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"content": "\u003cp>Tens of thousands of demonstrators are expected to take to the streets across the Bay Area this Saturday, making history as part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060511/massive-no-kings-crowds-return-to-bay-area-streets-rebuking-trump\">“No Kings” day of action\u003c/a>, with major rallies planned in San Francisco and from Napa and Sonoma to Pleasanton and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday’s rallies are the third “No Kings” protests, continuing a national movement from previous years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers say the protests are aimed at opposing President Donald Trump’s aggressive immigration restrictions, military actions in Iran and Venezuela and attacks on civil rights. The third “No Kings” mobilization could see record-setting turnout, as millions are expected to join protests planned in thousands of communities nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No Kings now or ever in America,” Rebecca Elliot, organizer with Indivisible San José, said in a statement. “We are fighting to ensure that future generations will enjoy the same freedoms and rights we had, freedoms and rights that are disappearing before our very eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday’s rallies mark the third “No Kings” protests, continuing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">a national movement that began last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco, which is expected to host the Bay Area’s largest crowd, is also preparing for significant turnout and widespread disruptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where and where is the rally in San Francisco?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A march organized by Indivisible SF will begin at noon at the Embarcadero, moving along Market Street toward Civic Center, concluding with a rally scheduled from about 2 to 3 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 community groups will also take part in a fair at Civic Center’s Fulton Plaza from noon to 4 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077869\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077869 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/No-Kings-Map-e1774639316509.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"590\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Route map and service disruptions. \u003ccite>(Courtesy SFMTA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City officials are warning people moving around the city to expect heavy congestion, particularly north of Market Street, east of Van Ness Avenue and around Civic Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protest coincides with a Giants Game and a celebration of the American Indian Cultural District’s sixth anniversary, increasing flows of people in and out of the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni service along Market Street will be routed onto Mission Street, and lines that typically cross Market will be rerouted or turned back to avoid the march area between Market and Beale streets and Civic Center. Several major Muni lines will detour or terminate early near Market Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The F Market & Wharves streetcar will operate as a bus on Mission Street, while other routes — including the 1 California, 5 Fulton, 7 Haight/Noriega, 8 Bayshore, 9 San Bruno, 38 Geary and 38R Geary Rapid — will detour or truncate service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transit officials say Muni is expected to remain the most reliable way to travel through downtown during the protest and are encouraging riders to plan ahead and allow extra travel time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gwen Mills, international president of UNITE HERE and a member of the AFL-CIO executive council, said the labor movement will join working people in the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“America wasn’t built by greedy billionaires and corporations; it was built by hardworking people across the country — people who are living on the edge and struggling to make ends meet under this administration’s policies,” Mills said Friday. “Our government doesn’t answer to a king.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oakland and San José protests\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In downtown San José, thousands are expected to gather at St. James Park at noon. Organizers say this is their largest coalition yet, bringing together more than 20 partner groups, including labor unions, healthcare workers and environmental advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, tens of thousands are expected to rally at Frank H. Ogawa Plaza before marching to the Lake Merritt amphitheater for a rally. Officials are urging attendees to take public transit, noting nearby BART stations and limited parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across all marches, organizers emphasize that the demonstrations are intended to remain peaceful. Volunteer “peace ambassadors” will be present in San José, and Oakland organizers have reiterated a commitment to nonviolent action and de-escalation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No Kings now or ever in America,” Rebecca Elliot, organizer with Indivisible San José, said in a statement. “We are fighting to ensure that future generations will enjoy the same freedoms and rights we had, freedoms and rights that are disappearing before our very eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saturday’s rallies mark the third “No Kings” protests, continuing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">a national movement that began last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco, which is expected to host the Bay Area’s largest crowd, is also preparing for significant turnout and widespread disruptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where and where is the rally in San Francisco?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A march organized by Indivisible SF will begin at noon at the Embarcadero, moving along Market Street toward Civic Center, concluding with a rally scheduled from about 2 to 3 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 community groups will also take part in a fair at Civic Center’s Fulton Plaza from noon to 4 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077869\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12077869 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/No-Kings-Map-e1774639316509.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"590\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Route map and service disruptions. \u003ccite>(Courtesy SFMTA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City officials are warning people moving around the city to expect heavy congestion, particularly north of Market Street, east of Van Ness Avenue and around Civic Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protest coincides with a Giants Game and a celebration of the American Indian Cultural District’s sixth anniversary, increasing flows of people in and out of the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni service along Market Street will be routed onto Mission Street, and lines that typically cross Market will be rerouted or turned back to avoid the march area between Market and Beale streets and Civic Center. Several major Muni lines will detour or terminate early near Market Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The F Market & Wharves streetcar will operate as a bus on Mission Street, while other routes — including the 1 California, 5 Fulton, 7 Haight/Noriega, 8 Bayshore, 9 San Bruno, 38 Geary and 38R Geary Rapid — will detour or truncate service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transit officials say Muni is expected to remain the most reliable way to travel through downtown during the protest and are encouraging riders to plan ahead and allow extra travel time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gwen Mills, international president of UNITE HERE and a member of the AFL-CIO executive council, said the labor movement will join working people in the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“America wasn’t built by greedy billionaires and corporations; it was built by hardworking people across the country — people who are living on the edge and struggling to make ends meet under this administration’s policies,” Mills said Friday. “Our government doesn’t answer to a king.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Oakland and San José protests\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In downtown San José, thousands are expected to gather at St. James Park at noon. Organizers say this is their largest coalition yet, bringing together more than 20 partner groups, including labor unions, healthcare workers and environmental advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in Oakland, tens of thousands are expected to rally at Frank H. Ogawa Plaza before marching to the Lake Merritt amphitheater for a rally. Officials are urging attendees to take public transit, noting nearby BART stations and limited parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across all marches, organizers emphasize that the demonstrations are intended to remain peaceful. Volunteer “peace ambassadors” will be present in San José, and Oakland organizers have reiterated a commitment to nonviolent action and de-escalation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>From Financial Freefall to Stability. How One Man Found a Way to Stay in the Bay Area\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The cost of living in California has only increased in the last year. And between housing, food, utilities and gas, many of us have been forced to get creative with our budgets in order to continue living here. Vanessa Rancaño has this profile of a man in the Bay Area whose decision to stay in California –despite his financial hardships– is also a matter of safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Small Ring, Big Dreams: The Central Valley’s Backyard Wrestling Underdogs\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you turn off Highway 99 just north of Stockton, you’ll find the 209 Dragon’s Den. The venue is wedged between a private home, a plant nursery and a barn, offering one of the humbler places to tangle in the independent wrestling scene. Since it launched about a year ago, it’s been drawing wrestlers from around the state. But the 209 Dragon’s Den isn’t just a place to bring the community together– it also helps wrestlers better understand themselves and their sport. Reporter Hannah Weaver takes us ringside. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A Black-Owned Ranch in Southern San Diego Fosters Community and Ancestral Connection \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On a dusty road north of the Tijuana border \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">is S&S Friendly Ranch. Founded in 1980 by siblings Sim Wallace and Sarah Buncom, the ranch started as a place to board their horses. But as \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/arts-culture/2026/03/06/a-black-owned-ranch-in-the-tijuana-river-valley-fosters-community-and-ancestral-connection\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KPBS’ Audy McAfee\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> reports, the 10-acre ranch is now a community gathering place and a hub for education and innovation, thanks to their descendants. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 16px;font-weight: 400\">[ad fullwidth]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>From Financial Freefall to Stability. How One Man Found a Way to Stay in the Bay Area\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The cost of living in California has only increased in the last year. And between housing, food, utilities and gas, many of us have been forced to get creative with our budgets in order to continue living here. Vanessa Rancaño has this profile of a man in the Bay Area whose decision to stay in California –despite his financial hardships– is also a matter of safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Small Ring, Big Dreams: The Central Valley’s Backyard Wrestling Underdogs\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you turn off Highway 99 just north of Stockton, you’ll find the 209 Dragon’s Den. The venue is wedged between a private home, a plant nursery and a barn, offering one of the humbler places to tangle in the independent wrestling scene. Since it launched about a year ago, it’s been drawing wrestlers from around the state. But the 209 Dragon’s Den isn’t just a place to bring the community together– it also helps wrestlers better understand themselves and their sport. Reporter Hannah Weaver takes us ringside. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>A Black-Owned Ranch in Southern San Diego Fosters Community and Ancestral Connection \u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On a dusty road north of the Tijuana border \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">is S&S Friendly Ranch. Founded in 1980 by siblings Sim Wallace and Sarah Buncom, the ranch started as a place to board their horses. But as \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/arts-culture/2026/03/06/a-black-owned-ranch-in-the-tijuana-river-valley-fosters-community-and-ancestral-connection\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KPBS’ Audy McAfee\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> reports, the 10-acre ranch is now a community gathering place and a hub for education and innovation, thanks to their descendants. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 16px;font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lodinews.com/news/article_ca83de23-bdaf-43b4-ae33-c552240f73a8.html\">the Lodi News-Sentinel\u003c/a> and has been edited for KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/sports\">wrestlers\u003c/a> clad in neon windbreakers and leopard print pants climbed onto a square-shaped platform while A-ha’s 1985 hit “Take on Me” blared. A floodlight illuminated puffs of breath as they tangled with their opponents on a chilly February night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Razzle Dazzle, the ’80s-themed duo on stage, is a hometown favorite at these World Wrestling Entertainment-style monthly events in the heart of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/central-valley\">Central Valley’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-joaquin-county\">San Joaquin County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, they sparred with another tag-team duo called Monstars, Inc. One half of the duo, Moizilla, wearing a black lizard tail and piercing white contact lenses, lifted one of the hometown heroes in the air and triumphantly threw him onto his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/209dragonsden/\">209 Dragon’s Den\u003c/a>, a breeding ground for wrestling talent just east of Lodi. Wedged between a private home, a plant nursery and a barn, this backyard venue is one of the humbler sites of hundreds nationwide in the independent wrestling circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent wrestling is typically focused more on uplifting the sport than making money. The Dragon’s Den, for example, charges around $20 per adult ticket and $5 for kids. Some of that money goes back to the wrestlers who perform. But to really make a living out of it, the wrestlers hope to sign a contract with major promotions like the WWE or take their acts abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Big MF” Matt Freeman, center, owner and trainer of the 209 Dragon’s Den, speaks with first-time wrestler Peter Kuzmitski, left, as Paras Singh prepares nearby on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re providing something that’s raw and authentic and is not filtered by all the bulls—,” owner Matt Freeman said. “[It’s a place to] get drawn in and forget about all the things in your life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman came to wrestling late in life, in his 40s, after a divorce. Soon after, he set up a wrestling ring in his backyard and started a training group that became the 209 Dragon’s Den. In the past year, it has since burgeoned into a more official promotion, hosting shows that have attracted audiences and opponents from throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman said he has a soft spot for the sport’s underdogs: the scrawny, nerdy or older wrestlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really get excited for those people that people thought would’ve never been able to do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to become top-caliber wrestlers, they must first learn how to develop a convincing character.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hector Madrigal, aka “Razzle” or “Dazzle”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just as in the top tiers of professional wrestling, the outcomes of these matches are scripted. But just because the result is planned, it doesn’t mean the holds, throws — or spirit — are fake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like method actors, the wrestlers tap into real parts of themselves to make their performances believable.[aside postID=arts_13981646 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2025/09/250904_FULLQUEER_GH-33-KQED.jpg'] “A lot of times, when we’re in the ring, we just get in our heads. We need to get out of our heads, get in our hearts to really get to that next level,” said Hector Madrigal, one half of Razzle Dazzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not competing, he’s a secretary at a Lodi elementary school, a job where he’s a lot calmer than his wrestling character.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just always behind … the computer, ordering stuff, doing a bunch of paperwork. But I do interact with the children,” he said. “Maybe a little of my Razzle Dazzle side comes out when I’m interacting with the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the ring, he’s much more “bombastic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I] emphasize everything that’s in my heart,” he said. “I try to put it out so the crowd can see what I’ve been holding inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paras Singh, aka “Punjabi Papi” or “The All-American”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Toward the end of the night, an announcer bellowed into the microphone as the crowd waited eagerly for one of their favorite wrestlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the only king that stands in this ring. He is every lady’s habibi: The Punjabi Papi!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lodi local Paras Singh strutted through billowing curtains and along the front row of the crowd to high-five cheering fans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paras Singh tapes his wrist before training at the 209 Dragon’s Den gym on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He climbed atop the ropes onstage, gesturing for the crowd to get loud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before Singh could do too much preemptive celebrating, he was face-to-face with Reno-based wrestler David Luster, who’s nearly twice Singh’s size and age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The match was full of plot twists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh started strong, landing his signature drop kick to Luster’s face. But Luster retaliated, knocking Singh down again and again. Just when it seemed that Luster would earn an easy win, he kicked the referee. That move got him disqualified, and Singh won by default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the crowd booed that outcome, the pair set up for a rematch. Luster knocked Singh down to his back, where he remained motionless for several minutes. Then, hometown villain group “The 209 Kliq” stormed the stage and stole Singh’s championship belts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, it was unclear who had prevailed. What was clear was the crowd’s enthusiasm — heckling and cheering from the edges of their plastic folding chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connecting with the audience through compelling characters and storylines is the point, the wrestlers at 209 Dragon’s Den said.[aside postID=news_12077101 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260310-UnhousedMail-02-BL_qed.jpg'] Singh has been performing recently as “Punjabi Papi,” playing off his Indian heritage. But he started as “The All-American.” With that character, he wanted to show off his background as an Army soldier. It worked for a while, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People loved … a hero that’s all good,” he said. “But you become one-dimensional in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his new character, he gets to show off more of his personality. Singh said it’s who he wanted to be when he was younger. Someone who’s admired for their ethnic identity, instead of bullied for it. Someone with confidence and swagger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have to be an all-good hero. I could have layers now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Singh always wanted to be a wrestler. When he came home to Lodi at age 23 after serving active duty in the Army, he found the Dragon’s Den and thought, “Why not just go for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, he’s headlining shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just a kid with a dream,” he said. “A little brown boy from Lodi, California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many of his fellow indie wrestlers, Singh has aspirations of making wrestling a full-time gig. To reach that goal, he spends most weeknights training under Dragon’s Den head coach, Michael Hayashi.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Michael Hayashi, aka “The Angry Dragon”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nicknamed “The Angry Dragon,” Hayashi has performed for over two decades. His character was inspired by martial arts stars like Bruce Lee — and the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lean on the things I loved when I was a kid,” he said. “Basically, Michelangelo from Ninja Turtles. Or Raphael, depending on the situation. Hardly ever, Donatello. Though sometimes Leonardo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>He said he was initially drawn to wrestling as an outlet for his teenage angst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wrestlers train inside the ring at the 209 Dragon’s Den on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I used to have a chip on my shoulder,” Hayashi said. “Maybe I was even a little crazy, like trying to hurt myself almost, and prove that I could even belong in the ring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his relationship with his wrestling persona is different these days, now that he’s almost 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of trying to fake a character that I used to play, now I’m just showing you more of my true self,” he said. “To be honest, I’m not really an angry person anymore … And at this point now, I’m just kind of at the twilight of my career.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayashi’s coaching emphasizes both intense physical skills and doing deep internal work. The aim, he said, is that wrestling becomes an outlet for projecting your true self.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to, at the very least, find people’s strengths, turn them up to 11, and then, if they can kind of balance out after that, then they can become the wrestler that they want to be,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Wrestlers by night\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On weeknights, Hayashi drives across town to the Dragon’s Den, where he trains the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to where the outdoor shows happen, there’s a wooden barn with a lofty ceiling. On a recent Wednesday night, a floodlight illuminated the practice ring inside. A dozen wrestlers stretched on mats or jabbed at a punching bag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the theatrics of the sport, audiences often think wrestling doesn’t really hurt and that there’s little skill involved. But the wrestlers here, many fresh off a weightlifting session or nursing injuries, said that couldn’t be further from the truth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076570\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Razzle Dazzle duo Hector Madrigal, left, and Christopher Pontilo pose on a ladder outside the 209 Dragon’s Den on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As they warmed up, Hayashi took the opportunity to talk about the concept of trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re always going to assume that our opponents are not trying to put us in the hospital, that we’re trying to have a good time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the next two hours, the wrestlers hopped into the ring one by one. Hayashi led them in drills to practice falls, or “bumps,” in wrestler-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As each wrestler cycled in for their turn in the ring, Hayashi pushed them to commit further — to bring the same intensity to practice that they would in a match. The students waiting on a couch by the ring got into the spirit, heckling their fellow wrestlers just like their ideal audience would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ring that night, they were Razzle Dazzle, Punjabi Papi, and the Angry Dragon. The next day, they’ll go back to being Hector Madrigal, Paras Singh and Michael Hayashi. But they’ll keep coming back to the 209 Dragon’s Den, training for their next match and hoping for a shot at the main stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Hannah Weaver writes for the Lodi News-Sentinel as a cohort member of the California Local News Fellowship program, a multi-year, state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lodinews.com/news/article_ca83de23-bdaf-43b4-ae33-c552240f73a8.html\">the Lodi News-Sentinel\u003c/a> and has been edited for KQED.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/category/sports\">wrestlers\u003c/a> clad in neon windbreakers and leopard print pants climbed onto a square-shaped platform while A-ha’s 1985 hit “Take on Me” blared. A floodlight illuminated puffs of breath as they tangled with their opponents on a chilly February night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Razzle Dazzle, the ’80s-themed duo on stage, is a hometown favorite at these World Wrestling Entertainment-style monthly events in the heart of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/central-valley\">Central Valley’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-joaquin-county\">San Joaquin County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, they sparred with another tag-team duo called Monstars, Inc. One half of the duo, Moizilla, wearing a black lizard tail and piercing white contact lenses, lifted one of the hometown heroes in the air and triumphantly threw him onto his back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/209dragonsden/\">209 Dragon’s Den\u003c/a>, a breeding ground for wrestling talent just east of Lodi. Wedged between a private home, a plant nursery and a barn, this backyard venue is one of the humbler sites of hundreds nationwide in the independent wrestling circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Independent wrestling is typically focused more on uplifting the sport than making money. The Dragon’s Den, for example, charges around $20 per adult ticket and $5 for kids. Some of that money goes back to the wrestlers who perform. But to really make a living out of it, the wrestlers hope to sign a contract with major promotions like the WWE or take their acts abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_003-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“Big MF” Matt Freeman, center, owner and trainer of the 209 Dragon’s Den, speaks with first-time wrestler Peter Kuzmitski, left, as Paras Singh prepares nearby on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re providing something that’s raw and authentic and is not filtered by all the bulls—,” owner Matt Freeman said. “[It’s a place to] get drawn in and forget about all the things in your life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman came to wrestling late in life, in his 40s, after a divorce. Soon after, he set up a wrestling ring in his backyard and started a training group that became the 209 Dragon’s Den. In the past year, it has since burgeoned into a more official promotion, hosting shows that have attracted audiences and opponents from throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Freeman said he has a soft spot for the sport’s underdogs: the scrawny, nerdy or older wrestlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really get excited for those people that people thought would’ve never been able to do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to become top-caliber wrestlers, they must first learn how to develop a convincing character.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Hector Madrigal, aka “Razzle” or “Dazzle”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just as in the top tiers of professional wrestling, the outcomes of these matches are scripted. But just because the result is planned, it doesn’t mean the holds, throws — or spirit — are fake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like method actors, the wrestlers tap into real parts of themselves to make their performances believable.