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"content": "\u003cp>The repeal of a constitutional roadblock to building publicly subsidized housing that has long been criticized as discriminatory was delayed — again — after lawmakers voted Monday to withdraw it from the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had voters passed it, the measure co-authored by state Sens. Benjamin Allen (D-El Segundo) and Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ballot-measures/pdf/sca-2.pdf\">SCA 2,\u003c/a> would have repealed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931068/in-pushing-affordable-housing-measures-local-leaders-ask-voters-to-contend-with-racist-housing-law\">Article 34 of the California Constitution\u003c/a>, a nearly 75-year-old provision that requires local voters to approve new public housing before it gets built. California is the only state in the U.S. with such a provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters previously rejected attempts to repeal Article 34 in 1974, 1977 and 1993. Legislators in 2022 approved putting the latest attempt before voters, but late last month, Allen introduced a measure to remove it from the ballot, saying it lacked the funding required to educate voters about Article 34 and encourage them to approve its repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The withdrawal passed on a 60–2 vote, with 17 senators who did not vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While SCA 2 was one of many efforts to help address the housing crisis, the November’s ballot will be very crowded, and reaching voters will be difficult and expensive,” Allen said in a statement. “In addition, the legislature recently passed my SB 469, which substantially addresses some of the most significant concerns about how Article 34 might be impacting housing production.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 469 clarifies that the use of state affordable housing dollars does not trigger Article 34’s requirement for voter approval. Allen said his focus is on determining whether these efforts are “making a significant dent in addressing the problem,” adding that quickly building more affordable housing is a priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backed by the California Real Estate Association, the forerunner to the current California Association of Realtors, Article 34 was first adopted by voters in 1950. Realtors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-03-14/why-killing-article-34-on-affordable-housing-has-been-hard\">played on voters’ fears\u003c/a> that affordable housing would lead to greater racial integration of exclusively white neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CAR issued a \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/en/aboutus/mediacenter/newsreleases/2022releases/apology#:~:text=CREA%20was%20behind%20Article%2034,Fair%20Housing%20Act%2C%20was%20passed.\">formal apology\u003c/a> in 2022 for its past support of Article 34, with association President Otto Catrina condemning the actions and vowing to address the legacy of its “discriminatory policies and practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization “remains a strong supporter of the repeal of Article 34 … which adds unnecessary hurdles and costs to the creation of affordable housing,” CAR spokesperson Sanjay Wagle said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wagle noted that a majority of Californians support repealing the provision but cited research showing a voter education campaign would be needed to explain the article’s effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of such a campaign in an election year with so many initiatives on the ballot made this campaign more costly and difficult, thus making it more logical to pursue a repeal on a future ballot,” Wagle wrote. “We thank Sen. Allen and Sen. Wiener for their efforts on this repeal effort and look forward to working [with] them and other stakeholders on this issue in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California regulators approved new protections from dangerous heat for millions of workers in indoor places of employment, capping a contentious rulemaking process that dragged on for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unanimous vote on Thursday by the Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board comes as the state faces what is forecast to be a hotter-than-average summer. With heat hazards for workers in California and beyond expected to intensify due to climate change, workplace safety advocates said the protections were critically urgent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new indoor heat \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/oshsb/documents/Indoor-Heat-updated-txtbrdconsider.pdf\">regulations\u003c/a>, which will take effect after review by the Office of Administrative Law, most employers must keep workplace temperatures below 87 degrees when feasible. If it’s not feasible, workers’ heat exposure should be reduced by using protective equipment or changing employees’ shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has required employers of outdoor workers to take heat-illness prevention steps for nearly two decades. But a standard that applied to warehouses, restaurants and other indoor workplaces, which should have been proposed by 2019 under a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160SB1167\">2016 law\u003c/a>, was delayed for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Excessive heat indoors can be deadly for workers. At least \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/working_papers/WRA1386-1.html\">seven indoor workers\u003c/a> died in California between 2010 and 2017 from causes related to heat, which can lead to strokes as well as fainting, nausea, cramps and other symptoms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State prisons, employees teleworking at a place of their choice, and emergency operations directly involved in the protection of life and property will not be covered by the new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Correctional facilities were exempted after it was revealed in March that Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980459/california-workers-heat-illness-protections\">withdrawn its support\u003c/a> for the indoor heat rules due to implementation costs, which it said hovered in the billions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers concerned about the extra costs of complying with the standard decried the move as unfair during a public meeting of the workplace safety board the following month.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“How does an evaluation and analysis from the lens of one employer and one work environment weigh heavier than the rest of us?” asked business advisor Helen Cleary, who directs the Phylmar Regulatory Roundtable. “The implementation burden of the requirements impacts all employers and are not exclusive to state prisons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business associations have also contended that some requirements, such as access to “cool-down areas” when temperatures reach 82 degrees or higher, could be too burdensome for very small restaurants and other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989885/newsom-dismisses-workplace-safety-regulator-ahead-of-important-vote\">Newsom dismissed\u003c/a> an occupational safety board member and demoted another one from the chairman position. Laura Stock and David Thomas had openly criticized the administration at the board’s meeting in March for seemingly derailing a final vote on the indoor heat standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Thursday’s meeting, several members of the public expressed appreciation for Stocks’ and Thomas’ service as well as disappointment at Newsom’s move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope that this decision does not dampen the board’s willingness to continue standing up for workers,” one speaker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the standards board’s approval on Thursday, the Office of Administrative Law has 30 working days to review the regulations. The rules could take effect as early as August, according to the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-franciscos-new-license-plate-readers-are-leading-to-arrests-and-concerns-about-privacy",
"title": "San Francisco's New License Plate Readers Are Leading to Arrests — and Concerns About Privacy",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco police announced Monday that they’ve installed 100 automated license plate readers and have made several arrests since beginning to install them in March. The cameras sit near intersections and photograph every car, checking license plate numbers against a database of vehicles reported stolen or linked to a suspected crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed touted the early results as a success, but advocates warn the technology, and others that San Francisco police are planning to implement, are a concerning shift toward mass surveillance without sufficient transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The early results we’re seeing are extraordinary because we are using 21st-century technology to help us combat some of our challenges related to crime, and it’s making a big difference,” Breed said in an interview with KQED on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police have used the cameras to make several arrests, including a sexual assault suspect by San José police whose car was identified by ALPR cameras in San Francisco last week. They also arrested a woman who had a warrant after a camera identified her car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These 100 cameras have been a massive help to our police department,” Police Chief William Scott said \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SFPD/status/1800936845825671280\">in a statement on Monday\u003c/a>. “In just a few weeks, we’ve received thousands of hits on stolen or wanted vehicles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crime is down in San Francisco this year. There were 13% fewer violent crimes and 33% fewer property crimes from January through May compared with the same period last year, according to a Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news/san-franciscos-new-public-safety-camera-technology-delivering-early-results\">statement\u003c/a> from the mayor’s office. Violent and property crimes are also down in all regions of the U.S. in the first three months of the year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/news/press-releases/fbi-releases-2024-quarterly-crime-report-and-use-of-force-data-update\">according to data released\u003c/a> by the FBI on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this, Breed maintained that the increased police response in the city is having an effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The numbers — in terms of an over 85% arrest rate for homicides — that’s not happening in other cities around the country,” Breed said. “That is directly attributed to a lot of the work that we’re doing to increase our capacity to make arrests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Privacy concerns about mass surveillance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The technology is “eroding our civil liberties and our privacy,” Saira Hussain, senior staff attorney for the San Francisco-based Electronic Frontier Foundation, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a network of hundreds of cameras around a densely populated city, you’re going to inevitably start to understand patterns of how somebody’s moving about and being able to track their movements at a very granular level,” Hussain said. “It starts to look like a mass surveillance technology that is basically a dragnet, and it is identifying everybody who is driving around — not the very, very small percentage of people who may be engaged in criminal activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a question about privacy, Breed said, “We are using what we have at our disposal to help us combat issues around crime. And sometimes there are trade-offs if we want to make sure that we are using this technology in a way that’s going to help make our streets safer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hussain said she wants San Francisco police to share the data on how the technology has been used and what the outcomes have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should not just merely say, ‘Well, the technology exists, so we should just use it.’ I’d also again posit back on the police department. I want to see what the stats are,” Hussain said. “The studies that are out there have shown that actually automated license plate readers do not have a discernible effect on solving crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A city ordinance requires San Francisco police to disclose an annual report on using ALPRs. Hussain and her colleagues submitted requests for public records for these reports, which the police could not produce. The city’s Sunshine Ordinance Task Force ruled last year that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgov.org/sunshine/sites/default/files/SOTF_ORDER_22080.pdf\">police were in violation of that ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The automated license plate readers, or ALPRs, are just one part of a broader shift toward using new surveillance technologies for policing in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11977185,news_11983813,news_11956244\"]“Our goal is to maximize our use of technology to fight crime more effectively and with more precision,” Scott said in the Monday statement. “We will be integrating our ALPR network with our other technologies, including technologies voters approved in March under Proposition E, like drones and public safety cameras.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977185/police-want-drones-in-car-chases-how-sfs-prop-e-could-affect-that\">Proposition E\u003c/a> loosened restrictions on police chases and authorized police to use drones and other technologies to combat crime. Breed said one target for the use of drones is sideshows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drones are going to be really useful in terms of sideshows because not only will we be able to send drones into those locations, but they’ll be able to follow the various suspects once the sideshows have departed from the areas,” Breed said. “It’s so important that we continue to be as aggressive as we can, use all the tools that we have at our disposal in order to continue to reduce crime in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hussain said the increased use of these technologies serves to normalize mass surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you combine things like drones, and automated license plate readers, other types of technology, it really does begin to identify people as they’re moving about the city,” Hussain said. “And that really starts to look like, rather than an identifiable crime prevention tool, just trying to put everybody under a cloud of suspicion in order to pick out the very small number of incidents in which there is wrongdoing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police plan to install 300 more readers throughout the city in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco police announced Monday that they’ve installed 100 automated license plate readers and have made several arrests since beginning to install them in March. The cameras sit near intersections and photograph every car, checking license plate numbers against a database of vehicles reported stolen or linked to a suspected crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed touted the early results as a success, but advocates warn the technology, and others that San Francisco police are planning to implement, are a concerning shift toward mass surveillance without sufficient transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The early results we’re seeing are extraordinary because we are using 21st-century technology to help us combat some of our challenges related to crime, and it’s making a big difference,” Breed said in an interview with KQED on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police have used the cameras to make several arrests, including a sexual assault suspect by San José police whose car was identified by ALPR cameras in San Francisco last week. They also arrested a woman who had a warrant after a camera identified her car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These 100 cameras have been a massive help to our police department,” Police Chief William Scott said \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/SFPD/status/1800936845825671280\">in a statement on Monday\u003c/a>. “In just a few weeks, we’ve received thousands of hits on stolen or wanted vehicles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crime is down in San Francisco this year. There were 13% fewer violent crimes and 33% fewer property crimes from January through May compared with the same period last year, according to a Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news/san-franciscos-new-public-safety-camera-technology-delivering-early-results\">statement\u003c/a> from the mayor’s office. Violent and property crimes are also down in all regions of the U.S. in the first three months of the year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/news/press-releases/fbi-releases-2024-quarterly-crime-report-and-use-of-force-data-update\">according to data released\u003c/a> by the FBI on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this, Breed maintained that the increased police response in the city is having an effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The numbers — in terms of an over 85% arrest rate for homicides — that’s not happening in other cities around the country,” Breed said. “That is directly attributed to a lot of the work that we’re doing to increase our capacity to make arrests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Privacy concerns about mass surveillance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The technology is “eroding our civil liberties and our privacy,” Saira Hussain, senior staff attorney for the San Francisco-based Electronic Frontier Foundation, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have a network of hundreds of cameras around a densely populated city, you’re going to inevitably start to understand patterns of how somebody’s moving about and being able to track their movements at a very granular level,” Hussain said. “It starts to look like a mass surveillance technology that is basically a dragnet, and it is identifying everybody who is driving around — not the very, very small percentage of people who may be engaged in criminal activity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a question about privacy, Breed said, “We are using what we have at our disposal to help us combat issues around crime. And sometimes there are trade-offs if we want to make sure that we are using this technology in a way that’s going to help make our streets safer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hussain said she wants San Francisco police to share the data on how the technology has been used and what the outcomes have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should not just merely say, ‘Well, the technology exists, so we should just use it.’ I’d also again posit back on the police department. I want to see what the stats are,” Hussain said. “The studies that are out there have shown that actually automated license plate readers do not have a discernible effect on solving crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A city ordinance requires San Francisco police to disclose an annual report on using ALPRs. Hussain and her colleagues submitted requests for public records for these reports, which the police could not produce. The city’s Sunshine Ordinance Task Force ruled last year that \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgov.org/sunshine/sites/default/files/SOTF_ORDER_22080.pdf\">police were in violation of that ordinance (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The automated license plate readers, or ALPRs, are just one part of a broader shift toward using new surveillance technologies for policing in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Our goal is to maximize our use of technology to fight crime more effectively and with more precision,” Scott said in the Monday statement. “We will be integrating our ALPR network with our other technologies, including technologies voters approved in March under Proposition E, like drones and public safety cameras.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977185/police-want-drones-in-car-chases-how-sfs-prop-e-could-affect-that\">Proposition E\u003c/a> loosened restrictions on police chases and authorized police to use drones and other technologies to combat crime. Breed said one target for the use of drones is sideshows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Drones are going to be really useful in terms of sideshows because not only will we be able to send drones into those locations, but they’ll be able to follow the various suspects once the sideshows have departed from the areas,” Breed said. “It’s so important that we continue to be as aggressive as we can, use all the tools that we have at our disposal in order to continue to reduce crime in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hussain said the increased use of these technologies serves to normalize mass surveillance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you combine things like drones, and automated license plate readers, other types of technology, it really does begin to identify people as they’re moving about the city,” Hussain said. “And that really starts to look like, rather than an identifiable crime prevention tool, just trying to put everybody under a cloud of suspicion in order to pick out the very small number of incidents in which there is wrongdoing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police plan to install 300 more readers throughout the city in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-gun-violence-restraining-orders-are-rising-a-court-case-could-doom-them",
"title": "California's Gun Violence Restraining Orders Are Rising. A Court Case Could Doom Them",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ahead of a major U.S. Supreme Court decision that could reshape governments’ ability to control residents’ access to firearms, California Attorney General Rob Bonta had a clear message: “Protective orders save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spoke Thursday at a press conference in Sacramento to tout a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/OGVP_Restraining%20Order%20Report.pdf\">newly released report\u003c/a>, which showed the number of protective orders issued in California to limit access to firearms for people deemed dangerous increased by 20% between 2020 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has nine types of protective orders, including domestic violence, elder violence, civil harassment, workplace violence and postsecondary school violence restraining orders. They allow different groups of people to petition a court to temporarily remove guns from a person’s home and bar them from buying new ones if that person presents a danger to others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The orders can range from one day to several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, whether the state will continue to be allowed to limit someone’s access to firearms when these orders are in place depends largely on the Supreme Court. The justices are expected to issue a ruling this month or next in \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2023/11/justices-appear-wary-of-striking-down-domestic-violence-gun-restriction/\">\u003cem>United States v. Rahimi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case that challenges the constitutionality of barring people with a domestic violence restraining order from possessing firearms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Paredes, the executive director of the advocacy organization Gun Owners of California, said he expects the court will issue a ruling that favors gun owners’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m confident that we’re going to get a far-ranging decision that will impact gun violence restraining orders or protective orders,” he said, “and maybe even other aspects of the Second Amendment jurisprudence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paredes took issue with Bonta’s characterization that the prevention orders stop gun deaths. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/firearm_mortality/firearm.htm\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>, California’s firearm mortality rate increased by 16% between 2014 and 2022, from 7.4 deaths per 100,000 residents to 8.6 deaths. California’s law legalizing gun violence restraining orders — the \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/3450797/california-gun-violence-restraining-order-law/\">first of its kind\u003c/a> in the country — went into effect in 2016. [aside postID=news_11952872 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1258576571-1020x680.jpg']Parades said there’s no evidence the gun violence restraining orders, or any prevention orders, have had any effect on reducing gun deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not possible for them to prove that,” he said. “The fact that they’ve issued these protective orders does not mean that they have prevented something from happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The orders in and of themselves are no panacea to stop all gun deaths, Bonta said. Rather, it is the combination of the orders with other California laws that together have reduced gun deaths in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that over the past 30 years, California went from being a state with one of the nation’s \u003ca href=\"https://sd25.senate.ca.gov/sites/sd25.senate.ca.gov/files/us_v_ca_firearm_death_rate_rpt-3-2018_4pp.pdf\">highest firearm mortality rates\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/firearm_mortality/firearm.htm\">the seventh lowest\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is tragic, shameful, unacceptable and also uniquely American,” Bonta said. “California shows it doesn’t have to be this way. It can be different. We can chart and go down a different pathway. If we make different decisions, if we take different actions, if we make different choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s report came on the heels of a legal victory for Bonta’s office. Earlier this week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-district-attorney-jenkins-announce-final-judgments\">his office announced\u003c/a> it had settled a lawsuit against three ghost gun manufacturers, barring the companies from producing or selling the kits in the state. The kits are used to assemble weapons at home and are typically sold without serial numbers or background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to California’s Department of Justice, the number of ghost guns recovered by law enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/OGVP-Data-Report-2022.pdf\">spiked dramatically\u003c/a> in recent years, from 26 in 2015 to more than 12,300 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/2021.10.13_People%20v.%20Blackhawk%20Amended%20Complaint.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a> alleged three companies sold the kits in California without complying with state law, including failing to perform background checks and other recordkeeping requirements. The companies — MDX Corporation; Blackhawk Manufacturing; and GS Performance LLC or Glockstore — admitted no wrongdoing but agreed to pay fines ranging from $55,000 to $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A decision expected soon in the case United States v. Rahimi could dramatically change governments’ ability to remove guns from people with a known history of violence or mental illness. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ahead of a major U.S. Supreme Court decision that could reshape governments’ ability to control residents’ access to firearms, California Attorney General Rob Bonta had a clear message: “Protective orders save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spoke Thursday at a press conference in Sacramento to tout a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/OGVP_Restraining%20Order%20Report.pdf\">newly released report\u003c/a>, which showed the number of protective orders issued in California to limit access to firearms for people deemed dangerous increased by 20% between 2020 and 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has nine types of protective orders, including domestic violence, elder violence, civil harassment, workplace violence and postsecondary school violence restraining orders. They allow different groups of people to petition a court to temporarily remove guns from a person’s home and bar them from buying new ones if that person presents a danger to others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The orders can range from one day to several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, whether the state will continue to be allowed to limit someone’s access to firearms when these orders are in place depends largely on the Supreme Court. The justices are expected to issue a ruling this month or next in \u003ca href=\"https://www.scotusblog.com/2023/11/justices-appear-wary-of-striking-down-domestic-violence-gun-restriction/\">\u003cem>United States v. Rahimi\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, a case that challenges the constitutionality of barring people with a domestic violence restraining order from possessing firearms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Paredes, the executive director of the advocacy organization Gun Owners of California, said he expects the court will issue a ruling that favors gun owners’ rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m confident that we’re going to get a far-ranging decision that will impact gun violence restraining orders or protective orders,” he said, “and maybe even other aspects of the Second Amendment jurisprudence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paredes took issue with Bonta’s characterization that the prevention orders stop gun deaths. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/firearm_mortality/firearm.htm\">Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>, California’s firearm mortality rate increased by 16% between 2014 and 2022, from 7.4 deaths per 100,000 residents to 8.6 deaths. California’s law legalizing gun violence restraining orders — the \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/3450797/california-gun-violence-restraining-order-law/\">first of its kind\u003c/a> in the country — went into effect in 2016. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Parades said there’s no evidence the gun violence restraining orders, or any prevention orders, have had any effect on reducing gun deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not possible for them to prove that,” he said. “The fact that they’ve issued these protective orders does not mean that they have prevented something from happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The orders in and of themselves are no panacea to stop all gun deaths, Bonta said. Rather, it is the combination of the orders with other California laws that together have reduced gun deaths in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that over the past 30 years, California went from being a state with one of the nation’s \u003ca href=\"https://sd25.senate.ca.gov/sites/sd25.senate.ca.gov/files/us_v_ca_firearm_death_rate_rpt-3-2018_4pp.pdf\">highest firearm mortality rates\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/firearm_mortality/firearm.htm\">the seventh lowest\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is tragic, shameful, unacceptable and also uniquely American,” Bonta said. “California shows it doesn’t have to be this way. It can be different. We can chart and go down a different pathway. If we make different decisions, if we take different actions, if we make different choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s report came on the heels of a legal victory for Bonta’s office. Earlier this week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-district-attorney-jenkins-announce-final-judgments\">his office announced\u003c/a> it had settled a lawsuit against three ghost gun manufacturers, barring the companies from producing or selling the kits in the state. The kits are used to assemble weapons at home and are typically sold without serial numbers or background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to California’s Department of Justice, the number of ghost guns recovered by law enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/OGVP-Data-Report-2022.pdf\">spiked dramatically\u003c/a> in recent years, from 26 in 2015 to more than 12,300 in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/2021.10.13_People%20v.%20Blackhawk%20Amended%20Complaint.pdf\">lawsuit\u003c/a> alleged three companies sold the kits in California without complying with state law, including failing to perform background checks and other recordkeeping requirements. The companies — MDX Corporation; Blackhawk Manufacturing; and GS Performance LLC or Glockstore — admitted no wrongdoing but agreed to pay fines ranging from $55,000 to $500,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025",
"title": "Trial for Class Action Lawsuit Over Troubled Women’s Prison Slated for June 2025",
