican-push-to-change-how-nebraska-awards-its-electoral-votes-stalls\">failed\u003c/a>, the prospect of a tie is now looking even less[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]But if this year’s election did end 269–269, the U.S. Constitution does have a plan for what happens next. Experts and scholars point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-happens-if-trump-and-biden-tie-in-the-electoral-college/\">Article II\u003c/a> as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/what-happens-when-there-is-a-tie-in-the-electoral-college\">12th Amendment\u003c/a> to outline how this would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who has written a lot about presidential elections and presidential nominations, said we “have a pretty good rulebook” for where things go if there is a tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, she said, the election moves to the U.S. House of Representatives, where the newly elected members of Congress would first have to be sworn in and then vote on who becomes president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each state – regardless of the size of the state’s delegation – would then get one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if they would deliberate or not or just take a poll,” Kamarck said. “In some cases, it’d be pretty easy. And they would cast their vote for one of the people who finished in the Electoral College.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it is unlikely \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5111891/independent-third-party-candidates-swing-state-ballots\">third-party candidates\u003c/a> will win any electoral votes this year, so each state would have to vote for either Trump or Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n“The Constitution says you need a majority of the House delegations,” Kamarck said. “So that would be 26 House delegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans currently have an edge if it were to come to this because the party right now has control of 26 U.S. House delegations, compared to the 22 controlled by Democrats. Two states — Minnesota and North Carolina — have split delegations. This, of course, could all change depending on what happens in this year’s general election.[aside postID=lowdown_3825 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2016/10/RS59244_Early_Voting_003-qut-1020x681.jpg']“What we’re really saying here is if the Electoral College was really in a tie, then the outcome of House races and Senate races would be absolutely critical to the outcome of the [presidential] election,” Kamarck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar process, she said, would play out in the U.S. Senate to decide who would become vice president. In that case, though, each senator gets a vote — instead of one vote per state like in the House. The candidate that gets to 51 votes becomes the vice president. And because these are separate votes, it’s possible that the president and vice president could end up being from different political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the House can’t get to 26 votes for a presidential candidate the first time, they would have to keep voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if no candidate gets to 26 by Inauguration Day, the person chosen as vice president by the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R40504/7\">will be acting president\u003c/a> while the House continues to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The House keeps voting and voting until the tie is broken,” Kamarck said. “So, there is an end to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s very unlikely — but \u003ca href=\"https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/2024-election-forecast/\">theoretically possible\u003c/a> — that the presidential election ends with a 269–269 tie in the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would mean that neither Kamala Harris nor Donald Trump, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/15/nx-s1-5153420/swing-state-map-donald-trump-kamala-harris-polls\">locked in a toss-up race\u003c/a>, wins enough electoral votes to become president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This hasn’t happened in modern American politics — \u003ca href=\"https://www.britannica.com/event/United-States-presidential-election-of-1800\">it did happen back in 1800\u003c/a> — and after a renewed effort to change how Nebraska allocates its electoral votes \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/24/nx-s1-5123871/a-republican-push-to-change-how-nebraska-awards-its-electoral-votes-stalls\">failed\u003c/a>, the prospect of a tie is now looking even less\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But if this year’s election did end 269–269, the U.S. Constitution does have a plan for what happens next. Experts and scholars point to \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-happens-if-trump-and-biden-tie-in-the-electoral-college/\">Article II\u003c/a> as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/what-happens-when-there-is-a-tie-in-the-electoral-college\">12th Amendment\u003c/a> to outline how this would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution who has written a lot about presidential elections and presidential nominations, said we “have a pretty good rulebook” for where things go if there is a tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, she said, the election moves to the U.S. House of Representatives, where the newly elected members of Congress would first have to be sworn in and then vote on who becomes president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each state – regardless of the size of the state’s delegation – would then get one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if they would deliberate or not or just take a poll,” Kamarck said. “In some cases, it’d be pretty easy. And they would cast their vote for one of the people who finished in the Electoral College.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because it is unlikely \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/25/nx-s1-5111891/independent-third-party-candidates-swing-state-ballots\">third-party candidates\u003c/a> will win any electoral votes this year, so each state would have to vote for either Trump or Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n“The Constitution says you need a majority of the House delegations,” Kamarck said. “So that would be 26 House delegations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans currently have an edge if it were to come to this because the party right now has control of 26 U.S. House delegations, compared to the 22 controlled by Democrats. Two states — Minnesota and North Carolina — have split delegations. This, of course, could all change depending on what happens in this year’s general election.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we’re really saying here is if the Electoral College was really in a tie, then the outcome of House races and Senate races would be absolutely critical to the outcome of the [presidential] election,” Kamarck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar process, she said, would play out in the U.S. Senate to decide who would become vice president. In that case, though, each senator gets a vote — instead of one vote per state like in the House. The candidate that gets to 51 votes becomes the vice president. And because these are separate votes, it’s possible that the president and vice president could end up being from different political parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the House can’t get to 26 votes for a presidential candidate the first time, they would have to keep voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if no candidate gets to 26 by Inauguration Day, the person chosen as vice president by the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R40504/7\">will be acting president\u003c/a> while the House continues to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The House keeps voting and voting until the tie is broken,” Kamarck said. “So, there is an end to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The news that the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011029/did-the-la-times-and-other-news-outlets-pull-punches-to-appease-trump\">will not endorse a candidate for president\u003c/a> is reverberating among Bay Area news outlets and highlighting issues of media ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both newspapers’ editorial boards, which operate independently of the newsrooms, had reportedly drafted endorsements of Vice President Kamala Harris. However, the decision not to endorse ahead of a neck-and-neck \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president\">race between Harris and former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> was \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/oct/26/anticipatory-obedience-newspapers-endorsement-refusal\">influenced by the outlets’ billionaire owners\u003c/a>, whose other businesses have lucrative contracts with the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Media experts are opining that \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> owner Jeff Bezos and \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> owner Patrick Soon-Shiong engaged in preemptive self-censoring before a potential second Trump presidency. Society of Professional Journalists ethics leaders condemned the owners’ actions on Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spj.org/news.asp?ref=3041\">saying in a statement\u003c/a> that they worry it “marks the beginning, and not the end, of such interference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesse Garnier, chair of the \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.sfsu.edu/\">journalism department at San Francisco State University\u003c/a>, said that kind of influence over a newspaper’s publishing further erodes the public’s trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Newspapers have lost a lot of their value and their trust within their communities, and standing on the sidelines and not speaking up to endorse a presidential candidate is just another example of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garnier said that when newspapers stop endorsing candidates, they also stop doing the legwork for their communities by considering their values and needs and viewing a candidate and their potential impact on them. It takes the “we” out of a community newspaper, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has been part of the problem with the news industry for decades, and the separation and the lack of trust and the erosion of the financial underpinnings of journalism are all centered around the same concept,” Garnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Sweeney, editorial director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/\">Santa Rosa \u003cem>Press Democrat\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, said the \u003cem>L.A. Times\u003c/em> didn’t endorse candidates for president from 1976 to 2008, but the \u003cem>Post’s\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Times’\u003c/em> decisions not to endorse a candidate for president just days from Election Day in a tight race is odd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005501 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/KamalaWalzAP.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It adds to the surprise, the appearance, the uproar,” Sweeney said. “I would have certainly been much more comfortable if that was going to be my directive had it come a few months earlier, a year earlier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/opinion/santa-rosa-election-endorsement-kamala-harris/\">\u003cem>Press Democrat’s\u003c/em> endorsement of Harris\u003c/a>, Sweeney wrote the arguments for electing her “are just as persuasive as the arguments for defeating Donald Trump.” The top comment on that piece thanks the paper for not being at “the whims of an owner” like the \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> or the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, under previous owners, the \u003cem>Press Democrat\u003c/em> editorial page was barred from endorsing a candidate, specifically in the 2012 election between then-President Barack Obama and Republican challenger Mitt Romney. Sweeney said that immediately changed under the newspaper’s current owner, Sonoma Media Investments, who doesn’t tell him what goes on the editorial page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An important part of the endorsement process is vetting, Sweeney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People come in and talk to us. Candidates will sit with us for a couple of hours and answer all our questions, and it’s our opportunity to kind of give our best judgment,” he said. “Oftentimes, we’ll use the word ‘recommendation’ rather than ‘endorsement.’ It’s not telling anybody how to vote, but we feel like we’ve got some insight and some information, and people can take it and weigh it with all of the other things that they may be considering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2024/california-sf-election-endorsements/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle’s\u003c/em> endorsement page\u003c/a> lists its pick for president as “coming soon,” and the Bay Area News Group, which publishes the Mercury News and East Bay Times, is currently working on its endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there are news outlets that have a firm policy to never endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12010472 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072024_Vance-Trump_REUTERS_CM_01-copy.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://citysidejournalism.org/\">Cityside\u003c/a> — which operates local newsrooms in Berkeley, Oakland and Richmond — can’t endorse candidates because its outlets are nonprofits, and \u003ca href=\"https://inn.org/about/membership-standards/\">IRS rules\u003c/a> prohibit them from favoring any candidate for public office. (Note: This reporter is currently working on contract with Cityside’s Richmondside newsroom.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lance Knobel, Cityside’s CEO, said that even if they had a for-profit or other funding structure, they wouldn’t automatically do endorsements because they run the “pretty dominant” news source in three East Bay cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m wary of using that position to advocate for one politician or another,” Knobel said. “I think if we were in a situation like the national one, I probably wouldn’t hesitate if we weren’t a nonprofit because when there’s a choice between good and evil, that’s not too difficult a thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday, Knobel sent emails to Cityside subscribers, assuring them that Berkeleyside, Oaklandside and Richmondside don’t have billionaire owners, which Knobel said was an opportunity to re-emphasize why it’s important to support independent nonprofit local news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the email, Knobel wrote that the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> took the path of “anticipatory obedience,” a term used to describe one of the steps a society takes before it falls to tyranny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knobel said the \u003cem>Times’\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Post’s\u003c/em> owners’ decision to not state a preference for the next president is rooted in fear and economics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most basic kind of game theory for somebody who’s running a business is, I will do this public act of obeisance as a way to hopefully not get on an enemies list because, on the other side, it’s of absolutely no consequence whatsoever,” he said. “Nobody’s going to come after me for this if Kamala Harris is the next president of the United States, so I just need to cover my bases. It may be as simple as that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/28/nx-s1-5168416/washington-post-bezos-endorsement-president-cancellations-resignations\">NPR reports\u003c/a> more than 200,000 people had canceled their digital subscriptions to the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> by midday Monday, representing about 8% of the outlet’s paid subscriber base. Resignations in protest have followed as well, both there and at the Times.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The news that the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011029/did-the-la-times-and-other-news-outlets-pull-punches-to-appease-trump\">will not endorse a candidate for president\u003c/a> is reverberating among Bay Area news outlets and highlighting issues of media ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both newspapers’ editorial boards, which operate independently of the newsrooms, had reportedly drafted endorsements of Vice President Kamala Harris. However, the decision not to endorse ahead of a neck-and-neck \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president\">race between Harris and former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> was \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/oct/26/anticipatory-obedience-newspapers-endorsement-refusal\">influenced by the outlets’ billionaire owners\u003c/a>, whose other businesses have lucrative contracts with the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Media experts are opining that \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> owner Jeff Bezos and \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> owner Patrick Soon-Shiong engaged in preemptive self-censoring before a potential second Trump presidency. Society of Professional Journalists ethics leaders condemned the owners’ actions on Monday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.spj.org/news.asp?ref=3041\">saying in a statement\u003c/a> that they worry it “marks the beginning, and not the end, of such interference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jesse Garnier, chair of the \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.sfsu.edu/\">journalism department at San Francisco State University\u003c/a>, said that kind of influence over a newspaper’s publishing further erodes the public’s trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Newspapers have lost a lot of their value and their trust within their communities, and standing on the sidelines and not speaking up to endorse a presidential candidate is just another example of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garnier said that when newspapers stop endorsing candidates, they also stop doing the legwork for their communities by considering their values and needs and viewing a candidate and their potential impact on them. It takes the “we” out of a community newspaper, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That has been part of the problem with the news industry for decades, and the separation and the lack of trust and the erosion of the financial underpinnings of journalism are all centered around the same concept,” Garnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Sweeney, editorial director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/\">Santa Rosa \u003cem>Press Democrat\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, said the \u003cem>L.A. Times\u003c/em> didn’t endorse candidates for president from 1976 to 2008, but the \u003cem>Post’s\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Times’\u003c/em> decisions not to endorse a candidate for president just days from Election Day in a tight race is odd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It adds to the surprise, the appearance, the uproar,” Sweeney said. “I would have certainly been much more comfortable if that was going to be my directive had it come a few months earlier, a year earlier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/opinion/santa-rosa-election-endorsement-kamala-harris/\">\u003cem>Press Democrat’s\u003c/em> endorsement of Harris\u003c/a>, Sweeney wrote the arguments for electing her “are just as persuasive as the arguments for defeating Donald Trump.” The top comment on that piece thanks the paper for not being at “the whims of an owner” like the \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> or the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, under previous owners, the \u003cem>Press Democrat\u003c/em> editorial page was barred from endorsing a candidate, specifically in the 2012 election between then-President Barack Obama and Republican challenger Mitt Romney. Sweeney said that immediately changed under the newspaper’s current owner, Sonoma Media Investments, who doesn’t tell him what goes on the editorial page.