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> “A lot of times, when we’re in the ring, we just get in our heads. We need to get out of our heads, get in our hearts to really get to that next level,” said Hector Madrigal, one half of Razzle Dazzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not competing, he’s a secretary at a Lodi elementary school, a job where he’s a lot calmer than his wrestling character.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just always behind … the computer, ordering stuff, doing a bunch of paperwork. But I do interact with the children,” he said. “Maybe a little of my Razzle Dazzle side comes out when I’m interacting with the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the ring, he’s much more “bombastic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[I] emphasize everything that’s in my heart,” he said. “I try to put it out so the crowd can see what I’ve been holding inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paras Singh, aka “Punjabi Papi” or “The All-American”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Toward the end of the night, an announcer bellowed into the microphone as the crowd waited eagerly for one of their favorite wrestlers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the only king that stands in this ring. He is every lady’s habibi: The Punjabi Papi!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lodi local Paras Singh strutted through billowing curtains and along the front row of the crowd to high-five cheering fans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076567\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_006-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Paras Singh tapes his wrist before training at the 209 Dragon’s Den gym on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He climbed atop the ropes onstage, gesturing for the crowd to get loud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before Singh could do too much preemptive celebrating, he was face-to-face with Reno-based wrestler David Luster, who’s nearly twice Singh’s size and age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The match was full of plot twists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh started strong, landing his signature drop kick to Luster’s face. But Luster retaliated, knocking Singh down again and again. Just when it seemed that Luster would earn an easy win, he kicked the referee. That move got him disqualified, and Singh won by default.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the crowd booed that outcome, the pair set up for a rematch. Luster knocked Singh down to his back, where he remained motionless for several minutes. Then, hometown villain group “The 209 Kliq” stormed the stage and stole Singh’s championship belts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, it was unclear who had prevailed. What was clear was the crowd’s enthusiasm — heckling and cheering from the edges of their plastic folding chairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connecting with the audience through compelling characters and storylines is the point, the wrestlers at 209 Dragon’s Den said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Singh has been performing recently as “Punjabi Papi,” playing off his Indian heritage. But he started as “The All-American.” With that character, he wanted to show off his background as an Army soldier. It worked for a while, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People loved … a hero that’s all good,” he said. “But you become one-dimensional in that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his new character, he gets to show off more of his personality. Singh said it’s who he wanted to be when he was younger. Someone who’s admired for their ethnic identity, instead of bullied for it. Someone with confidence and swagger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t have to be an all-good hero. I could have layers now,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Singh always wanted to be a wrestler. When he came home to Lodi at age 23 after serving active duty in the Army, he found the Dragon’s Den and thought, “Why not just go for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, he’s headlining shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just a kid with a dream,” he said. “A little brown boy from Lodi, California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many of his fellow indie wrestlers, Singh has aspirations of making wrestling a full-time gig. To reach that goal, he spends most weeknights training under Dragon’s Den head coach, Michael Hayashi.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Michael Hayashi, aka “The Angry Dragon”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nicknamed “The Angry Dragon,” Hayashi has performed for over two decades. His character was inspired by martial arts stars like Bruce Lee — and the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lean on the things I loved when I was a kid,” he said. “Basically, Michelangelo from Ninja Turtles. Or Raphael, depending on the situation. Hardly ever, Donatello. Though sometimes Leonardo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>He said he was initially drawn to wrestling as an outlet for his teenage angst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_027-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wrestlers train inside the ring at the 209 Dragon’s Den on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I used to have a chip on my shoulder,” Hayashi said. “Maybe I was even a little crazy, like trying to hurt myself almost, and prove that I could even belong in the ring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his relationship with his wrestling persona is different these days, now that he’s almost 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of trying to fake a character that I used to play, now I’m just showing you more of my true self,” he said. “To be honest, I’m not really an angry person anymore … And at this point now, I’m just kind of at the twilight of my career.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayashi’s coaching emphasizes both intense physical skills and doing deep internal work. The aim, he said, is that wrestling becomes an outlet for projecting your true self.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to, at the very least, find people’s strengths, turn them up to 11, and then, if they can kind of balance out after that, then they can become the wrestler that they want to be,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Wrestlers by night\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On weeknights, Hayashi drives across town to the Dragon’s Den, where he trains the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to where the outdoor shows happen, there’s a wooden barn with a lofty ceiling. On a recent Wednesday night, a floodlight illuminated the practice ring inside. A dozen wrestlers stretched on mats or jabbed at a punching bag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the theatrics of the sport, audiences often think wrestling doesn’t really hurt and that there’s little skill involved. But the wrestlers here, many fresh off a weightlifting session or nursing injuries, said that couldn’t be further from the truth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076570\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/031226_DRAGONDEN-_GH_022-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Razzle Dazzle duo Hector Madrigal, left, and Christopher Pontilo pose on a ladder outside the 209 Dragon’s Den on March 12, 2026, in Lodi. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As they warmed up, Hayashi took the opportunity to talk about the concept of trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re always going to assume that our opponents are not trying to put us in the hospital, that we’re trying to have a good time,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the next two hours, the wrestlers hopped into the ring one by one. Hayashi led them in drills to practice falls, or “bumps,” in wrestler-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As each wrestler cycled in for their turn in the ring, Hayashi pushed them to commit further — to bring the same intensity to practice that they would in a match. The students waiting on a couch by the ring got into the spirit, heckling their fellow wrestlers just like their ideal audience would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ring that night, they were Razzle Dazzle, Punjabi Papi, and the Angry Dragon. The next day, they’ll go back to being Hector Madrigal, Paras Singh and Michael Hayashi. But they’ll keep coming back to the 209 Dragon’s Den, training for their next match and hoping for a shot at the main stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Hannah Weaver writes for the Lodi News-Sentinel as a cohort member of the California Local News Fellowship program, a multi-year, state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting in California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-agrees-to-1-9m-settlement-in-prison-use-of-force-case",
"title": "California Agrees to $1.9 Million Settlement in Prison Use-of-Force Case",
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"headTitle": "California Agrees to $1.9 Million Settlement in Prison Use-of-Force Case | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has agreed to pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit filed by 13 women who say correctional officers injured them during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the Central California Women’s Facility in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say they suffered seizures, respiratory distress and long-term vision problems after officers used batons, physical force and chemical agents on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t breathe. My lungs were on fire … I thought I was going to die,” plaintiff Wisdom Muhammad said in a recent interview at her home in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women received settlements ranging from $200,000 to $50,000 each, based on the severity of their injuries, according to their attorney Robert Chalfant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual abuse of inmates, excessive force, cruel and unusual punishment, retaliation, those things need to stop,” Chalfant said. “And the only way those things stop is through lawsuits and forcing the payment of large amounts of money so that people take notice of what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said the agency has reviewed the incident and has taken corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 41 staff members were found to have violated policy, making it one of the largest disciplinary actions issued against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\">CDCR\u003c/a> staff in a single incident, according to CDCR. Punishment ranged from transfers to termination, CDCR said, but the department has not yet responded to a public records request for disciplinary documents related to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1742px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1742\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg 1742w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-800x612.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1536x1175.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1742px) 100vw, 1742px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people stand together in a yard at Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Madera County. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004477/incarcerated-women-say-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack\">Aug. 2, 2024\u003c/a>, incident began when officers removed more than 150 women from their cells and locked them in the dining hall while staff conducted a large-scale search of their cells. As temperatures in the Chowchilla facility climbed to more than 100 degrees and time wore on, the women began to ask for water, food and medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials have said that the incarcerated population “became disruptive.” Officers used physical force, batons and chemical agents to “stop the incident,” according to a review from the Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims the women were complying with the officers’ orders and that the force was excessive and unnecessary. It also alleges that some women were denied or delayed medical care after being injured, leaving them with lasting physical and psychological harm.[aside postID=news_12004368 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/CentralCaliforniaWomensFacility-1020x816.jpg']A total of 109 incarcerated persons were medically evaluated, CDCR said, and three were transported to an outside medical facility for a short time. In the wake of the incident, CDCR also said it made mental health staff and resources available to those affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff were also retrained after the incident on how to respond to alarms and on the appropriate use of force, according to CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women involved in the suit have a broader claim about this incident as well, that it was retaliation for sexual assault complaints that they had filed against correctional staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women’s prison in Chowchilla has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11786495/metoo-behind-bars-new-records-shed-light-on-sexual-abuse-inside-state-womens-prisons\">reports of sexual assault for years\u003c/a>. In one high-profile case, at least 22 women accused correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez of sexual abuse dating back to 2014. The state ultimately paid millions of dollars to settle those claims. Rodriguez was criminally charged and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">sentenced to 224 years\u003c/a> in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Staff-Misconduct-Monitoring-Report-January-June-2025.pdf\">audit \u003c/a>by the Office of Inspector General found that at least 279 women had sued the department, accusing at least 83 prison employees of sexual misconduct. The audit describes “a wave” of lawsuits filed by currently and formerly incarcerated people alleging staff sexual assault, harassment and misconduct. In response to the lawsuits, the department approved 402 investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice is also investigating allegations of sexual abuse and staff misconduct at California women’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003275\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice has launched a civil rights investigation into staff sexual abuse allegations at two women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino, following a series of lawsuits and similar abuses at federal facilities like FCI Dublin, which was closed due to widespread misconduct. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the settlement reached this past week, CDCR did not agree to any policy changes or other non-monetary terms, and did not admit to wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department’s focus remains on the safety, security, and well-being of both the incarcerated population and staff,” Xjimenez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another class action lawsuit tied to the Aug. 2 incident is still pending. That case, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70350459/1/pc-hooper-v-de-la-cruz/\">Hooper v. State of California\u003c/a>, raises similar claims that medical care was delayed or denied and that the use of force was excessive and retaliatory. It is set to go to mediation in May, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said it could not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chalfant said that many of his clients were scared to come forward. The incarcerated woman told him that correctional officers continued to reference the lawsuit and retaliate against them by writing them up for minor infractions and searching their belongings up to the day of the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals’ rights are violated in state prisons, lawyers are going to take those cases,” Chalfant said. “[These women] don’t lose their constitutional rights when [they] go into a prison facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California will pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit alleging corrections officers used excessive force, batons and chemical agents on women at the Central California Women’s Facility, causing serious injuries, raising concerns about retaliation. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has agreed to pay $1.9 million to settle a lawsuit filed by 13 women who say correctional officers injured them during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004368/like-a-war-zone-prison-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack-incarcerated-women-say\">mass use-of-force incident\u003c/a> at the Central California Women’s Facility in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say they suffered seizures, respiratory distress and long-term vision problems after officers used batons, physical force and chemical agents on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t breathe. My lungs were on fire … I thought I was going to die,” plaintiff Wisdom Muhammad said in a recent interview at her home in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women received settlements ranging from $200,000 to $50,000 each, based on the severity of their injuries, according to their attorney Robert Chalfant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual abuse of inmates, excessive force, cruel and unusual punishment, retaliation, those things need to stop,” Chalfant said. “And the only way those things stop is through lawsuits and forcing the payment of large amounts of money so that people take notice of what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, CDCR spokesperson Mary Xjimenez said the agency has reviewed the incident and has taken corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 41 staff members were found to have violated policy, making it one of the largest disciplinary actions issued against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-department-of-corrections-and-rehabilitation\">CDCR\u003c/a> staff in a single incident, according to CDCR. Punishment ranged from transfers to termination, CDCR said, but the department has not yet responded to a public records request for disciplinary documents related to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993411\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1742px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993411\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1742\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed.jpg 1742w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-800x612.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1020x781.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322060041_qed-1536x1175.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1742px) 100vw, 1742px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated people stand together in a yard at Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, Madera County. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004477/incarcerated-women-say-officers-used-unprecedented-force-in-august-attack\">Aug. 2, 2024\u003c/a>, incident began when officers removed more than 150 women from their cells and locked them in the dining hall while staff conducted a large-scale search of their cells. As temperatures in the Chowchilla facility climbed to more than 100 degrees and time wore on, the women began to ask for water, food and medication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials have said that the incarcerated population “became disruptive.” Officers used physical force, batons and chemical agents to “stop the incident,” according to a review from the Office of the Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint claims the women were complying with the officers’ orders and that the force was excessive and unnecessary. It also alleges that some women were denied or delayed medical care after being injured, leaving them with lasting physical and psychological harm.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A total of 109 incarcerated persons were medically evaluated, CDCR said, and three were transported to an outside medical facility for a short time. In the wake of the incident, CDCR also said it made mental health staff and resources available to those affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff were also retrained after the incident on how to respond to alarms and on the appropriate use of force, according to CDCR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women involved in the suit have a broader claim about this incident as well, that it was retaliation for sexual assault complaints that they had filed against correctional staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women’s prison in Chowchilla has been plagued by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11786495/metoo-behind-bars-new-records-shed-light-on-sexual-abuse-inside-state-womens-prisons\">reports of sexual assault for years\u003c/a>. In one high-profile case, at least 22 women accused correctional officer Gregory Rodriguez of sexual abuse dating back to 2014. The state ultimately paid millions of dollars to settle those claims. Rodriguez was criminally charged and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022075/former-guard-california-womens-prison-found-guilty-59-counts-sexual-abuse\">sentenced to 224 years\u003c/a> in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.oig.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Staff-Misconduct-Monitoring-Report-January-June-2025.pdf\">audit \u003c/a>by the Office of Inspector General found that at least 279 women had sued the department, accusing at least 83 prison employees of sexual misconduct. The audit describes “a wave” of lawsuits filed by currently and formerly incarcerated people alleging staff sexual assault, harassment and misconduct. In response to the lawsuits, the department approved 402 investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Justice is also investigating allegations of sexual abuse and staff misconduct at California women’s prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003275\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/USDeptofJusticeGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S. Department of Justice has launched a civil rights investigation into staff sexual abuse allegations at two women’s prisons in Chowchilla and Chino, following a series of lawsuits and similar abuses at federal facilities like FCI Dublin, which was closed due to widespread misconduct. \u003ccite>(J. David Ake/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the settlement reached this past week, CDCR did not agree to any policy changes or other non-monetary terms, and did not admit to wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department’s focus remains on the safety, security, and well-being of both the incarcerated population and staff,” Xjimenez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another class action lawsuit tied to the Aug. 2 incident is still pending. That case, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/70350459/1/pc-hooper-v-de-la-cruz/\">Hooper v. State of California\u003c/a>, raises similar claims that medical care was delayed or denied and that the use of force was excessive and retaliatory. It is set to go to mediation in May, according to court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR said it could not comment on pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chalfant said that many of his clients were scared to come forward. The incarcerated woman told him that correctional officers continued to reference the lawsuit and retaliate against them by writing them up for minor infractions and searching their belongings up to the day of the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If individuals’ rights are violated in state prisons, lawyers are going to take those cases,” Chalfant said. “[These women] don’t lose their constitutional rights when [they] go into a prison facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "New Bill Would Force Protein Powders to Disclose Toxic Metals",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910121/is-what-social-media-tells-you-about-protein-true\">Protein supplements\u003c/a> have become a daily habit for many Californians, who add them to smoothies, coffee and even oatmeal in hopes of boosting muscle recovery or managing weight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike baby food or prenatal vitamins, these products aren’t routinely tested for heavy metals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill moving through the state Legislature would require manufacturers to test products for toxins like lead, cadmium, mercury and arsenic — and post the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a small amount in a serving is a worrisome amount if you’re doing that every day,” said Susan Little, California legislative director of the Environmental Working Group, a sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This approach has worked before in California, she said. After the state required similar disclosures for baby food, contamination levels dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike prescription and over-the-counter drugs, the Food and Drug Administration does not review or approve supplements like protein powders before they’re sold. Instead, companies are largely responsible for making sure their products are safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11099247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11099247\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04.jpg\" alt=\"Fighters in the Rock Steady boxing class lay on the floor before starting their abdominal exercises at the end of the workout.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fighters in the Rock Steady boxing class lie on the floor before starting their abdominal exercises at the end of the workout. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our tests have found that toxic heavy metal contamination in protein powder is widespread and has gotten worse since we first analyzed these products 15 years ago,” said Brian Ronholm, director of food policy at \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/lead/protein-powders-and-shakes-contain-high-levels-of-lead-a4206364640/\">Consumer Reports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from the \u003ca href=\"https://cleanlabelproject.org/wp-content/uploads/CleanLabelProject_ProteinStudyWhitepaper_010625.pdf\">Clean Label Project\u003c/a> tested 160 protein powder products and found that 47% exceeded California’s safety limits for toxic metals. Plant-based powders had about three times more lead than whey-based alternatives. Chocolate-flavored products contained four times more lead than vanilla. And organic products tended to have higher levels of lead and cadmium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that report has not been peer reviewed, and some scientists have noted that trace amounts of heavy metals can naturally occur in soil and food — meaning their presence doesn’t always signal a clear health risk.[aside postID=news_12068987 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/zyngetty.jpg']Technically, there is no known safe level of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/food/environmental-contaminants-food/lead-food-and-foodwares\">exposure to lead\u003c/a>. Medical experts say the biggest health risks tend to come from repeated exposure at higher levels — including reproductive problems, kidney damage and cognitive impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups have pushed back. The Council for Responsible Nutrition, a trade association representing dietary supplement manufacturers, argues the bill would create unnecessary costs and confusion without improving safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re worried about potential exposure, Stanford University nutrition scientist Christopher Gardner said it’s worth considering whether you need protein supplements in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that while they may benefit elite bodybuilders, the vast majority of Americans — even those who regularly lift weights — can get enough protein from food. Most of the gains from strength training come from the exercise itself, not added protein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, hedge your bets,” wrote Gardner in an email to KQED. “Eat foods, not protein supplements. What have you got to lose — and what do you have to gain?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill has cleared its first committee on Wednesday and now heads to another vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it becomes law, California would be the first state in the country to require this kind of testing and transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Recent studies have found that protein supplements may contain toxic heavy metals. A California bill would force companies to test and disclose what’s in their products.