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"content": "\u003cp>The trial for a class action lawsuit against the Federal Bureau of Prisons over sexual assault and retaliation at an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978712/infamous-east-bay-womens-prison-hit-with-12-additional-sexual-assault-lawsuits\">East Bay federal women’s prison\u003c/a> is slated to start in June of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brief virtual court hearing comes during a turbulent time for the prison embattled in sexual assault charges. It is the first public hearing since federal officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982973/feds-abruptly-close-east-bay-womens-prison-following-sexual-abuse-scandals\">abruptly closed Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin\u003c/a>, last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, attorneys for both sides outlined the next steps and a timeline for the class action lawsuit filed on behalf of women formerly incarcerated at the prison last August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s clear coming out of the case management conference today is that the case has not and will not end with the closure of Dublin, and we will continue to fight on,” said Amaris Montes, an attorney with Rights Behind Bars, representing plaintiffs. “We know that the problems exist outside of the physical walls of Dublin, and the same things are happening at other BOP facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for both sides discussed possible settlement solutions for the lawsuit on Tuesday; however, an offer still needs to be made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeking real, lasting changes in the BOP system, including medical and mental health care that’s meaningful, so we don’t plan to settle until we have these changes,” Montes said in a press conference shortly following the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allegations of sexual abuse at FCI Dublin date back decades, including a major settlement case plaintiffs won in the 1990s. The most recent series of scandals first started unraveling following an investigation by The Associated Press in 2021. It revealed a culture of abuse and cover-ups that had persisted for years at the low-security federal women’s prison, which had more than 650 inmates before shuttering.[aside postID=news_11980960 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1181905632-1020x680.jpg']Eight former FCI Dublin correctional officers, including the former warden and chaplain, have been convicted and charged and seven have been sentenced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2021, formerly incarcerated at the Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin, have filed nearly 60 lawsuits alleging a range of sexual harassment violations and retaliation by officers. That includes the class action lawsuit, which started public proceedings on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982014/judge-chooses-top-pick-for-special-master-to-oversee-womens-prison-following-rampant-abuse\">ordered a special master\u003c/a> to oversee mandatory changes at the prison following years of sexual assault allegations and criminal charges against eight officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, Wendy Still was appointed to the position; however, the Biden administration announced that the facility would shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women who were housed at the facility have since transferred across the country to a small handful of other women’s prisons. Some women have since alleged mistreatment and retaliation during the relocation process and in their new facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a recent court order, Still will continue in her position even though the prison has closed. She will report on conditions at the prison before and during the transfer process and monitor how women are doing at the facilities they were transferred to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are hearing egregious reports of abuse and neglect, conditions of housing that’s dangerous, overcrowding and understaffing and medical needs that aren’t being addressed,” said Erin Neff, an advocate with California Coalition for Women Prisoners. “I am very encouraged by Gonzalez Rogers’ decision to continue the special master’s role for the 600 individuals who are now across the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez Rogers responded by calling the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985645/closure-of-california-federal-prison-was-poorly-planned-judge-says-ordering-further-monitoring\">closure and transfer process “ill-conceived”\u003c/a> and ordered close monitoring and care of women at their new facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are vulnerable to retaliation. People still face unconstitutional conditions of confinement, a lack of medical care and so much more,” Montes said. “This is clear; this is a result of not just individual officers who are committing abuses, but it’s an issue of BOP-wide policies that have continued to allow people to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The trial for a class action lawsuit against the Federal Bureau of Prisons over sexual assault and retaliation at an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978712/infamous-east-bay-womens-prison-hit-with-12-additional-sexual-assault-lawsuits\">East Bay federal women’s prison\u003c/a> is slated to start in June of next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brief virtual court hearing comes during a turbulent time for the prison embattled in sexual assault charges. It is the first public hearing since federal officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982973/feds-abruptly-close-east-bay-womens-prison-following-sexual-abuse-scandals\">abruptly closed Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin\u003c/a>, last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, attorneys for both sides outlined the next steps and a timeline for the class action lawsuit filed on behalf of women formerly incarcerated at the prison last August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s clear coming out of the case management conference today is that the case has not and will not end with the closure of Dublin, and we will continue to fight on,” said Amaris Montes, an attorney with Rights Behind Bars, representing plaintiffs. “We know that the problems exist outside of the physical walls of Dublin, and the same things are happening at other BOP facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for both sides discussed possible settlement solutions for the lawsuit on Tuesday; however, an offer still needs to be made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeking real, lasting changes in the BOP system, including medical and mental health care that’s meaningful, so we don’t plan to settle until we have these changes,” Montes said in a press conference shortly following the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allegations of sexual abuse at FCI Dublin date back decades, including a major settlement case plaintiffs won in the 1990s. The most recent series of scandals first started unraveling following an investigation by The Associated Press in 2021. It revealed a culture of abuse and cover-ups that had persisted for years at the low-security federal women’s prison, which had more than 650 inmates before shuttering.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Eight former FCI Dublin correctional officers, including the former warden and chaplain, have been convicted and charged and seven have been sentenced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2021, formerly incarcerated at the Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin, have filed nearly 60 lawsuits alleging a range of sexual harassment violations and retaliation by officers. That includes the class action lawsuit, which started public proceedings on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982014/judge-chooses-top-pick-for-special-master-to-oversee-womens-prison-following-rampant-abuse\">ordered a special master\u003c/a> to oversee mandatory changes at the prison following years of sexual assault allegations and criminal charges against eight officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, Wendy Still was appointed to the position; however, the Biden administration announced that the facility would shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women who were housed at the facility have since transferred across the country to a small handful of other women’s prisons. Some women have since alleged mistreatment and retaliation during the relocation process and in their new facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a recent court order, Still will continue in her position even though the prison has closed. She will report on conditions at the prison before and during the transfer process and monitor how women are doing at the facilities they were transferred to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are hearing egregious reports of abuse and neglect, conditions of housing that’s dangerous, overcrowding and understaffing and medical needs that aren’t being addressed,” said Erin Neff, an advocate with California Coalition for Women Prisoners. “I am very encouraged by Gonzalez Rogers’ decision to continue the special master’s role for the 600 individuals who are now across the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez Rogers responded by calling the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985645/closure-of-california-federal-prison-was-poorly-planned-judge-says-ordering-further-monitoring\">closure and transfer process “ill-conceived”\u003c/a> and ordered close monitoring and care of women at their new facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are vulnerable to retaliation. People still face unconstitutional conditions of confinement, a lack of medical care and so much more,” Montes said. “This is clear; this is a result of not just individual officers who are committing abuses, but it’s an issue of BOP-wide policies that have continued to allow people to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations",
"headTitle": "California Deficit Forces Lawmakers to Shelve Bills on Psychedelic Therapy, Reparations | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>California’s budget crunch is forcing the Legislature to scale back its agenda this session, with bills to legalize psychedelic therapy, offer reparations to the descendants of enslaved people, and require more transparency around who is paying for lawmakers’ sponsored travel among the early carnage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">estimated deficits of tens of billions of dollars\u003c/a> over the next two years, leaders of the Legislature’s appropriations committees said on Thursday that they had to make especially difficult decisions as they held or amended hundreds of proposals with a significant cost during the biannual culling process \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">known as the suspense file\u003c/a> — though most of the bills in each committee still passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The budget had a huge impact on what we did,” state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, a Salinas Democrat who leads Senate appropriations, told CalMatters. “We were trying to keep costs down and really trying to live within our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/sites/sapro.senate.ca.gov/files/2024%20Senate%20Suspense%20Bills%20%28Unofficial%20Results%20for%20Posting%29.pdf\">341 bills on the Senate suspense file\u003c/a>, 87 — or about 25.5% — were held, in line with the average over the past decade. But another 121 were amended, even as they advanced to the floor before a crucial deadline next Friday for measures to pass their house of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Authors were asked to amend their bills to take out the more expensive stuff,” Caballero said. “We don’t have the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s appropriations committee held 233 of the \u003ca href=\"https://apro.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/unofficial-results-may-16-2024.pdf\">668 bills on its suspense file\u003c/a>, or about 34.5% — slightly higher than last May \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-suspense-file/\">when 29% were shelved\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those included Assembly Bill 2751 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, which would have barred employers from \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2751\">contacting workers outside of scheduled hours\u003c/a>, and AB 2808 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a>, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2808?slug=CA_202320240AB2808\">limited companies such as Ticketmaster\u003c/a> from being able to resell event tickets exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an obligation to balance the budget here in California — we can’t go into debt,” Wicks told reporters after the hearing, where she killed another attempt to establish a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">single-payer health care system\u003c/a> in California, a policy she has supported in the past. “We needed to be responsible with taxpayers’ money, so that’s why we had to make some tough calls today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, who authored the single-payer bill, said after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-single-payer-legislature/\">two years of negotiations\u003c/a>, he was confident it would have passed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the Assembly.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am deeply disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee failed to recognize the significant cost-saving potential of AB 2200,” he said in a statement. “Study after study has shown that a single-payer system will not only cost less than our current system but can safeguard the State from future deficits while stimulating economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Caballero and Wicks are newly in charge of their respective committees this year, overseeing their first suspense file hearings as the state works through how to close a massive deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">unveiled his proposed spending plan\u003c/a> last week to address the looming shortfall, estimated at $56 billion over the next two fiscal years — and more by legislative finance officials — even after he and lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">took early action to reduce it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than $30 billion in cuts to education, public health, environmental and other programs on the line, Newsom is likely to have little appetite this year for pricey new legislation. He has already urged discipline over the past two sessions as California’s finances softened, vetoing dozens of bills that he said would add unaccounted costs to the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, where all legislation with a major fiscal impact is considered concurrently and dispensed within a rapid-fire hearing, has also long provided the Legislature with an easier way to kill controversial or undesirable bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero refused to discuss any of her specific decisions, citing only cost considerations, including shelving Senate Bill 1012, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/psychedelic-therapy-legalize/\">legalized the use of hallucinogenic drugs in therapeutic settings\u003c/a>. Newsom vetoed a broader decriminalization of psychedelics last year, and supporters hoped their focus on therapy would provide a path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Senate appropriations committee hearing on May 16, 2024. On Thursday, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees held their first round of suspense file hearings. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Psychedelics have massive promise in helping people heal and get their lives back on track,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wiener-100936\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat who carried the bill, said in a statement. “I’m highly committed to this issue, and we’ll continue to work on expanding access to psychedelics.” [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='california-law']The Senate also killed SB 1422, a transparency measure to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1422?slug=CA_202320240SB1422\">require more reporting\u003c/a> about who is paying for legislators’ sponsored travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, from Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/benjamin-allen-70\">Ben Allen\u003c/a>, a Santa Monica Democrat, followed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-legislators-travel-disclosure/\">reporting last year by CalMatters that found\u003c/a> a 2015 law requiring the organizers of these legislative trips to disclose their major donors annually had only been used twice, despite interest groups paying for millions of dollars in travel for lawmakers during that time. Allen’s measure aimed to tighten the eligibility criteria for reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the same day that the Assembly passed a bill requiring California to apologize for its role in perpetuating slavery, the Senate appropriations committee held two other measures that would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/04/reparations-california-legislature/\">provided more direct reparations\u003c/a> to the descendants of enslaved people: SB 1007, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1007?slug=CA_202320240SB1007\">housing assistance program\u003c/a>, and SB 1013, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1013?slug=CA_202320240SB1013\">property tax assistance program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were carried by Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-bradford-100945\">Steven Bradford\u003c/a>, an Inglewood Democrat and member of the state reparations task force, who has been critical of legislative efforts that he said do not go far enough to address systemic inequities. Several other proposals of his, including SB 1403 to establish a state agency that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/reparations-california/\">carry out the task force’s recommendations\u003c/a>, continue to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, you need to accept finite disappointment but have infinite hope,” Bradford told reporters following the hearing. “We have a good foundation to work from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s budget crunch is forcing the Legislature to scale back its agenda this session, with bills to legalize psychedelic therapy, offer reparations to the descendants of enslaved people, and require more transparency around who is paying for lawmakers’ sponsored travel among the early carnage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">estimated deficits of tens of billions of dollars\u003c/a> over the next two years, leaders of the Legislature’s appropriations committees said on Thursday that they had to make especially difficult decisions as they held or amended hundreds of proposals with a significant cost during the biannual culling process \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">known as the suspense file\u003c/a> — though most of the bills in each committee still passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The budget had a huge impact on what we did,” state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/anna-caballero-101330\">Anna Caballero\u003c/a>, a Salinas Democrat who leads Senate appropriations, told CalMatters. “We were trying to keep costs down and really trying to live within our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the \u003ca href=\"https://sapro.senate.ca.gov/sites/sapro.senate.ca.gov/files/2024%20Senate%20Suspense%20Bills%20%28Unofficial%20Results%20for%20Posting%29.pdf\">341 bills on the Senate suspense file\u003c/a>, 87 — or about 25.5% — were held, in line with the average over the past decade. But another 121 were amended, even as they advanced to the floor before a crucial deadline next Friday for measures to pass their house of origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Authors were asked to amend their bills to take out the more expensive stuff,” Caballero said. “We don’t have the money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s appropriations committee held 233 of the \u003ca href=\"https://apro.assembly.ca.gov/system/files/2024-05/unofficial-results-may-16-2024.pdf\">668 bills on its suspense file\u003c/a>, or about 34.5% — slightly higher than last May \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/california-budget-suspense-file/\">when 29% were shelved\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those included Assembly Bill 2751 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat, which would have barred employers from \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2751\">contacting workers outside of scheduled hours\u003c/a>, and AB 2808 by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a>, an Oakland Democrat who chairs the committee, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2808?slug=CA_202320240AB2808\">limited companies such as Ticketmaster\u003c/a> from being able to resell event tickets exclusively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have an obligation to balance the budget here in California — we can’t go into debt,” Wicks told reporters after the hearing, where she killed another attempt to establish a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">single-payer health care system\u003c/a> in California, a policy she has supported in the past. “We needed to be responsible with taxpayers’ money, so that’s why we had to make some tough calls today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, who authored the single-payer bill, said after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/02/california-single-payer-legislature/\">two years of negotiations\u003c/a>, he was confident it would have passed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the Assembly.