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An important part of the endorsement process is vetting, Sweeney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People come in and talk to us. Candidates will sit with us for a couple of hours and answer all our questions, and it’s our opportunity to kind of give our best judgment,” he said. “Oftentimes, we’ll use the word ‘recommendation’ rather than ‘endorsement.’ It’s not telling anybody how to vote, but we feel like we’ve got some insight and some information, and people can take it and weigh it with all of the other things that they may be considering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2024/california-sf-election-endorsements/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle’s\u003c/em> endorsement page\u003c/a> lists its pick for president as “coming soon,” and the Bay Area News Group, which publishes the Mercury News and East Bay Times, is currently working on its endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there are news outlets that have a firm policy to never endorse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://citysidejournalism.org/\">Cityside\u003c/a> — which operates local newsrooms in Berkeley, Oakland and Richmond — can’t endorse candidates because its outlets are nonprofits, and \u003ca href=\"https://inn.org/about/membership-standards/\">IRS rules\u003c/a> prohibit them from favoring any candidate for public office. (Note: This reporter is currently working on contract with Cityside’s Richmondside newsroom.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lance Knobel, Cityside’s CEO, said that even if they had a for-profit or other funding structure, they wouldn’t automatically do endorsements because they run the “pretty dominant” news source in three East Bay cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m wary of using that position to advocate for one politician or another,” Knobel said. “I think if we were in a situation like the national one, I probably wouldn’t hesitate if we weren’t a nonprofit because when there’s a choice between good and evil, that’s not too difficult a thing to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday, Knobel sent emails to Cityside subscribers, assuring them that Berkeleyside, Oaklandside and Richmondside don’t have billionaire owners, which Knobel said was an opportunity to re-emphasize why it’s important to support independent nonprofit local news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the email, Knobel wrote that the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Times\u003c/em> took the path of “anticipatory obedience,” a term used to describe one of the steps a society takes before it falls to tyranny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knobel said the \u003cem>Times’\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Post’s\u003c/em> owners’ decision to not state a preference for the next president is rooted in fear and economics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most basic kind of game theory for somebody who’s running a business is, I will do this public act of obeisance as a way to hopefully not get on an enemies list because, on the other side, it’s of absolutely no consequence whatsoever,” he said. “Nobody’s going to come after me for this if Kamala Harris is the next president of the United States, so I just need to cover my bases. It may be as simple as that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Recent episodes involving major U.S. news organizations have stoked fears that outlets are preemptively self-censoring coverage that could offend former President Donald Trump, who remains neck-and-neck in the polls with Vice President Kamala Harris ahead of Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the central media stories in the U.S. right now is the people who run big media companies making accommodations for a second Trump presidency and thinking about how to avoid antagonizing him,” Ben Smith, editor-in-chief and co-founder of the news site Semafor, tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Los Angeles Times editor resigns after owner blocks endorsement of Harris\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Semafor’s Max Tani first broke the news that the owner of the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>, Patrick Soon-Shiong, \u003ca href=\"https://www.semafor.com/article/10/22/2024/los-angeles-times-wont-endorse-for-president\">\u003cu>intervened to block the publication\u003c/u>\u003c/a> of an editorial endorsing Harris. \u003ca href=\"https://djt.nucleusemail.com/amplify/v/QuvJhBzYRA?hids=mBWoTxNLy3&_nlid=rMrU4PB2Uf&_nhids=mBWoTxNLy3\">\u003cu>The Trump campaign swiftly shared the Semafor story\u003c/u>\u003c/a> with supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>L.A. Times’ \u003c/em>editorials \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/24/g-s1-29665/la-times-editor-resigns-presidential-endorsement\">\u003cu>editor, Mariel Garza, resigned\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, saying Soon-Shiong’s decision made the paper look “craven and hypocritical.” The newspaper has endorsed Harris, a Californian who lives in Los Angeles, for public office before; the paper’s editorial pages have routinely condemned Trump’s character, policies and record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2024-09-10/los-angeles-times-elections-endorsements-2024-november\">\u003cu>in endorsing state and local candidates\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, the \u003cem>L.A. Times \u003c/em>editorial page said voters would confront “the most consequential election in a generation” — though, it added, it was “not just talking about the presidential race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publishers and owners have the right to weigh in on endorsements, of course, and often do so. This time, Soon-Shiong says he wanted something different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the social media platform X, formerly Twitter, he wrote that the assignment had been to provide “clear and non-partisan information side-by-side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Editorial Board was provided the opportunity to draft a factual analysis of all the POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE policies by EACH candidate during their tenures at the White House, and how these policies affected the nation,” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DrPatSoonShiong/status/1849217132183060705\">Soon-Shiong wrote\u003c/a>. “In addition, the Board was asked to provide their understanding of the policies and plans enunciated by the candidates during this campaign and its potential effect on the nation in the next four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Semafor Editor Smith noted that Soon-Shiong, like many media owners, has other business interests that can be directly affected by government actions. As a physician and medical inventor, Soon-Shiong has medical \u003ca href=\"https://www.urologytimes.com/view/dr-soon-shiong-discusses-the-fda-approval-of-n-803-in-nmibc\">\u003cu>products\u003c/u>\u003c/a> subject to review by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and \u003ca href=\"https://patents.justia.com/inventor/patrick-soon-shiong\">\u003cu>applies for patents to federal regulators as well\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a lot of exposure to heavily regulated industries, I’d be very surprised if it’s something that media executives are not thinking about,” Smith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, according to Stat News, which covers science, health care and medicine, \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2017/01/24/trump-patrick-soon-shiong-health-care/\">\u003cu>Soon-Shiong unsuccessfully sought a senior role\u003c/u>\u003c/a> overseeing U.S. health care at the outset of the Trump administration in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> did not respond to requests for comment beyond Soon-Shiong’s statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Concerns at NBC over Trump documentary\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail, Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/22/nx-s1-5161480/trump-media-threats-abc-cbs-60-minutes-journalists\">\u003cu>repeatedly threatened\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to strip broadcast licenses from three big television networks — ABC, CBS and NBC — in retribution for moderators fact-checking him and running mate JD Vance during debates and for news coverage that Trump claims is unfair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not how such federal regulation works: the Federal Communications Commission licenses local television and radio stations. However, the three broadcast networks own 80 local TV stations among them, making those licenses a pressure point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As CNN first reported, CBS News has \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/10/23/media/cbs-news-trump-60-minutes-legal-threat/index.html\">\u003cu>resisted Trump’s threats of legal action\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to force the release of its full, unedited interview with Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011039\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1081\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-800x541.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1020x689.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1536x1038.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Soboroff attends Politicon at The Pasadena Convention Center on Sunday, Aug. 30, 2017, in Pasadena, Los Angeles County. \u003ccite>(Colin Young-Wolff/Invision/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For the past decade, Donald Trump has been running a campaign against the media straight out of the playbook that authoritarians have used around the world, which is to threaten retaliation against news organizations if they don’t provide him with favorable enough coverage,” says Ian Bassin, an attorney and founder of the not-for-profit advocacy group Protect Democracy. “We are seeing now the seeds of that campaign bearing fruit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three journalists at left-leaning MSNBC told NPR that colleagues were concerned that a documentary produced by NBC News Studios about the effects of Trump’s policies on migrant families separated at the southern U.S. border will not be shown until early December, a month after Election Day. (The staffers asked for anonymity in order to discuss internal network matters.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MSNBC star Rachel Maddow has been among the film’s biggest boosters internally. It is based on the reporting of NBC and MSNBC Correspondent Jacob Soboroff and directed by the noted filmmaker Errol Morris. Morris has publicly questioned the network’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why is my movie not being shown on NBC prior to the election?” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/errolmorris/status/1842603262266237154\">\u003cu>Morris tweeted earlier this month\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. “It is not a partisan movie. It’s about a policy that was disgusting and should not be allowed to happen again. Make your own inferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC News executives rejected the idea that political considerations had played any role in its programming decision about the film. MSNBC has shown another film, called \u003cem>From Russia with Lev\u003c/em>, about the allegations against Trump from an ally turned critic, Lev Parnas. Top MSNBC hosts have called Trump a “fascist” repeatedly in recent days, based on caustic characterizations from several of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/g-s1-29490/trump-john-kelly-fascist-dictator\">\u003cu>Trump’s former top aides\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, NBC News says it is proud of Soboroff’s film, noting it is based on reporting that previously aired on NBC and MSNBC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are fortunate that even amid this challenging documentary climate, we have been able to obtain significant visibility at several prestigious film festivals and an expanded theatrical run, which qualifies it for major awards, including the Oscars, ahead of its television debut soon,” it says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soboroff has been on the network frequently, talking about related matters. NBC News Studios says it could not air the documentary while it is being shown at various film festivals and theaters. MSNBC officials concluded it would be better not to interrupt its intensifying political coverage immediately before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lingering uncertainty over Washington Post endorsement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Washington Post’s \u003c/em>investigative reporters have been in the vanguard of exposing wrongdoing by Trump and his associates while in power. Its editorial section, which is operated separately, has been sharply critical of the former president.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12004928,news_11993255,news_11993392\"]Yet less than two weeks before Election Day, the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>’s opinion-section staff does not know whether the paper will run an editorial endorsement for president, according to two people at the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> with knowledge. (They asked for anonymity to talk about internal matters at the paper.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time \u003cem>The Post \u003c/em>did not make an endorsement for president in the general election was 1988, according to a review of archives. The \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> has been endorsing candidates for local office this fall. \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> endorsed Harris on Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Post\u003c/em> owner Jeff Bezos is the founder of Amazon and space company Blue Origin, both of which have contracts with the federal government. During the Trump administration, the Pentagon had to scrap a $10 billion cloud computing contract with Microsoft after \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/02/10/804480574/amazon-wants-trump-to-testify-about-military-contract-awarded-to-microsoft\">\u003cu>Amazon filed a lawsuit\u003c/u>\u003c/a> alleging it had been passed over to punish Bezos for the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>’s reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-07-18/trump-says-he-s-looking-very-seriously-at-pentagon-cloud-deal\">\u003cu>Trump had said publicly\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that he, personally, had been reviewing the contract, which Amazon had previously been expected to win. Ultimately, four companies, including Amazon and Microsoft, were awarded parts of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bezos’s new chief executive and publisher at the \u003cem>Post \u003c/em>is Will Lewis, who has conservative bonafides. Lewis held the same role at Rupert Murdoch’s \u003cem>Wall Street Journal\u003c/em>; served as the editor of the London-based \u003cem>Telegraph\u003c/em>, which is closely allied with the Tory party; and was a consultant to Conservative Boris Johnson when Johnson was prime minister. Colleagues have told NPR that Bezos selected Lewis in part for his ability to get along with powerful conservative political figures, including Murdoch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corporate spokespersons for the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Outlets from the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> to perhaps even the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> are engaging in what the historian Timothy Snyder has called \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/author/ian-bassin-and-maximillian-potter\">\u003cu>anticipatory obedience\u003c/u>\u003c/a> — pulling back from their obligation, to tell the truth in order to placate the tyrant so he doesn’t come after them,” Protect Democracy’s Bassin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Recent episodes involving major U.S. news organizations have stoked fears that outlets are preemptively self-censoring coverage that could offend former President Donald Trump, who remains neck-and-neck in the polls with Vice President Kamala Harris ahead of Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the central media stories in the U.S. right now is the people who run big media companies making accommodations for a second Trump presidency and thinking about how to avoid antagonizing him,” Ben Smith, editor-in-chief and co-founder of the news site Semafor, tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Los Angeles Times editor resigns after owner blocks endorsement of Harris\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Semafor’s Max Tani first broke the news that the owner of the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>, Patrick Soon-Shiong, \u003ca href=\"https://www.semafor.com/article/10/22/2024/los-angeles-times-wont-endorse-for-president\">\u003cu>intervened to block the publication\u003c/u>\u003c/a> of an editorial endorsing Harris. \u003ca href=\"https://djt.nucleusemail.com/amplify/v/QuvJhBzYRA?hids=mBWoTxNLy3&_nlid=rMrU4PB2Uf&_nhids=mBWoTxNLy3\">\u003cu>The Trump campaign swiftly shared the Semafor story\u003c/u>\u003c/a> with supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>L.A. Times’ \u003c/em>editorials \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/24/g-s1-29665/la-times-editor-resigns-presidential-endorsement\">\u003cu>editor, Mariel Garza, resigned\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, saying Soon-Shiong’s decision made the paper look “craven and hypocritical.” The newspaper has endorsed Harris, a Californian who lives in Los Angeles, for public office before; the paper’s editorial pages have routinely condemned Trump’s character, policies and record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2024-09-10/los-angeles-times-elections-endorsements-2024-november\">\u003cu>in endorsing state and local candidates\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, the \u003cem>L.A. Times \u003c/em>editorial page said voters would confront “the most consequential election in a generation” — though, it added, it was “not just talking about the presidential race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publishers and owners have the right to weigh in on endorsements, of course, and often do so. This time, Soon-Shiong says he wanted something different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the social media platform X, formerly Twitter, he wrote that the assignment had been to provide “clear and non-partisan information side-by-side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Editorial Board was provided the opportunity to draft a factual analysis of all the POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE policies by EACH candidate during their tenures at the White House, and how these policies affected the nation,” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DrPatSoonShiong/status/1849217132183060705\">Soon-Shiong wrote\u003c/a>. “In addition, the Board was asked to provide their understanding of the policies and plans enunciated by the candidates during this campaign and its potential effect on the nation in the next four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Semafor Editor Smith noted that Soon-Shiong, like many media owners, has other business interests that can be directly affected by government actions. As a physician and medical inventor, Soon-Shiong has medical \u003ca href=\"https://www.urologytimes.com/view/dr-soon-shiong-discusses-the-fda-approval-of-n-803-in-nmibc\">\u003cu>products\u003c/u>\u003c/a> subject to review by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and \u003ca href=\"https://patents.justia.com/inventor/patrick-soon-shiong\">\u003cu>applies for patents to federal regulators as well\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a lot of exposure to heavily regulated industries, I’d be very surprised if it’s something that media executives are not thinking about,” Smith says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, according to Stat News, which covers science, health care and medicine, \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2017/01/24/trump-patrick-soon-shiong-health-care/\">\u003cu>Soon-Shiong unsuccessfully sought a senior role\u003c/u>\u003c/a> overseeing U.S. health care at the outset of the Trump administration in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> did not respond to requests for comment beyond Soon-Shiong’s statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Concerns at NBC over Trump documentary\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the campaign trail, Trump has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/22/nx-s1-5161480/trump-media-threats-abc-cbs-60-minutes-journalists\">\u003cu>repeatedly threatened\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to strip broadcast licenses from three big television networks — ABC, CBS and NBC — in retribution for moderators fact-checking him and running mate JD Vance during debates and for news coverage that Trump claims is unfair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not how such federal regulation works: the Federal Communications Commission licenses local television and radio stations. However, the three broadcast networks own 80 local TV stations among them, making those licenses a pressure point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As CNN first reported, CBS News has \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/10/23/media/cbs-news-trump-60-minutes-legal-threat/index.html\">\u003cu>resisted Trump’s threats of legal action\u003c/u>\u003c/a> to force the release of its full, unedited interview with Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011039\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1081\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-800x541.