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910121/is-what-social-media-tells-you-about-protein-true\">Protein supplements\u003c/a> have become a daily habit for many Californians, who add them to smoothies, coffee and even oatmeal in hopes of boosting muscle recovery or managing weight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike baby food or prenatal vitamins, these products aren’t routinely tested for heavy metals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill moving through the state Legislature would require manufacturers to test products for toxins like lead, cadmium, mercury and arsenic — and post the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a small amount in a serving is a worrisome amount if you’re doing that every day,” said Susan Little, California legislative director of the Environmental Working Group, a sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This approach has worked before in California, she said. After the state required similar disclosures for baby food, contamination levels dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike prescription and over-the-counter drugs, the Food and Drug Administration does not review or approve supplements like protein powders before they’re sold. Instead, companies are largely responsible for making sure their products are safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11099247\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11099247\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04.jpg\" alt=\"Fighters in the Rock Steady boxing class lay on the floor before starting their abdominal exercises at the end of the workout.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-400x267.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/160825_rocksteadyboxing_bhs04-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fighters in the Rock Steady boxing class lie on the floor before starting their abdominal exercises at the end of the workout. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Our tests have found that toxic heavy metal contamination in protein powder is widespread and has gotten worse since we first analyzed these products 15 years ago,” said Brian Ronholm, director of food policy at \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/lead/protein-powders-and-shakes-contain-high-levels-of-lead-a4206364640/\">Consumer Reports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from the \u003ca href=\"https://cleanlabelproject.org/wp-content/uploads/CleanLabelProject_ProteinStudyWhitepaper_010625.pdf\">Clean Label Project\u003c/a> tested 160 protein powder products and found that 47% exceeded California’s safety limits for toxic metals. Plant-based powders had about three times more lead than whey-based alternatives. Chocolate-flavored products contained four times more lead than vanilla. And organic products tended to have higher levels of lead and cadmium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that report has not been peer reviewed, and some scientists have noted that trace amounts of heavy metals can naturally occur in soil and food — meaning their presence doesn’t always signal a clear health risk.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Technically, there is no known safe level of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fda.gov/food/environmental-contaminants-food/lead-food-and-foodwares\">exposure to lead\u003c/a>. Medical experts say the biggest health risks tend to come from repeated exposure at higher levels — including reproductive problems, kidney damage and cognitive impairment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups have pushed back. The Council for Responsible Nutrition, a trade association representing dietary supplement manufacturers, argues the bill would create unnecessary costs and confusion without improving safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re worried about potential exposure, Stanford University nutrition scientist Christopher Gardner said it’s worth considering whether you need protein supplements in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that while they may benefit elite bodybuilders, the vast majority of Americans — even those who regularly lift weights — can get enough protein from food. Most of the gains from strength training come from the exercise itself, not added protein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, hedge your bets,” wrote Gardner in an email to KQED. “Eat foods, not protein supplements. What have you got to lose — and what do you have to gain?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill has cleared its first committee on Wednesday and now heads to another vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it becomes law, California would be the first state in the country to require this kind of testing and transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A prominent Bay Area civil rights attorney led a legal coalition in Minneapolis that filed claims on Thursday alleging abuse by federal agents during the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070016/why-a-bay-area-attorney-says-immigrants-rights-are-being-violated-in-minneapolis\">immigration enforcement surge\u003c/a> there this winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm of Oakland-based attorney John Burris filed 10 federal claims against the Department of Homeland Security and other agencies, charging that officers violated the rights of Minneapolis residents to protest, illegally detained them and used excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the surge and subsequent protests, federal officers arrested several thousand immigrants and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912777/whats-the-endgame-in-dhs-brutality\">fatally shot\u003c/a> two U.S. citizen demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some bad actors involved in this, people who seemed not to be well-trained in basic law enforcement,” said Burris, who has built a long career representing plaintiffs in police brutality cases, and who got involved in the Minneapolis cases at the urging of his colleague James Cook, who’s from Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the behavior of Border Patrol and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers in Minneapolis as “Gestapo-type techniques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10 claims seek monetary damages for pain and suffering as a result of federal agents’ actions. Under the Federal Tort Claims Act, private individuals can sue the U.S. government for damages inflicted by agents acting on the government’s behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement responding to the claims, a DHS spokesperson said, “Likening ICE to the Gestapo is gross.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071712 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff’s deputies keep an eye on protesters blocking the entrance to the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building in Minneapolis, Minnesota, on Jan. 30, 2026. \u003ccite>(Roberto Schmidt/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DHS officers have been subject to “grave threats and dangerous situations,” the spokesperson said, and added that while the First Amendment protects free speech and peaceful assembly, it does not protect rioting. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remind the public that rioting is dangerous, obstructing law enforcement is a federal crime and assaulting law enforcement is a felony,” the statement said. did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the claim against DHS byof Georgia Wynn Savageford, she was blowing a whistle and engaged in peaceful protest on the morning of Jan. 24 when an officer pushed her to the pavement, dragged her face-down across the street and knelt on her back to handcuff her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the back of an ICE vehicle, she watched a federal officer shoot and kill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071074/heres-what-california-leaders-said-about-latest-minneapolis-killing\">fellow protester Alex Pretti\u003c/a>, the claim said, then she was taken to a warehouse next to the federal building, where she said she was held all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For approximately five hours, agents repeatedly moved Ms. Savageford between cells to ask ‘who was paying’ Ms. Savageford. Over the course of the detention, agents frequently searched beneath Ms. Savageford’s clothing and forced Ms. Savageford to undress,” according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim of Matt Allen said he came out to a protest later that day, after Pretti was shot. When federal agents began using tear gas and flash-bang grenades, Allen began to walk away, but he was hit in the back with projectiles. When he started to run, the claim said, agents tackled him to the ground and arrested him.[aside postID=news_12070016 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-JAMES-COOK-EF-01-KQED.jpg']“The agents repeatedly told Mr. Allen to ‘stop resisting,’ but Mr. Allen was not resisting,” the claim said. “The agents called Mr. Allen names such as ‘fat ass’ and ‘black bitch.’ One agent pepper-sprayed Mr. Allen in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at a German restaurant in Minneapolis on Thursday in a press conference announcing the claims, Allen’s wife, Sarah Allen, said she heard a commotion behind her that day and a man’s voice crying out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I turn around to see what was happening, all I can see is a group of masked agents violently assaulting my husband,” she said. “It is incredibly difficult to explain the kind of fear that you feel as you realize that these people who hours before had just shot and killed an innocent man in the street might now do the same to the love of your life in front of your eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedics eventually took Matt Allen to the emergency room, according to his claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said the claims are the first step toward a class-action lawsuit. He said the legal team, which also involves lawyers in Minnesota, is in the process of vetting 80 more cases, and added that additional people came forward with potential claims after the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said one obstacle to filing a lawsuit is identifying the agents involved, most of whom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072927/after-us-judge-blocks-californias-ice-mask-ban-scott-wiener-says-he-will-make-it-enforceable\">were masked\u003c/a> and did not wear visible identification of their names or badge numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said Trump administration leadership, including then-Homeland Security Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075499/trump-fires-kristi-noem-as-dhs-chief-names-sen-markwayne-mullin-to-replace-her\">Kristi Noem\u003c/a> and White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, also bear responsibility because of statements they made that officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070101/california-prosecutors-push-back-on-ice-immunity-claims\">had legal immunity\u003c/a> for their actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/gettyimages-2247182200-scaled-e1772739892149.jpeg\" alt=\"Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem attends a meeting in the Oval Office on Nov. 17, 2025.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1344\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem attends a meeting in the Oval Office on Nov. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That gave direction, it seems to me, to the officers to believe that there were no restraints,” he said. “This goes to the very top of the agency, because they’re the ones that created this environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said he was struck by what good people the Minneapolis protesters are and feels honored to represent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are just ordinary citizens who are speaking up in a sense of outrage over what was happening to the people in their community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Allen added that she and her husband were filing the claims to hold the Trump administration accountable for breaking the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot allow this to continue,” she said. “We’re Minnesotan through and through, which means we protect each other. If you show up here to terrorize and brutalize our neighbors and our streets, we’re going to show you just how Minnesota nice we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A prominent Bay Area civil rights attorney led a legal coalition in Minneapolis that filed claims on Thursday alleging abuse by federal agents during the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070016/why-a-bay-area-attorney-says-immigrants-rights-are-being-violated-in-minneapolis\">immigration enforcement surge\u003c/a> there this winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm of Oakland-based attorney John Burris filed 10 federal claims against the Department of Homeland Security and other agencies, charging that officers violated the rights of Minneapolis residents to protest, illegally detained them and used excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the surge and subsequent protests, federal officers arrested several thousand immigrants and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101912777/whats-the-endgame-in-dhs-brutality\">fatally shot\u003c/a> two U.S. citizen demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some bad actors involved in this, people who seemed not to be well-trained in basic law enforcement,” said Burris, who has built a long career representing plaintiffs in police brutality cases, and who got involved in the Minneapolis cases at the urging of his colleague James Cook, who’s from Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the behavior of Border Patrol and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers in Minneapolis as “Gestapo-type techniques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10 claims seek monetary damages for pain and suffering as a result of federal agents’ actions. Under the Federal Tort Claims Act, private individuals can sue the U.S. government for damages inflicted by agents acting on the government’s behalf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement responding to the claims, a DHS spokesperson said, “Likening ICE to the Gestapo is gross.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071712 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ICEAgentsMinnesotaGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff’s deputies keep an eye on protesters blocking the entrance to the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building in Minneapolis, Minnesota, on Jan. 30, 2026. \u003ccite>(Roberto Schmidt/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DHS officers have been subject to “grave threats and dangerous situations,” the spokesperson said, and added that while the First Amendment protects free speech and peaceful assembly, it does not protect rioting. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remind the public that rioting is dangerous, obstructing law enforcement is a federal crime and assaulting law enforcement is a felony,” the statement said. did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the claim against DHS byof Georgia Wynn Savageford, she was blowing a whistle and engaged in peaceful protest on the morning of Jan. 24 when an officer pushed her to the pavement, dragged her face-down across the street and knelt on her back to handcuff her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the back of an ICE vehicle, she watched a federal officer shoot and kill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071074/heres-what-california-leaders-said-about-latest-minneapolis-killing\">fellow protester Alex Pretti\u003c/a>, the claim said, then she was taken to a warehouse next to the federal building, where she said she was held all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For approximately five hours, agents repeatedly moved Ms. Savageford between cells to ask ‘who was paying’ Ms. Savageford. Over the course of the detention, agents frequently searched beneath Ms. Savageford’s clothing and forced Ms. Savageford to undress,” according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claim of Matt Allen said he came out to a protest later that day, after Pretti was shot. When federal agents began using tear gas and flash-bang grenades, Allen began to walk away, but he was hit in the back with projectiles. When he started to run, the claim said, agents tackled him to the ground and arrested him.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The agents repeatedly told Mr. Allen to ‘stop resisting,’ but Mr. Allen was not resisting,” the claim said. “The agents called Mr. Allen names such as ‘fat ass’ and ‘black bitch.’ One agent pepper-sprayed Mr. Allen in the face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at a German restaurant in Minneapolis on Thursday in a press conference announcing the claims, Allen’s wife, Sarah Allen, said she heard a commotion behind her that day and a man’s voice crying out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I turn around to see what was happening, all I can see is a group of masked agents violently assaulting my husband,” she said. “It is incredibly difficult to explain the kind of fear that you feel as you realize that these people who hours before had just shot and killed an innocent man in the street might now do the same to the love of your life in front of your eyes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedics eventually took Matt Allen to the emergency room, according to his claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said the claims are the first step toward a class-action lawsuit. He said the legal team, which also involves lawyers in Minnesota, is in the process of vetting 80 more cases, and added that additional people came forward with potential claims after the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said one obstacle to filing a lawsuit is identifying the agents involved, most of whom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072927/after-us-judge-blocks-californias-ice-mask-ban-scott-wiener-says-he-will-make-it-enforceable\">were masked\u003c/a> and did not wear visible identification of their names or badge numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said Trump administration leadership, including then-Homeland Security Secretary \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075499/trump-fires-kristi-noem-as-dhs-chief-names-sen-markwayne-mullin-to-replace-her\">Kristi Noem\u003c/a> and White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller, also bear responsibility because of statements they made that officers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070101/california-prosecutors-push-back-on-ice-immunity-claims\">had legal immunity\u003c/a> for their actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/gettyimages-2247182200-scaled-e1772739892149.jpeg\" alt=\"Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem attends a meeting in the Oval Office on Nov. 17, 2025.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1344\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem attends a meeting in the Oval Office on Nov. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Win McNamee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That gave direction, it seems to me, to the officers to believe that there were no restraints,” he said. “This goes to the very top of the agency, because they’re the ones that created this environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said he was struck by what good people the Minneapolis protesters are and feels honored to represent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are just ordinary citizens who are speaking up in a sense of outrage over what was happening to the people in their community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Allen added that she and her husband were filing the claims to hold the Trump administration accountable for breaking the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot allow this to continue,” she said. “We’re Minnesotan through and through, which means we protect each other. If you show up here to terrorize and brutalize our neighbors and our streets, we’re going to show you just how Minnesota nice we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trump-administration-opens-investigation-into-race-in-admissions-at-stanford-medical-school",
"title": "Trump Administration Opens Investigation Into Race in Admissions at Stanford Medical School",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has opened investigations into how race is considered in admissions at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford-university\">Stanford University\u003c/a>, Ohio State and the University of California, San Diego, ratcheting up its pressure campaign against colleges and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmeet Dhillon, the Justice Department’s assistant attorney general for civil rights, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AAGDhillon/status/2037236817376743455\">announced\u003c/a> the investigations Wednesday on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through a series of investigations and executive actions, President Donald Trump has been ramping up scrutiny of universities he decries as overrun by liberal influence. His administration previously has targeted undergraduate admissions at selective colleges, demanding they collect data to show they are in line with a 2023 Supreme Court decision forbidding affirmative action in college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigations were reported first by \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/26/us/politics/trump-medical-schools-civil-rights.html\">The New York Times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to Ohio State, Dhillon wrote that the Justice Department was seeking any documents related to “the use or lack of use of race” in evaluating applicants. She said they were also seeking all applicant-level admissions data and any reviews by the school of admissions trends or outcomes by race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate, five-page document details the records the government is seeking. It includes data on standardized test scores, information collected or inferred on race and ethnicity, and admissions decisions for each applicant going back to the incoming class that started in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk and bike past the fountain outside Memorial Auditorium at Stanford University in Stanford on Oct. 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ohio State spokesperson Benjamin Johnson said the school is compliant with state and federal regulations and legal rulings regarding admissions. “We’ve received the attached letter and will respond appropriately,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC San Diego said in a written statement that it was reviewing the notice from the Justice Department. “UC San Diego is committed to fair processes in all of our programs and activities, including admissions, consistent with federal and state anti-discrimination laws,” the university said in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12077496 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/GettyImages-450371283-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford School of Medicine spokesperson Cecilia Arradaza said it was reviewing the letter. “Stanford School of Medicine prohibits unlawful discrimination on the basis of race, color, national or ethnic origin, or any other characteristic protected by applicable law,” Arradaza said in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department confirmed to KQED that the initial focus of the investigation is admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court ruling that banned the use of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-affirmative-action-college-race-f83d6318017ec9b9029b12ee2256e744\">affirmative action in admissions\u003c/a> said colleges could still consider how race has shaped students’ lives if applicants share that information in their admissions essays. Trump has raised concerns that colleges and universities were using personal statements and other proxies to consider race, which he views as illegal discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, a coalition of 17 Democratic state attorneys general filed a lawsuit challenging a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-race-college-admissions-executive-order-9fe070750d31879b24800032a013659d\">Trump administration policy\u003c/a> that requires higher education institutions to collect data showing they aren’t considering race in admissions. A federal judge in Massachusetts is weighing their request to block the demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sara Gaiser contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cdiv class=\"mceTemp\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has opened investigations into how race is considered in admissions at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford-university\">Stanford University\u003c/a>, Ohio State and the University of California, San Diego, ratcheting up its pressure campaign against colleges and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harmeet Dhillon, the Justice Department’s assistant attorney general for civil rights, \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AAGDhillon/status/2037236817376743455\">announced\u003c/a> the investigations Wednesday on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through a series of investigations and executive actions, President Donald Trump has been ramping up scrutiny of universities he decries as overrun by liberal influence. His administration previously has targeted undergraduate admissions at selective colleges, demanding they collect data to show they are in line with a 2023 Supreme Court decision forbidding affirmative action in college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigations were reported first by \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/26/us/politics/trump-medical-schools-civil-rights.html\">The New York Times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to Ohio State, Dhillon wrote that the Justice Department was seeking any documents related to “the use or lack of use of race” in evaluating applicants. She said they were also seeking all applicant-level admissions data and any reviews by the school of admissions trends or outcomes by race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate, five-page document details the records the government is seeking. It includes data on standardized test scores, information collected or inferred on race and ethnicity, and admissions decisions for each applicant going back to the incoming class that started in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/20251029_STANFORDFILE-_GH-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students walk and bike past the fountain outside Memorial Auditorium at Stanford University in Stanford on Oct. 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ohio State spokesperson Benjamin Johnson said the school is compliant with state and federal regulations and legal rulings regarding admissions. “We’ve received the attached letter and will respond appropriately,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC San Diego said in a written statement that it was reviewing the notice from the Justice Department. “UC San Diego is committed to fair processes in all of our programs and activities, including admissions, consistent with federal and state anti-discrimination laws,” the university said in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford School of Medicine spokesperson Cecilia Arradaza said it was reviewing the letter. “Stanford School of Medicine prohibits unlawful discrimination on the basis of race, color, national or ethnic origin, or any other characteristic protected by applicable law,” Arradaza said in a written statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department confirmed to KQED that the initial focus of the investigation is admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court ruling that banned the use of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-affirmative-action-college-race-f83d6318017ec9b9029b12ee2256e744\">affirmative action in admissions\u003c/a> said colleges could still consider how race has shaped students’ lives if applicants share that information in their admissions essays. Trump has raised concerns that colleges and universities were using personal statements and other proxies to consider race, which he views as illegal discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, a coalition of 17 Democratic state attorneys general filed a lawsuit challenging a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-race-college-admissions-executive-order-9fe070750d31879b24800032a013659d\">Trump administration policy\u003c/a> that requires higher education institutions to collect data showing they aren’t considering race in admissions. A federal judge in Massachusetts is weighing their request to block the demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sara Gaiser contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers voted Thursday to rename \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> Day as Farmworkers Day in an effort to reconcile the Latino labor icon’s legacy with explosive sexual abuse allegations before the state holiday on March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to quickly sign the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change comes after allegations became public last week that Chavez had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">sexually abused girls and women\u003c/a> during his days building a major farmworker labor rights movement in the 1960s in California’s agricultural heartland. Among those who accused him was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dolores-huerta\">Dolores Huerta\u003c/a>, who co-led the movement that eventually became the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s effort to rename the holiday is part of a wave of other moves to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\"> alter memorials honoring the man\u003c/a> who, in the 1960s and 1970s, helped secure better wages and working conditions for farmworkers and had been admired by many Democratic leaders. The swift and sweeping effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077159/east-san-jose-leaders-call-for-supporting-survivors-after-cesar-chavez-allegations\">erase Chavez’s name from public\u003c/a> life was previously unthinkable, as his status had only grown more iconic since his death in 1993.