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am deeply disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee failed to recognize the significant cost-saving potential of AB 2200,” he said in a statement. “Study after study has shown that a single-payer system will not only cost less than our current system but can safeguard the State from future deficits while stimulating economic growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Caballero and Wicks are newly in charge of their respective committees this year, overseeing their first suspense file hearings as the state works through how to close a massive deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">unveiled his proposed spending plan\u003c/a> last week to address the looming shortfall, estimated at $56 billion over the next two fiscal years — and more by legislative finance officials — even after he and lawmakers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">took early action to reduce it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more than $30 billion in cuts to education, public health, environmental and other programs on the line, Newsom is likely to have little appetite this year for pricey new legislation. He has already urged discipline over the past two sessions as California’s finances softened, vetoing dozens of bills that he said would add unaccounted costs to the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspense file, where all legislation with a major fiscal impact is considered concurrently and dispensed within a rapid-fire hearing, has also long provided the Legislature with an easier way to kill controversial or undesirable bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caballero refused to discuss any of her specific decisions, citing only cost considerations, including shelving Senate Bill 1012, which would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/psychedelic-therapy-legalize/\">legalized the use of hallucinogenic drugs in therapeutic settings\u003c/a>. Newsom vetoed a broader decriminalization of psychedelics last year, and supporters hoped their focus on therapy would provide a path forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CMLegislature02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Senate appropriations committee hearing on May 16, 2024. On Thursday, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees held their first round of suspense file hearings. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Psychedelics have massive promise in helping people heal and get their lives back on track,” Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/scott-wiener-100936\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, a San Francisco Democrat who carried the bill, said in a statement. “I’m highly committed to this issue, and we’ll continue to work on expanding access to psychedelics.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Senate also killed SB 1422, a transparency measure to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1422?slug=CA_202320240SB1422\">require more reporting\u003c/a> about who is paying for legislators’ sponsored travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, from Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/benjamin-allen-70\">Ben Allen\u003c/a>, a Santa Monica Democrat, followed \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-legislators-travel-disclosure/\">reporting last year by CalMatters that found\u003c/a> a 2015 law requiring the organizers of these legislative trips to disclose their major donors annually had only been used twice, despite interest groups paying for millions of dollars in travel for lawmakers during that time. Allen’s measure aimed to tighten the eligibility criteria for reporting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the same day that the Assembly passed a bill requiring California to apologize for its role in perpetuating slavery, the Senate appropriations committee held two other measures that would have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/04/reparations-california-legislature/\">provided more direct reparations\u003c/a> to the descendants of enslaved people: SB 1007, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1007?slug=CA_202320240SB1007\">housing assistance program\u003c/a>, and SB 1013, a \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1013?slug=CA_202320240SB1013\">property tax assistance program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both were carried by Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-bradford-100945\">Steven Bradford\u003c/a>, an Inglewood Democrat and member of the state reparations task force, who has been critical of legislative efforts that he said do not go far enough to address systemic inequities. Several other proposals of his, including SB 1403 to establish a state agency that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/reparations-california/\">carry out the task force’s recommendations\u003c/a>, continue to advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, you need to accept finite disappointment but have infinite hope,” Bradford told reporters following the hearing. “We have a good foundation to work from.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Vows Expedited Rollout of Proposition 1 Funds for Mental Health, Substance-Use Treatment Facilities",
"headTitle": "Newsom Vows Expedited Rollout of Proposition 1 Funds for Mental Health, Substance-Use Treatment Facilities | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Local governments and nonprofits will be able to tap into billions of dollars of new funding to house residents with severe behavioral health issues beginning this summer, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with voter discontent over homelessness and entering the final years of his term, Newsom hopes to accelerate the construction of treatment facilities and supportive housing with money created by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/proposition-1\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980415/newsom-celebrates-proposition-1-victory-after-sleepless-weeks\">narrowly approved by voters\u003c/a> in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never been more enthusiastic about our prospects to actually make a dent and address the issue of what’s happening on the streets and sidewalks in this state than I am today,” Newsom said. “These next two to three years will be transformational.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor announced the plan to expedite funding outside Cordilleras Mental Health Center, a behavioral health treatment facility in Redwood City. Newsom vowed that Proposition 1 will unlock the funding needed to replicate centers like Cordilleras across the state — and he vowed that the state would approve local requests for the voter-approved money faster than it did for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/02/mental-health-housing-election/\">previous housing bond, Proposition 2\u003c/a>, in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will quickly approve those plans because we have a new task force and strike team around this, breaking down all of the boxes and bureaucratic hurdles,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Health Care Services has already published bond guidance for nonprofits and local governments hoping to grab a slice of the $4.4 billion Proposition 1 funding dedicated to the construction of behavioral health treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later this year, the Department of Housing and Community Development and the California Veterans Affairs Agency will publish similar guidance for the other piece of the bond: $2 billion for supportive housing, with half of that amount earmarked for housing for veterans with substance use or mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 included both the $6.38 billion bond and a reworking of existing mental health spending. Together, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980538/prop-1-passesbarely\">measure represented Newsom’s most ambitious gamble\u003c/a> yet that voters would buy into his vision of prioritizing investments for Californians at the intersection of homelessness and behavioral health.[aside postID=news_11985932 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/AP24131700013572-1020x680.jpg']He almost failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a heavy spending advantage, Proposition 1 was supported by just over 50% of voters. Conservatives who may have been skeptical about more state spending were overrepresented in the primary electorate. Some Democrats even opposed the housing bond because it funded locked treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a woman who only identified herself as Lee spoke in support of the locked facilities. She said her son suffers from severe mental illness and now lives at Cordilleras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He tells me he wants the building locked so that nobody can come in off the street and beat him up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said before his stay at Cordilleras, her son would often leave less-restrictive housing only to end up walking on nearby highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course, when I learned that he had gotten out on one of these times, I was always afraid,” Lee said. “Would he be hit by a truck on the highway? Would I not be able to find him?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Local governments and nonprofits will be able to tap into billions of dollars of new funding to house residents with severe behavioral health issues beginning this summer, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with voter discontent over homelessness and entering the final years of his term, Newsom hopes to accelerate the construction of treatment facilities and supportive housing with money created by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/california/proposition-1\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a measure \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980415/newsom-celebrates-proposition-1-victory-after-sleepless-weeks\">narrowly approved by voters\u003c/a> in the March primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never been more enthusiastic about our prospects to actually make a dent and address the issue of what’s happening on the streets and sidewalks in this state than I am today,” Newsom said. “These next two to three years will be transformational.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor announced the plan to expedite funding outside Cordilleras Mental Health Center, a behavioral health treatment facility in Redwood City. Newsom vowed that Proposition 1 will unlock the funding needed to replicate centers like Cordilleras across the state — and he vowed that the state would approve local requests for the voter-approved money faster than it did for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/02/mental-health-housing-election/\">previous housing bond, Proposition 2\u003c/a>, in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will quickly approve those plans because we have a new task force and strike team around this, breaking down all of the boxes and bureaucratic hurdles,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Health Care Services has already published bond guidance for nonprofits and local governments hoping to grab a slice of the $4.4 billion Proposition 1 funding dedicated to the construction of behavioral health treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later this year, the Department of Housing and Community Development and the California Veterans Affairs Agency will publish similar guidance for the other piece of the bond: $2 billion for supportive housing, with half of that amount earmarked for housing for veterans with substance use or mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 included both the $6.38 billion bond and a reworking of existing mental health spending. Together, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980538/prop-1-passesbarely\">measure represented Newsom’s most ambitious gamble\u003c/a> yet that voters would buy into his vision of prioritizing investments for Californians at the intersection of homelessness and behavioral health.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He almost failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite a heavy spending advantage, Proposition 1 was supported by just over 50% of voters. Conservatives who may have been skeptical about more state spending were overrepresented in the primary electorate. Some Democrats even opposed the housing bond because it funded locked treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a woman who only identified herself as Lee spoke in support of the locked facilities. She said her son suffers from severe mental illness and now lives at Cordilleras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He tells me he wants the building locked so that nobody can come in off the street and beat him up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said before his stay at Cordilleras, her son would often leave less-restrictive housing only to end up walking on nearby highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And of course, when I learned that he had gotten out on one of these times, I was always afraid,” Lee said. “Would he be hit by a truck on the highway? Would I not be able to find him?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Under New California Law, Restaurants to Include All Surcharges in Menu Prices",