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1020x689.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/npr.brightspotcdn-1-copy-1-1536x1038.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Soboroff attends Politicon at The Pasadena Convention Center on Sunday, Aug. 30, 2017, in Pasadena, Los Angeles County. \u003ccite>(Colin Young-Wolff/Invision/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For the past decade, Donald Trump has been running a campaign against the media straight out of the playbook that authoritarians have used around the world, which is to threaten retaliation against news organizations if they don’t provide him with favorable enough coverage,” says Ian Bassin, an attorney and founder of the not-for-profit advocacy group Protect Democracy. “We are seeing now the seeds of that campaign bearing fruit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three journalists at left-leaning MSNBC told NPR that colleagues were concerned that a documentary produced by NBC News Studios about the effects of Trump’s policies on migrant families separated at the southern U.S. border will not be shown until early December, a month after Election Day. (The staffers asked for anonymity in order to discuss internal network matters.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MSNBC star Rachel Maddow has been among the film’s biggest boosters internally. It is based on the reporting of NBC and MSNBC Correspondent Jacob Soboroff and directed by the noted filmmaker Errol Morris. Morris has publicly questioned the network’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why is my movie not being shown on NBC prior to the election?” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/errolmorris/status/1842603262266237154\">\u003cu>Morris tweeted earlier this month\u003c/u>\u003c/a>. “It is not a partisan movie. It’s about a policy that was disgusting and should not be allowed to happen again. Make your own inferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC News executives rejected the idea that political considerations had played any role in its programming decision about the film. MSNBC has shown another film, called \u003cem>From Russia with Lev\u003c/em>, about the allegations against Trump from an ally turned critic, Lev Parnas. Top MSNBC hosts have called Trump a “fascist” repeatedly in recent days, based on caustic characterizations from several of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/g-s1-29490/trump-john-kelly-fascist-dictator\">\u003cu>Trump’s former top aides\u003c/u>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, NBC News says it is proud of Soboroff’s film, noting it is based on reporting that previously aired on NBC and MSNBC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are fortunate that even amid this challenging documentary climate, we have been able to obtain significant visibility at several prestigious film festivals and an expanded theatrical run, which qualifies it for major awards, including the Oscars, ahead of its television debut soon,” it says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soboroff has been on the network frequently, talking about related matters. NBC News Studios says it could not air the documentary while it is being shown at various film festivals and theaters. MSNBC officials concluded it would be better not to interrupt its intensifying political coverage immediately before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lingering uncertainty over Washington Post endorsement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Washington Post’s \u003c/em>investigative reporters have been in the vanguard of exposing wrongdoing by Trump and his associates while in power. Its editorial section, which is operated separately, has been sharply critical of the former president.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Yet less than two weeks before Election Day, the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>’s opinion-section staff does not know whether the paper will run an editorial endorsement for president, according to two people at the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> with knowledge. (They asked for anonymity to talk about internal matters at the paper.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time \u003cem>The Post \u003c/em>did not make an endorsement for president in the general election was 1988, according to a review of archives. The \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> has been endorsing candidates for local office this fall. \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em> endorsed Harris on Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Post\u003c/em> owner Jeff Bezos is the founder of Amazon and space company Blue Origin, both of which have contracts with the federal government. During the Trump administration, the Pentagon had to scrap a $10 billion cloud computing contract with Microsoft after \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2020/02/10/804480574/amazon-wants-trump-to-testify-about-military-contract-awarded-to-microsoft\">\u003cu>Amazon filed a lawsuit\u003c/u>\u003c/a> alleging it had been passed over to punish Bezos for the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>’s reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-07-18/trump-says-he-s-looking-very-seriously-at-pentagon-cloud-deal\">\u003cu>Trump had said publicly\u003c/u>\u003c/a> that he, personally, had been reviewing the contract, which Amazon had previously been expected to win. Ultimately, four companies, including Amazon and Microsoft, were awarded parts of the contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bezos’s new chief executive and publisher at the \u003cem>Post \u003c/em>is Will Lewis, who has conservative bonafides. Lewis held the same role at Rupert Murdoch’s \u003cem>Wall Street Journal\u003c/em>; served as the editor of the London-based \u003cem>Telegraph\u003c/em>, which is closely allied with the Tory party; and was a consultant to Conservative Boris Johnson when Johnson was prime minister. Colleagues have told NPR that Bezos selected Lewis in part for his ability to get along with powerful conservative political figures, including Murdoch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corporate spokespersons for the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Outlets from the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> to perhaps even the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> are engaging in what the historian Timothy Snyder has called \u003ca href=\"https://www.cjr.org/author/ian-bassin-and-maximillian-potter\">\u003cu>anticipatory obedience\u003c/u>\u003c/a> — pulling back from their obligation, to tell the truth in order to placate the tyrant so he doesn’t come after them,” Protect Democracy’s Bassin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the closing weeks of his campaign, former President Donald Trump has ratcheted up threats that if he wins, he’ll use federal agencies like the FBI, the IRS and even the U.S. military to go after perceived enemies who oppose his agenda or criticize him. Scott and Marisa talk about this with Protect Democracy’s Ben Raderstorf, who says the Supreme Court’s decision on presidential immunity makes those threats a real possibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more, check out our series from the summer examining Project 2025 and what a second Trump presidency might look like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993255/if-trump-wins-project-2025\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">If Trump Wins: Project 2025\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993392/if-trump-wins-government-and-democracy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">If Trump Wins: Government and Democracy\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993427/if-trump-wins-immigration-and-foreign-affairs\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">If Trump Wins: Immigration and Foreign Affairs\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993747/if-trump-wins-climate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">If Trump Wins: Climate\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993757/if-trump-wins-economy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">If Trump Wins: Economy\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, listen back to our interview with Raderstorf from June: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991317/protect-democracy-warns-how-trump-2-0-could-lead-to-authoritarianism\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“Protect Democracy” Warns How Trump 2.0 Could Lead to Authoritarianism\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Trump Ad Blames Harris for Freeing Oakland Journalist’s Killer. It’s Not True, Reporters Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new Donald Trump campaign ad that blames then-San Francisco District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for the 2007 killing of an Oakland journalist is “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/bobbutler7/status/1846221901708083261\">low and lacks context\u003c/a>,” according to reporters who covered the murder and called the ad factually inaccurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chauncey Bailey was the editor of the\u003cem> Oakland Post\u003c/em>, a Black newspaper in the East Bay, when he was shot and killed on his walk to work, targeted by a company he planned to release a report on. Trump’s latest ad suggests that the man who shot him — who was previously incarcerated for an unrelated assault — was only out of jail because Harris had released him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1846054604556865782\">The ad\u003c/a> opens with footage that appears to be of Bailey’s body lying covered on 14th Street in downtown Oakland. A narrator says that his face isn’t viewable because it was “blown away” by a “repeat criminal” — Devaughndre Broussard — thanks to Harris’ “liberal” leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement isn’t true, according to Thomas Peele, who released the book \u003cem>Killing the Messenger\u003c/em> investigating Bailey’s murder in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broussard had been convicted of a previous assault on a Muni bus in 2005 after he was charged with robbery, battery and assault with a deadly weapon by a prosecutor in Harris’ office. He took a plea deal, which Peele says was typical for such crimes, and was sentenced by a judge to one year in prison followed by probation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More than 95% of [criminal cases] are in plea bargain,” Peele says. “That’s what happened. He got out. This is not a case that ever reached the level of the district attorney herself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he was released, Broussard, then 19, needed work. One of his friends connected him to Yusuf Bey, who owned a chain of bakeries called Your Black Muslim Bakery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A friend of his … had been Mr. Bey’s cellmate — also in jail in San Francisco for a couple of months — and told Broussard he knew of this bakery in Oakland that hired Black people who were in dire financial straits, who needed work,” Peele says. “And Mr. Broussard went there and was hired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006200 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Project2025Getty1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bey called the business a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/28152/chauncey-bailey-murder-trial-a-primer\">model of economic self-reliance\u003c/a> in Oakland’s Black community, according to previous KQED reporting. It was also a front for his polygamist cult that had years of allegations of rape, assault and fraud, according to \u003cem>Oaklandside \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/10/15/trump-uses-murder-of-oakland-journalist-in-dishonest-attack-ad/\">reporting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Bailey began to investigate Your Black Muslim Bakery’s criminal activity, one of Bey’s sons, Yusuf Bey IV, found out and ordered Broussard and another employee to kill him to prevent the story from going public. Bey IV had taken over the business after his father died in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broussard originally admitted to killing Bailey on his own, but he recanted and eventually aided the defense in convicting Bey IV and the other man present at the murder. He pleaded guilty to voluntary manslaughter and is serving a 25-year sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing and missteps by Oakland police led a group of Bay Area journalists to form the \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/\">Chauncey Bailey Project\u003c/a> to investigate the story. Peele was a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peele noted that the killing doesn’t seem to have had anything to do with Harris, who has released her own campaign ads touting her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000397/what-9-cases-from-kamala-harris-past-say-about-her-record-as-a-california-prosecutor\">history as a prosecutor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/thomas_peele/status/1846297747554816297\">post on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the ad was released, Peele called it “factually wrong” for Trump to suggest that prosecutorial leniency by Harris led to Bailey’s murder. “Dre Broussard beat a man, pled guilty [and was] sentenced to a year in jail,” he says. “If Dre had still been in jail on [Aug. 2, 2007], 2 other [Your Black Muslim Bakery] hitters would’ve carried out the killing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bey called the business a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/28152/chauncey-bailey-murder-trial-a-primer\">model of economic self-reliance\u003c/a> in Oakland’s Black community, according to previous KQED reporting. It was also a front for his polygamist cult that had years of allegations of rape, assault and fraud, according to \u003cem>Oaklandside \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/10/15/trump-uses-murder-of-oakland-journalist-in-dishonest-attack-ad/\">reporting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Bailey began to investigate Your Black Muslim Bakery’s criminal activity, one of Bey’s sons, Yusuf Bey IV, found out and ordered Broussard and another employee to kill him to prevent the story from going public. Bey IV had taken over the business after his father died in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broussard originally admitted to killing Bailey on his own, but he recanted and eventually aided the defense in convicting Bey IV and the other man present at the murder. He pleaded guilty to voluntary manslaughter and is serving a 25-year sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The killing and missteps by Oakland police led a group of Bay Area journalists to form the \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/\">Chauncey Bailey Project\u003c/a> to investigate the story. Peele was a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peele noted that the killing doesn’t seem to have had anything to do with Harris, who has released her own campaign ads touting her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000397/what-9-cases-from-kamala-harris-past-say-about-her-record-as-a-california-prosecutor\">history as a prosecutor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/thomas_peele/status/1846297747554816297\">post on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the ad was released, Peele called it “factually wrong” for Trump to suggest that prosecutorial leniency by Harris led to Bailey’s murder. “Dre Broussard beat a man, pled guilty [and was] sentenced to a year in jail,” he says. “If Dre had still been in jail on [Aug. 2, 2007], 2 other [Your Black Muslim Bakery] hitters would’ve carried out the killing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adahlstromeckman\">Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>PHOENIX — Standing in front of posters declaring “Country Over Party,” the Republican mayor of Mesa, Arizona, pointed to a young woman sitting at the front of the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t it amazing to have a leader in our country that we can point our young people to and say, emulate this person?” Mayor John Giles asked the crowd of several hundred Republicans, many of them Mormons, attending this luncheon event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They responded with hoots and cheers — and just a few minutes later, enthusiastically welcomed the Democratic nominee for president, Vice President Kamala Harris, on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was raised to believe that hard work is important. It is important to look out for each other. It is important to understand that the vast majority of us have so much more in common than what separates us,” Harris told the group. “There are some powerful forces that are trying to divide us as Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledged that the conservative crowd might not agree with her on everything. But, she