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Suzette Valladares said Thursday that her family built a life in California by working the fields and that the movement brought together workers from different backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not about one person. This is not about one narrative,” she said. “It’s about honoring generations of sacrifice, of resilience and hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A street sign on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tempore Monique Limon said honoring farmworkers is especially important in the face of a series of federal raids across the state last year. A worker in her district \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/jaime-alanis-immigrant-farmworker-death-raid-c3c6f60a087f5f9f1d2b053fcef35b57\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">died after being chased\u003c/a> by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent last summer, Limon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His death is a reminder of how much farmworkers risk every day to put food on our table,” she said before the vote. “Our farmworkers remind us that everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to designate Chavez’s birthday, March 31, as a holiday to honor the civil rights leader nearly 30 years ago. The Legislature then, in 2000, passed a bill to make it an official paid day off for state employees and require that students learn about his legacy and his role in the labor movement in California. The legislation passed Thursday didn’t address the curriculum requirement. State leaders said they’re in conversation with school officials to adjust lesson plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California bill also passed in the Assembly with bipartisan support on Monday.[aside postID=news_12077073 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/CesarChavezGetty2.jpg']“We cannot ignore wrongdoing and we should not continue to celebrate a single person when the movement itself is so much bigger,” Assemblymember Cecilia Aguiar-Curry said before the vote Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the allegations came to light, California State University, Fresno, has covered up Chavez’s statue on campus, while cities like San Francisco, Los Angeles and Sacramento have taken steps to erase his name from public landmarks. Some advocated for Huerta’s name to replace Chavez’s, and several states already said they won’t observe the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As his birthday approaches, cities across the country have remade or canceled annual celebrations to honor him. In Tucson last weekend, the annual Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta March and Rally were scaled back and rebranded. There was no march or car show, and it was billed instead as the Comunidad y Labor Unity Fair to focus more broadly on labor rights without mentioning Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grand Junction, Colorado, the organizers of the annual event in Mesa County had already printed flyers and T-shirts, all bearing Chavez’s name. There has been a flurry of social media posts in recent days to let people know the event will go on Saturday as the Sí, Se Puede Celebration instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In El Paso, Texas, March 31 will be celebrated as the Community and Labor Heritage Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Susan Montoya Bryan contributed from Albuquerque, New Mexico.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers voted Thursday to rename \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cesar-chavez\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a> Day as Farmworkers Day in an effort to reconcile the Latino labor icon’s legacy with explosive sexual abuse allegations before the state holiday on March 31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom is expected to quickly sign the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change comes after allegations became public last week that Chavez had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077073/cesar-chavez-was-a-hero-to-farmworkers-now-they-confront-the-pain-of-alleged-abuse\">sexually abused girls and women\u003c/a> during his days building a major farmworker labor rights movement in the 1960s in California’s agricultural heartland. Among those who accused him was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dolores-huerta\">Dolores Huerta\u003c/a>, who co-led the movement that eventually became the United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s effort to rename the holiday is part of a wave of other moves to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077059/san-francisco-fought-to-name-a-major-street-after-cesar-chavez-will-it-be-renamed-again\"> alter memorials honoring the man\u003c/a> who, in the 1960s and 1970s, helped secure better wages and working conditions for farmworkers and had been admired by many Democratic leaders. The swift and sweeping effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12077159/east-san-jose-leaders-call-for-supporting-survivors-after-cesar-chavez-allegations\">erase Chavez’s name from public\u003c/a> life was previously unthinkable, as his status had only grown more iconic since his death in 1993.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican Sen. Suzette Valladares said Thursday that her family built a life in California by working the fields and that the movement brought together workers from different backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not about one person. This is not about one narrative,” she said. “It’s about honoring generations of sacrifice, of resilience and hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260319-CESAR-CHAVEZ-STREET-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A street sign on Cesar Chavez Street in San Francisco on March 19, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Senate President Pro Tempore Monique Limon said honoring farmworkers is especially important in the face of a series of federal raids across the state last year. A worker in her district \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/jaime-alanis-immigrant-farmworker-death-raid-c3c6f60a087f5f9f1d2b053fcef35b57\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">died after being chased\u003c/a> by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent last summer, Limon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His death is a reminder of how much farmworkers risk every day to put food on our table,” she said before the vote. “Our farmworkers remind us that everyone deserves to be treated with dignity and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was the first state to designate Chavez’s birthday, March 31, as a holiday to honor the civil rights leader nearly 30 years ago. The Legislature then, in 2000, passed a bill to make it an official paid day off for state employees and require that students learn about his legacy and his role in the labor movement in California. The legislation passed Thursday didn’t address the curriculum requirement. State leaders said they’re in conversation with school officials to adjust lesson plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California bill also passed in the Assembly with bipartisan support on Monday.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We cannot ignore wrongdoing and we should not continue to celebrate a single person when the movement itself is so much bigger,” Assemblymember Cecilia Aguiar-Curry said before the vote Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the allegations came to light, California State University, Fresno, has covered up Chavez’s statue on campus, while cities like San Francisco, Los Angeles and Sacramento have taken steps to erase his name from public landmarks. Some advocated for Huerta’s name to replace Chavez’s, and several states already said they won’t observe the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As his birthday approaches, cities across the country have remade or canceled annual celebrations to honor him. In Tucson last weekend, the annual Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta March and Rally were scaled back and rebranded. There was no march or car show, and it was billed instead as the Comunidad y Labor Unity Fair to focus more broadly on labor rights without mentioning Chavez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grand Junction, Colorado, the organizers of the annual event in Mesa County had already printed flyers and T-shirts, all bearing Chavez’s name. There has been a flurry of social media posts in recent days to let people know the event will go on Saturday as the Sí, Se Puede Celebration instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In El Paso, Texas, March 31 will be celebrated as the Community and Labor Heritage Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Susan Montoya Bryan contributed from Albuquerque, New Mexico.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe the way out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">California’s homelessness \u003c/a>crisis is to prevent it in the first place, rather than focusing only on people who have already lost their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the thinking behind a program in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a> — and others like it around the state — that has gained traction and will soon test its strategy beyond California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These prevention programs have found that with a payment of several thousand dollars, aid organizations can head off someone’s homelessness. That both prevents the trauma that comes with losing a home, and saves the state or local government the potentially tens of thousands of dollars it takes to help someone after they become homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County program by nonprofit Destination: Home recently inspired the launch of \u003ca href=\"https://rightathomeusa.org/\">10 more pilot projects\u003c/a> throughout the country, marking the first large-scale, multi-state test of this strategy. If it works in those test counties, advocates will push for a nationwide program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of tents belonging to unhoused residents line the banks of Coyote Creek near Tully Road on Jan. 4, 2023, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Dai Sugano/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">a bill\u003c/a> introduced this year in California would require the state to come up with a broad homelessness prevention strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The single most obvious answer to homelessness is to not let it happen in the first place,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Destination: Home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Focusing on prevention marks a significant shift in thinking. Traditionally, cities, counties and the state reserve their resources for helping the people in most dire need — those currently living on the street — get back on their feet. The problem with that strategy is that for every one person they move into housing, multiple other people fall into homelessness. That leaves cities spinning their wheels without meaningfully lessening the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prevention has its own challenges: The aid is most effective when it goes to people imminently at risk of losing their housing, and determining exactly who that is can be tricky. Several Bay Area communities use a questionnaire to evaluate how likely someone is to wind up homeless unless they get help. A Los Angeles County program \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/03/california-homeless-los-angeles-ai/\">uses artificial intelligence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risk is you give out a lot of precious resources to people who otherwise would be able to prevent homelessness on their own, and that takes away from things like emergency shelters or transitional shelters or permanent supportive housing,” said Jim Sullivan, director of the University of Notre Dame’s Lab for Economic Opportunities. His team evaluated Santa Clara County’s prevention program and found that people who received prevention funds were 78% less likely to become homeless than people in similar situations who got no funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even among the people who didn’t get prevention funds, the overall rate of homelessness in these studies tends to be small (in Santa Clara County, 4.1% of people who didn’t get help became homeless, compared to 0.9% who did get help). That’s because, despite the very visible humanitarian crisis on the streets of California, statistically speaking, homelessness is still extremely rare, said Janey Rountree, executive director of the California Policy Lab at UCLA, which helped develop a similar program in Los Angeles County. The vast majority of people are able to keep a roof over their head by getting help from family or friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How homelessness prevention works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Destination: Home helped launch Santa Clara County’s first homelessness prevention program in 2017. At the time, there wasn’t much help available for people on the brink of homelessness. Families staring down looming evictions were told to call back once they actually ended up on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a budget of $1 million secured through donations, the program helped 200 households that first year. Over the following years, the nonprofit got results — and buy-in from county officials. Now, the program has an annual budget of $30 million (most of which is publicly funded) and serves 2,500 households per year. [aside postID=news_12077101 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260310-UnhousedMail-02-BL_qed.jpg'] The program appears to be making a dent. Prior to its existence, for every homeless person who got housing, another three lost their homes. Now, for every one person housed, the math works out to 1.7 people losing their homes, according to Destination: Home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who apply to the program hear about it in different ways, including through food banks and other service providers, by word of mouth and through outreach workers in eviction court. Then they fill out a questionnaire designed to assess how likely they are to become homeless. Multiple factors could put them at greater risk: if they have experienced domestic violence, have been homeless before or are disabled, for example. If they check off enough risk factors, they qualify for aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, people accepted into the program received an average of about $6,500 (including if they returned multiple times for help), most of which went directly to rent, security deposits and other housing expenses. Participants can use the money to address whatever problem is threatening their housing, including fixing their car so they can get to work, paying for a hotel while they are between apartments, covering medical expenses or paying down a credit card debt if the large monthly payment is hurting their ability to pay rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants can come back for help multiple times if they need, and many do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re providing temporary assistance to folks that are facing long-term, systemic problems, and we don’t expect that hanging out with us for a few months is all of a sudden going to increase the supply of affordable housing or living-wage jobs,” said Erin Stanton, director of family assistance at Sacred Heart Community Service, which coordinates the aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Destination: Home is expanding its prevention model to 10 new places across the country, including San Mateo County in California, as well as Miami-Dade County, Florida; Atlanta, Georgia; Austin-Travis County, Texas; communities in Alaska and multiple tribal communities in Minnesota. The idea is to see if the model can be successful outside of Santa Clara County and to see how it might be tweaked depending on the community it is serving. The needs in an economically depressed community, or one saturated by addiction, will be different from those in a rapidly gentrifying area, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>California is an expensive place to live. Are you feeling the pinch? \u003ca href=\"#Shareyourstory\">Share your story\u003c/a> with KQED by leaving us a voicemail at \u003ca href=\"tel:4155532115\">415-553-2115\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSe5v6Atf-zIWjJr8ZXgyOmDSRVu2kSdv4_RdPTIWLdBmnVoXg/viewform?usp=header\">clicking here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Destination: Home, which raised nearly $80 million for this effort from private donors, is giving each community $500,000 to plan their own homelessness prevention program modeled after Santa Clara County’s, and then at least $5 million to run the program for three years. The first programs are expected to launch this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of Notre Dame will evaluate the programs to see if they work. If they do, Destination: Home plans to push for a nationwide prevention strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County signed on to be a test community because it’s an “exciting opportunity,” said Amy Davidson, director of the county’s Center on Homelessness. The county already runs an emergency financial assistance program, but it doesn’t screen participants to determine who is most likely to end up on the street. With Destination: Home’s help, the county will launch a second program that more specifically targets people at risk of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seemed like a really great learning experience for us to try to learn what works really well, and what haven’t we done that we could consider doing,” Davidson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lower rates of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Five other Bay Area communities, including San Francisco and Oakland, already have \u003ca href=\"https://www.allhomeca.org/regional-homelessness-prevention-2/\">similar prevention programs\u003c/a>, which together have served more than 30,000 people. They’re supported by the organizations All Home and Bay Area Community Services, which helped fund the programs and developed a standardized online form that evaluates each applicant’s risk of homelessness. A sixth program in Marin County is set to launch later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, participants were \u003ca href=\"https://focusstrategies.net/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/SF-ERAP-Evaluation-Brief_Focus-Strategies.pdf\">40% less likely\u003c/a> to end up homeless than those in similar circumstances who didn’t get help. Between March 2023 and February 2025, less than 5% of program participants became homeless within a year of receiving prevention funds, compared with 8% of similarly situated people who didn’t receive funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072190\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072190\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Miles pets the dogs he helps care for after moving his belongings from Merlin Street to nearby Fifth Street in San Francisco on Jan. 27, 2026, following a scheduled encampment sweep. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, people helped by the Homelessness Prevention Unit were \u003ca href=\"https://capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/HPU-Early-Outcomes-Report.pdf\">71% less likely\u003c/a> to later end up in a homeless shelter or use street outreach services. As in Santa Clara County, the overall rates of homelessness are still small: Less than 2% of people enrolled in the program became homeless and used street or shelter services within 18 months, compared to a little more than 6% of people in similar circumstances but not enrolled in the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s tool is unique because it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/03/california-homeless-los-angeles-ai/\">uses AI to predict\u003c/a> who is most likely to become homeless. Participants don’t apply to the program. If the AI model picks them out, program staff cold-call them and invite them to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county is still testing the program, and a detailed analysis is expected next year. In the meantime, local leaders have thrown their support behind it. The county recently poured additional Measure A funding into the program, and is launching a new prevention program focused on young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feeding off the momentum generated by these efforts, a bill introduced this year would require the state to establish a statewide homelessness prevention strategy by July 2027. The state is expecting a budget deficit this year, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">Assembly Bill 1924\u003c/a> doesn’t come with funding. But supporters say it’s still a step forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we have proven models from the Bay Area and LA, we believe that it’s time for the state to be doing more to articulate goals and strategies for having a prevention program, with the hope that in the future if there’s more budget surplus those strategies could get better funding,” said Irene Farnsworth, director of regional homelessness prevention for All Home, which is co-sponsoring the bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/jesse-gabriel-160858\">Assemblymember Jesse Gabriel\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Encino.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They won’t just leave you hanging’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Desiré Campusano knows how to hustle. She’s crashed with relatives when she couldn’t afford rent and worked multiple jobs at once. But in 2021, something unexpected happened: She became an emergency foster parent to two of her young relatives. She felt herself foundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when she found Santa Clara County’s homelessness prevention program. It helped her stay afloat as she navigated moving into her own apartment in Milpitas, changing jobs and suddenly becoming a single guardian to two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She asked for help twice that year, once receiving her full rent payment of $1,575, and once receiving $1,000 to help her get by. The next year, her rent increased and she asked for help each time she couldn’t quite make the payment — for example when the kids got COVID and couldn’t go to day care, so she had to miss work and not get paid. She got help four times that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d be fine for a month or two, and then I’d need it again,” Campusano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, her rent went up again and she had to move out. She went to stay with her godfather in Hollister, but that meant a grueling commute to San Jose for work every day. Then, at the start of 2025, Campusano moved into a subsidized apartment in San Jose. The county’s homelessness prevention program helped her secure the apartment by paying her first and last month’s rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ongoing support was a gamechanger for Campusano, who finally feels like she’s back on her feet. She’s now teaching sociology and Mexican-American history at San Jose City College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They won’t just leave you hanging,” she said. “They’ll make sure you feel stable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/03/homelessness-prevention-pilot/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Shareyourstory\">\u003c/a>California is expensive. Share your story of how you get by\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSe5v6Atf-zIWjJr8ZXgyOmDSRVu2kSdv4_RdPTIWLdBmnVoXg/viewform?usp=header\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe the way out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">California’s homelessness \u003c/a>crisis is to prevent it in the first place, rather than focusing only on people who have already lost their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the thinking behind a program in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a> — and others like it around the state — that has gained traction and will soon test its strategy beyond California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These prevention programs have found that with a payment of several thousand dollars, aid organizations can head off someone’s homelessness. That both prevents the trauma that comes with losing a home, and saves the state or local government the potentially tens of thousands of dollars it takes to help someone after they become homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County program by nonprofit Destination: Home recently inspired the launch of \u003ca href=\"https://rightathomeusa.org/\">10 more pilot projects\u003c/a> throughout the country, marking the first large-scale, multi-state test of this strategy. If it works in those test counties, advocates will push for a nationwide program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015960\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015960\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/SantaClaraCountyHomelessnessGetty1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of tents belonging to unhoused residents line the banks of Coyote Creek near Tully Road on Jan. 4, 2023, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Dai Sugano/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">a bill\u003c/a> introduced this year in California would require the state to come up with a broad homelessness prevention strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The single most obvious answer to homelessness is to not let it happen in the first place,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Destination: Home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Focusing on prevention marks a significant shift in thinking. Traditionally, cities, counties and the state reserve their resources for helping the people in most dire need — those currently living on the street — get back on their feet. The problem with that strategy is that for every one person they move into housing, multiple other people fall into homelessness. That leaves cities spinning their wheels without meaningfully lessening the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prevention has its own challenges: The aid is most effective when it goes to people imminently at risk of losing their housing, and determining exactly who that is can be tricky. Several Bay Area communities use a questionnaire to evaluate how likely someone is to wind up homeless unless they get help. A Los Angeles County program \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/03/california-homeless-los-angeles-ai/\">uses artificial intelligence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risk is you give out a lot of precious resources to people who otherwise would be able to prevent homelessness on their own, and that takes away from things like emergency shelters or transitional shelters or permanent supportive housing,” said Jim Sullivan, director of the University of Notre Dame’s Lab for Economic Opportunities. His team evaluated Santa Clara County’s prevention program and found that people who received prevention funds were 78% less likely to become homeless than people in similar situations who got no funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even among the people who didn’t get prevention funds, the overall rate of homelessness in these studies tends to be small (in Santa Clara County, 4.1% of people who didn’t get help became homeless, compared to 0.9% who did get help). That’s because, despite the very visible humanitarian crisis on the streets of California, statistically speaking, homelessness is still extremely rare, said Janey Rountree, executive director of the California Policy Lab at UCLA, which helped develop a similar program in Los Angeles County. The vast majority of people are able to keep a roof over their head by getting help from family or friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How homelessness prevention works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Destination: Home helped launch Santa Clara County’s first homelessness prevention program in 2017. At the time, there wasn’t much help available for people on the brink of homelessness. Families staring down looming evictions were told to call back once they actually ended up on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a budget of $1 million secured through donations, the program helped 200 households that first year. Over the following years, the nonprofit got results — and buy-in from county officials. Now, the program has an annual budget of $30 million (most of which is publicly funded) and serves 2,500 households per year. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The program appears to be making a dent. Prior to its existence, for every homeless person who got housing, another three lost their homes. Now, for every one person housed, the math works out to 1.7 people losing their homes, according to Destination: Home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who apply to the program hear about it in different ways, including through food banks and other service providers, by word of mouth and through outreach workers in eviction court. Then they fill out a questionnaire designed to assess how likely they are to become homeless. Multiple factors could put them at greater risk: if they have experienced domestic violence, have been homeless before or are disabled, for example. If they check off enough risk factors, they qualify for aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, people accepted into the program received an average of about $6,500 (including if they returned multiple times for help), most of which went directly to rent, security deposits and other housing expenses. Participants can use the money to address whatever problem is threatening their housing, including fixing their car so they can get to work, paying for a hotel while they are between apartments, covering medical expenses or paying down a credit card debt if the large monthly payment is hurting their ability to pay rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants can come back for help multiple times if they need, and many do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re providing temporary assistance to folks that are facing long-term, systemic problems, and we don’t expect that hanging out with us for a few months is all of a sudden going to increase the supply of affordable housing or living-wage jobs,” said Erin Stanton, director of family assistance at Sacred Heart Community Service, which coordinates the aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Destination: Home is expanding its prevention model to 10 new places across the country, including San Mateo County in California, as well as Miami-Dade County, Florida; Atlanta, Georgia; Austin-Travis County, Texas; communities in Alaska and multiple tribal communities in Minnesota. The idea is to see if the model can be successful outside of Santa Clara County and to see how it might be tweaked depending on the community it is serving. The needs in an economically depressed community, or one saturated by addiction, will be different from those in a rapidly gentrifying area, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>California is an expensive place to live. Are you feeling the pinch? \u003ca href=\"#Shareyourstory\">Share your story\u003c/a> with KQED by leaving us a voicemail at \u003ca href=\"tel:4155532115\">415-553-2115\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSe5v6Atf-zIWjJr8ZXgyOmDSRVu2kSdv4_RdPTIWLdBmnVoXg/viewform?usp=header\">clicking here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Destination: Home, which raised nearly $80 million for this effort from private donors, is giving each community $500,000 to plan their own homelessness prevention program modeled after Santa Clara County’s, and then at least $5 million to run the program for three years. The first programs are expected to launch this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of Notre Dame will evaluate the programs to see if they work. If they do, Destination: Home plans to push for a nationwide prevention strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County signed on to be a test community because it’s an “exciting opportunity,” said Amy Davidson, director of the county’s Center on Homelessness. The county already runs an emergency financial assistance program, but it doesn’t screen participants to determine who is most likely to end up on the street. With Destination: Home’s help, the county will launch a second program that more specifically targets people at risk of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seemed like a really great learning experience for us to try to learn what works really well, and what haven’t we done that we could consider doing,” Davidson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lower rates of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Five other Bay Area communities, including San Francisco and Oakland, already have \u003ca href=\"https://www.allhomeca.org/regional-homelessness-prevention-2/\">similar prevention programs\u003c/a>, which together have served more than 30,000 people. They’re supported by the organizations All Home and Bay Area Community Services, which helped fund the programs and developed a standardized online form that evaluates each applicant’s risk of homelessness. A sixth program in Marin County is set to launch later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, participants were \u003ca href=\"https://focusstrategies.net/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/SF-ERAP-Evaluation-Brief_Focus-Strategies.pdf\">40% less likely\u003c/a> to end up homeless than those in similar circumstances who didn’t get help. Between March 2023 and February 2025, less than 5% of program participants became homeless within a year of receiving prevention funds, compared with 8% of similarly situated people who didn’t receive funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072190\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072190\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260127-SUPERBOWLHOMELESSNESS-11-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jacob Miles pets the dogs he helps care for after moving his belongings from Merlin Street to nearby Fifth Street in San Francisco on Jan. 27, 2026, following a scheduled encampment sweep. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, people helped by the Homelessness Prevention Unit were \u003ca href=\"https://capolicylab.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/HPU-Early-Outcomes-Report.pdf\">71% less likely\u003c/a> to later end up in a homeless shelter or use street outreach services. As in Santa Clara County, the overall rates of homelessness are still small: Less than 2% of people enrolled in the program became homeless and used street or shelter services within 18 months, compared to a little more than 6% of people in similar circumstances but not enrolled in the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s tool is unique because it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/03/california-homeless-los-angeles-ai/\">uses AI to predict\u003c/a> who is most likely to become homeless. Participants don’t apply to the program. If the AI model picks them out, program staff cold-call them and invite them to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county is still testing the program, and a detailed analysis is expected next year. In the meantime, local leaders have thrown their support behind it. The county recently poured additional Measure A funding into the program, and is launching a new prevention program focused on young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feeding off the momentum generated by these efforts, a bill introduced this year would require the state to establish a statewide homelessness prevention strategy by July 2027. The state is expecting a budget deficit this year, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1924\">Assembly Bill 1924\u003c/a> doesn’t come with funding. But supporters say it’s still a step forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now that we have proven models from the Bay Area and LA, we believe that it’s time for the state to be doing more to articulate goals and strategies for having a prevention program, with the hope that in the future if there’s more budget surplus those strategies could get better funding,” said Irene Farnsworth, director of regional homelessness prevention for All Home, which is co-sponsoring the bill by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/jesse-gabriel-160858\">Assemblymember Jesse Gabriel\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Encino.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They won’t just leave you hanging’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Desiré Campusano knows how to hustle. She’s crashed with relatives when she couldn’t afford rent and worked multiple jobs at once. But in 2021, something unexpected happened: She became an emergency foster parent to two of her young relatives. She felt herself foundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when she found Santa Clara County’s homelessness prevention program. It helped her stay afloat as she navigated moving into her own apartment in Milpitas, changing jobs and suddenly becoming a single guardian to two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She asked for help twice that year, once receiving her full rent payment of $1,575, and once receiving $1,000 to help her get by. The next year, her rent increased and she asked for help each time she couldn’t quite make the payment — for example when the kids got COVID and couldn’t go to day care, so she had to miss work and not get paid. She got help four times that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d be fine for a month or two, and then I’d need it again,” Campusano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, her rent went up again and she had to move out. She went to stay with her godfather in Hollister, but that meant a grueling commute to San Jose for work every day. Then, at the start of 2025, Campusano moved into a subsidized apartment in San Jose. The county’s homelessness prevention program helped her secure the apartment by paying her first and last month’s rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ongoing support was a gamechanger for Campusano, who finally feels like she’s back on her feet. She’s now teaching sociology and Mexican-American history at San Jose City College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They won’t just leave you hanging,” she said. “They’ll make sure you feel stable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2026/03/homelessness-prevention-pilot/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Shareyourstory\">\u003c/a>California is expensive. 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"slug": "california-vote-by-mail-faces-legal-political-challenges-from-trump-allies",
"title": "California Vote-By-Mail Faces Legal, Political Challenges From Trump Allies",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s expansive system of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/vote-by-mail\">vote-by-mail\u003c/a> is facing a two-pronged attack driven by President Donald Trump’s spurious attempts – without evidence – to discredit mail voting as electoral cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the local level, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican running for governor, has seized all ballots cast within his county during the November 2025 election to conduct what he calls an investigation into potential fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative justices on the Supreme Court also raised the specter of potential fraud this week as they \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/03/23/nx-s1-5757916/supreme-court-considers-laws-allowing-mail-in-votes-to-be-counted-after-election-day\">questioned\u003c/a> a Mississippi law, similar to one in California, that allows ballots postmarked by Election Day to be received and counted up to five days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenny Farrell, the executive director of the League of Women Voters of California, told me that taken together, the developments are part of “a growing pattern of actions both in California and nationally that risk undermining public confidence in our elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s office seized roughly 1,000 boxes – about 650,000 ballots – from the Riverside County Registrar of Voters in late February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His reasoning: A citizens group called the Riverside Election Integrity Team, said their audit of ballot intake forms found just 611,426 ballots — 45,896 short of the county’s final count of 657,322 votes. The local group claimed officials overstated the tally in an election where California voters overwhelmingly approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, a Democratic redistricting plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The investigation is going to determine what the discrepancy is,” Bianco said at a news conference Friday. “Is it human error? Is it machine error?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RhzqeYHkhtU&t=2s&pp=ygUncml2ZXJzaWRlIGJvYXJkIG9mIHN1cGVydmlzb3JzIGZlYnJ1YXJ5\">presentation\u003c/a> to the Riverside County Board of Supervisors in February, Registrar of Voters Art Tinoco said the ballot intake forms, filled out by hand by volunteers at voting locations, were not a reliable source to compare to the final vote count — which takes place after a machine scan of ballots at county offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are completed in the field by election officers during long work days — let’s keep that in mind, folks get tired,” Tinoco said. “It’s very possible that the staff may not have recorded the numbers accurately on these daily mail intake forms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024173\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20.jpg\" alt=\"A hand places a pieces of paper in the ballot box.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter casts a mail-in ballot at a polling site at Fresno City College in Fresno on Nov. 5, 2024. California’s vote-by-mail system is facing renewed legal and political challenges. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County supervisors vowed to look further into the ballot intake forms. But Bianco’s move to seize the ballots was “unprecedented,” said Matt Barreto, faculty director of the UCLA Voting Rights Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The single most important thing is having transparency and trust in the counting of the ballots,” Barreto said. “In no election should law enforcement officials be seizing ballots, removing them from the county and doing a private and separate count.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all, Bianco is a leading candidate for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075943/a-crowded-race-for-california-governor\">governor\u003c/a> in the state’s June 2 primary. Any move to align himself with Trump’s crusade against mail voting could help Bianco overtake his Republican rival in the race, commentator Steve Hilton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s certainly pursuing it only for publicity, not for election integrity,” Barreto said — a charge Bianco denied at his press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a lawsuit filed Monday, California Attorney Rob Bonta asked the state’s 4th District Court of Appeal to freeze Bianco’s investigation and halt a new count of ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sheriff has not identified any particular crime that may have been committed by anyone — a necessary predicate to obtain a criminal search warrant,” Bonta’s office said in a statement. “By all appearances, this investigation is little more than a fishing expedition meant to sow distrust and undermine public confidence in our elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a three-judge panel on the appeals court denied Bonta’s petition on Tuesday and instructed the attorney general to file his suit with a lower court instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one appears more determined to discredit vote-by-mail than Trump, who this week said, “mail-in voting means mail-in cheating.”[aside postID=news_11985554 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1244637624-scaled.jpg']Trump and Republicans in Congress are advocating for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035487/the-house-has-passed-the-trump-backed-save-act-here-are-8-things-to-know\">SAVE Act\u003c/a>, which would ban states such as California from automatically mailing all voters a ballot and instead require voters to submit an application and show proof-of-citizenship documents in order to receive a mail ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that bill faces uncertain prospects of clearing the Senate, the U.S. Supreme Court could soon block states from counting ballots that arrive by mail after Election Day. In California, ballots postmarked by Election Day can be counted if they are received up to one week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/oral_arguments/argument_transcripts/2025/24-1260_8njq.pdf\">oral arguments\u003c/a> Monday in \u003cem>Watson v. National Republican Committee\u003c/em>, a challenge to Mississippi’s voting rules, conservative Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Samuel Alito raised concern that significant changes in results in the days and weeks after Election Day — a common occurrence in closely-contested California races — could undermine public confidence in elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the briefs have argued that confidence in election outcomes can be seriously undermined if the apparent outcome of the election on the day after the polls close is radically flipped by the acceptance later of a big stash of ballots that flip the election,” Alito said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, a relatively small number of ballots arrive days after the election in California, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985554/shasta-county-elections-chief-who-fought-far-right-extremists-reflects-on-democracy\">Cathy Darling Allen\u003c/a>, the former registrar of voters in Shasta County. The real slowdown comes from the sheer volume of ballots that arrive on Election Day, she said, with each requiring election workers to conduct a signature match before it can be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up the count, Darling Allen said, counties need money for more election workers — and larger facilities for ballots and machines. “We need more space, not only to store ballots after elections, but also to process them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision to limit the ballot-arrival window is only likely to add more headaches in the June 2 primary, Darling Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision in the Watson case is expected in late June, right as California must certify its June primary results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does that mean for the ballots that were received on June 3rd or 4th or 5th in California?” Darling Allen said. “Are registrars going to have to segregate those ballots? Do they not even open the envelopes until the Supreme Court rules?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what I’m worried about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco’s seizure of 650,000 ballots, a challenge from Attorney General Rob Bonta, and a pending U.S. Supreme Court case raise new questions about election processes in California.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s expansive system of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/vote-by-mail\">vote-by-mail\u003c/a> is facing a two-pronged attack driven by President Donald Trump’s spurious attempts – without evidence – to discredit mail voting as electoral cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the local level, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican running for governor, has seized all ballots cast within his county during the November 2025 election to conduct what he calls an investigation into potential fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative justices on the Supreme Court also raised the specter of potential fraud this week as they \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/03/23/nx-s1-5757916/supreme-court-considers-laws-allowing-mail-in-votes-to-be-counted-after-election-day\">questioned\u003c/a> a Mississippi law, similar to one in California, that allows ballots postmarked by Election Day to be received and counted up to five days later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenny Farrell, the executive director of the League of Women Voters of California, told me that taken together, the developments are part of “a growing pattern of actions both in California and nationally that risk undermining public confidence in our elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s office seized roughly 1,000 boxes – about 650,000 ballots – from the Riverside County Registrar of Voters in late February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His reasoning: A citizens group called the Riverside Election Integrity Team, said their audit of ballot intake forms found just 611,426 ballots — 45,896 short of the county’s final count of 657,322 votes. The local group claimed officials overstated the tally in an election where California voters overwhelmingly approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/proposition-50\">Proposition 50\u003c/a>, a Democratic redistricting plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The investigation is going to determine what the discrepancy is,” Bianco said at a news conference Friday. “Is it human error? Is it machine error?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RhzqeYHkhtU&t=2s&pp=ygUncml2ZXJzaWRlIGJvYXJkIG9mIHN1cGVydmlzb3JzIGZlYnJ1YXJ5\">presentation\u003c/a> to the Riverside County Board of Supervisors in February, Registrar of Voters Art Tinoco said the ballot intake forms, filled out by hand by volunteers at voting locations, were not a reliable source to compare to the final vote count — which takes place after a machine scan of ballots at county offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are completed in the field by election officers during long work days — let’s keep that in mind, folks get tired,” Tinoco said. “It’s very possible that the staff may not have recorded the numbers accurately on these daily mail intake forms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024173\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024173\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20.jpg\" alt=\"A hand places a pieces of paper in the ballot box.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/110524-Election-Fresno_LV_CM_20-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter casts a mail-in ballot at a polling site at Fresno City College in Fresno on Nov. 5, 2024. California’s vote-by-mail system is facing renewed legal and political challenges. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>County supervisors vowed to look further into the ballot intake forms. But Bianco’s move to seize the ballots was “unprecedented,” said Matt Barreto, faculty director of the UCLA Voting Rights Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The single most important thing is having transparency and trust in the counting of the ballots,” Barreto said. “In no election should law enforcement officials be seizing ballots, removing them from the county and doing a private and separate count.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all, Bianco is a leading candidate for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075943/a-crowded-race-for-california-governor\">governor\u003c/a> in the state’s June 2 primary. Any move to align himself with Trump’s crusade against mail voting could help Bianco overtake his Republican rival in the race, commentator Steve Hilton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s certainly pursuing it only for publicity, not for election integrity,” Barreto said — a charge Bianco denied at his press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a lawsuit filed Monday, California Attorney Rob Bonta asked the state’s 4th District Court of Appeal to freeze Bianco’s investigation and halt a new count of ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sheriff has not identified any particular crime that may have been committed by anyone — a necessary predicate to obtain a criminal search warrant,” Bonta’s office said in a statement. “By all appearances, this investigation is little more than a fishing expedition meant to sow distrust and undermine public confidence in our elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a three-judge panel on the appeals court denied Bonta’s petition on Tuesday and instructed the attorney general to file his suit with a lower court instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one appears more determined to discredit vote-by-mail than Trump, who this week said, “mail-in voting means mail-in cheating.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Trump and Republicans in Congress are advocating for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035487/the-house-has-passed-the-trump-backed-save-act-here-are-8-things-to-know\">SAVE Act\u003c/a>, which would ban states such as California from automatically mailing all voters a ballot and instead require voters to submit an application and show proof-of-citizenship documents in order to receive a mail ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that bill faces uncertain prospects of clearing the Senate, the U.S. Supreme Court could soon block states from counting ballots that arrive by mail after Election Day. In California, ballots postmarked by Election Day can be counted if they are received up to one week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/oral_arguments/argument_transcripts/2025/24-1260_8njq.pdf\">oral arguments\u003c/a> Monday in \u003cem>Watson v. National Republican Committee\u003c/em>, a challenge to Mississippi’s voting rules, conservative Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Samuel Alito raised concern that significant changes in results in the days and weeks after Election Day — a common occurrence in closely-contested California races — could undermine public confidence in elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the briefs have argued that confidence in election outcomes can be seriously undermined if the apparent outcome of the election on the day after the polls close is radically flipped by the acceptance later of a big stash of ballots that flip the election,” Alito said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reality, a relatively small number of ballots arrive days after the election in California, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985554/shasta-county-elections-chief-who-fought-far-right-extremists-reflects-on-democracy\">Cathy Darling Allen\u003c/a>, the former registrar of voters in Shasta County. The real slowdown comes from the sheer volume of ballots that arrive on Election Day, she said, with each requiring election workers to conduct a signature match before it can be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To speed up the count, Darling Allen said, counties need money for more election workers — and larger facilities for ballots and machines. “We need more space, not only to store ballots after elections, but also to process them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision to limit the ballot-arrival window is only likely to add more headaches in the June 2 primary, Darling Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A decision in the Watson case is expected in late June, right as California must certify its June primary results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What does that mean for the ballots that were received on June 3rd or 4th or 5th in California?” Darling Allen said. “Are registrars going to have to segregate those ballots? Do they not even open the envelopes until the Supreme Court rules?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what I’m worried about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "new-almaden-the-mercury-mine-that-built-a-boomtown-south-of-san-jose",
"title": "New Almaden: The Mercury Mine That Built a Boomtown South of San José",