"headTitle": "Under New California Law, Restaurants to Include All Surcharges in Menu Prices | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Service charges, resort fees, “surcharge” add-ons: If you’ve been startled by unexpected fees when you pay your check at a restaurant — or book a hotel room or buy a ticket to a game, you’re far from alone. But if you live in California, change is coming. A new state law requiring price transparency is set to take effect in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law is simple: the price you see is the price you pay,” Attorney General Rob Bonta said on Wednesday, as his office issued long-awaited guidance about a law that applies to thousands of businesses in a wide range of sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it takes effect on July 1, the law promises to upend how many restaurants operate. Their menus will be required to list comprehensive prices for each item, with all mandatory charges baked into one figure. Only entirely optional fees — like leaving a tip for staff — can be left out of the posted price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a business violates the mandate, the law allows a consumer to seek “actual damages of at least $1,000.” In its new guidelines, the state said it won’t focus initial enforcement efforts on “fees that are paid directly and entirely by a restaurant to its workers, such as an automatic gratuity. However, businesses may be liable in private actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many business owners — and restaurant owners in particular — have been dreading the change, which is poised to ban separate surcharges that restaurateurs have increasingly relied on to pay higher wages to staff and to absorb discrete costs such as San Francisco’s mandatory health care payments for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consumer advocates applaud the change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocacy groups have celebrated the law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB478\">SB 478\u003c/a>, calling it a simple matter of common sense that will bring much-needed clarity and transparency to retail transactions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People deserve to know the true price of products upfront so that they can do good comparison shopping and so that there’s just good competition in the marketplace,” Jenn Engstrom, state director for the California Public Interest Research Group, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this guidance is great for consumers,” Engstrom said, adding that in her view, the attorney general’s interpretation tracks with legislators’ intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laws like the one in California would give consumers something they need: clarity about their expectations, said Erin Witte, the director of consumer protection for the Consumer Federation of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels all over the place” right now, she said. And for a lot of people, she adds, uncertainty over whether their dinner will cost an extra $20 could have cascading effects if it’s more than they budgeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re thinking about late fees and increased interest and things like that. So it’s not just annoying, it’s harmful for many folks,” Witte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Restaurant owners warn of higher prices and fallout\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Restaurant owners like Laurie Thomas, who heads the Golden Gate Restaurant Association, said the changes will bring higher prices and sticker shock, which could then raise a psychological hurdle in customers’ dining habits. That, in turn, will hurt restaurants and their workers, she warns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s in the core price of the menu, there will be a pullback” in patrons’ spending, she told NPR shortly before the attorney general released the guidelines. “There are some people, I think, that are hoping that the restaurants will just absorb that cost because we’ve seen people say, ‘Oh, it’s too expensive with the service charge.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new guidelines, Thomas’ organization said in an email to NPR, restaurants will be forced to impose “significant menu price increases.” And if customers eat out less, it warns, “Not only will restaurants struggle, but workers will lose hours and jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said she has always advocated for restaurants to be clear about any additional fees they charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a restaurant organization have never been a proponent of not fully disclosing any additional fees,” she said, citing longstanding practices like charging a mandatory gratuity for large parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should always be listed,” she said. “You should never mislead a customer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her two restaurants, Thomas said, longtime staff prefer a traditional tipping method. She plans to use the time before July 1 to consult with her employees about how to adjust to the new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Restaurant Association “strenuously disagrees with the AG’s expansive interpretation” of the law, said Matthew Sutton, the group’s senior vice president of government affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sutton accuses the attorney general’s office of a “bait-and-switch,” saying its interpretation “is clearly inconsistent with the Legislature’s intent.” Courts have allowed service fees as long as they’re properly disclosed; he added that the industry group is “considering all available options to block implementation” of the law in the way the guidelines describe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Momentum is building for transparent pricing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to predict all of the potential effects of California’s new law, partly due to the disparate industries it affects and because it would be the first such ban enacted in the U.S. The federal government has proposed a similar rule, and several other states are also weighing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen states, including \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/hb24-1151\">Colorado\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.legis.state.pa.us/cfdocs/billinfo/billinfo.cfm?syear=2023&sInd=0&body=H&type=B&bn=636\">Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, have taken up legislation similar to California’s this year, although as of now, none of those bills have gotten final approval, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.endjunkfees.com/\">American Economic Liberties Project\u003c/a>, a progressive nonprofit that campaigns against junk fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, the Federal Trade Commission is reviewing thousands of comments it received after \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docket/FTC-2023-0064/document\">publishing a proposed rule\u003c/a> about “unfair or deceptive fees” that misled customers about the total costs of goods and services last November. However, federal rules are subject to change whenever the White House changes hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it really behooves states to be very active on this issue,” Witte said, noting the growing momentum behind junk fee legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen consumers across political lines,” she said. “This is a really bipartisan issue” to push for transparent pricing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another important consideration, Witte and other advocates said, is to ensure changes don’t harm employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why do restaurant patrons react so strongly to fees?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The restaurant-patron relationship is personal by nature: you are, after all, putting their product in your body. For millions of Americans, the COVID-19 pandemic interrupted that dynamic. And when they returned to restaurants, things were different. It was common to see eateries struggle to attract and retain enough staff; to sweeten the deal, many added surcharges that helped them raise workers’ pay. [aside label='Related Coverage' tag='california-law']“Nationally, the restaurant industry has been one of the largest employers in the U.S., but the absolute lowest paying employer for generations,” Saru Jayaraman, the president of One Fair Wage and the director of the Food Labor Research Center at the University of California, Berkeley. “Really in part due to this sub-minimum wage for tipped workers that is a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/22/980047710/the-land-of-the-fee\">direct legacy of slavery\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many patrons, those changes were a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels a bit sudden,” Witte said, citing the lingering effects of the pandemic and high inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, folks understand that inflation affects everyone, right? But feeling like you had fees added on to already increasing prices across the economy sort of felt like a double punch for consumers,” Witte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another factor, she said, is that restaurants didn’t always make clear to diners what kind of fees it would tack onto their final bill — or what the money was for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone feels like, well, I’m already paying a tip in the form of a 20% service fee; why would I also have to pay a tip to the server if they’re already getting it? That disconnect and that lack of transparency make consumers feel angry. It makes them feel deceived, and it can harm people who rely on that income.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a restaurant adds service charges to your bill, “you have the right to inquire what they’re being used for if it’s not spelled out,” Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if a restaurant offers the option of tipping, you should use it, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We definitely encourage you to tip,” she said, adding that cash is best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason for tipping in cash is that a lot of businesses deduct credit card processing fees from tipped workers tips, which is very difficult for the tipped worker and not what the consumer expects to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How pervasive are hidden fees?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California law applies to both online and in-person transactions, covering “the sale or lease of most goods and services that are for a consumer’s personal use,” the attorney general’s office said, from short-term rentals and event tickets to hotels, restaurants, and food delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s more common in online purchases,” Engstrom said, adding that she has seen ticket sellers for events tack on fees that add 20% to 30% more to the advertised price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the law’s goal is to ensure a level playing field, whether companies are trying to attract concertgoers or diners. It also targets hotels that might add a “resort fee” to a customer’s check-out price for the use of fairly standard amenities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is an enormously lucrative opportunity for businesses and not just because of the fee itself,” Witte said, “but because of the way that it allows them to take business from other honest businesses who transparently disclose a higher price upfront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One place that we’ve seen a lot of junk and hidden fees is with car dealers, and that is certainly not limited to larger franchised car dealerships, Witte said, describing strategies such as dealers advertising a car at an enticing price — only to tack on expensive fees during an hours-long process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Car dealers are subject to a pending rule from the FTC, which said the change could save U.S. consumers \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2023/12/ftc-announces-cars-rule-fight-scams-vehicle-shopping\">more than $3.4 billion\u003c/a> — and an estimated 72 million hours worth of time spent shopping for vehicles. The rule was due to take effect in July, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2024/01/ftc-pauses-cars-rule-effective-date\">it’s now in limbo after a legal challenge\u003c/a> from the auto dealer industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Service charges, resort fees, “surcharge” add-ons: If you’ve been startled by unexpected fees when you pay your check at a restaurant — or book a hotel room or buy a ticket to a game, you’re far from alone. But if you live in California, change is coming. A new state law requiring price transparency is set to take effect in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law is simple: the price you see is the price you pay,” Attorney General Rob Bonta said on Wednesday, as his office issued long-awaited guidance about a law that applies to thousands of businesses in a wide range of sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it takes effect on July 1, the law promises to upend how many restaurants operate. Their menus will be required to list comprehensive prices for each item, with all mandatory charges baked into one figure. Only entirely optional fees — like leaving a tip for staff — can be left out of the posted price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a business violates the mandate, the law allows a consumer to seek “actual damages of at least $1,000.” In its new guidelines, the state said it won’t focus initial enforcement efforts on “fees that are paid directly and entirely by a restaurant to its workers, such as an automatic gratuity. However, businesses may be liable in private actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many business owners — and restaurant owners in particular — have been dreading the change, which is poised to ban separate surcharges that restaurateurs have increasingly relied on to pay higher wages to staff and to absorb discrete costs such as San Francisco’s mandatory health care payments for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consumer advocates applaud the change\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocacy groups have celebrated the law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB478\">SB 478\u003c/a>, calling it a simple matter of common sense that will bring much-needed clarity and transparency to retail transactions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People deserve to know the true price of products upfront so that they can do good comparison shopping and so that there’s just good competition in the marketplace,” Jenn Engstrom, state director for the California Public Interest Research Group, a Los Angeles-based nonprofit, told NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this guidance is great for consumers,” Engstrom said, adding that in her view, the attorney general’s interpretation tracks with legislators’ intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laws like the one in California would give consumers something they need: clarity about their expectations, said Erin Witte, the director of consumer protection for the Consumer Federation of America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels all over the place” right now, she said. And for a lot of people, she adds, uncertainty over whether their dinner will cost an extra $20 could have cascading effects if it’s more than they budgeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re thinking about late fees and increased interest and things like that. So it’s not just annoying, it’s harmful for many folks,” Witte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Restaurant owners warn of higher prices and fallout\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Restaurant owners like Laurie Thomas, who heads the Golden Gate Restaurant Association, said the changes will bring higher prices and sticker shock, which could then raise a psychological hurdle in customers’ dining habits. That, in turn, will hurt restaurants and their workers, she warns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s in the core price of the menu, there will be a pullback” in patrons’ spending, she told NPR shortly before the attorney general released the guidelines. “There are some people, I think, that are hoping that the restaurants will just absorb that cost because we’ve seen people say, ‘Oh, it’s too expensive with the service charge.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new guidelines, Thomas’ organization said in an email to NPR, restaurants will be forced to impose “significant menu price increases.” And if customers eat out less, it warns, “Not only will restaurants struggle, but workers will lose hours and jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas said she has always advocated for restaurants to be clear about any additional fees they charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a restaurant organization have never been a proponent of not fully disclosing any additional fees,” she said, citing longstanding practices like charging a mandatory gratuity for large parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should always be listed,” she said. “You should never mislead a customer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At her two restaurants, Thomas said, longtime staff prefer a traditional tipping method. She plans to use the time before July 1 to consult with her employees about how to adjust to the new rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Restaurant Association “strenuously disagrees with the AG’s expansive interpretation” of the law, said Matthew Sutton, the group’s senior vice president of government affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sutton accuses the attorney general’s office of a “bait-and-switch,” saying its interpretation “is clearly inconsistent with the Legislature’s intent.” Courts have allowed service fees as long as they’re properly disclosed; he added that the industry group is “considering all available options to block implementation” of the law in the way the guidelines describe.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Momentum is building for transparent pricing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to predict all of the potential effects of California’s new law, partly due to the disparate industries it affects and because it would be the first such ban enacted in the U.S. The federal government has proposed a similar rule, and several other states are also weighing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen states, including \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/hb24-1151\">Colorado\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.legis.state.pa.us/cfdocs/billinfo/billinfo.cfm?syear=2023&sInd=0&body=H&type=B&bn=636\">Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, have taken up legislation similar to California’s this year, although as of now, none of those bills have gotten final approval, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.endjunkfees.com/\">American Economic Liberties Project\u003c/a>, a progressive nonprofit that campaigns against junk fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the federal level, the Federal Trade Commission is reviewing thousands of comments it received after \u003ca href=\"https://www.regulations.gov/docket/FTC-2023-0064/document\">publishing a proposed rule\u003c/a> about “unfair or deceptive fees” that misled customers about the total costs of goods and services last November. However, federal rules are subject to change whenever the White House changes hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So it really behooves states to be very active on this issue,” Witte said, noting the growing momentum behind junk fee legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve seen consumers across political lines,” she said. “This is a really bipartisan issue” to push for transparent pricing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another important consideration, Witte and other advocates said, is to ensure changes don’t harm employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why do restaurant patrons react so strongly to fees?