said, they agree on some fundamentals — including the value of empathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this kind of backward thinking coming from some folks that suggest that the measure of the strength of a leader is based on who you beat down. Instead of what we know, which is the real measure of the strength of [a] leader is based on who you lift up,” she said to cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This event, at a golf club in Scottsdale, just outside Phoenix, is one of many ways the Harris campaign is trying to broaden its coalition with just weeks left until Election Day — and with polls showing the presidential race is locked in a dead heat. Sunbelt states like Arizona and Nevada are key battlegrounds for the campaign’s efforts to reach out to groups they need to peel away from former President Donald Trump to win: disaffected Republicans, independents and Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Harris campaign isn’t doing it alone. About 25 minutes away, in a tiny strip mall, volunteers gather every day around noon. They’re preparing to walk Phoenix neighborhoods, often in triple-digit heat, knocking on doors to engage undecided voters and those who might not be planning to vote at all. It’s a joint effort between an Oakland-based group, Seed the Vote, which recruits and trains California volunteers and a union-affiliated, Arizona-based group called Worker Power. Seed the Vote has sent 3,000 volunteers out this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009380\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts stands next to a blue car outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roxy Moran with her Subaru — which she drove from Pleasanton to Phoenix to volunteer with Seed the Vote in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxy Moran, 28, traveled from her hometown of Pleasanton to do this work. Currently, between jobs, she doesn’t want to sit out an election she believes will determine not just America’s next four years but the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moran said that while Trump continues to emphasize immigration, the issues voters most frequently discuss with her are abortion rights and the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reproductive rights — it’s a big rallying call for a lot of people in Arizona. And even if they don’t agree with you on some other things, most people are like, this is so important,” she said. “The economy is huge. You know, everyone wants to talk about the cost of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Cerrito resident Vanessa Warheit is a canvass lead with Seed the Vote. She took a leave from her day job as a climate policy advocate to decamp to Arizona for the final weeks of this campaign. Warheit said that even in a swing state like Arizona, where campaign signs blanket the streets and political ads bombard the airwaves, some people manage to tune it all out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know how they managed to avoid the maelstrom of toxic political ads. But I think partly it’s because they’re so toxic… it’s incessant,” she said. “A lot of people just tune them out because they’re like, it’s too toxic. I can’t deal. I don’t want to, and I’m not going to pay attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With competing attack ads making claims of all kinds, many people just don’t know what to believe, Warheit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just try to stick their heads down and just hope it’ll all go away,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009379\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts holds flyers with two people seated behind her.\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Part of Moran and Warheit’s job is to educate voters — not just about Harris’ policy proposals but also about the rest of the Arizona ballot, which includes a race for U.S. Senate, key legislative races and a ballot measure that would enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution. Currently, abortion is illegal in Arizona after 15 weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surprisingly, both women said the issue of reproductive rights appears to be crossing traditional political lines and making Harris more attractive to voters who hadn’t seen it as a priority before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of support for abortion, it’s across gender lines,” Warheit said. “And it’s interesting because a lot of us before we got here sort of assumed that we were going to need to use kind of coded language like ‘reproductive rights.’ And for the most part, the words ‘abortion access’ resonate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the only issue that seems to be attracting strange bedfellows. At the GOP luncheon, the audience nodded along and clapped at Harris’ mentions of the Affordable Care Act and its mandate to cover people with preexisting conditions — legislation Republicans spent years trying to dismantle. However, an Arizona hero, the late U.S. Sen. John McCain, cast the deciding vote in 2017 to save the ACA — something that both Democrats and Republicans in the state remain incredibly proud of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mayor Giles introduced the vice president, he acknowledged the unlikely coalition.[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think many of the people in this room were initially attracted to this campaign because, frankly, we were anti-Trump,” he said. “We have very quickly become pro-Kamala, right? Kamala Harris will be a great president of the United States. Absolutely phenomenal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Giles said Harris would prioritize the middle class, protect personal freedoms and promote “justice and equality” at the southern border. But he framed all those issues in terms of moral clarity and the U.S.’s role in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of us have an apparently unusual memory that lasts longer than four years. We can remember the humiliation that our country suffered for four years under a Trump presidency. And we’re committed to not letting that happen again,” he said. “(Harris) is someone who is aware of the moral leadership role that our country has traditionally held in this country and around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009378\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\" alt=\"Eight people sit inside a room talking to each other.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The vice president echoed that message in her remarks, stressing her commitment to including a diversity of voices in her administration. She promised to appoint a Republican to her Cabinet and told the group she also plans to create a bipartisan policy council to advise her if she’s elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are as a democracy (is) at play in this election,” she said. “Each of you have had the courage to say, hey, we may not agree on every single thing — that’s also what a democracy looks like. But foundational, first principles cannot be in question. Not for the sake of our children, not for the sake of our future and well-being, not for the sake of our standing in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Country, not party, must be Americans first identity and priority, Harris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether she can convince enough voters in swing states like Arizona that she’s right could mean the difference between a Harris or Trump presidency come 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>PHOENIX — Standing in front of posters declaring “Country Over Party,” the Republican mayor of Mesa, Arizona, pointed to a young woman sitting at the front of the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t it amazing to have a leader in our country that we can point our young people to and say, emulate this person?” Mayor John Giles asked the crowd of several hundred Republicans, many of them Mormons, attending this luncheon event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They responded with hoots and cheers — and just a few minutes later, enthusiastically welcomed the Democratic nominee for president, Vice President Kamala Harris, on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was raised to believe that hard work is important. It is important to look out for each other. It is important to understand that the vast majority of us have so much more in common than what separates us,” Harris told the group. “There are some powerful forces that are trying to divide us as Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledged that the conservative crowd might not agree with her on everything. But, she said, they agree on some fundamentals — including the value of empathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this kind of backward thinking coming from some folks that suggest that the measure of the strength of a leader is based on who you beat down. Instead of what we know, which is the real measure of the strength of [a] leader is based on who you lift up,” she said to cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This event, at a golf club in Scottsdale, just outside Phoenix, is one of many ways the Harris campaign is trying to broaden its coalition with just weeks left until Election Day — and with polls showing the presidential race is locked in a dead heat. Sunbelt states like Arizona and Nevada are key battlegrounds for the campaign’s efforts to reach out to groups they need to peel away from former President Donald Trump to win: disaffected Republicans, independents and Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Harris campaign isn’t doing it alone. About 25 minutes away, in a tiny strip mall, volunteers gather every day around noon. They’re preparing to walk Phoenix neighborhoods, often in triple-digit heat, knocking on doors to engage undecided voters and those who might not be planning to vote at all. It’s a joint effort between an Oakland-based group, Seed the Vote, which recruits and trains California volunteers and a union-affiliated, Arizona-based group called Worker Power. Seed the Vote has sent 3,000 volunteers out this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009380\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts stands next to a blue car outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roxy Moran with her Subaru — which she drove from Pleasanton to Phoenix to volunteer with Seed the Vote in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxy Moran, 28, traveled from her hometown of Pleasanton to do this work. Currently, between jobs, she doesn’t want to sit out an election she believes will determine not just America’s next four years but the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moran said that while Trump continues to emphasize immigration, the issues voters most frequently discuss with her are abortion rights and the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reproductive rights — it’s a big rallying call for a lot of people in Arizona. And even if they don’t agree with you on some other things, most people are like, this is so important,” she said. “The economy is huge. You know, everyone wants to talk about the cost of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Cerrito resident Vanessa Warheit is a canvass lead with Seed the Vote. She took a leave from her day job as a climate policy advocate to decamp to Arizona for the final weeks of this campaign. Warheit said that even in a swing state like Arizona, where campaign signs blanket the streets and political ads bombard the airwaves, some people manage to tune it all out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know how they managed to avoid the maelstrom of toxic political ads. But I think partly it’s because they’re so toxic… it’s incessant,” she said. “A lot of people just tune them out because they’re like, it’s too toxic. I can’t deal. I don’t want to, and I’m not going to pay attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With competing attack ads making claims of all kinds, many people just don’t know what to believe, Warheit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just try to stick their heads down and just hope it’ll all go away,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009379\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts holds flyers with two people seated behind her.\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Part of Moran and Warheit’s job is to educate voters — not just about Harris’ policy proposals but also about the rest of the Arizona ballot, which includes a race for U.S. Senate, key legislative races and a ballot measure that would enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution. Currently, abortion is illegal in Arizona after 15 weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surprisingly, both women said the issue of reproductive rights appears to be crossing traditional political lines and making Harris more attractive to voters who hadn’t seen it as a priority before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of support for abortion, it’s across gender lines,” Warheit said. “And it’s interesting because a lot of us before we got here sort of assumed that we were going to need to use kind of coded language like ‘reproductive rights.’ And for the most part, the words ‘abortion access’ resonate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the only issue that seems to be attracting strange bedfellows. At the GOP luncheon, the audience nodded along and clapped at Harris’ mentions of the Affordable Care Act and its mandate to cover people with preexisting conditions — legislation Republicans spent years trying to dismantle. However, an Arizona hero, the late U.S. Sen. John McCain, cast the deciding vote in 2017 to save the ACA — something that both Democrats and Republicans in the state remain incredibly proud of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mayor Giles introduced the vice president, he acknowledged the unlikely coalition.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think many of the people in this room were initially attracted to this campaign because, frankly, we were anti-Trump,” he said. “We have very quickly become pro-Kamala, right? Kamala Harris will be a great president of the United States. Absolutely phenomenal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Giles said Harris would prioritize the middle class, protect personal freedoms and promote “justice and equality” at the southern border. But he framed all those issues in terms of moral clarity and the U.S.’s role in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of us have an apparently unusual memory that lasts longer than four years. We can remember the humiliation that our country suffered for four years under a Trump presidency. And we’re committed to not letting that happen again,” he said. “(Harris) is someone who is aware of the moral leadership role that our country has traditionally held in this country and around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009378\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\" alt=\"Eight people sit inside a room talking to each other.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The vice president echoed that message in her remarks, stressing her commitment to including a diversity of voices in her administration. She promised to appoint a Republican to her Cabinet and told the group she also plans to create a bipartisan policy council to advise her if she’s elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are as a democracy (is) at play in this election,” she said. “Each of you have had the courage to say, hey, we may not agree on every single thing — that’s also what a democracy looks like. But foundational, first principles cannot be in question. Not for the sake of our children, not for the sake of our future and well-being, not for the sake of our standing in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Country, not party, must be Americans first identity and priority, Harris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether she can convince enough voters in swing states like Arizona that she’s right could mean the difference between a Harris or Trump presidency come 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the presidency on the line in battlegrounds like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, why would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> venture \u003ca href=\"https://interactives.ap.org/embeds/ziEfd/39/\">into California\u003c/a>, one of the most solidly Democratic states, just weeks before Election Day?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is almost certain to lose California, and that won’t change after his scheduled Saturday stop in Coachella, a desert city east of Los Angeles best known for the annual music festival bearing its name. Still, there are practical reasons for him to visit, despite the Republican nominee’s prospects Nov. 5 in the most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former president lost California in \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ap.org/behind-the-news/calling-the-2020-presidential-race-state-by-state\">a landslide in 2020\u003c/a>. He did get 6 million-plus votes, more than any GOP presidential candidate before, and his margins topped 70% in some rural counties that typically favor conservatives on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an enormous pool of potential volunteers to work on state races and participate in phone banks into the most contested states. And Trump is likely to draw extensive media coverage in the Los Angeles market, the second-largest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is visiting Coachella in between stops in Nevada, at a roundtable in Las Vegas for Latinos earlier Saturday, and Arizona, for a rally Sunday in Prescott Valley. He narrowly lost those two swing states to Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> in 2020.