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"headTitle": "New Almaden: The Mercury Mine That Built a Boomtown South of San José | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#Viewthefullepisodetranscript\">View\u003c/a>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#Viewthefullepisodetranscript\"> the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visitors to the Almaden Quicksilver County Park may well wonder what the heck accounts for the name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who or what was Almaden? What is quicksilver? Why is there a 27-room Classical Revival mansion nestled in more than 4,000 acres in the hills south of San José? So many questions!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It beggars belief today, given how bucolic the park is, but New Almaden once hummed with a busy mining operation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its heyday, 1,800 miners and their families lived here, primarily in a couple of self-contained villages. Imagine churches, saloons, a school, a post office, and more. Now there are just a few moldering cemeteries and the old mine supervisor’s mansion, which has been turned into a \u003ca href=\"https://parks.santaclaracounty.gov/learn/visit-historic-sites/almaden-quicksilver-mining-museum\">museum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How quicksilver is used to extract gold\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before we get to our audience questions sent in about Almaden Quicksilver Park, let’s get a handle on why this place was once so valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay is full of cinnabar, a bright red rock the color of a stop sign. It formed 10 million to 12 million years ago during a time of intense volcanic and hydrothermal activity. Chemically speaking, cinnabar is mercury bonded to sulfur, and mercury is the more proper name for the silver-colored quicksilver. To get mercury out of cinnabar, you heat the rocks up and the mercury essentially sweats out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062447\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062447\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Exhibits at The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum, south of San José, on Oct. 27, 2025, paint a picture of the dangerous but lucrative craft of mining quicksilver from cinnabar. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mercury was super important during the Gold Rush, because in its liquid form, gold and silver miners used the quicksilver to extract precious metals from the crushed rocks they were trapped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mercury kind of grabs on to any precious metal,” said Lynda Will, parks program coordinator at Santa Clara County Parks and Recreation. “All the sand and other waste rock is left alone and left behind. And then you have a kinda of silver putty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miners call that an amalgam. You heat that amalgam to 1,076 degrees Fahrenheit, the mercury vapor goes off into the air, leaving you with your precious metal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It usually looks like spun sugar,” Will said. “It has all these holes where the mercury had been. So then you can take that spun gold, as we call it, and so you can make nuggets or even bars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How a Mexican cavalry officer discovered the cinnabar deposit in 1845\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just a few years prior to the discovery of gold at Sutter’s Mill near Sacramento in 1848, California was a Mexican territory. The Mexican government sent a cavalry officer named Andrés Castillero to catalogue strategic assets, and as was the practice at that time, officers and citizens could claim mines they discovered for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castillero was traveling in the South Bay when he noticed a fiery red-orange paint local Indigenous people were using on the walls of nearby missions. Castillero knew exactly what he was looking at. He knew that red paint had to have come from cinnabar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum features different kinds of ore in a display on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the time, the world’s main source of mercury was in Almadén, Spain. Spain controlled the supply, which meant they could charge what they wanted. Castillero, just from reading the newspapers, would have understood he was looking at a potential fortune in the hills south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you can imagine, it wasn’t long after Castillero discovered the cinnabar that other people wanted to take the mine from him, especially after the Gold Rush kicked off in 1848 and sent demand for quicksilver soaring. Multiple parties, including private investors and mining companies, tried to claim the land, and the case went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1859, the Supreme Court recognized Castillero’s claim, but the mine’s ownership remained split among several parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then in 1861, the U.S. Civil War started. During the Civil War, the federal government briefly attempted to seize the New Almaden mine because mercury was essential for extracting gold used to finance the Union war effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is where we get to Bay Curious listener Kiera O’Hara’s question:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What was the Civil War history behind the Almaden mercury mine in San José? I remember hearing Abraham Lincoln was involved?! \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the museum, parks program coordinator Will told of an aide to President Lincoln who thought, “There’s enough questionability about who owns this land, so maybe it’s owned by the U.S. government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, the quicksilver mine is an obvious money maker, and war is expensive. California gold was vital to the Union’s war effort, providing more than $170 million (roughly $7 billion today), in gold mostly, that stabilized the federal currency and paid for roughly 10% of things like weapons and supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum features photos of village life for quicksilver miners and their families during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This aide was thinking something along the lines of, “Why not claim the New Almaden mine and its profits for the Union side of the Civil War?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so he came down with a marshal and even a cavalry behind him to say, ‘Lincoln’s going to take over this mine. And, you know, you’re supposed to just surrender it to me.’” Will said. The mine manager at the time, John Young, rallied the miners working for him by saying something akin to “If they take over the mines, you’re going to be out of a job. So come down with, you know, your best rifles and your guns and, you know, help me defend this,” Will said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young also fired off urgent telegraphs, not only to other mine operators across California, but to a former New Almaden manager who happened to be working inside Lincoln’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young warned the well-placed friend that the federal government was about to set off a destructive chain reaction across the West, at a moment when the Union depended on the support of California’s gold miners. There were people in the state who sympathized with the South during the Civil War. So it would be really, really dumb to piss off Union supporters and drive them into the waiting arms of the Confederacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will thinks it’s possible Lincoln didn’t even know this whole fight was going on, given how distracted he was with the Civil War. Whatever the case, John Young’s quick thinking stopped a bright idea from a government man that could have thrown California and the rest of the Western U.S. to the Confederate side.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Has the mercury in San José caused environmental problems?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to be a geologist to know mercury is a neurotoxin and an environmental hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the mercury dug up at New Almaden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/quest/17411/mercury-in-the-bay-part-1\">made its way downstream\u003c/a>, into the San Francisco Bay. Mining continued into the 1970s, and in 2002, scientists identified this mine as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/tracking-a-toxic-trail-long-closed-mine-2709557.php\">single largest source\u003c/a> of mercury in the Bay, making the fish unsafe to eat for humans and birds alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A statue of a miner is featured at The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum south of San Joséon Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When we acquired the land in the mid-1970s, there was quite a bit of mercury contamination of the land,” Will said. “Under the furnace yards were pools of mercury. They had paved roads with cinnabar waste rock, which we call calcines. They had just dumped it over the sides of the hills. They had dumped it into the creeks. And so we have been remediating it ever since.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments, including Santa Clara County, purchased part of the mine property for parkland, found themselves partially on the hook for a multimillion-dollar \u003ca href=\"https://dtsc.ca.gov/dtsc-oversees-environmental-cleanup-of-mercury-contaminated-park/\">cleanup effort\u003c/a> to comply with the federal Clean Water Act. They did get help from the state and federal agencies. Additional work and monitoring continue, but authorities say it’s safe to picnic, hike, ride horses and otherwise recreate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Is it safe to eat fish from the San Francisco Bay?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As recently as 10 years ago, two years into the big effort to clean up the Bay, \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/cpwQ5OFIZRQ?si=SP5B4deyax67I7iR&t=356\">KQED explored this question\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/cpwQ5OFIZRQ?si=SP5B4deyax67I7iR&t=356 \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because mercury converts into methylmercury, which bioaccumulates up the food chain, fish, especially large fish, can carry high levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay is slowly cleaning itself, washing 3,100 pounds a year out to sea, but because so much has built up over time, it needs a helping hand,” the story said. “At a minimum, three generations will be impacted by the potent and long-lasting poison still lingering in the Bay mud. It may take more than 100 years for the Bay to recover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, California’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment recommended that children and women of childbearing age steer clear of fish like \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/sites/default/files/media/downloads/advisories/fishadvisorysfbayreport2023.pdf\">sharks and striped bass\u003c/a>. Ocean-going fish like Chinook salmon would be the safer bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Has Cornish culture survived in the region?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Our final listener question comes from Andrew Long, who lives all the way over in Cornwall, on the far southwest tip of England. He came to the Bay Area some time ago to visit a relative and had some questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m Cornish from the U.K. I know of the Cornish Camp at the Alamaden Quicksilver Mine. It would be great to know if Cornish culture survived, and is growing, like it is here with our language,” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum features a Cinnabar display south of San Joséon Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Long filled me in on the long, rich history of mining tin and copper in Cornwall, which extends all the way back to the early Bronze Age, circa 2200 B.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of you may be thinking about the British TV series “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7A0U6kQNCN0\">Poldark,\u003c/a>” and you’d be in the right territory. There were more than 300 active mines in Cornwall in the 1860s. But by the late 19th century, the industry had largely collapsed, and Cornish miners left in droves, traveling across the world to places like New Almaden in search of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a saying, ‘If you go to the bottom of a mine, a hole in the ground, at the bottom of it you’ll find a Cornishman,’” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They took a bit of Cornwall with them and left cultural evidence everywhere they went. In central Mexico, they introduced the Cornish pasty, which became, in Spanish, the paste. Over in \u003ca href=\"https://califcornishcousins.org/\">Grass Valley\u003c/a>, home to a lot of gold mining back in the day, there’s an annual Cornish Christmas Celebration. But in the South Bay, the history’s more subtle, almost hiding in plain sight. Like cinnabar.[aside postID=news_12076973 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260317-MONARCH-THE-BEAR-07-KQED.jpg']“I just did a very cursory search of your phone book in San José, and I saw a scattering of Cornish surnames,” Long said. Also on his trip to San José not too long ago, he spotted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.vta.org/go/stations/ohlone-chynoweth\">Ohlone-Chynoweth\u003c/a> station sign for the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chynoweth in Cornish means ‘new house.’ So that got me thinking, well, there’s got to be a reason you have a Cornish name for a Cornish railway station in South San José,” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two most prominent settlements at New Almaden were Spanish Town and English Camp, but that was really Cornish Camp, if you ask him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1960 documentary collaboration entitled \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/details/casjhsj_000081\">Quicksilver!\u003c/a> noted that, even then, in the mid-20th century, the mine was fading into the mists of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The international flavor of the old mining camp is shown by the names that survive. Manyales. Danielson. Castro. At one time, 26 nationalities were represented in New Almaden, and they helped fill two other cemeteries up on Mine Hill, which have long since been swept bare by souvenir hunters and the ravages of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cornish culture has largely faded into the rearview mirror in the South Bay, but Long has an idea related to his membership in a Cornish chorus. The Cornish are big singers. Here’s Barrett’s Privateers singing \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/track/60i1cJcq1fCNgolbUc67Xn\">The Miners’ Anthem\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long wants to take the band on tour to the South Bay, to reintroduce locals to our Cornish connections and light a fire under our interest in the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe to link up with a museum and do some promotional singing in shopping malls and that sort of stuff, to give people an idea that where they’re living has a history that is maybe something they never knew about,” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Viewthefullepisodetranscript\">\u003c/a>Episode transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>This story starts with three things that don’t seem like they belong together: Cornish miners, mercury poisoning, and Abraham Lincoln. They are, however, all connected to a mine in the foothills south of San José. We’re talking about the Almaden Quicksilver mine. Its glory days are long gone, and so Bay Curious gets a lot of questions about it. KQED’s Rachael Myrow knows all sorts of things South Bay, so we called her up to answer some of your questions. Hey, Rachael!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Hey, Olivia!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So the Almaden Quicksilver mine sits in what is today Almaden Quicksilver County Park. I visited some years ago, and I remember a sprawling park with rolling hills. I think I went in the summertime, so it was very, very, very hot and quite dry. But I can’t say I remember the mine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> That could be because there’s not a lot of the mining apparatus left. But in its heyday, in the 19th century, 1,800 miners and their families populated these hills, primarily in a couple of self-contained villages. Imagine churches, saloons, a school, and much, much more. Now there’s just a few moldering cemeteries …and the old mine supervisor’s mansion, which has been turned into a museum, with really restricted hours. I’m going to guess it was closed when you hiked or drove past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Hmmm, yeah. Must have been. Now, over the years on Bay Curious, we have done quite a few stories that touch on the California Gold Rush, less about the Silver Rushes that followed, but really nothing about quicksilver. To be honest, I don’t even really know what quicksilver is …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>To be honest, Olivia, neither did I before reporting this story out. But mining it was a lucrative hustle during the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>OK, well, before we dive in, then, could we do a little quicksilver 101?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Of course! The South Bay is full of \u003cem>cinnabar\u003c/em>, a bright red rock the color of a stop sign. It formed 10-12 million years ago during a time of intense volcanic and hydrothermal activity. Chemically speaking, cinnabar is mercury bonded to sulfur. Mercury being a more proper name for quicksilver, by the way …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>This is really taking me back to high school chemistry class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> As it should! And what do you remember about mercury, Olivia?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> OK, well, it’s a liquid at room temperature, and that’s unusual for a metal. And it’s a silvery color…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> You’ve got it! To get mercury out of cinnabar, you heat the rocks up and the mercury essentially sweats out. Now, mercury was super important during the Gold Rush because it was used by gold and silver miners to extract the precious metals from the crushed rocks they were trapped in. Here’s Lynda Will, parks program coordinator at Santa Clara County Parks and Recreation, to explain further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>So you pour your mercury over that sand. The mercury kind of grabs onto any precious metal. All the sand and other waste rock is left alone and left behind. And then you have — uh — looks kinda of like a silver putty. So it’s called an amalgam, and then you heat that amalgam to 1,076 degrees, the mercury vapor goes off into the air, and then you are left with your precious metal, which could be gold or silver. It usually looks like spun sugar, almost. It has all these holes where the mercury had been. So then you can take that spun gold, as we call it, and so you can make nuggets or even bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right, I get it. And this stuff must have been in high demand after the Gold Rush kicked off in 1848. I imagine?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Exactly. In 1845, California is still a Mexican territory. A Mexican cavalry officer named Andrés Castillero was riding through these foothills when he noticed something unusual — a fiery red-orange paint that local Indigenous people were using on the walls of nearby missions. Castillero knew exactly what he was looking at. He knew that red paint had to have come from cinnabar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> But how did he know?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> At the time Castillero made his discovery, the world’s main source of mercury was in Almadén, Spain. So Spain controlled the supply. Which meant they could charge what they wanted. Castillero, just from reading the newspapers, would have understood mercury’s importance in economic terms. So when Castillero saw that cinnabar in 1845, he understood he was looking at a potential fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> What was Castillero doing in San José anyway?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>He was sent by the Mexican government to catalogue strategic assets. Now, under Mexican law, officers and citizens could claim mines they discovered for themselves. So when Castillero saw the cinnabar, his life changed forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And this brings us to one of our Almaden Quicksilver listener questions! It comes from Kiera O’Hara of Santa Clara, who joined you, Rachael, on her \u003cem>second\u003c/em> tour of the Almaden Quicksilver Museum. Second, because she first visited when she was seven or eight years old. The museum is a regular pit stop for South Bay school children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kiera O’Hara:\u003c/strong> What was the Civil War history behind the Almaden mercury mine in San José? I remember hearing Abraham Lincoln was involved?!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The museum sits in the Casa Grande, or big house, a 27-room Classical Revival mansion the mine’s superintendents used to live in. As you can imagine, it wasn’t long after Castillero discovered the cinnabar that other people wanted to take the mine from him, especially after the Gold Rush sent demand for quicksilver soaring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So multiple parties, including private investors and mining companies, tried to claim the land, and the case went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1859, SCOTUS recognized Castillero’s claim, but the mine’s ownership remained split among several parties. And then in 1861, the U.S. Civil War started. And this is where we get to Kiera’s question, about whether Abraham Lincoln was involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>There was an aide to President Lincoln who went, “Oh, there’s enough questionability about who owns this land, so maybe it’s owned by the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Again, the quicksilver mine is an obvious money maker, and war is expensive. California gold was vital to the Union’s war effort, providing more than $170 million dollars in gold mostly that stabilized the federal currency and paid for roughly 10% of things like weapons and supplies. For those of you wondering, $170 million dollars in the 1860s would be worth roughly $7 billion dollars today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So this aide is thinking, ‘Why not claim the New Almaden mine and its profits for the Union side of the U.S. civil war?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>And so he came down with a marshal and even a cavalry behind him to say, “Lincoln’s going to take over this mine. And, you know, you’re supposed to just surrender it to me, the aide.” Then, mine manager, John Young, said ‘no!’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>So, just put yourself in John Young’s shoes. Who the heck is this aide showing up all of a sudden with troops behind him and a half-baked plan to take over the mine, because says who?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>He got the miners and said, “If they take over the mines, you’re going to be out of a job. So come down with, you know, your best rifles and your guns and, you know, help me defend this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>First, Young rallies his workers. And he fires off urgent telegraphs, not only to other mine operators across California, but to a former Almaden manager who now sits inside Lincoln’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>And said, “This is what’s happening out here. If he takes this mine, there’s the potential that he could take over every mine in California and the western United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Young was essentially saying, if the federal government seizes this mine, it could set off a chain reaction across the West, and at a moment when the Union depends on the support of California’s gold miners. There \u003cem>were\u003c/em> people in the state who sympathized with the South during the Civil War. So it would be really, really dumb to piss off Union supporters and drive them into the waiting arms of the Confederacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiera, our question asker, asked if Abraham Lincoln was involved. Lynda told us it’s possible Lincoln didn’t even know this whole fight was going on, given how distracted he was with the Civil War. Whatever the case, John Young’s quick thinking — his calculated warning framed as patriotism — stopped a bright idea from a government man that could have thrown California and the rest of the Western U.S. to the Confederate side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>When we return, we dig in on the environmental impacts of this mine. Plus a listener question about the miners who once worked there. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Sponsor Message\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So we’ve learned that mercury comes from cinnabar. It was super valuable during the Gold Rush because it helps separate gold from ore. And there was a big kerfuffle over the ownership of the Almaden mine that could have changed California’s posture during the Civil War.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, I want to touch on the environment … because you don’t have to be a geologist to know mercury is a neurotoxin, and a huge environmental hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Yes. Unfortunately, some of that mercury made its way downstream, into the San Francisco Bay. In 2002 — not that long ago — scientists identified \u003cem>this\u003c/em> mine as the single largest source of mercury in the Bay, making the fish unsafe to eat for humans and birds alike. I asked Lynda Will, parks program coordinator at Santa Clara County Parks and Recreation, about this very question …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>I can tell you a little bit about it. Yeah. When we acquired the land in the mid-70s, 1970s, there was quite a bit of mercury contamination of the land. Under the furnace yards was, you know, pools of mercury. They had paved roads with cinnabar waste rock, which we call calcines. They had just dumped it over the sides of the hills. They had dumped it into the creeks. And so we have been remediating it ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Local governments, including Santa Clara County, which purchased part of the mine property for parkland, found themselves partially on the hook for a multimillion-dollar cleanup effort to comply with the federal Clean Water Act. They did, I should mention, get help from the state and the feds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Is it safe for us to be in this park?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Additional work and monitoring continues, but authorities say it’s safe to picnic, hike, ride horses, et cetera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And what about the fish in the Bay, can we eat them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Errr, that’s a different story, more complicated. As recently as 10 years ago, 2 years then into the big effort to clean up the Bay, KQED explored this very question. Let’s just say, they were still describing it as problematic, not just because of the direct legacy from mining days, but from stormwater runoff and air pollution. Because mercury converts into methylmercury, which bioaccumulates up the food chain, fish … especially large fish … can carry high levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip from documentary: \u003c/strong>The Bay is slowly cleaning itself, washing 3,100 pounds a year out to sea, but because so much has built up over time, it needs a helping hand. … At a minimum, three generations will be impacted by the potent and long-lasting poison still lingering in the Bay mud.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So that old adage, “Don’t fish off the pier,” sounds like it remains true today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Well, the longer-lived, big fish, especially. In 2023, California’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, or OEHHA, recommended children and women of childbearing age steer clear of fish like sharks and striped bass. Ocean-going fish like Chinook salmon would be the safer bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Alright, so that’s two questions dispatched. Let’s move on to question number three. It comes from Andrew Long, who lives all the way over in Cornwall — the county at the far south west tip of England. He came to the Bay Area some time ago to visit a relative and had some questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>I’m Cornish from the U.K. I know of the Cornish Camp at the Alamaden Quicksilver Mine. It would be great to know if Cornish culture survived, and is growing, like it is here with our language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Andrew filled me in on the long, rich history of mining tin and copper in Cornwall, which extends all the way back to the early Bronze Age, circa 2200 BC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of you may be thinking about the British TV series “Poldark,” and you’d be in the right territory. There were more than 300 active mines in Cornwall in the 1860s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the late 19th century, the industry had largely collapsed … and Cornish miners left in droves, traveling across the world to places like New Almaden in search of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>So there is a saying, if you go to the bottom of a mine, a hole in the ground, at the bottom of it you’ll find a Cornishman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>They took a bit of Cornwall with them and left cultural evidence everywhere they went. In central Mexico, they introduced the Cornish \u003cem>pasty\u003c/em>, which became, in Spanish, the \u003cem>paste. \u003c/em>Over in Grass Valley, home to a lot of gold mining back in the day, there’s an annual Cornish Christmas Celebration. But in the South Bay, the history’s more subtle, almost hiding in plain sight. Like cinnabar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>I just did a very cursory search of your — the phone book in San José — and I saw a scattering of Cornish surnames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Cornish surnames like “Hicks” and even “Cornish.” Also, on his trip to San José, not too long ago, and he spotted a curious station sign for the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>There’s a station called Ohlone-Chy-NO-weth. Or CHIN-oh-weth, as you call it. Well, Chynoweth in Cornish means “new house.” So that got me thinking, well, there’s got to be a reason you have a Cornish name for a Cornish railway station in South San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The two most prominent settlements at New Almaden were Spanish Town and English Camp, but that was really Cornish Camp, if you ask Andrew. Today, little remains of the area’s once-bustling village life. Aside from the large mansion that now houses the museum, the only hints are the nonnative cypress and poplar trees, and the spreading vinca ground cover … green survivors of gardens long since forgotten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a bit from a 1960 documentary collaboration I dug up between the Museum and Channel 11 News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip from documentary: \u003c/strong>The international flavor of the old mining camp is shown by the names that survive. Manyales. Danielson. Castro. At one time, 26 nationalities were represented in New Almaden, and they helped fill two other cemeteries up on Mine Hill, that have long since been swept bare by souvenir hunters and the ravages of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Cornish culture has largely faded into the rearview mirror in the South Bay, but Andrew has an idea, related to his membership in a Cornish chorus called Barrett’s Privateers. The Cornish are big singers. Here’s Barrett’s Privateers singing The Miners’ Anthem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip of The Miners Anthem\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Andrew wants to take the band on tour to the South Bay, to reintroduce locals to our Cornish connections and light a fire under our interest in the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>Maybe to link up with the museum and do some promotional singing in shopping malls and that sort of stuff, to give people an idea that where they’re living has a history that is maybe something they never knew about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Thanks to Andrew, Kiera and to you, Rachael.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> My pleasure, as always!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It’s the start of a month, and that means a new voting round is up at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>. Let’s hear your choices …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice 1: Why is there a taco truck on every corner in San Francisco and San Mateo? They seem to have sprung up in the last year or two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice 2: Why are there huge fans over the tunnels near the Golden Gate Bridge?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice 3: What’s the story with the abandoned cop car in front of the airport off 101? Everyone knows no actual cop is in it, so what’s the scoop with leaving it there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Tally a vote for your favorite of those questions at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve still got space in our upcoming Bay Curious Trivia game. Snag some tickets for you and your friends at KQED.org/live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me, Olivia Allen-Price. With extra support from Maha Sanad, Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Thanks for listening!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Its quicksilver powered the California Gold Rush, but today, few traces of those boom-boom days remain, other than the toxic legacy still circulating in the San Francisco Bay.",