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The restaurant-patron relationship is personal by nature: you are, after all, putting their product in your body. For millions of Americans, the COVID-19 pandemic interrupted that dynamic. And when they returned to restaurants, things were different. It was common to see eateries struggle to attract and retain enough staff; to sweeten the deal, many added surcharges that helped them raise workers’ pay. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Nationally, the restaurant industry has been one of the largest employers in the U.S., but the absolute lowest paying employer for generations,” Saru Jayaraman, the president of One Fair Wage and the director of the Food Labor Research Center at the University of California, Berkeley. “Really in part due to this sub-minimum wage for tipped workers that is a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/22/980047710/the-land-of-the-fee\">direct legacy of slavery\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many patrons, those changes were a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels a bit sudden,” Witte said, citing the lingering effects of the pandemic and high inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, folks understand that inflation affects everyone, right? But feeling like you had fees added on to already increasing prices across the economy sort of felt like a double punch for consumers,” Witte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another factor, she said, is that restaurants didn’t always make clear to diners what kind of fees it would tack onto their final bill — or what the money was for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone feels like, well, I’m already paying a tip in the form of a 20% service fee; why would I also have to pay a tip to the server if they’re already getting it? That disconnect and that lack of transparency make consumers feel angry. It makes them feel deceived, and it can harm people who rely on that income.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a restaurant adds service charges to your bill, “you have the right to inquire what they’re being used for if it’s not spelled out,” Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if a restaurant offers the option of tipping, you should use it, Jayaraman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We definitely encourage you to tip,” she said, adding that cash is best.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason for tipping in cash is that a lot of businesses deduct credit card processing fees from tipped workers tips, which is very difficult for the tipped worker and not what the consumer expects to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How pervasive are hidden fees?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The California law applies to both online and in-person transactions, covering “the sale or lease of most goods and services that are for a consumer’s personal use,” the attorney general’s office said, from short-term rentals and event tickets to hotels, restaurants, and food delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s more common in online purchases,” Engstrom said, adding that she has seen ticket sellers for events tack on fees that add 20% to 30% more to the advertised price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the law’s goal is to ensure a level playing field, whether companies are trying to attract concertgoers or diners. It also targets hotels that might add a “resort fee” to a customer’s check-out price for the use of fairly standard amenities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is an enormously lucrative opportunity for businesses and not just because of the fee itself,” Witte said, “but because of the way that it allows them to take business from other honest businesses who transparently disclose a higher price upfront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One place that we’ve seen a lot of junk and hidden fees is with car dealers, and that is certainly not limited to larger franchised car dealerships, Witte said, describing strategies such as dealers advertising a car at an enticing price — only to tack on expensive fees during an hours-long process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Car dealers are subject to a pending rule from the FTC, which said the change could save U.S. consumers \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2023/12/ftc-announces-cars-rule-fight-scams-vehicle-shopping\">more than $3.4 billion\u003c/a> — and an estimated 72 million hours worth of time spent shopping for vehicles. The rule was due to take effect in July, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2024/01/ftc-pauses-cars-rule-effective-date\">it’s now in limbo after a legal challenge\u003c/a> from the auto dealer industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you visited a Planned Parenthood in the continental United States in the past few years, then the company Near Intelligence, a data broker, probably knew it — and may have \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/antiabortion-group-used-cellphone-data-to-target-ads-to-planned-parenthood-visitors-446c1212\">sold that information to anti-abortion activists\u003c/a>. If you attended certain houses of worship or patronized particular pharmacies, the data broker known as Outlogic allegedly sold that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2024/02/23/what-happens-to-your-sensitive-data-when-a-data-broker-goes-bankrupt\">filed for bankruptcy\u003c/a> in December. Outlogic agreed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/X-ModeSocialDecisionandOrder.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the Federal Trade Commission to stop selling user location data while insisting regulators had found \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/ftc-reaches-first-settlement-banning-location-data-tracking\">“no misuse of any data.”\u003c/a> Both were among nearly 90 companies on the latest version of the \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">California data broker registry\u003c/a> that self-reported selling data about where people are or have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time this year, California requires data brokers — companies that knowingly collect and sell consumer’s data to third parties — to report if they collect location data. New state transparency requirements that kicked in this year also revealed that roughly two dozen companies collect personal data about children, and about a dozen collect reproductive health data about people who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do data brokers somewhere have data about you? Almost certainly. Almost everywhere you go on your digital journey will collect traces of information about you. If you’ve been on the internet in the past few years, you’ve probably seen a bunch of notices asking if it’s okay for the website you’re on to collect your “cookies” — information that allows the website to remember you, essentially. Some apps on your phone may track your location. It’s hard to precisely say what information about you is where because there are so many variables — your privacy settings, the sites you visit, what you buy and from whom, etc. — but data brokers are in the business of finding, collecting, and selling that data to other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers sell your web activity and other personal information to companies that may target advertising to you\u003cem>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>or make important decisions about your life, such as \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2020/05/28/access-denied-faulty-automated-background-checks-freeze-out-renters\">whether you get an apartment\u003c/a>, whether your activity is \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/pondera-surveillance/\">labeled fraudulent\u003c/a>, or how \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/11/technology/carmakers-driver-tracking-insurance.html\">insurance companies treat you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The market is largely unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selling data about people is the cornerstone of the modern internet economy, powering targeted advertising based on insights gleaned from personal data. Media investment company GroupM forecasted $258 billion in digital advertising revenue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give people visibility into who sells their data for profit, four years ago, California started requiring data brokers to register once a year. Since then, a new registry has come out each year based on those submissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest registry debuted one month ago with more detailed information and is now maintained by a relatively new state agency. A law passed last fall introduces new consumer rights and more stringent requirements for brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some important things to know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can data brokers harm you or your loved ones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Data brokers can sell data to bad actors, ranging from scam artists to adversarial foreign governments. In testimony to a congressional committee one year ago, Georgetown Law Center associate professor Laura Moy said data brokers selling information to law enforcement agencies could amount to a violation of the Fourth Amendment right to live free from unreasonable search and seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Beijing to Brussels to Washington D.C. and U.S. state capitals, government regulators are creating registries and business reporting rules to prevent privacy violations or harmful forms of artificial intelligence. Privacy advocates have urged the creation of a national data broker registry with the Federal Trade Commission for years, but no such registry exists yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who protects my privacy rights?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California voters passed a ballot measure in 2020 that gives consumers the right to access information collected about them, delete or modify that information, or tell a broker they cannot sell or share that information. Consumers can initiate the process by emailing the point of contact \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">listed on the registry website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they must present a copy of their ID, like a driver’s license, to prove who they are. Consumers and people under 18 can also work with an authorized agent, someone who makes data deletion requests on their behalf. Companies like Transcend and nonprofit organizations like Consumer Reports offer consumer data deletion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To enforce these rights, the ballot measure created the California Privacy Protection Agency and a five-member board to govern its activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that buy, sell, or share the personal data of at least 100,000 Californians or get a majority of annual revenue from selling data are required to comply with the consumer privacy law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s new?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most recent changes to California’s data broker registry — which took effect in January — require brokers to disclose whether they sell data about children, pregnant people, or anyone’s geolocation data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, relatively soon — at the speed at which state governments operate — consumers should be able to delete data collected about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, consumers must go to hundreds of data brokers one at a time if they want them to delete their data.[aside postID=news_11947039 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS40986_iStock-1170728885-qut-1020x680.jpg']Last fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb362?slug=CA_202320240SB362\">the Delete Act\u003c/a> giving consumers a way to delete data from all registered brokers by using a single tool or website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law — authored by state Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park — the state’s privacy agency must launch a website by 2026 that allows Californians to delete their data in 30 seconds or less. The Delete Act doubles the cost if data brokers fail to register to $200 a day, as well as the costs associated with an action brought by the state attorney general. By 2028, audits must verify that data brokers are complying with the Delete Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major change is that the Delete Act requires brokers to delete any information they collect about a consumer, not just information shared directly from a consumer, closing what privacy advocates called a crucial loophole that existed in the right to delete granted to consumers under the California Consumer Privacy Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also shifts responsibility for maintaining the registry from the Department of Justice to the California Privacy Protection Agency. That means that the power to determine which companies fail to register and comply with state privacy law or the Delete Act is decided by enforcement officers within that privacy agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s up to the agency to decide whether companies should register as data brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The enforcement division has received more than 1,200 complaints from July 2023 to February 2024, according to a staff update \u003ca href=\"https://www.cppa.ca.gov/meetings/materials/20240308_item6_enforcement_update.pdf\">last month\u003c/a>. The majority of those complaints concern the right to delete data collected about individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is California’s data broker registry comprehensive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since data brokers do not have a direct relationship with consumers, most people have never heard of companies that buy and sell data. But the registry is not comprehensive, not yet at least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registry that launched March 1 includes roughly 450 businesses and email points of contact. Brokers were required to register by Jan. 31, but in a meeting held in February, privacy protection agency attorney Liz Travis Allen warned: “If you look at the whole universe of every data broker, we don’t have that list. But that would be something we can enforce on, to figure out who isn’t registered and should be.”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='privacy']The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/data-brokers\">2023 registry maintained by the state Justice Department\u003c/a> listed 550 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy Rights Clearinghouse head of privacy Emory Roane was a co-sponsor of the Delete Act. He said it’s “really cool” that the privacy protection agency data broker registry illuminates metrics you couldn’t see before, like the number of companies that track your location or collect data about kids and people who are pregnant or that the credit score agency Experian collects all three. But he said the registry is incomplete. The state of Vermont defines a data broker the same way as California, also \u003ca href=\"https://sos.vermont.gov/corporations/other-services/data-brokers/\">maintains a data broker registry\u003c/a>, and created its registry around the same time as California, but it lists 660 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy “suggests that there is a problem with non-registered data brokers,” he told CalMatters in an email. “As to how many brokers aren’t registered, well, that’s anyone’s guess. It could be dozens, hundreds, or even thousands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A January \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/electronics/privacy/each-facebook-user-is-monitored-by-thousands-of-companies-a5824207467/#:~:text=Using%20a%20panel%20of%20709,to%20Facebook%20by%202%2C230%20companies.\">Consumer Reports study\u003c/a> involving nearly 700 volunteers who shared the data Meta collects about them on Facebook and Instagram found that more than 2,220 companies track the average person.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I tell a data broker to delete my data?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each company maintains its own privacy policy, but deleting the data it collects on you can be as simple as sending an email to the broker, whose contact email is listed on the registry. California law requires the broker to respond within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use third-party tools like \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">the Permission Slip app\u003c/a> to tell data brokers to delete your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers must detail how to delete or modify data in a privacy policy listed on their website. If a business fails to act within 90 days, you can \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/webapplications/complaint\">file a complaint\u003c/a> with California’s privacy protection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To quickly view the complete list of companies that sell kids data, reproductive health data, or geolocation data, toggle the arrow buttons at the top of the screen on California’s online registry site.