[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']Going to California gives Trump the “ability to swoop in and leverage this big population of Trump supporters,” said Tim Lineberger, who was communications director for Trump’s 2016 campaign in Michigan and also worked in the former president’s administration. He’s “coming here and activating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lineberger recalled Californians making calls to Michigan voters in 2016 on Trump’s behalf and said the campaign’s decision to go into safe, Democratic turf at this point was “an aggressive, offensive play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a fountain of campaign cash for both parties, and Trump will be fundraising. Photos with the former president in Coachella were priced at $25,000, which comes with special seating for two. A “VIP Experience” was priced at $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With congressional races in California in play that could determine which party controls the House, the Coachella rally “is a get-out-the-vote type of thing that motivates and energizes Republicans in California, when they are not as close to what is going on in the national campaign,” Republican consultant Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales also said to look for Trump to continue his long-running spat with Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Republicans, “It’s motivating when you can pick at California a little bit and the governor … will take the bait,” Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Wednesday predicted Trump would be denigrating the state at the rally, overlooking its strengths as the world’s fifth-largest economy. The governor said that for the first time in a decade, California has more Fortune 500 companies than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, that’s not what Trump is going to say,” he predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Brulte, a former chairman of the California Republican Party, said he thinks Trump is angling for something that has eluded him in previous campaigns: winning more total votes than his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe Donald Trump is coming to California because he wants to win not only in the Electoral College, but he wants to win the popular vote. There are more registered voters in California than there are residents in 46 of the other 49 states,” Brulte said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12004699,news_11997712,news_12004810\"]The Trump National Golf Club Los Angeles sits on the Pacific Coast, south of the city. But Trump has long had a conflicted relationship with California, where a Republican has not carried the state since 1988 and Democrats outnumber registered Republicans by about 2-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was home to the so-called Trump resistance during his time in office, and Trump often depicts California as representing all he sees wrong in America. As president, he called the homeless crises in Los Angeles and San Francisco disgraceful and threatened to intercede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is likely to spend time on Saturday linking California’s problems to Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a>, the Democratic nominee and a San Francisco Bay Area native who was California’s attorney general and represented the state in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign issued a statement alleging that under Harris, “the notorious ‘California Dream’ has turned into a nightmare for everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Millan Patterson, chairwoman of the state GOP, said she looked forward to hearing Trump contrast his agenda with a Democratic White House that “has left Californians less safe and with less money in their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, she promised, “will do our part to secure a House majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the presidency on the line in battlegrounds like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, why would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> venture \u003ca href=\"https://interactives.ap.org/embeds/ziEfd/39/\">into California\u003c/a>, one of the most solidly Democratic states, just weeks before Election Day?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is almost certain to lose California, and that won’t change after his scheduled Saturday stop in Coachella, a desert city east of Los Angeles best known for the annual music festival bearing its name. Still, there are practical reasons for him to visit, despite the Republican nominee’s prospects Nov. 5 in the most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former president lost California in \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ap.org/behind-the-news/calling-the-2020-presidential-race-state-by-state\">a landslide in 2020\u003c/a>. He did get 6 million-plus votes, more than any GOP presidential candidate before, and his margins topped 70% in some rural counties that typically favor conservatives on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an enormous pool of potential volunteers to work on state races and participate in phone banks into the most contested states. And Trump is likely to draw extensive media coverage in the Los Angeles market, the second-largest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is visiting Coachella in between stops in Nevada, at a roundtable in Las Vegas for Latinos earlier Saturday, and Arizona, for a rally Sunday in Prescott Valley. He narrowly lost those two swing states to Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> in 2020.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Going to California gives Trump the “ability to swoop in and leverage this big population of Trump supporters,” said Tim Lineberger, who was communications director for Trump’s 2016 campaign in Michigan and also worked in the former president’s administration. He’s “coming here and activating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lineberger recalled Californians making calls to Michigan voters in 2016 on Trump’s behalf and said the campaign’s decision to go into safe, Democratic turf at this point was “an aggressive, offensive play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a fountain of campaign cash for both parties, and Trump will be fundraising. Photos with the former president in Coachella were priced at $25,000, which comes with special seating for two. A “VIP Experience” was priced at $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With congressional races in California in play that could determine which party controls the House, the Coachella rally “is a get-out-the-vote type of thing that motivates and energizes Republicans in California, when they are not as close to what is going on in the national campaign,” Republican consultant Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales also said to look for Trump to continue his long-running spat with Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Republicans, “It’s motivating when you can pick at California a little bit and the governor … will take the bait,” Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Wednesday predicted Trump would be denigrating the state at the rally, overlooking its strengths as the world’s fifth-largest economy. The governor said that for the first time in a decade, California has more Fortune 500 companies than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, that’s not what Trump is going to say,” he predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Brulte, a former chairman of the California Republican Party, said he thinks Trump is angling for something that has eluded him in previous campaigns: winning more total votes than his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe Donald Trump is coming to California because he wants to win not only in the Electoral College, but he wants to win the popular vote. There are more registered voters in California than there are residents in 46 of the other 49 states,” Brulte said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump National Golf Club Los Angeles sits on the Pacific Coast, south of the city. But Trump has long had a conflicted relationship with California, where a Republican has not carried the state since 1988 and Democrats outnumber registered Republicans by about 2-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was home to the so-called Trump resistance during his time in office, and Trump often depicts California as representing all he sees wrong in America. As president, he called the homeless crises in Los Angeles and San Francisco disgraceful and threatened to intercede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is likely to spend time on Saturday linking California’s problems to Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a>, the Democratic nominee and a San Francisco Bay Area native who was California’s attorney general and represented the state in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign issued a statement alleging that under Harris, “the notorious ‘California Dream’ has turned into a nightmare for everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Millan Patterson, chairwoman of the state GOP, said she looked forward to hearing Trump contrast his agenda with a Democratic White House that “has left Californians less safe and with less money in their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, she promised, “will do our part to secure a House majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It was the fall of 2011, and the American housing market was in freefall — California was ground zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians had already lost their homes to foreclosure, and millions more were underwater on their mortgages, owing more than their homes were worth. Many were facing exploding mortgage payments as adjustable-rate loans skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Mission Economic Development Agency (MEDA) in San Francisco, frantic homeowners streamed in daily, asking for help. It was a scene repeating itself at similar nonprofits across California, which was among the hardest-hit states, suffering around one-third of overall foreclosures nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Jacqueline Marcelos was one of two mortgage counselors at MEDA, an asset development organization that she’d first walked into for help herself: She and her husband were the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/ex-real-estate-agent-sentenced-in-sf-mortgage-scheme-targeting-immigrants/\"> victims of mortgage fraud\u003c/a>, one of more than a dozen families that a real estate agent had bilked out of money. As a result, Marcelos had lost her home to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a counselor at MEDA, Marcelos and her colleagues knew that families seeking their help were likely weeks or months away from losing their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have around 26 clients per month. It was a lot,” she said. “The banks never did respond on time. They were always asking you for more documentation. They were continuing doing the foreclosure procedures even though you were under review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, Kamala Harris came in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trial by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s newly elected attorney general, Harris, took office as policymakers were grappling with the worst economic crisis in decades, and Californians were suffering: In 2009, as the subprime mortgage crisis began to peak, more than 3.5 million California households were delinquent on their mortgages; Florida was the next highest state with 3.1 million families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harris assumed her role, other state attorneys general were negotiating as a group with the five largest banks over their outsize responsibility for the foreclosure crisis. But California wasn’t initially part of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her autobiography, “The Truths We Hold,” Harris recounts instructing her staff on her first day to join those multi-state settlement talks. By the fall, however, she made the risky decision \u003ca href=\"https://documents.latimes.com/harris-letter-housing-investigation/\">to pull out\u003c/a>, convinced that the banks were gunning for a deal that wouldn’t offer homeowners enough money or new protections — and would shield the banks from future probes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision would prove pivotal in shaping Harris’ political career and public image, becoming a frequent reference point in her campaign narratives — including during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">her speech this summer\u003c/a> at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Attorney General of California, I took on the big banks, delivered $20 billion for middle-class families who faced foreclosure, and helped pass a homeowner bill of rights — one of the first of its kind in the nation,” she told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subprime mortgage crisis wasn’t new to Harris: As San Francisco district attorney, her office had taken on several related mortgage fraud cases, including prosecuting the real estate agent who defrauded Marcelos. But now, as top prosecutor of the largest state in the nation, the stakes were significantly higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a presidential election on the horizon, the Obama administration wanted Harris and the other attorneys general to strike a deal, which most of the other states were eager to do. And the banks were breathing down her neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she walked away and rejected what was put on the table, there was enormous pressure immediately upon her to show the next steps and … there were a lot of people who were leaning on her to change her mind,” said Nathan Barankin, her chief of staff at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/QbycqFzva5Q\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She felt very, very strongly that the reason why she needed to reject what they had put on the table was because there had not been an adequate investigation into exactly what had happened and, more importantly, what the consequences were of the misbehavior by these big banks,” he said. “Her focus at that time, together with the executive team and so many other folks in the attorney general’s office, was to create and execute that investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This led Harris to a conference room at MEDA on Nov. 22, 2011, alongside Marcelos, and surrounded by San Franciscans who had lost their homes or were in the process of losing them. It was one of several meetings she held around the state with distressed homeowners and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I wanted to be here today to hear these stories,” she told the group, according to a video of the meeting. “There are a lot of people who are debating and talking about it and thinking about it from a perspective that is intellectual or perhaps political or academic. But the reality is, this issue is about each of you at this table and the experiences that you’ve had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’re talking about folks who have believed in the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos said that at that meeting, the attorney general was “very friendly, very approachable. ” Harris, she said, “understood the pain of all the families that were present and acknowledged [it],” giving them hope for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A formative settlement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2012, Harris demanded to talk directly to one of the key players in the settlement talks: JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon. According to her book, the call devolved into a yelling match, with Dimon accusing Harris of “trying to steal from my shareholders,” to which Harris fired back, “Your shareholders? My shareholders are the homeowners of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two weeks of that call, Harris and the other attorneys general had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-secures-18-billion-california-commitment\">struck a deal\u003c/a> with the mortgage lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" postID=\"news_12000397,news_10966388,news_10346121\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ultimately secured $20 billion, far exceeding the original offer of $2 to $4 billion, with the bulk aimed at lowering mortgage principals for homeowners. The main goal was to keep people in their homes and reduce the amount they owed so they weren’t paying a mortgage higher than the worth of their home. More than 84,000 families received principal reductions totaling $9.2 billion,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/mortgage_settlement/04-report-by-the-numbers.pdf\"> according to a 2013 report\u003c/a> by the state-appointed monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, many Californians still lost their homes after the settlement, noted Ira Rheingold, the executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates. According to the same state monitor’s report, another $9.2 billion of the settlement went toward lowering the amount people owed on mortgages, which resulted in short sales. In those cases, the homeowners avoided foreclosure and were able to walk away without debt or bad credit — but they still lost their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rheingold praised Harris’ work, saying the settlement came out of “the failure of the federal government to take appropriate action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she did the best she could under those circumstances for California homeowners,” he said. ”The only place where principal reduction was being offered to consumers was through the AG settlement. It wasn’t nearly enough, but that was the one place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rheingold said Harris’ involvement ensured two other crucial provisions of the settlement. First, it included reforms to lending operations that “set the stage for later rules and regulations around the mortgage servicing industry.” Second, Harris forced the banks to allow California to appoint its own monitor to ensure compliance with the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monitor was Katie Porter, a consumer protection attorney who is now a Southern California congresswoman. Porter noted that the settlement itself was hundreds of pages long and incredibly complicated. Her role, as Harris laid out when she called to offer Porter the job, was partly to ensure that the people who needed help could actually navigate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t want these to be hollow promises,” Porter said. “She didn’t view her job as the press conference announcing the settlement. She viewed her job as actually getting the banks to stop doing illegal things and start helping the families that got hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she’s proud of what the settlement meant for tens of thousands of Californians who were able to get out from underwater mortgages. But she agrees it didn’t include something many would have liked to see: criminal accountability for the bank executives and others who took advantage of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that a lot of these mortgage executives made a lot of money and walked away even as families and homeowners struggled,” Porter said. “And for me, what that illustrates is sort of a larger problem about corporate accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Harris’ mortgage strike team did prosecute dozens of people for fraud and other mortgage-related crimes when she was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Porter and Marcelos, from MEDA, highlighted Harris’ next move after negotiating the settlement: successfully pushing state lawmakers to approve the Homeowners Bill of Rights, which codified into law many of the settlement’s rules and reforms that would have otherwise expired after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No settlement is perfect,” said Porter. But, she added, “If you ask yourself, did this settlement force banks to change illegal unlawful practices that they had been committing for a decade? The answer is yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos agreed, noting that while many of those homeowners Harris met with in November 2011 at MEDA had already lost their homes after the Homeowner Bill of Rights passed, she was repeatedly able to invoke the law to banks, preventing her new clients from losing their homes to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not ‘someone else’s problem’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter said that Harris’ handling of the mortgage crisis illustrates who she is as a politician and leader as she seeks the presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing in this moment for people who are asking themselves, ‘What do we know about Kamala Harris and how is she going to lead and govern?’ is that she wasn’t someone who said, ‘This is someone else’s problem. Let’s let the federal government solve this. Or sooner or later, Congress will get around to this.’ This is somebody who went and tried a different avenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin, her former chief of staff, argues there is a throughline in Harris’ public service: Her insistence on doing the research, sitting down with those impacted and basing a resolution on those real-life conversations. He notes her successful cases as attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-obtains-11-billion-judgment-against-predatory\">prosecuting a for-profit college \u003c/a>that was preying on low income Californians; and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-announces-criminal-charges-against-senior\">going after a website\u003c/a> that was being used to prostitute and traffic young women. One of those young women \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=backpage+DNC+speech&rlz=1C5GCCM_en___US1096&oq=backp&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUqCAgAEEUYJxg7MggIABBFGCcYOzIOCAEQRRgnGDsYgAQYigUyBggCEEUYQDIGCAMQRRg5Mg0IBBAAGIMBGLEDGIAEMgYIBRBFGDwyBggGEEUYPDIGCAcQRRg80gEIMjU0MGowajeoAgCwAgA&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8#fpstate=ive&vld=cid:3097828a,vid:yV_de6j_JVY,st:0\">spoke on the vice president’s behalf \u003c/a>at the Democratic convention this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not enough for her to just look at a spreadsheet of mortgages,” Barankin said. “She wanted to go to those neighborhoods. She wanted to meet the homeowners who had lost their homes. She wanted to meet their neighbors. She wanted to see the communities that had been impacted by this misconduct by the banks.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As California’s attorney general, Kamala Harris took a bold stand against major banks, securing a $20 billion settlement for homeowners facing foreclosure, a move that helped solidify her reputation as a formidable political leader.\r\n",