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"title": "New Almaden: The Mercury Mine That Built a Boomtown South of San José | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#Viewthefullepisodetranscript\">View\u003c/a>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#Viewthefullepisodetranscript\"> the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visitors to the Almaden Quicksilver County Park may well wonder what the heck accounts for the name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who or what was Almaden? What is quicksilver? Why is there a 27-room Classical Revival mansion nestled in more than 4,000 acres in the hills south of San José? So many questions!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It beggars belief today, given how bucolic the park is, but New Almaden once hummed with a busy mining operation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its heyday, 1,800 miners and their families lived here, primarily in a couple of self-contained villages. Imagine churches, saloons, a school, a post office, and more. Now there are just a few moldering cemeteries and the old mine supervisor’s mansion, which has been turned into a \u003ca href=\"https://parks.santaclaracounty.gov/learn/visit-historic-sites/almaden-quicksilver-mining-museum\">museum\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How quicksilver is used to extract gold\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before we get to our audience questions sent in about Almaden Quicksilver Park, let’s get a handle on why this place was once so valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South Bay is full of cinnabar, a bright red rock the color of a stop sign. It formed 10 million to 12 million years ago during a time of intense volcanic and hydrothermal activity. Chemically speaking, cinnabar is mercury bonded to sulfur, and mercury is the more proper name for the silver-colored quicksilver. To get mercury out of cinnabar, you heat the rocks up and the mercury essentially sweats out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062447\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062447\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00307_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Exhibits at The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum, south of San José, on Oct. 27, 2025, paint a picture of the dangerous but lucrative craft of mining quicksilver from cinnabar. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mercury was super important during the Gold Rush, because in its liquid form, gold and silver miners used the quicksilver to extract precious metals from the crushed rocks they were trapped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mercury kind of grabs on to any precious metal,” said Lynda Will, parks program coordinator at Santa Clara County Parks and Recreation. “All the sand and other waste rock is left alone and left behind. And then you have a kinda of silver putty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miners call that an amalgam. You heat that amalgam to 1,076 degrees Fahrenheit, the mercury vapor goes off into the air, leaving you with your precious metal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It usually looks like spun sugar,” Will said. “It has all these holes where the mercury had been. So then you can take that spun gold, as we call it, and so you can make nuggets or even bars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How a Mexican cavalry officer discovered the cinnabar deposit in 1845\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just a few years prior to the discovery of gold at Sutter’s Mill near Sacramento in 1848, California was a Mexican territory. The Mexican government sent a cavalry officer named Andrés Castillero to catalogue strategic assets, and as was the practice at that time, officers and citizens could claim mines they discovered for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castillero was traveling in the South Bay when he noticed a fiery red-orange paint local Indigenous people were using on the walls of nearby missions. Castillero knew exactly what he was looking at. He knew that red paint had to have come from cinnabar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062440\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00156_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum features different kinds of ore in a display on Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the time, the world’s main source of mercury was in Almadén, Spain. Spain controlled the supply, which meant they could charge what they wanted. Castillero, just from reading the newspapers, would have understood he was looking at a potential fortune in the hills south of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you can imagine, it wasn’t long after Castillero discovered the cinnabar that other people wanted to take the mine from him, especially after the Gold Rush kicked off in 1848 and sent demand for quicksilver soaring. Multiple parties, including private investors and mining companies, tried to claim the land, and the case went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1859, the Supreme Court recognized Castillero’s claim, but the mine’s ownership remained split among several parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then in 1861, the U.S. Civil War started. During the Civil War, the federal government briefly attempted to seize the New Almaden mine because mercury was essential for extracting gold used to finance the Union war effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is where we get to Bay Curious listener Kiera O’Hara’s question:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What was the Civil War history behind the Almaden mercury mine in San José? I remember hearing Abraham Lincoln was involved?! \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At the museum, parks program coordinator Will told of an aide to President Lincoln who thought, “There’s enough questionability about who owns this land, so maybe it’s owned by the U.S. government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, the quicksilver mine is an obvious money maker, and war is expensive. California gold was vital to the Union’s war effort, providing more than $170 million (roughly $7 billion today), in gold mostly, that stabilized the federal currency and paid for roughly 10% of things like weapons and supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062439\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00110_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum features photos of village life for quicksilver miners and their families during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This aide was thinking something along the lines of, “Why not claim the New Almaden mine and its profits for the Union side of the Civil War?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so he came down with a marshal and even a cavalry behind him to say, ‘Lincoln’s going to take over this mine. And, you know, you’re supposed to just surrender it to me.’” Will said. The mine manager at the time, John Young, rallied the miners working for him by saying something akin to “If they take over the mines, you’re going to be out of a job. So come down with, you know, your best rifles and your guns and, you know, help me defend this,” Will said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young also fired off urgent telegraphs, not only to other mine operators across California, but to a former New Almaden manager who happened to be working inside Lincoln’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Young warned the well-placed friend that the federal government was about to set off a destructive chain reaction across the West, at a moment when the Union depended on the support of California’s gold miners. There were people in the state who sympathized with the South during the Civil War. So it would be really, really dumb to piss off Union supporters and drive them into the waiting arms of the Confederacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will thinks it’s possible Lincoln didn’t even know this whole fight was going on, given how distracted he was with the Civil War. Whatever the case, John Young’s quick thinking stopped a bright idea from a government man that could have thrown California and the rest of the Western U.S. to the Confederate side.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Has the mercury in San José caused environmental problems?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You don’t have to be a geologist to know mercury is a neurotoxin and an environmental hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the mercury dug up at New Almaden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/quest/17411/mercury-in-the-bay-part-1\">made its way downstream\u003c/a>, into the San Francisco Bay. Mining continued into the 1970s, and in 2002, scientists identified this mine as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/tracking-a-toxic-trail-long-closed-mine-2709557.php\">single largest source\u003c/a> of mercury in the Bay, making the fish unsafe to eat for humans and birds alike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062445\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00255_TV-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A statue of a miner is featured at The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum south of San Joséon Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When we acquired the land in the mid-1970s, there was quite a bit of mercury contamination of the land,” Will said. “Under the furnace yards were pools of mercury. They had paved roads with cinnabar waste rock, which we call calcines. They had just dumped it over the sides of the hills. They had dumped it into the creeks. And so we have been remediating it ever since.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments, including Santa Clara County, purchased part of the mine property for parkland, found themselves partially on the hook for a multimillion-dollar \u003ca href=\"https://dtsc.ca.gov/dtsc-oversees-environmental-cleanup-of-mercury-contaminated-park/\">cleanup effort\u003c/a> to comply with the federal Clean Water Act. They did get help from the state and federal agencies. Additional work and monitoring continue, but authorities say it’s safe to picnic, hike, ride horses and otherwise recreate.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Is it safe to eat fish from the San Francisco Bay?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As recently as 10 years ago, two years into the big effort to clean up the Bay, \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/cpwQ5OFIZRQ?si=SP5B4deyax67I7iR&t=356\">KQED explored this question\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/cpwQ5OFIZRQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/cpwQ5OFIZRQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Because mercury converts into methylmercury, which bioaccumulates up the food chain, fish, especially large fish, can carry high levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay is slowly cleaning itself, washing 3,100 pounds a year out to sea, but because so much has built up over time, it needs a helping hand,” the story said. “At a minimum, three generations will be impacted by the potent and long-lasting poison still lingering in the Bay mud. It may take more than 100 years for the Bay to recover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, California’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment recommended that children and women of childbearing age steer clear of fish like \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/sites/default/files/media/downloads/advisories/fishadvisorysfbayreport2023.pdf\">sharks and striped bass\u003c/a>. Ocean-going fish like Chinook salmon would be the safer bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Has Cornish culture survived in the region?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Our final listener question comes from Andrew Long, who lives all the way over in Cornwall, on the far southwest tip of England. He came to the Bay Area some time ago to visit a relative and had some questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m Cornish from the U.K. I know of the Cornish Camp at the Alamaden Quicksilver Mine. It would be great to know if Cornish culture survived, and is growing, like it is here with our language,” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251027-ALMADENQUICKSILVER00296_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The New Almaden Quicksilver Mining Museum features a Cinnabar display south of San Joséon Oct. 27, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Long filled me in on the long, rich history of mining tin and copper in Cornwall, which extends all the way back to the early Bronze Age, circa 2200 B.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of you may be thinking about the British TV series “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7A0U6kQNCN0\">Poldark,\u003c/a>” and you’d be in the right territory. There were more than 300 active mines in Cornwall in the 1860s. But by the late 19th century, the industry had largely collapsed, and Cornish miners left in droves, traveling across the world to places like New Almaden in search of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a saying, ‘If you go to the bottom of a mine, a hole in the ground, at the bottom of it you’ll find a Cornishman,’” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They took a bit of Cornwall with them and left cultural evidence everywhere they went. In central Mexico, they introduced the Cornish pasty, which became, in Spanish, the paste. Over in \u003ca href=\"https://califcornishcousins.org/\">Grass Valley\u003c/a>, home to a lot of gold mining back in the day, there’s an annual Cornish Christmas Celebration. But in the South Bay, the history’s more subtle, almost hiding in plain sight. Like cinnabar.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I just did a very cursory search of your phone book in San José, and I saw a scattering of Cornish surnames,” Long said. Also on his trip to San José not too long ago, he spotted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.vta.org/go/stations/ohlone-chynoweth\">Ohlone-Chynoweth\u003c/a> station sign for the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chynoweth in Cornish means ‘new house.’ So that got me thinking, well, there’s got to be a reason you have a Cornish name for a Cornish railway station in South San José,” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two most prominent settlements at New Almaden were Spanish Town and English Camp, but that was really Cornish Camp, if you ask him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1960 documentary collaboration entitled \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/details/casjhsj_000081\">Quicksilver!\u003c/a> noted that, even then, in the mid-20th century, the mine was fading into the mists of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The international flavor of the old mining camp is shown by the names that survive. Manyales. Danielson. Castro. At one time, 26 nationalities were represented in New Almaden, and they helped fill two other cemeteries up on Mine Hill, which have long since been swept bare by souvenir hunters and the ravages of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cornish culture has largely faded into the rearview mirror in the South Bay, but Long has an idea related to his membership in a Cornish chorus. The Cornish are big singers. Here’s Barrett’s Privateers singing \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/track/60i1cJcq1fCNgolbUc67Xn\">The Miners’ Anthem\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long wants to take the band on tour to the South Bay, to reintroduce locals to our Cornish connections and light a fire under our interest in the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe to link up with a museum and do some promotional singing in shopping malls and that sort of stuff, to give people an idea that where they’re living has a history that is maybe something they never knew about,” Long said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Viewthefullepisodetranscript\">\u003c/a>Episode transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>This story starts with three things that don’t seem like they belong together: Cornish miners, mercury poisoning, and Abraham Lincoln. They are, however, all connected to a mine in the foothills south of San José. We’re talking about the Almaden Quicksilver mine. Its glory days are long gone, and so Bay Curious gets a lot of questions about it. KQED’s Rachael Myrow knows all sorts of things South Bay, so we called her up to answer some of your questions. Hey, Rachael!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Hey, Olivia!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So the Almaden Quicksilver mine sits in what is today Almaden Quicksilver County Park. I visited some years ago, and I remember a sprawling park with rolling hills. I think I went in the summertime, so it was very, very, very hot and quite dry. But I can’t say I remember the mine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> That could be because there’s not a lot of the mining apparatus left. But in its heyday, in the 19th century, 1,800 miners and their families populated these hills, primarily in a couple of self-contained villages. Imagine churches, saloons, a school, and much, much more. Now there’s just a few moldering cemeteries …and the old mine supervisor’s mansion, which has been turned into a museum, with really restricted hours. I’m going to guess it was closed when you hiked or drove past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Hmmm, yeah. Must have been. Now, over the years on Bay Curious, we have done quite a few stories that touch on the California Gold Rush, less about the Silver Rushes that followed, but really nothing about quicksilver. To be honest, I don’t even really know what quicksilver is …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>To be honest, Olivia, neither did I before reporting this story out. But mining it was a lucrative hustle during the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>OK, well, before we dive in, then, could we do a little quicksilver 101?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Of course! The South Bay is full of \u003cem>cinnabar\u003c/em>, a bright red rock the color of a stop sign. It formed 10-12 million years ago during a time of intense volcanic and hydrothermal activity. Chemically speaking, cinnabar is mercury bonded to sulfur. Mercury being a more proper name for quicksilver, by the way …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>This is really taking me back to high school chemistry class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> As it should! And what do you remember about mercury, Olivia?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> OK, well, it’s a liquid at room temperature, and that’s unusual for a metal. And it’s a silvery color…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> You’ve got it! To get mercury out of cinnabar, you heat the rocks up and the mercury essentially sweats out. Now, mercury was super important during the Gold Rush because it was used by gold and silver miners to extract the precious metals from the crushed rocks they were trapped in. Here’s Lynda Will, parks program coordinator at Santa Clara County Parks and Recreation, to explain further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>So you pour your mercury over that sand. The mercury kind of grabs onto any precious metal. All the sand and other waste rock is left alone and left behind. And then you have — uh — looks kinda of like a silver putty. So it’s called an amalgam, and then you heat that amalgam to 1,076 degrees, the mercury vapor goes off into the air, and then you are left with your precious metal, which could be gold or silver. It usually looks like spun sugar, almost. It has all these holes where the mercury had been. So then you can take that spun gold, as we call it, and so you can make nuggets or even bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right, I get it. And this stuff must have been in high demand after the Gold Rush kicked off in 1848. I imagine?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Exactly. In 1845, California is still a Mexican territory. A Mexican cavalry officer named Andrés Castillero was riding through these foothills when he noticed something unusual — a fiery red-orange paint that local Indigenous people were using on the walls of nearby missions. Castillero knew exactly what he was looking at. He knew that red paint had to have come from cinnabar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> But how did he know?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> At the time Castillero made his discovery, the world’s main source of mercury was in Almadén, Spain. So Spain controlled the supply. Which meant they could charge what they wanted. Castillero, just from reading the newspapers, would have understood mercury’s importance in economic terms. So when Castillero saw that cinnabar in 1845, he understood he was looking at a potential fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> What was Castillero doing in San José anyway?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>He was sent by the Mexican government to catalogue strategic assets. Now, under Mexican law, officers and citizens could claim mines they discovered for themselves. So when Castillero saw the cinnabar, his life changed forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And this brings us to one of our Almaden Quicksilver listener questions! It comes from Kiera O’Hara of Santa Clara, who joined you, Rachael, on her \u003cem>second\u003c/em> tour of the Almaden Quicksilver Museum. Second, because she first visited when she was seven or eight years old. The museum is a regular pit stop for South Bay school children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kiera O’Hara:\u003c/strong> What was the Civil War history behind the Almaden mercury mine in San José? I remember hearing Abraham Lincoln was involved?!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The museum sits in the Casa Grande, or big house, a 27-room Classical Revival mansion the mine’s superintendents used to live in. As you can imagine, it wasn’t long after Castillero discovered the cinnabar that other people wanted to take the mine from him, especially after the Gold Rush sent demand for quicksilver soaring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So multiple parties, including private investors and mining companies, tried to claim the land, and the case went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. In 1859, SCOTUS recognized Castillero’s claim, but the mine’s ownership remained split among several parties. And then in 1861, the U.S. Civil War started. And this is where we get to Kiera’s question, about whether Abraham Lincoln was involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>There was an aide to President Lincoln who went, “Oh, there’s enough questionability about who owns this land, so maybe it’s owned by the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Again, the quicksilver mine is an obvious money maker, and war is expensive. California gold was vital to the Union’s war effort, providing more than $170 million dollars in gold mostly that stabilized the federal currency and paid for roughly 10% of things like weapons and supplies. For those of you wondering, $170 million dollars in the 1860s would be worth roughly $7 billion dollars today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So this aide is thinking, ‘Why not claim the New Almaden mine and its profits for the Union side of the U.S. civil war?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>And so he came down with a marshal and even a cavalry behind him to say, “Lincoln’s going to take over this mine. And, you know, you’re supposed to just surrender it to me, the aide.” Then, mine manager, John Young, said ‘no!’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>So, just put yourself in John Young’s shoes. Who the heck is this aide showing up all of a sudden with troops behind him and a half-baked plan to take over the mine, because says who?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>He got the miners and said, “If they take over the mines, you’re going to be out of a job. So come down with, you know, your best rifles and your guns and, you know, help me defend this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>First, Young rallies his workers. And he fires off urgent telegraphs, not only to other mine operators across California, but to a former Almaden manager who now sits inside Lincoln’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>And said, “This is what’s happening out here. If he takes this mine, there’s the potential that he could take over every mine in California and the western United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Young was essentially saying, if the federal government seizes this mine, it could set off a chain reaction across the West, and at a moment when the Union depends on the support of California’s gold miners. There \u003cem>were\u003c/em> people in the state who sympathized with the South during the Civil War. So it would be really, really dumb to piss off Union supporters and drive them into the waiting arms of the Confederacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kiera, our question asker, asked if Abraham Lincoln was involved. Lynda told us it’s possible Lincoln didn’t even know this whole fight was going on, given how distracted he was with the Civil War. Whatever the case, John Young’s quick thinking — his calculated warning framed as patriotism — stopped a bright idea from a government man that could have thrown California and the rest of the Western U.S. to the Confederate side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>When we return, we dig in on the environmental impacts of this mine. Plus a listener question about the miners who once worked there. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Sponsor Message\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So we’ve learned that mercury comes from cinnabar. It was super valuable during the Gold Rush because it helps separate gold from ore. And there was a big kerfuffle over the ownership of the Almaden mine that could have changed California’s posture during the Civil War.