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I delete data collected about my kid?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A parent or guardian who wishes to make a deletion request on a child’s behalf may follow the same steps necessary for any other Californian, but a business may require them to verify their identity with a government-issued ID card or phone or video call with a trained professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s privacy protection agency is already developing a single-click data deletion option. The enforcement division will contact companies they believe should be part of the registry or face fines, fees, or legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How aggressive will California’s consumer privacy agency be? One test is how frequently it issues fines and fees for brokers who fail to register. Privacy Protection Agency deputy director of external affairs, Megan White, wouldn’t say when enforcement officers will contact companies that they determined must register as data brokers and are in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roane said he hopes for and expects “eager enforcers more vigilantly holding non-registering and non-conforming data brokers to account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, California will begin requiring data brokers to publicly report on their websites the number of requests they receive to delete, modify, or share what data they collected about individuals and the median amount of time it takes to fulfill those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you visited a Planned Parenthood in the continental United States in the past few years, then the company Near Intelligence, a data broker, probably knew it — and may have \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/antiabortion-group-used-cellphone-data-to-target-ads-to-planned-parenthood-visitors-446c1212\">sold that information to anti-abortion activists\u003c/a>. If you attended certain houses of worship or patronized particular pharmacies, the data broker known as Outlogic allegedly sold that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Near Intelligence \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/privacy/2024/02/23/what-happens-to-your-sensitive-data-when-a-data-broker-goes-bankrupt\">filed for bankruptcy\u003c/a> in December. Outlogic agreed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/X-ModeSocialDecisionandOrder.pdf\">settlement\u003c/a> with the Federal Trade Commission to stop selling user location data while insisting regulators had found \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/ftc-reaches-first-settlement-banning-location-data-tracking\">“no misuse of any data.”\u003c/a> Both were among nearly 90 companies on the latest version of the \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">California data broker registry\u003c/a> that self-reported selling data about where people are or have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time this year, California requires data brokers — companies that knowingly collect and sell consumer’s data to third parties — to report if they collect location data. New state transparency requirements that kicked in this year also revealed that roughly two dozen companies collect personal data about children, and about a dozen collect reproductive health data about people who are pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do data brokers somewhere have data about you? Almost certainly. Almost everywhere you go on your digital journey will collect traces of information about you. If you’ve been on the internet in the past few years, you’ve probably seen a bunch of notices asking if it’s okay for the website you’re on to collect your “cookies” — information that allows the website to remember you, essentially. Some apps on your phone may track your location. It’s hard to precisely say what information about you is where because there are so many variables — your privacy settings, the sites you visit, what you buy and from whom, etc. — but data brokers are in the business of finding, collecting, and selling that data to other businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers sell your web activity and other personal information to companies that may target advertising to you\u003cem>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/em>or make important decisions about your life, such as \u003ca href=\"https://themarkup.org/locked-out/2020/05/28/access-denied-faulty-automated-background-checks-freeze-out-renters\">whether you get an apartment\u003c/a>, whether your activity is \u003ca href=\"https://epic.org/pondera-surveillance/\">labeled fraudulent\u003c/a>, or how \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/11/technology/carmakers-driver-tracking-insurance.html\">insurance companies treat you\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The market is largely unregulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Selling data about people is the cornerstone of the modern internet economy, powering targeted advertising based on insights gleaned from personal data. Media investment company GroupM forecasted $258 billion in digital advertising revenue this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To give people visibility into who sells their data for profit, four years ago, California started requiring data brokers to register once a year. Since then, a new registry has come out each year based on those submissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest registry debuted one month ago with more detailed information and is now maintained by a relatively new state agency. A law passed last fall introduces new consumer rights and more stringent requirements for brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some important things to know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can data brokers harm you or your loved ones?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Data brokers can sell data to bad actors, ranging from scam artists to adversarial foreign governments. In testimony to a congressional committee one year ago, Georgetown Law Center associate professor Laura Moy said data brokers selling information to law enforcement agencies could amount to a violation of the Fourth Amendment right to live free from unreasonable search and seizure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Beijing to Brussels to Washington D.C. and U.S. state capitals, government regulators are creating registries and business reporting rules to prevent privacy violations or harmful forms of artificial intelligence. Privacy advocates have urged the creation of a national data broker registry with the Federal Trade Commission for years, but no such registry exists yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who protects my privacy rights?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California voters passed a ballot measure in 2020 that gives consumers the right to access information collected about them, delete or modify that information, or tell a broker they cannot sell or share that information. Consumers can initiate the process by emailing the point of contact \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/data_broker_registry/\">listed on the registry website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, they must present a copy of their ID, like a driver’s license, to prove who they are. Consumers and people under 18 can also work with an authorized agent, someone who makes data deletion requests on their behalf. Companies like Transcend and nonprofit organizations like Consumer Reports offer consumer data deletion services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To enforce these rights, the ballot measure created the California Privacy Protection Agency and a five-member board to govern its activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies that buy, sell, or share the personal data of at least 100,000 Californians or get a majority of annual revenue from selling data are required to comply with the consumer privacy law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s new?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The most recent changes to California’s data broker registry — which took effect in January — require brokers to disclose whether they sell data about children, pregnant people, or anyone’s geolocation data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, relatively soon — at the speed at which state governments operate — consumers should be able to delete data collected about them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, consumers must go to hundreds of data brokers one at a time if they want them to delete their data.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last fall, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb362?slug=CA_202320240SB362\">the Delete Act\u003c/a> giving consumers a way to delete data from all registered brokers by using a single tool or website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law — authored by state Sen. Josh Becker, a Democrat from Menlo Park — the state’s privacy agency must launch a website by 2026 that allows Californians to delete their data in 30 seconds or less. The Delete Act doubles the cost if data brokers fail to register to $200 a day, as well as the costs associated with an action brought by the state attorney general. By 2028, audits must verify that data brokers are complying with the Delete Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major change is that the Delete Act requires brokers to delete any information they collect about a consumer, not just information shared directly from a consumer, closing what privacy advocates called a crucial loophole that existed in the right to delete granted to consumers under the California Consumer Privacy Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also shifts responsibility for maintaining the registry from the Department of Justice to the California Privacy Protection Agency. That means that the power to determine which companies fail to register and comply with state privacy law or the Delete Act is decided by enforcement officers within that privacy agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s up to the agency to decide whether companies should register as data brokers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The enforcement division has received more than 1,200 complaints from July 2023 to February 2024, according to a staff update \u003ca href=\"https://www.cppa.ca.gov/meetings/materials/20240308_item6_enforcement_update.pdf\">last month\u003c/a>. The majority of those complaints concern the right to delete data collected about individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is California’s data broker registry comprehensive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since data brokers do not have a direct relationship with consumers, most people have never heard of companies that buy and sell data. But the registry is not comprehensive, not yet at least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The registry that launched March 1 includes roughly 450 businesses and email points of contact. Brokers were required to register by Jan. 31, but in a meeting held in February, privacy protection agency attorney Liz Travis Allen warned: “If you look at the whole universe of every data broker, we don’t have that list. But that would be something we can enforce on, to figure out who isn’t registered and should be.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/data-brokers\">2023 registry maintained by the state Justice Department\u003c/a> listed 550 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy Rights Clearinghouse head of privacy Emory Roane was a co-sponsor of the Delete Act. He said it’s “really cool” that the privacy protection agency data broker registry illuminates metrics you couldn’t see before, like the number of companies that track your location or collect data about kids and people who are pregnant or that the credit score agency Experian collects all three. But he said the registry is incomplete. The state of Vermont defines a data broker the same way as California, also \u003ca href=\"https://sos.vermont.gov/corporations/other-services/data-brokers/\">maintains a data broker registry\u003c/a>, and created its registry around the same time as California, but it lists 660 companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy “suggests that there is a problem with non-registered data brokers,” he told CalMatters in an email. “As to how many brokers aren’t registered, well, that’s anyone’s guess. It could be dozens, hundreds, or even thousands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A January \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerreports.org/electronics/privacy/each-facebook-user-is-monitored-by-thousands-of-companies-a5824207467/#:~:text=Using%20a%20panel%20of%20709,to%20Facebook%20by%202%2C230%20companies.\">Consumer Reports study\u003c/a> involving nearly 700 volunteers who shared the data Meta collects about them on Facebook and Instagram found that more than 2,220 companies track the average person.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I tell a data broker to delete my data?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each company maintains its own privacy policy, but deleting the data it collects on you can be as simple as sending an email to the broker, whose contact email is listed on the registry. California law requires the broker to respond within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use third-party tools like \u003ca href=\"https://permissionslipcr.com/\">the Permission Slip app\u003c/a> to tell data brokers to delete your data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brokers must detail how to delete or modify data in a privacy policy listed on their website. If a business fails to act within 90 days, you can \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/webapplications/complaint\">file a complaint\u003c/a> with California’s privacy protection agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To quickly view the complete list of companies that sell kids data, reproductive health data, or geolocation data, toggle the arrow buttons at the top of the screen on California’s online registry site.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do I delete data collected about my kid?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A parent or guardian who wishes to make a deletion request on a child’s behalf may follow the same steps necessary for any other Californian, but a business may require them to verify their identity with a government-issued ID card or phone or video call with a trained professional.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s next in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s privacy protection agency is already developing a single-click data deletion option. The enforcement division will contact companies they believe should be part of the registry or face fines, fees, or legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How aggressive will California’s consumer privacy agency be? One test is how frequently it issues fines and fees for brokers who fail to register. Privacy Protection Agency deputy director of external affairs, Megan White, wouldn’t say when enforcement officers will contact companies that they determined must register as data brokers and are in violation of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roane said he hopes for and expects “eager enforcers more vigilantly holding non-registering and non-conforming data brokers to account.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, California will begin requiring data brokers to publicly report on their websites the number of requests they receive to delete, modify, or share what data they collected about individuals and the median amount of time it takes to fulfill those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom said the state is working on emergency legislation that would allow doctors from Arizona to come to California to provide abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes days after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/04/09/1243679136/arizona-abortion-court-decision-ban\">Arizona Supreme Court ruled\u003c/a> that the state should follow a law from the 1860s that outlaws abortions in all cases except when the pregnant person’s life is in danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, a Democrat, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1782157977069428900\">said Sunday\u003c/a> during an appearance on MSNBC’s \u003cem>Inside with Jen Psaki\u003c/em> that California is in a position to help those who are set to lose the ability to have an abortion in neighboring Arizona.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think really we need to start focusing on making the kind of progress that’s needed,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Newsom spokesperson Brandon Richards told NPR via email that the administration was working closely with the California legislature on the proposal and also coordinating with the offices of Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs and Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, both of whom are Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Arizona AG Kris Mayes identified a need to expedite the ability for Arizona abortion providers to continue to provide care to Arizonans as a way to support patients in their state seeking abortion care in California,” Richards said. “We are responding to this call and will have more details to share in the coming days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arizona Supreme Court justices stayed enforcement of their April 9 ruling for 14 days and possibly longer, permitting abortions to continue for now.