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"title": "Kamala Harris Took on Big Banks After the Foreclosure Crisis. It Helped Define Her Career | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was the fall of 2011, and the American housing market was in freefall — California was ground zero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Californians had already lost their homes to foreclosure, and millions more were underwater on their mortgages, owing more than their homes were worth. Many were facing exploding mortgage payments as adjustable-rate loans skyrocketed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Mission Economic Development Agency (MEDA) in San Francisco, frantic homeowners streamed in daily, asking for help. It was a scene repeating itself at similar nonprofits across California, which was among the hardest-hit states, suffering around one-third of overall foreclosures nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Jacqueline Marcelos was one of two mortgage counselors at MEDA, an asset development organization that she’d first walked into for help herself: She and her husband were the\u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/ex-real-estate-agent-sentenced-in-sf-mortgage-scheme-targeting-immigrants/\"> victims of mortgage fraud\u003c/a>, one of more than a dozen families that a real estate agent had bilked out of money. As a result, Marcelos had lost her home to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now a counselor at MEDA, Marcelos and her colleagues knew that families seeking their help were likely weeks or months away from losing their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have around 26 clients per month. It was a lot,” she said. “The banks never did respond on time. They were always asking you for more documentation. They were continuing doing the foreclosure procedures even though you were under review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, Kamala Harris came in,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Trial by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s newly elected attorney general, Harris, took office as policymakers were grappling with the worst economic crisis in decades, and Californians were suffering: In 2009, as the subprime mortgage crisis began to peak, more than 3.5 million California households were delinquent on their mortgages; Florida was the next highest state with 3.1 million families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Harris assumed her role, other state attorneys general were negotiating as a group with the five largest banks over their outsize responsibility for the foreclosure crisis. But California wasn’t initially part of that group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her autobiography, “The Truths We Hold,” Harris recounts instructing her staff on her first day to join those multi-state settlement talks. By the fall, however, she made the risky decision \u003ca href=\"https://documents.latimes.com/harris-letter-housing-investigation/\">to pull out\u003c/a>, convinced that the banks were gunning for a deal that wouldn’t offer homeowners enough money or new protections — and would shield the banks from future probes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That decision would prove pivotal in shaping Harris’ political career and public image, becoming a frequent reference point in her campaign narratives — including during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">her speech this summer\u003c/a> at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As Attorney General of California, I took on the big banks, delivered $20 billion for middle-class families who faced foreclosure, and helped pass a homeowner bill of rights — one of the first of its kind in the nation,” she told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The subprime mortgage crisis wasn’t new to Harris: As San Francisco district attorney, her office had taken on several related mortgage fraud cases, including prosecuting the real estate agent who defrauded Marcelos. But now, as top prosecutor of the largest state in the nation, the stakes were significantly higher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a presidential election on the horizon, the Obama administration wanted Harris and the other attorneys general to strike a deal, which most of the other states were eager to do. And the banks were breathing down her neck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When she walked away and rejected what was put on the table, there was enormous pressure immediately upon her to show the next steps and … there were a lot of people who were leaning on her to change her mind,” said Nathan Barankin, her chief of staff at the time.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/QbycqFzva5Q'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/QbycqFzva5Q'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“She felt very, very strongly that the reason why she needed to reject what they had put on the table was because there had not been an adequate investigation into exactly what had happened and, more importantly, what the consequences were of the misbehavior by these big banks,” he said. “Her focus at that time, together with the executive team and so many other folks in the attorney general’s office, was to create and execute that investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This led Harris to a conference room at MEDA on Nov. 22, 2011, alongside Marcelos, and surrounded by San Franciscans who had lost their homes or were in the process of losing them. It was one of several meetings she held around the state with distressed homeowners and their advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I wanted to be here today to hear these stories,” she told the group, according to a video of the meeting. “There are a lot of people who are debating and talking about it and thinking about it from a perspective that is intellectual or perhaps political or academic. But the reality is, this issue is about each of you at this table and the experiences that you’ve had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added, “We’re talking about folks who have believed in the American Dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos said that at that meeting, the attorney general was “very friendly, very approachable. ” Harris, she said, “understood the pain of all the families that were present and acknowledged [it],” giving them hope for systemic change.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A formative settlement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January 2012, Harris demanded to talk directly to one of the key players in the settlement talks: JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon. According to her book, the call devolved into a yelling match, with Dimon accusing Harris of “trying to steal from my shareholders,” to which Harris fired back, “Your shareholders? My shareholders are the homeowners of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within two weeks of that call, Harris and the other attorneys general had \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-secures-18-billion-california-commitment\">struck a deal\u003c/a> with the mortgage lenders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California ultimately secured $20 billion, far exceeding the original offer of $2 to $4 billion, with the bulk aimed at lowering mortgage principals for homeowners. The main goal was to keep people in their homes and reduce the amount they owed so they weren’t paying a mortgage higher than the worth of their home. More than 84,000 families received principal reductions totaling $9.2 billion,\u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/mortgage_settlement/04-report-by-the-numbers.pdf\"> according to a 2013 report\u003c/a> by the state-appointed monitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, many Californians still lost their homes after the settlement, noted Ira Rheingold, the executive director of the National Association of Consumer Advocates. According to the same state monitor’s report, another $9.2 billion of the settlement went toward lowering the amount people owed on mortgages, which resulted in short sales. In those cases, the homeowners avoided foreclosure and were able to walk away without debt or bad credit — but they still lost their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this, Rheingold praised Harris’ work, saying the settlement came out of “the failure of the federal government to take appropriate action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think she did the best she could under those circumstances for California homeowners,” he said. ”The only place where principal reduction was being offered to consumers was through the AG settlement. It wasn’t nearly enough, but that was the one place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rheingold said Harris’ involvement ensured two other crucial provisions of the settlement. First, it included reforms to lending operations that “set the stage for later rules and regulations around the mortgage servicing industry.” Second, Harris forced the banks to allow California to appoint its own monitor to ensure compliance with the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That monitor was Katie Porter, a consumer protection attorney who is now a Southern California congresswoman. Porter noted that the settlement itself was hundreds of pages long and incredibly complicated. Her role, as Harris laid out when she called to offer Porter the job, was partly to ensure that the people who needed help could actually navigate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t want these to be hollow promises,” Porter said. “She didn’t view her job as the press conference announcing the settlement. She viewed her job as actually getting the banks to stop doing illegal things and start helping the families that got hurt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she’s proud of what the settlement meant for tens of thousands of Californians who were able to get out from underwater mortgages. But she agrees it didn’t include something many would have liked to see: criminal accountability for the bank executives and others who took advantage of consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that a lot of these mortgage executives made a lot of money and walked away even as families and homeowners struggled,” Porter said. “And for me, what that illustrates is sort of a larger problem about corporate accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, Harris’ mortgage strike team did prosecute dozens of people for fraud and other mortgage-related crimes when she was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Porter and Marcelos, from MEDA, highlighted Harris’ next move after negotiating the settlement: successfully pushing state lawmakers to approve the Homeowners Bill of Rights, which codified into law many of the settlement’s rules and reforms that would have otherwise expired after a few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No settlement is perfect,” said Porter. But, she added, “If you ask yourself, did this settlement force banks to change illegal unlawful practices that they had been committing for a decade? The answer is yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marcelos agreed, noting that while many of those homeowners Harris met with in November 2011 at MEDA had already lost their homes after the Homeowner Bill of Rights passed, she was repeatedly able to invoke the law to banks, preventing her new clients from losing their homes to foreclosure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not ‘someone else’s problem’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter said that Harris’ handling of the mortgage crisis illustrates who she is as a politician and leader as she seeks the presidency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The important thing in this moment for people who are asking themselves, ‘What do we know about Kamala Harris and how is she going to lead and govern?’ is that she wasn’t someone who said, ‘This is someone else’s problem. Let’s let the federal government solve this. Or sooner or later, Congress will get around to this.’ This is somebody who went and tried a different avenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barankin, her former chief of staff, argues there is a throughline in Harris’ public service: Her insistence on doing the research, sitting down with those impacted and basing a resolution on those real-life conversations. He notes her successful cases as attorney general \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-obtains-11-billion-judgment-against-predatory\">prosecuting a for-profit college \u003c/a>that was preying on low income Californians; and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-kamala-d-harris-announces-criminal-charges-against-senior\">going after a website\u003c/a> that was being used to prostitute and traffic young women. One of those young women \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search?q=backpage+DNC+speech&rlz=1C5GCCM_en___US1096&oq=backp&gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUqCAgAEEUYJxg7MggIABBFGCcYOzIOCAEQRRgnGDsYgAQYigUyBggCEEUYQDIGCAMQRRg5Mg0IBBAAGIMBGLEDGIAEMgYIBRBFGDwyBggGEEUYPDIGCAcQRRg80gEIMjU0MGowajeoAgCwAgA&sourceid=chrome&ie=UTF-8#fpstate=ive&vld=cid:3097828a,vid:yV_de6j_JVY,st:0\">spoke on the vice president’s behalf \u003c/a>at the Democratic convention this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not enough for her to just look at a spreadsheet of mortgages,” Barankin said. “She wanted to go to those neighborhoods. She wanted to meet the homeowners who had lost their homes. She wanted to meet their neighbors. She wanted to see the communities that had been impacted by this misconduct by the banks.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After the attempted assassination of Donald Trump in July, the merchandise started showing up on Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump, fist in the air, face bloodied from a bullet, appeared on everything. Coffee mugs. Hawaiian shirts. Trading cards. Commemorative coins. Heart ornaments. Ads for these products used images captured at the scene by \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/14/arts/design/trump-photo-raised-fist.html\">Doug Mills\u003c/a> for the New York Times and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2024/07/trump-assassination-attempt-evan-vucci/679011/\">Evan Vucci\u003c/a> for the Associated Press, showing Trump yelling “fight” after the shooting. The Trump campaign itself even \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?id=513229838128846\">offered some gear\u003c/a> commemorating his survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Secret Service drew scrutiny and law enforcement searched for a motive, online advertisers saw a business opportunity in the moment, pumping out Facebook ads to supporters hungry for merch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008148\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 10 weeks after the shooting, advertisers paid Meta between $593,000 and $813,000 for political ads that explicitly mentioned the assassination attempt, according to The Markup’s analysis. (Meta provides only estimates of spending and reach for ads in its database.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Facebook itself \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">has acknowledged\u003c/a> that polarizing content and misinformation on its platform has incited real-life violence. An analysis by CalMatters and The Markup found that the reverse is also true: real-world violence can sometimes open new revenue opportunities for Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the spending on assassination ads represents a sliver of Meta’s $100 billion-plus ad revenue, the company also builds its bottom line when tragedies like war and mass shootings occur, in the United States and beyond. After the October 7th attack on Israel last year and the country’s response in Gaza, Meta saw a major increase in dollars spent related to the conflict, according to our review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech advocacy groups and others question whether Facebook should even profit from violence and whether its ability to do so violates the company’s own principles of not calling for violence. The company said advertisers often respond to current events and that ads that run on its platform are reviewed and must meet the company’s standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count all of the political ads mentioning Israel since the attack through the last week of September, organizations and individuals paid Meta between $14.8 million and $22.1 million for ads seen between 1.5 billion and 1.7 billion times on Meta’s platforms. Meta made much less for ads mentioning Israel during the same period the year before: between $2.4 million and $4 million for ads that were seen between 373 million and 445 million times. At the high end of Meta’s estimates, this was a 450% increase in Israel-related ad dollars for the company. (In our analysis, we converted foreign currency purchases to current U.S. dollars.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12008173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28%E2%80%AFPM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"844\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-800x507.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-160x101.