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, I want to touch on the environment … because you don’t have to be a geologist to know mercury is a neurotoxin, and a huge environmental hazard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Yes. Unfortunately, some of that mercury made its way downstream, into the San Francisco Bay. In 2002 — not that long ago — scientists identified \u003cem>this\u003c/em> mine as the single largest source of mercury in the Bay, making the fish unsafe to eat for humans and birds alike. I asked Lynda Will, parks program coordinator at Santa Clara County Parks and Recreation, about this very question …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lynda Will: \u003c/strong>I can tell you a little bit about it. Yeah. When we acquired the land in the mid-70s, 1970s, there was quite a bit of mercury contamination of the land. Under the furnace yards was, you know, pools of mercury. They had paved roads with cinnabar waste rock, which we call calcines. They had just dumped it over the sides of the hills. They had dumped it into the creeks. And so we have been remediating it ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Local governments, including Santa Clara County, which purchased part of the mine property for parkland, found themselves partially on the hook for a multimillion-dollar cleanup effort to comply with the federal Clean Water Act. They did, I should mention, get help from the state and the feds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Is it safe for us to be in this park?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Additional work and monitoring continues, but authorities say it’s safe to picnic, hike, ride horses, et cetera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>And what about the fish in the Bay, can we eat them?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Errr, that’s a different story, more complicated. As recently as 10 years ago, 2 years then into the big effort to clean up the Bay, KQED explored this very question. Let’s just say, they were still describing it as problematic, not just because of the direct legacy from mining days, but from stormwater runoff and air pollution. Because mercury converts into methylmercury, which bioaccumulates up the food chain, fish … especially large fish … can carry high levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip from documentary: \u003c/strong>The Bay is slowly cleaning itself, washing 3,100 pounds a year out to sea, but because so much has built up over time, it needs a helping hand. … At a minimum, three generations will be impacted by the potent and long-lasting poison still lingering in the Bay mud.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So that old adage, “Don’t fish off the pier,” sounds like it remains true today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> Well, the longer-lived, big fish, especially. In 2023, California’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, or OEHHA, recommended children and women of childbearing age steer clear of fish like sharks and striped bass. Ocean-going fish like Chinook salmon would be the safer bet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Alright, so that’s two questions dispatched. Let’s move on to question number three. It comes from Andrew Long, who lives all the way over in Cornwall — the county at the far south west tip of England. He came to the Bay Area some time ago to visit a relative and had some questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>I’m Cornish from the U.K. I know of the Cornish Camp at the Alamaden Quicksilver Mine. It would be great to know if Cornish culture survived, and is growing, like it is here with our language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Andrew filled me in on the long, rich history of mining tin and copper in Cornwall, which extends all the way back to the early Bronze Age, circa 2200 BC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of you may be thinking about the British TV series “Poldark,” and you’d be in the right territory. There were more than 300 active mines in Cornwall in the 1860s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the late 19th century, the industry had largely collapsed … and Cornish miners left in droves, traveling across the world to places like New Almaden in search of work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>So there is a saying, if you go to the bottom of a mine, a hole in the ground, at the bottom of it you’ll find a Cornishman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>They took a bit of Cornwall with them and left cultural evidence everywhere they went. In central Mexico, they introduced the Cornish \u003cem>pasty\u003c/em>, which became, in Spanish, the \u003cem>paste. \u003c/em>Over in Grass Valley, home to a lot of gold mining back in the day, there’s an annual Cornish Christmas Celebration. But in the South Bay, the history’s more subtle, almost hiding in plain sight. Like cinnabar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>I just did a very cursory search of your — the phone book in San José — and I saw a scattering of Cornish surnames.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Cornish surnames like “Hicks” and even “Cornish.” Also, on his trip to San José, not too long ago, and he spotted a curious station sign for the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>There’s a station called Ohlone-Chy-NO-weth. Or CHIN-oh-weth, as you call it. Well, Chynoweth in Cornish means “new house.” So that got me thinking, well, there’s got to be a reason you have a Cornish name for a Cornish railway station in South San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>The two most prominent settlements at New Almaden were Spanish Town and English Camp, but that was really Cornish Camp, if you ask Andrew. Today, little remains of the area’s once-bustling village life. Aside from the large mansion that now houses the museum, the only hints are the nonnative cypress and poplar trees, and the spreading vinca ground cover … green survivors of gardens long since forgotten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a bit from a 1960 documentary collaboration I dug up between the Museum and Channel 11 News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip from documentary: \u003c/strong>The international flavor of the old mining camp is shown by the names that survive. Manyales. Danielson. Castro. At one time, 26 nationalities were represented in New Almaden, and they helped fill two other cemeteries up on Mine Hill, that have long since been swept bare by souvenir hunters and the ravages of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Cornish culture has largely faded into the rearview mirror in the South Bay, but Andrew has an idea, related to his membership in a Cornish chorus called Barrett’s Privateers. The Cornish are big singers. Here’s Barrett’s Privateers singing The Miners’ Anthem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip of The Miners Anthem\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow: \u003c/strong>Andrew wants to take the band on tour to the South Bay, to reintroduce locals to our Cornish connections and light a fire under our interest in the history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrew Long: \u003c/strong>Maybe to link up with the museum and do some promotional singing in shopping malls and that sort of stuff, to give people an idea that where they’re living has a history that is maybe something they never knew about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Thanks to Andrew, Kiera and to you, Rachael.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Myrow:\u003c/strong> My pleasure, as always!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It’s the start of a month, and that means a new voting round is up at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>. Let’s hear your choices …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice 1: Why is there a taco truck on every corner in San Francisco and San Mateo? They seem to have sprung up in the last year or two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice 2: Why are there huge fans over the tunnels near the Golden Gate Bridge?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voice 3: What’s the story with the abandoned cop car in front of the airport off 101? Everyone knows no actual cop is in it, so what’s the scoop with leaving it there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Tally a vote for your favorite of those questions at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve still got space in our upcoming Bay Curious Trivia game. Snag some tickets for you and your friends at KQED.org/live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me, Olivia Allen-Price. With extra support from Maha Sanad, Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on Team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Thanks for listening!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> jury on Wednesday found that Meta and Google’s YouTube were to blame for the depression and anxiety of a woman who compulsively used social media as a small child, awarding her $6 million in a rare verdict holding Silicon Valley accountable for its role in fueling a youth mental health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jurors concluded that Meta and Google should pay the woman $3 million in compensatory damages and an additional $3 million in punitive damages, with Meta on the hook for 70% of that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the verdict was read, the plaintiff, known only as Kaley, looked straight ahead stony-faced, while her lawyers shook their heads in approval. The lawyers for Meta and Google did not react to the jury’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome of this case could influence thousands of other consolidated cases against the social media companies. The litigation has drawn comparisons to the legal crusade that led to industry changes against Big Tobacco in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph VanZandt, the co-lead lawyer for families and others suing social media companies, said Wednesday’s judgement is a step toward holding Silicon Valley giants accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But this verdict is bigger than one case. For years, social media companies have profited from targeting children while concealing their addictive and dangerous design features. Today’s verdict is a referendum — from a jury, to an entire industry — that accountability has arrived,” he said in a joint statement with the plaintiff’s legal team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta and Google said they disagree with the verdict. Meta said it is weighing its legal options and Google plans to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case misunderstands YouTube, which is a responsibly built streaming platform, not a social media site,” said Google spokesman José Castañeda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict from a Los Angeles jury over the harms of social media comes a day after a separate jury in New Mexico ordered Meta to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/03/24/g-s1-115019/new-mexico-meta-children-mental-health\">pay $375 million in damages\u003c/a> for failing to protect young users from child predators on Instagram and Facebook. The New Mexico jury found Meta responsible for misleading consumers about the safety of its platforms, declaring that the tech company had flouted state consumer protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That trial will also enter a second phase, in May, in which a judge will decide whether Meta created a public nuisance and if the company must pay additional penalties to address harms. New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez said he will also ask the court to force changes to make Meta’s apps safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Juries in New Mexico and California have recognized that Meta’s public deception and design features are putting children in harm’s way,” Torrez said in a statement on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg leaves Los Angeles Superior Court after testifying in a trial examining whether social media companies designed their platforms to be addictive to children on Feb. 18, 2026. (Photo by Apu GOMES / AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The blockbuster verdicts land against the backdrop of school districts and state lawmakers around the country limiting or banning phone use in schools. This week’s verdicts mark the first time juries have decided that tech companies are at least partially liable for online and off-line dangers kids and teenagers encounter after incessantly using social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over a more than month-long trial in Los Angeles, the jury of five men and seven women heard competing narratives about what role social media platforms played in the mental health struggles of a woman identified as KGM, or Kaley, a now-20-year-old from Chico, Calif., who said she first started using YouTube at 6 years old and Instagram when she was 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for KGM argued that Instagram and YouTube were deliberately designed to be addictive and the companies knew the platforms were harming young people, while the tech companies countered that their services cannot be blamed for complex mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KGM’s legal team showed the jury internal documents from Meta in which CEO Mark Zuckerberg and other executives described the company’s efforts to attract and keep kids and teens on its platforms. One document said: “If we wanna win big with teens, we must bring them in as tweens,” and another internal memo showed that 11-year-olds were four times as likely to keep coming back to Instagram, compared with competing apps, despite the platform requiring users to be at least 13 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under questioning about these documents, Zuckerberg told the jury that keeping young users safe has always been a company priority. “If people feel like they’re not having a good experience, why would they keep using the product?” Zuckerberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial is a test case, known as a bellwether, tied to about 2,000 other pending lawsuits brought by parents and school districts arguing that social media giants should be considered manufacturers of defective products for hooking a generation of young people to social media feeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the case, the companies insisted that there is no scientific proof that social media causes mental health issues, suggesting that they are being used as a scapegoat for the multi-faceted emotional issues children face that can have many root causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snapchat and TikTok were also defendants in the case, but both companies \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/27/nx-s1-5684196/social-media-kids-addiction-mental-health-trial\">settled\u003c/a> before the trial began.\u003cbr>\nL.A. case focused on design of social media platforms to overcome liability shield\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, tech companies have avoided legal liability over the content that appears on their sites because of a federal law known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/11/994395889/how-one-mans-fight-against-an-aol-troll-sealed-the-tech-industrys-power\">Section 230\u003c/a> of the 1996 Communications Decency Act, which says that tech companies are not legally responsible for what their users post. This has made it difficult to bring cases over social media harms to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles case, lawyers took a different approach by focusing on how tech companies built their platforms. They argued that features like infinite scroll, constant notifications, autoplay and beauty filters made apps like Instagram and YouTube equivalent to a “digital casino,” which young people found too irresistible to put down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By taking this tack, the lawyers pursued a case alleging defective design that was able to get around the high bar set by Section 230. It’s not what users post, the lawyers argued, but the very architecture of social media platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you make a child never put down the phone? That’s called the engineering of addiction,” said KGM’s lawyer Mark Lanier, a Texas trial attorney and part-time pastor who had a penchant for drawing on documents with markers on overhead project slides to keep the jury engaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of five weeks, jurors heard from therapists, engineers, tech executives including Zuckerberg, and the plaintiff herself about just how culpable big tech companies should be for contributing to KGM’s mental health struggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Were her issues pre-existing, or exacerbated by her home life, or deepened by social media?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta and Google fought back by underscoring the emotional and physical abuse her medical records indicated she experienced at home. Lawyers for the tech companies also hammered the point that Kaley’s own therapist never documented that social media use was a factor in her mental health problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the witness stand, KGM testified that using social media affected her self-worth, as she got further drawn into the apps and withdrew from friends and family. She developed depression and body dysmorphia, she said, as she continuously compared herself to others and used beauty filters to enhance her appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She so craved the validation of social media, she said, that she would run off to the bathroom at school to check the number of “likes” her posts had received. She testified that it was hard to concentrate on school because all she wanted to do was stay glued to her social media feeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury was not tasked with deciding whether Meta and Google had created Kaley’s mental health woes, but rather if her compulsive social media use was a “substantial factor” in her struggles and if the defective design of the platforms was the direct cause of the distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lanier, who is known for trotting out large exhibits for trial spectacle, closed his questioning of Zuckerberg with one such display.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lanier and several of his associates held up a 35-foot collage featuring hundreds of selfies Kaley had posted to Instagram, many of which used beauty filters, just as she was struggling with body-image issues. Zuckerberg looked on, as Lanier peppered him with questions about how and why a girl under the age of 13, Meta’s minimum age to create an account, was able to post to the app so obsessively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his closing argument, Lanier drew the jury’s attention to internal documents showing how top officials at Meta and Google were aware of how its products were causing harm to young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t naysay the opportunity to make money,” Lanier said. “But when you’re making money off of kids, you have to do it responsibly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR’s Shannon Bond contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> jury on Wednesday found that Meta and Google’s YouTube were to blame for the depression and anxiety of a woman who compulsively used social media as a small child, awarding her $6 million in a rare verdict holding Silicon Valley accountable for its role in fueling a youth mental health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jurors concluded that Meta and Google should pay the woman $3 million in compensatory damages and an additional $3 million in punitive damages, with Meta on the hook for 70% of that amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the verdict was read, the plaintiff, known only as Kaley, looked straight ahead stony-faced, while her lawyers shook their heads in approval. The lawyers for Meta and Google did not react to the jury’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome of this case could influence thousands of other consolidated cases against the social media companies. The litigation has drawn comparisons to the legal crusade that led to industry changes against Big Tobacco in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph VanZandt, the co-lead lawyer for families and others suing social media companies, said Wednesday’s judgement is a step toward holding Silicon Valley giants accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But this verdict is bigger than one case. For years, social media companies have profited from targeting children while concealing their addictive and dangerous design features. Today’s verdict is a referendum — from a jury, to an entire industry — that accountability has arrived,” he said in a joint statement with the plaintiff’s legal team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta and Google said they disagree with the verdict. Meta said it is weighing its legal options and Google plans to appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case misunderstands YouTube, which is a responsibly built streaming platform, not a social media site,” said Google spokesman José Castañeda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict from a Los Angeles jury over the harms of social media comes a day after a separate jury in New Mexico ordered Meta to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/03/24/g-s1-115019/new-mexico-meta-children-mental-health\">pay $375 million in damages\u003c/a> for failing to protect young users from child predators on Instagram and Facebook. The New Mexico jury found Meta responsible for misleading consumers about the safety of its platforms, declaring that the tech company had flouted state consumer protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That trial will also enter a second phase, in May, in which a judge will decide whether Meta created a public nuisance and if the company must pay additional penalties to address harms. New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez said he will also ask the court to force changes to make Meta’s apps safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Juries in New Mexico and California have recognized that Meta’s public deception and design features are putting children in harm’s way,” Torrez said in a statement on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12077556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12077556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2261837336-1-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg leaves Los Angeles Superior Court after testifying in a trial examining whether social media companies designed their platforms to be addictive to children on Feb. 18, 2026. (Photo by Apu GOMES / AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The blockbuster verdicts land against the backdrop of school districts and state lawmakers around the country limiting or banning phone use in schools. This week’s verdicts mark the first time juries have decided that tech companies are at least partially liable for online and off-line dangers kids and teenagers encounter after incessantly using social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over a more than month-long trial in Los Angeles, the jury of five men and seven women heard competing narratives about what role social media platforms played in the mental health struggles of a woman identified as KGM, or Kaley, a now-20-year-old from Chico, Calif., who said she first started using YouTube at 6 years old and Instagram when she was 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for KGM argued that Instagram and YouTube were deliberately designed to be addictive and the companies knew the platforms were harming young people, while the tech companies countered that their services cannot be blamed for complex mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KGM’s legal team showed the jury internal documents from Meta in which CEO Mark Zuckerberg and other executives described the company’s efforts to attract and keep kids and teens on its platforms. One document said: “If we wanna win big with teens, we must bring them in as tweens,” and another internal memo showed that 11-year-olds were four times as likely to keep coming back to Instagram, compared with competing apps, despite the platform requiring users to be at least 13 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under questioning about these documents, Zuckerberg told the jury that keeping young users safe has always been a company priority. “If people feel like they’re not having a good experience, why would they keep using the product?” Zuckerberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trial is a test case, known as a bellwether, tied to about 2,000 other pending lawsuits brought by parents and school districts arguing that social media giants should be considered manufacturers of defective products for hooking a generation of young people to social media feeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the case, the companies insisted that there is no scientific proof that social media causes mental health issues, suggesting that they are being used as a scapegoat for the multi-faceted emotional issues children face that can have many root causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Snapchat and TikTok were also defendants in the case, but both companies \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/27/nx-s1-5684196/social-media-kids-addiction-mental-health-trial\">settled\u003c/a> before the trial began.\u003cbr>\nL.A. case focused on design of social media platforms to overcome liability shield\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, tech companies have avoided legal liability over the content that appears on their sites because of a federal law known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/05/11/994395889/how-one-mans-fight-against-an-aol-troll-sealed-the-tech-industrys-power\">Section 230\u003c/a> of the 1996 Communications Decency Act, which says that tech companies are not legally responsible for what their users post. This has made it difficult to bring cases over social media harms to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles case, lawyers took a different approach by focusing on how tech companies built their platforms. They argued that features like infinite scroll, constant notifications, autoplay and beauty filters made apps like Instagram and YouTube equivalent to a “digital casino,” which young people found too irresistible to put down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By taking this tack, the lawyers pursued a case alleging defective design that was able to get around the high bar set by Section 230. It’s not what users post, the lawyers argued, but the very architecture of social media platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you make a child never put down the phone? That’s called the engineering of addiction,” said KGM’s lawyer Mark Lanier, a Texas trial attorney and part-time pastor who had a penchant for drawing on documents with markers on overhead project slides to keep the jury engaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of five weeks, jurors heard from therapists, engineers, tech executives including Zuckerberg, and the plaintiff herself about just how culpable big tech companies should be for contributing to KGM’s mental health struggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Were her issues pre-existing, or exacerbated by her home life, or deepened by social media?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta and Google fought back by underscoring the emotional and physical abuse her medical records indicated she experienced at home. Lawyers for the tech companies also hammered the point that Kaley’s own therapist never documented that social media use was a factor in her mental health problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From the witness stand, KGM testified that using social media affected her self-worth, as she got further drawn into the apps and withdrew from friends and family. She developed depression and body dysmorphia, she said, as she continuously compared herself to others and used beauty filters to enhance her appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She so craved the validation of social media, she said, that she would run off to the bathroom at school to check the number of “likes” her posts had received. She testified that it was hard to concentrate on school because all she wanted to do was stay glued to her social media feeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury was not tasked with deciding whether Meta and Google had created Kaley’s mental health woes, but rather if her compulsive social media use was a “substantial factor” in her struggles and if the defective design of the platforms was the direct cause of the distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lanier, who is known for trotting out large exhibits for trial spectacle, closed his questioning of Zuckerberg with one such display.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lanier and several of his associates held up a 35-foot collage featuring hundreds of selfies Kaley had posted to Instagram, many of which used beauty filters, just as she was struggling with body-image issues. Zuckerberg looked on, as Lanier peppered him with questions about how and why a girl under the age of 13, Meta’s minimum age to create an account, was able to post to the app so obsessively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his closing argument, Lanier drew the jury’s attention to internal documents showing how top officials at Meta and Google were aware of how its products were causing harm to young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t naysay the opportunity to make money,” Lanier said. “But when you’re making money off of kids, you have to do it responsibly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NPR’s Shannon Bond contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"radiolab": {
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"reveal": {
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},
"rightnowish": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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