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a lobbying group that promotes Israel, was the major spender on ads mentioning Israel. In the six months after October 7th, its spending increased more than 300% over the previous six months, to between $1.8 million and $2.7 million, as the organization peppered Facebook and Instagram with ads defending Israel’s actions in Gaza and pressuring politicians to support the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the war has roiled the region, AIPAC paid Meta about as much for ads in the 15 weeks following October 7th as the entire year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our effort is directed to encouraging pro-Israel Americans to stand with our democratic ally as it battles Iranian proxies in the aftermath of the barbaric Hamas attack of October 7th,” Marshall Wittmann, a spokesperson for AIPAC, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(See the data on our \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/investigation-meta-political-violence-ads\">Github repo\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008154\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other ad campaigns mentioning Israel supported different sides of the conflict. Doctors Without Borders, for example, used advertising to highlight the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Other ads defended and promoted Israel. The Christian Broadcasting Network tied the October 7th attack to a claim in an ad that Iran’s “final, deadly goal” was “to establish a modern caliphate—an Islamic-founded, tyrannical government—across the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram, takes in the vast majority of its revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereksaul/2023/10/25/meta-earnings-record-profits-sales-as-ads-stay-robust-during-zuckerbergs-year-of-efficiency/\">from targeted advertising\u003c/a>. The company tracks users online to profile their habits and, when a business or organization wants to reach them, lets those businesses pay to send ads to people who might be interested. Those ads might be tied to something perfectly wholesome, like gardening. But the company’s algorithms don’t distinguish between simple hobbies and something darker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta spokesperson Tracy Clayton said in an emailed statement that Meta did not ultimately profit from political violence, as advertisers broadly back away from advertising during times of strife for fear their ads will be promoted alongside news of the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clayton noted Meta’s chief financial officer recently said on an earnings call that it is “hard for us to attribute demand softness directly to any specific geopolitical event” but had seen lower ad spending “correlating with the start of the conflict” in the Middle East, and had seen similar at the start of the war in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Advertisers responding to current events are nothing new, and it’s seen across the media landscape, including on television, radio, and online news outlets,” Clayton said. “All ads that run on our platform must go through a review process and adhere to our advertising and community standards, and Meta offers an extra layer of transparency by making them publicly available in our Ad Library.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters and The Markup used Meta’s own tools to calculate how much Meta makes from spikes in advertising when instances of political violence happen, reviewing thousands of ads through both manual review and with the assistance of \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">an AI model\u003c/a> offered by Meta itself. (We also made improvements to Meta Research’s scripts for accessing the Ad Library API, and \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/Ad-Library-API-Script-Repository/\">we’re sharing our changes\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To examine the assassination attempt merchandise, we ran a simple search of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/\">Meta’s Ad Library\u003c/a> for ads that mentioned “assassination,” including any in our analysis that also mentioned “Trump” and hundreds of others that didn’t mention the former president by name but were clearly related to the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First they jail him, now they try to end him,” one ad read. A conspiratorial ad for a commemorative two-dollar bill claimed “the assassination attempt was their Plan B,” while “Plan A was to make Biden abandon the presidential campaign.” Some ads used clips from the film JFK to suggest an unseen, malevolent force was at work in the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008157\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1576\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-160x315.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-780x1536.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gun advocates paid for ads, using the assassination attempt as a foreboding call to action. One ad promoting a firearms safety course noted that “November is fast approaching.” A clothing business said in an ad that, since “the government can’t save you” from foreign enemies, Americans “need to be self-reliant, self-made, and self-sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when those bullets zip by, you are clearly on your own,” the ad read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those ads did not appear to violate Meta’s policies, although some may have broken its \u003ca href=\"https://transparency.meta.com/policies/community-standards/violence-incitement/\">ban against\u003c/a> showing weapons while alleging “election-related corruption.” But even the ones that didn’t clearly violate Meta’s rules still place the company in an uncomfortable position, as the business takes in advertising dollars from posts tied to grim news cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Mark Zuckerberg himself commented on the first Trump assassination attempt, saying \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-07-19/mark-zuckerberg-calls-donald-trump-badass-without-endorsing-for-president\">in an interview\u003c/a> that it was “one of the most badass things I’ve ever seen in my life.” Trump has now survived a second apparent assassination attempt, and Zuckerberg’s company has made millions of dollars through political advertising tied to these and other violent acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Paul, director of the Tech Transparency Project, a nonprofit advocacy organization, said “it’s not a surprise” that ads around political violence would pop up after incidents “if Meta is not making any effort even on a good day to effectively enforce their policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s huge problems with their advertising broadly,” she said. “They’re profiting off of a lot of harmful things, really without any sort of repercussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump-fueled business and cash from war\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many businesses paying for the assassination ads sold pro-Trump gear before the shooting — and some might have spent a similar amount on ads if the shooting never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for some, the assassination attempt effectively became an entire business strategy, according to the review of Meta advertising data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A clothing company called Red First, which offers everything from customized shirts for pet owners to flags saying “Hillary belongs in prison,” offered assassination-related merchandise through a network of pages with names like 50 Stars Nation and Red White and Blue Zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, which operates in California and Vietnam, according to Meta’s required disclosures, has spent more than $1.8 million since February 2023 to promote ads through its various pages. But in the wake of the shooting, the company pivoted to merchandise around the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008160\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-160x314.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-782x1536.jpg 782w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Red First’s ads were relatively innocuous compared to some that sprang up after the shooting – they promoted Trump, not the shooting, and not the idea of retaliation for it. One shirt showed an illustration of Trump, middle fingers in the air, and the words “you missed bigly.” The company has also offered Kamala Harris merchandise, recently launching a page dedicated to it as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ads related to the shooting simultaneously sold products, promoted Trump, and let Meta reap advertising cash from the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the thousands of ads posted by the company didn’t explicitly use the word “assassination,” but clearly referenced the event in other ways, using slogans like “he will overcome,” “fight fight fight,” “legends never die,” and “shooting makes me stronger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To suss out which ads were related to the shooting, we reviewed more than 4,200 ads from the company’s different pages with the assistance of a large language model \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">named Llama\u003c/a>, a Meta AI model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We programmed the model to evaluate the text of each ad to determine whether it was related to the assassination attempt, then manually reviewed hundreds of its classifications to ensure it was working as expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After our review, we determined that more than 2,600 of those more than 4,200 ads were related to the assassination attempt. The total Red First paid to Meta in the 10 weeks after the shooting for those ads: between $473,000 and $798,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Red First lists a phone number and street address in Southern California, but didn’t respond to phone or email, and the listed address is for a mail-opening service.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The NRA and violent ads around the globe\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The advocacy organization the Tech Transparency Project has charted how the National Rifle Association has \u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/profiting-from-tragedy\">paid to promote pro-gun views\u003c/a> on Meta and Google’s ad platforms after mass shootings. Despite calls from tech company executives for gun control, those companies profit from NRA spending that spikes after shootings, the group has pointed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the mass school shooting in Parkland, Fla., the NRA increased its spending on Google and Facebook ads, the Tech Transparency Project noted in one report. In 2018, the year of the shooting, Meta received “more than $2 million in advertising fees from the NRA starting in May of that year,” the report found, which also found that “NRA ad spending reached its highest levels on Google and soared on Facebook” following a week of mass shootings the following year that left dozens of people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/how-facebook-profits-insurrection\">Just days\u003c/a> before the January 6th insurrection, the Tech Transparency Project found that Meta hosted ads offering gun holsters and rifle accessories in far-right Facebook groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internationally, Meta has often lapsed in its pledge to keep violent content off its platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s ad policies forbid calling for violence. But when faced with crucial tests of its content moderation practices, the company has repeatedly failed to detect and remove inflammatory ads. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">A 2018 report\u003c/a>, commissioned by Facebook itself, found that its platform had been used to incite violence in Myanmar, and that the company hadn’t done enough to prevent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alia Al Ghussain, a researcher on technology issues at Amnesty International, said that as troubling as some ads might be in English, ads in other languages may be even more likely to pass Meta’s content moderation. “In most of the non-English-speaking world, Facebook doesn’t have the resources that it needs to moderate the content on the platform effectively and safely,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite later admitting responsibility for violence in Myanmar, the company continues to be faulted for gaps in its international moderation work. Another advocacy organization found in a test that the company approved calls for \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/jun/09/facebook-hate-speech-test-fail-meta\">the murder of ethnic groups in Ethiopia\u003c/a>. More recently, a similar test by \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2023/11/21/facebook-ad-israel-palestine-violence/\">an advocacy organization found\u003c/a> that ads explicitly calling for violence against Palestinians—a flagrant violation of Meta’s rules—were still approved to run by the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ads which are presenting a risk of stoking tension or spreading misinformation are being approved in the US, in English, it really makes me fearful for what is happening in other countries in non-English-speaking languages,” Al Ghussain said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/colin-lecher/\">Colin Lecher\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/tomas-apodaca/\">Tomas Apodaca\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After the attempted assassination of Donald Trump in July, the merchandise started showing up on Facebook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump, fist in the air, face bloodied from a bullet, appeared on everything. Coffee mugs. Hawaiian shirts. Trading cards. Commemorative coins. Heart ornaments. Ads for these products used images captured at the scene by \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/14/arts/design/trump-photo-raised-fist.html\">Doug Mills\u003c/a> for the New York Times and \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2024/07/trump-assassination-attempt-evan-vucci/679011/\">Evan Vucci\u003c/a> for the Associated Press, showing Trump yelling “fight” after the shooting. The Trump campaign itself even \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/?id=513229838128846\">offered some gear\u003c/a> commemorating his survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Secret Service drew scrutiny and law enforcement searched for a motive, online advertisers saw a business opportunity in the moment, pumping out Facebook ads to supporters hungry for merch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008148\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008148\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-1-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 10 weeks after the shooting, advertisers paid Meta between $593,000 and $813,000 for political ads that explicitly mentioned the assassination attempt, according to The Markup’s analysis. (Meta provides only estimates of spending and reach for ads in its database.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Facebook itself \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">has acknowledged\u003c/a> that polarizing content and misinformation on its platform has incited real-life violence. An analysis by CalMatters and The Markup found that the reverse is also true: real-world violence can sometimes open new revenue opportunities for Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the spending on assassination ads represents a sliver of Meta’s $100 billion-plus ad revenue, the company also builds its bottom line when tragedies like war and mass shootings occur, in the United States and beyond. After the October 7th attack on Israel last year and the country’s response in Gaza, Meta saw a major increase in dollars spent related to the conflict, according to our review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech advocacy groups and others question whether Facebook should even profit from violence and whether its ability to do so violates the company’s own principles of not calling for violence. The company said advertisers often respond to current events and that ads that run on its platform are reviewed and must meet the company’s standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you count all of the political ads mentioning Israel since the attack through the last week of September, organizations and individuals paid Meta between $14.8 million and $22.1 million for ads seen between 1.5 billion and 1.7 billion times on Meta’s platforms. Meta made much less for ads mentioning Israel during the same period the year before: between $2.4 million and $4 million for ads that were seen between 373 million and 445 million times. At the high end of Meta’s estimates, this was a 450% increase in Israel-related ad dollars for the company. (In our analysis, we converted foreign currency purchases to current U.S. dollars.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12008173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28%E2%80%AFPM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"844\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-800x507.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Image-10-5-24-at-4.28 PM-scaled-e1728171034139-160x101.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a lobbying group that promotes Israel, was the major spender on ads mentioning Israel. In the six months after October 7th, its spending increased more than 300% over the previous six months, to between $1.8 million and $2.7 million, as the organization peppered Facebook and Instagram with ads defending Israel’s actions in Gaza and pressuring politicians to support the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the war has roiled the region, AIPAC paid Meta about as much for ads in the 15 weeks following October 7th as the entire year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our effort is directed to encouraging pro-Israel Americans to stand with our democratic ally as it battles Iranian proxies in the aftermath of the barbaric Hamas attack of October 7th,” Marshall Wittmann, a spokesperson for AIPAC, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(See the data on our \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/investigation-meta-political-violence-ads\">Github repo\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008154\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1298\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-800x1298.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy-160x260.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-2-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup ran a simple search of Meta’s Ad Library and found ads for merchandise related to Trump’s assassination attempt.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other ad campaigns mentioning Israel supported different sides of the conflict. Doctors Without Borders, for example, used advertising to highlight the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Other ads defended and promoted Israel. The Christian Broadcasting Network tied the October 7th attack to a claim in an ad that Iran’s “final, deadly goal” was “to establish a modern caliphate—an Islamic-founded, tyrannical government—across the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta, the parent company of Facebook and Instagram, takes in the vast majority of its revenue \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereksaul/2023/10/25/meta-earnings-record-profits-sales-as-ads-stay-robust-during-zuckerbergs-year-of-efficiency/\">from targeted advertising\u003c/a>. The company tracks users online to profile their habits and, when a business or organization wants to reach them, lets those businesses pay to send ads to people who might be interested. Those ads might be tied to something perfectly wholesome, like gardening. But the company’s algorithms don’t distinguish between simple hobbies and something darker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta spokesperson Tracy Clayton said in an emailed statement that Meta did not ultimately profit from political violence, as advertisers broadly back away from advertising during times of strife for fear their ads will be promoted alongside news of the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clayton noted Meta’s chief financial officer recently said on an earnings call that it is “hard for us to attribute demand softness directly to any specific geopolitical event” but had seen lower ad spending “correlating with the start of the conflict” in the Middle East, and had seen similar at the start of the war in Ukraine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Advertisers responding to current events are nothing new, and it’s seen across the media landscape, including on television, radio, and online news outlets,” Clayton said. “All ads that run on our platform must go through a review process and adhere to our advertising and community standards, and Meta offers an extra layer of transparency by making them publicly available in our Ad Library.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters and The Markup used Meta’s own tools to calculate how much Meta makes from spikes in advertising when instances of political violence happen, reviewing thousands of ads through both manual review and with the assistance of \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">an AI model\u003c/a> offered by Meta itself. (We also made improvements to Meta Research’s scripts for accessing the Ad Library API, and \u003ca href=\"https://github.com/the-markup/Ad-Library-API-Script-Repository/\">we’re sharing our changes\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To examine the assassination attempt merchandise, we ran a simple search of \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/ads/library/\">Meta’s Ad Library\u003c/a> for ads that mentioned “assassination,” including any in our analysis that also mentioned “Trump” and hundreds of others that didn’t mention the former president by name but were clearly related to the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“First they jail him, now they try to end him,” one ad read. A conspiratorial ad for a commemorative two-dollar bill claimed “the assassination attempt was their Plan B,” while “Plan A was to make Biden abandon the presidential campaign.” Some ads used clips from the film JFK to suggest an unseen, malevolent force was at work in the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008157\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008157\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1576\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-800x1576.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-160x315.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy-780x1536.jpg 780w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-3-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gun advocates paid for ads, using the assassination attempt as a foreboding call to action. One ad promoting a firearms safety course noted that “November is fast approaching.” A clothing business said in an ad that, since “the government can’t save you” from foreign enemies, Americans “need to be self-reliant, self-made, and self-sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because when those bullets zip by, you are clearly on your own,” the ad read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of those ads did not appear to violate Meta’s policies, although some may have broken its \u003ca href=\"https://transparency.meta.com/policies/community-standards/violence-incitement/\">ban against\u003c/a> showing weapons while alleging “election-related corruption.” But even the ones that didn’t clearly violate Meta’s rules still place the company in an uncomfortable position, as the business takes in advertising dollars from posts tied to grim news cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Mark Zuckerberg himself commented on the first Trump assassination attempt, saying \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-07-19/mark-zuckerberg-calls-donald-trump-badass-without-endorsing-for-president\">in an interview\u003c/a> that it was “one of the most badass things I’ve ever seen in my life.” Trump has now survived a second apparent assassination attempt, and Zuckerberg’s company has made millions of dollars through political advertising tied to these and other violent acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Paul, director of the Tech Transparency Project, a nonprofit advocacy organization, said “it’s not a surprise” that ads around political violence would pop up after incidents “if Meta is not making any effort even on a good day to effectively enforce their policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s huge problems with their advertising broadly,” she said. “They’re profiting off of a lot of harmful things, really without any sort of repercussions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Trump-fueled business and cash from war\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many businesses paying for the assassination ads sold pro-Trump gear before the shooting — and some might have spent a similar amount on ads if the shooting never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for some, the assassination attempt effectively became an entire business strategy, according to the review of Meta advertising data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A clothing company called Red First, which offers everything from customized shirts for pet owners to flags saying “Hillary belongs in prison,” offered assassination-related merchandise through a network of pages with names like 50 Stars Nation and Red White and Blue Zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company, which operates in California and Vietnam, according to Meta’s required disclosures, has spent more than $1.8 million since February 2023 to promote ads through its various pages. But in the wake of the shooting, the company pivoted to merchandise around the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008160\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1571\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-800x1571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-160x314.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy-782x1536.jpg 782w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/100324-FB-AD-CM-TM-SCREENSHOT-4-copy.jpg 896w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">CalMatters and The Markup found that gun advocates used the presidential assassination attempt to promote products and services on Facebook, including this advertisement for a firearms safety course.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Red First’s ads were relatively innocuous compared to some that sprang up after the shooting – they promoted Trump, not the shooting, and not the idea of retaliation for it. One shirt showed an illustration of Trump, middle fingers in the air, and the words “you missed bigly.” The company has also offered Kamala Harris merchandise, recently launching a page dedicated to it as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ads related to the shooting simultaneously sold products, promoted Trump, and let Meta reap advertising cash from the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the thousands of ads posted by the company didn’t explicitly use the word “assassination,” but clearly referenced the event in other ways, using slogans like “he will overcome,” “fight fight fight,” “legends never die,” and “shooting makes me stronger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To suss out which ads were related to the shooting, we reviewed more than 4,200 ads from the company’s different pages with the assistance of a large language model \u003ca href=\"https://www.llama.com/\">named Llama\u003c/a>, a Meta AI model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We programmed the model to evaluate the text of each ad to determine whether it was related to the assassination attempt, then manually reviewed hundreds of its classifications to ensure it was working as expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After our review, we determined that more than 2,600 of those more than 4,200 ads were related to the assassination attempt. The total Red First paid to Meta in the 10 weeks after the shooting for those ads: between $473,000 and $798,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Red First lists a phone number and street address in Southern California, but didn’t respond to phone or email, and the listed address is for a mail-opening service.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The NRA and violent ads around the globe\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The advocacy organization the Tech Transparency Project has charted how the National Rifle Association has \u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/profiting-from-tragedy\">paid to promote pro-gun views\u003c/a> on Meta and Google’s ad platforms after mass shootings. Despite calls from tech company executives for gun control, those companies profit from NRA spending that spikes after shootings, the group has pointed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the mass school shooting in Parkland, Fla., the NRA increased its spending on Google and Facebook ads, the Tech Transparency Project noted in one report. In 2018, the year of the shooting, Meta received “more than $2 million in advertising fees from the NRA starting in May of that year,” the report found, which also found that “NRA ad spending reached its highest levels on Google and soared on Facebook” following a week of mass shootings the following year that left dozens of people dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.techtransparencyproject.org/articles/how-facebook-profits-insurrection\">Just days\u003c/a> before the January 6th insurrection, the Tech Transparency Project found that Meta hosted ads offering gun holsters and rifle accessories in far-right Facebook groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Internationally, Meta has often lapsed in its pledge to keep violent content off its platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta’s ad policies forbid calling for violence. But when faced with crucial tests of its content moderation practices, the company has repeatedly failed to detect and remove inflammatory ads. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/technology/myanmar-facebook.html\">A 2018 report\u003c/a>, commissioned by Facebook itself, found that its platform had been used to incite violence in Myanmar, and that the company hadn’t done enough to prevent it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alia Al Ghussain, a researcher on technology issues at Amnesty International, said that as troubling as some ads might be in English, ads in other languages may be even more likely to pass Meta’s content moderation. “In most of the non-English-speaking world, Facebook doesn’t have the resources that it needs to moderate the content on the platform effectively and safely,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite later admitting responsibility for violence in Myanmar, the company continues to be faulted for gaps in its international moderation work. Another advocacy organization found in a test that the company approved calls for \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/jun/09/facebook-hate-speech-test-fail-meta\">the murder of ethnic groups in Ethiopia\u003c/a>. More recently, a similar test by \u003ca href=\"https://theintercept.com/2023/11/21/facebook-ad-israel-palestine-violence/\">an advocacy organization found\u003c/a> that ads explicitly calling for violence against Palestinians—a flagrant violation of Meta’s rules—were still approved to run by the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ads which are presenting a risk of stoking tension or spreading misinformation are being approved in the US, in English, it really makes me fearful for what is happening in other countries in non-English-speaking languages,” Al Ghussain said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "capitol-hill-hearing-exposes-project-2025-as-an-extreme-republican-agenda",
"title": "Capitol Hill Hearing Exposes Project 2025 as an Extreme Republican Agenda",
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"headTitle": "Capitol Hill Hearing Exposes Project 2025 as an Extreme Republican Agenda | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its first congressional hearing on Tuesday focused on exposing the nearly one thousand-page conservative playbook many see as a sweeping MAGA manifesto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two hours on Capitol Hill, Congressman Huffman joined the Democratic Steering and Policy Committee in a multimedia presentation and testimony that directly targeted the blueprint fueled by former \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration officials and led by the Heritage Foundation, a prominent conservative think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman called the \u003ca href=\"https://static.project2025.org/2025_MandateForLeadership_FULL.pdf\">plan\u003c/a> for the next Republican president breathtakingly extreme, noting that the final of its four “pillars” — the “Playbook” — is left conspicuously secret, only to be revealed upon the “President’s utterance of ‘So help me God.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Firing tens of thousands of career civil servants and then replacing them with MAGA loyalists,” Huffman said, “directing the FBI, the Justice Department and the IRS to investigate Trump’s perceived enemies … even deploying active duty military on our streets is downright scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025 outlines an ambitious right-wing agenda to reshape the American government, blurring church and state while curtailing rights for many individuals. Key proposals include a nationwide FDA ban on abortion medication, the elimination of Head Start and the removal of a daily overtime requirement for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman at KQED in San Francisco on June 24, 2024. Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its inaugural congressional hearing on Tuesday, aiming to expose a nearly thousand-page conservative playbook viewed by many as a sweeping MAGA manifesto. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultrasound Tech Suki O. told lawmakers she was tired of wiping away tears after being forced to tell women they were too far along to terminate pregnancies under the strict abortion ban in her home state of Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I question anyone who sees what’s happened in my home state of Georgia and believes that is a model to expand nationwide in a total ban on abortion,” Suki said. “We now know with certainty that if the policies outlined in Project 2025 are put in place, more women, not just in Georgia, but across the country, will die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005901 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/US-and-California-Flags-Getty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michigan United Auto Worker JJ Jewell described regularly working 12-hour days on the Ford manufacturing line, reporting for work well before dawn. Jewell said Project 2025’s proposed dismantling of the standard workweek by giving employers the flexibility “to calculate the overtime period over a longer number of weeks” would hurt hourly workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of a larger goal to make corporations richer at the expense of the workers. We actually keep the wheels turning, both figuratively and literally,” Jewell said. “If we allow [them] to take away our ability to earn fair overtime pay, we’re letting them strip away a key source of income for families like mine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Mike Madrid of Sacramento calls the document concerning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people find out about it, they are very much opposed to it,” Madrid said, who believes that much of the material doesn’t reflect conservative philosophy as much as it does a populist, nationalist agenda. He added that unexpected wins, like the overturning of Roe v. Wade, are propelling the movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that even most Republicans never believed would happen,” Madrid said. “But we’re at that point now where the Republican Party, when in a position of influence, is moving forward aggressively on some of these basic rights … regulatory protections, tax structures. Basically, our way of life [is] being upturned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its first congressional hearing on Tuesday focused on exposing the nearly one thousand-page conservative playbook many see as a sweeping MAGA manifesto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two hours on Capitol Hill, Congressman Huffman joined the Democratic Steering and Policy Committee in a multimedia presentation and testimony that directly targeted the blueprint fueled by former \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration officials and led by the Heritage Foundation, a prominent conservative think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman called the \u003ca href=\"https://static.project2025.org/2025_MandateForLeadership_FULL.pdf\">plan\u003c/a> for the next Republican president breathtakingly extreme, noting that the final of its four “pillars” — the “Playbook” — is left conspicuously secret, only to be revealed upon the “President’s utterance of ‘So help me God.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Firing tens of thousands of career civil servants and then replacing them with MAGA loyalists,” Huffman said, “directing the FBI, the Justice Department and the IRS to investigate Trump’s perceived enemies … even deploying active duty military on our streets is downright scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025 outlines an ambitious right-wing agenda to reshape the American government, blurring church and state while curtailing rights for many individuals. Key proposals include a nationwide FDA ban on abortion medication, the elimination of Head Start and the removal of a daily overtime requirement for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman at KQED in San Francisco on June 24, 2024. Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its inaugural congressional hearing on Tuesday, aiming to expose a nearly thousand-page conservative playbook viewed by many as a sweeping MAGA manifesto. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultrasound Tech Suki O. told lawmakers she was tired of wiping away tears after being forced to tell women they were too far along to terminate pregnancies under the strict abortion ban in her home state of Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I question anyone who sees what’s happened in my home state of Georgia and believes that is a model to expand nationwide in a total ban on abortion,” Suki said. “We now know with certainty that if the policies outlined in Project 2025 are put in place, more women, not just in Georgia, but across the country, will die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michigan United Auto Worker JJ Jewell described regularly working 12-hour days on the Ford manufacturing line, reporting for work well before dawn. Jewell said Project 2025’s proposed dismantling of the standard workweek by giving employers the flexibility “to calculate the overtime period over a longer number of weeks” would hurt hourly workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of a larger goal to make corporations richer at the expense of the workers. We actually keep the wheels turning, both figuratively and literally,” Jewell said. “If we allow [them] to take away our ability to earn fair overtime pay, we’re letting them strip away a key source of income for families like mine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Mike Madrid of Sacramento calls the document concerning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people find out about it, they are very much opposed to it,” Madrid said, who believes that much of the material doesn’t reflect conservative philosophy as much as it does a populist, nationalist agenda. He added that unexpected wins, like the overturning of Roe v. Wade, are propelling the movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that even most Republicans never believed would happen,” Madrid said. “But we’re at that point now where the Republican Party, when in a position of influence, is moving forward aggressively on some of these basic rights … regulatory protections, tax structures. Basically, our way of life [is] being upturned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"order": 14
},
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "PRI"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pri-the-world",
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/PRIs-The-World-p24/",
"rss": "http://feeds.feedburner.com/pri/theworld"
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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