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='abortion-ban']Since the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">reversed \u003cem>Roe v. Wade\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in 2022 and eliminated the constitutional right to an abortion, a number of more conservative states have been limiting or banning the procedure, while other states \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/06/23/1183646356/dobbs-roe-abortion-protections-illinois-maryland-michigan-colorado-minnesota\">have taken steps to protect\u003c/a> reproductive rights, including California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Newsom also \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1782082600368283715\">debuted a new TV ad\u003c/a> through his Campaign for Democracy PAC that depicts a fictional scene of two women being pulled over by a police officer and asked to take a pregnancy test just before they can drive out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://act.gavinnewsom.com/signup/right_to_travel/\">According to the PAC\u003c/a>, lawmakers in Alabama, Tennessee and Oklahoma have introduced legislation to bar minors from traveling out of state to get an abortion without parental consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three states have among the “most restrictive” laws against abortion, \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/policies/\">according to the Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>, a research group that supports abortion rights and tracks abortion laws across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alabama’s abortion ban has no exceptions for rape or incest. Now, Republicans are trying to criminalize young women’s travel to receive abortion care,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1782082600368283715\">said in a post on X\u003c/a>. “We cannot let them get away with this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/idaho-abortion-trafficking-travel-ban-270a403d7b4a5e99e566433556614728\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> an Idaho law that was intended to prevent minors from going out of state to obtain abortions without parental consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, Newsom spokesperson Brandon Richards told NPR via email that the administration was working closely with the California legislature on the proposal and also coordinating with the offices of Arizona Gov. Katie Hobbs and Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, both of whom are Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Arizona AG Kris Mayes identified a need to expedite the ability for Arizona abortion providers to continue to provide care to Arizonans as a way to support patients in their state seeking abortion care in California,” Richards said. “We are responding to this call and will have more details to share in the coming days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arizona Supreme Court justices stayed enforcement of their April 9 ruling for 14 days and possibly longer, permitting abortions to continue for now.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1102305878/supreme-court-abortion-roe-v-wade-decision-overturn\">reversed \u003cem>Roe v. Wade\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in 2022 and eliminated the constitutional right to an abortion, a number of more conservative states have been limiting or banning the procedure, while other states \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/06/23/1183646356/dobbs-roe-abortion-protections-illinois-maryland-michigan-colorado-minnesota\">have taken steps to protect\u003c/a> reproductive rights, including California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, Newsom also \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1782082600368283715\">debuted a new TV ad\u003c/a> through his Campaign for Democracy PAC that depicts a fictional scene of two women being pulled over by a police officer and asked to take a pregnancy test just before they can drive out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://act.gavinnewsom.com/signup/right_to_travel/\">According to the PAC\u003c/a>, lawmakers in Alabama, Tennessee and Oklahoma have introduced legislation to bar minors from traveling out of state to get an abortion without parental consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three states have among the “most restrictive” laws against abortion, \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/policies/\">according to the Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>, a research group that supports abortion rights and tracks abortion laws across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Alabama’s abortion ban has no exceptions for rape or incest. Now, Republicans are trying to criminalize young women’s travel to receive abortion care,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1782082600368283715\">said in a post on X\u003c/a>. “We cannot let them get away with this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/idaho-abortion-trafficking-travel-ban-270a403d7b4a5e99e566433556614728\">temporarily blocked\u003c/a> an Idaho law that was intended to prevent minors from going out of state to obtain abortions without parental consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Despite laws intended to “pierce the secrecy” protecting California police officers, law enforcement agencies have thwarted those who seek information on cases of alleged misconduct — in some instances battling requesters in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some basic personnel records — including complaints and disciplinary action against officers — are still hidden from the public, accessible only when a California judge grants access to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California had at least 198 non-shooting deaths from 2012 through 2021 after police used force that isn’t supposed to be deadly — the most documented in any state in the nation, an investigation by the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/associated-press-investigation-deaths-police-encounters-ba08cef07a4481bfb0e455dc33b9495d\">in conjunction with The Associated Press\u003c/a>, found. The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/associated-press-investigation-deaths-police-encounters-02881a2bd3fbeb1fc31af9208bb0e310\">investigation identified 1,036 deaths\u003c/a> across the country during that time frame, though suppression of information means the numbers are likely an undercount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California is widely considered one of the most progressive states in the nation, local law enforcement officers for decades have had their on-duty actions veiled by some of the strongest privacy protections in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police officers are given enormous power,” said David Loy, legal director of the First Amendment Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for greater government transparency. “The public has an overwhelming interest in understanding and knowing why, how and when police officers exercised that extreme power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California passed a series of bills in recent years designed to give the public the right to records related to certain actions by law enforcement officers. And law enforcement agencies across the state have since released previously confidential documents under an avalanche of records requests. However, attempts at greater transparency surrounding claims of police misconduct continue to be stymied by police departments and their unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been a challenge to enforce the law as written,” Loy said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not saying all officers abuse their power,” he added. “But that is precisely what the public has a right to know and verify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘landmark bill’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2018, the California Legislature passed Senate Bill 1421, opening for the first time certain records related to police misconduct, including investigations of officers involved in sexual assault, dishonesty and use-of-force incidents, such as shootings. Assembly Bill 748, also passed in 2018, made public video and audio recordings, including body-worn camera footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the passage of these bills, government-created documents related to alleged or real misbehavior by police were supposed to be made available to anyone on request. The laws made public reports, investigations and records produced by police agencies or external investigating agencies, such as district attorneys, including interview transcripts, autopsy reports and disciplinary actions against officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"David Loy, legal director, First Amendment Coalition\"]‘I’m not saying all officers abuse their power. But that is precisely what the public has a right to know and verify.’[/pullquote]California state Sen. Nancy Skinner, who authored Senate Bill 1421, said it was intended to “help identify and prevent unjustified use of force, make officer misconduct an even rarer occurrence, and build trust in law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, media organizations hailed it as a “landmark bill,” and the American Civil Liberties Union said it would “pierce the secrecy that shrouds” law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when the new law took effect on Jan. 1, 2019, law enforcement agencies across California began receiving public records requests and responded with what Loy called “a campaign of massive resistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Carlsbad Police Officers Association, for example, was one of several police unions and agencies that sued to block the release of records created before the new law took effect, arguing it did not retroactively apply to existing cases. The ACLU of San Diego and Imperial Counties, where Loy was the legal director then, argued that the bill applied to records regardless of when they were created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Diego County Superior Court Judge ruled against the police unions, joining several other similar court decisions that established records were releasable regardless of when they were created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March 2019, a collaboration of California news outlets, computer scientists and lawyers joined together to request, litigate for, and report on the newly available police records. The California Reporting Project began with six newsrooms, including San Francisco-based KQED and the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>. The collaborative has since grown to include dozens of member newsrooms, including The Associated Press and the Howard Centers for Investigative Journalism in Arizona and Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fighting denials\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When an agency denies a request, options are limited in appealing the denial. Some municipalities have special administrative processes, but in many cases, the only way forward is to file a lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Freedom of information laws are supposed to be self-executing in that you shouldn’t need to get a lawyer,” Loy said. “Not everyone can get access to legal counsel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner, in a 2021 report to the state Senate Committee on Public Safety, said some cities went as far as destroying records prior to the Jan. 1 effective date “to avoid producing responsive documents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11977145,news_11979576,news_11871364\"]At the time, records retention laws gave agencies the right to destroy complaint records that were more than five years old. Among the cities named by Skinner were Downey and Morgan Hill, whose representatives told the Howard Center the records were destroyed according to the cities’ retention schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner introduced her second bill, which became law in 2022, to broaden the types of police transparency records available to the public and to address some of the issues and confusion resulting from her first piece of legislation. The law expanded the categories of public information to include excessive use-of-force cases, as well as unlawful searches and arrests, failures to intervene against other officers who use unreasonable force, and cases in which police officers showed discrimination against certain people based on race, religion, sex or disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law requires agencies to maintain complaints and any related reports or findings for at least five years if the complaints are determined to be unfounded — and at least 15 years if the findings are confirmed. The law also set a 45-day deadline for agencies to produce requested police records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current law also states that records don’t need to be released for “pending” or “active” investigations, a provision experts say some agencies use to delay disclosure continually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, state lawmakers approved a measure that added other obstacles for people seeking records related to police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2023 law made California’s Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training exempt from disclosing records related to officers’ personnel files, misconduct records and other investigative materials of decertification cases. The state previously had required the commission to make those records public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, through Jan. 1, 2027, the commission is forwarding such requests back to the officer’s department, essentially giving the decision to release records back to the local agencies that the release of any negative information could hurt. Civil rights and open government advocates had opposed the measure, arguing it would “deny promised transparency into the decertification process” and “take the state backward with respect to law enforcement transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When records aren’t specifically made disclosable by the new laws, agencies look to other state laws to determine whether to release officers’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Records Act, California’s body of law that covers the release of government information, gives law enforcement agencies broad latitude to keep records confidential based on their judgment that releasing the information “would constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism at Arizona State University’s Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication. The Howard Center is an initiative of the Scripps Howard Fund in honor of the late news industry executive and pioneer Roy W. Howard. Contact us at howardcenter@asu.edu or on X (formerly Twitter)@HowardCenterASU.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Despite laws intended to “pierce the secrecy” protecting California police officers, law enforcement agencies have thwarted those who seek information on cases of alleged misconduct — in some instances battling requesters in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some basic personnel records — including complaints and disciplinary action against officers — are still hidden from the public, accessible only when a California judge grants access to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California had at least 198 non-shooting deaths from 2012 through 2021 after police used force that isn’t supposed to be deadly — the most documented in any state in the nation, an investigation by the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/associated-press-investigation-deaths-police-encounters-ba08cef07a4481bfb0e455dc33b9495d\">in conjunction with The Associated Press\u003c/a>, found. The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/associated-press-investigation-deaths-police-encounters-02881a2bd3fbeb1fc31af9208bb0e310\">investigation identified 1,036 deaths\u003c/a> across the country during that time frame, though suppression of information means the numbers are likely an undercount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California is widely considered one of the most progressive states in the nation, local law enforcement officers for decades have had their on-duty actions veiled by some of the strongest privacy protections in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police officers are given enormous power,” said David Loy, legal director of the First Amendment Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for greater government transparency. “The public has an overwhelming interest in understanding and knowing why, how and when police officers exercised that extreme power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California passed a series of bills in recent years designed to give the public the right to records related to certain actions by law enforcement officers. And law enforcement agencies across the state have since released previously confidential documents under an avalanche of records requests. However, attempts at greater transparency surrounding claims of police misconduct continue to be stymied by police departments and their unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been a challenge to enforce the law as written,” Loy said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not saying all officers abuse their power,” he added. “But that is precisely what the public has a right to know and verify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘landmark bill’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2018, the California Legislature passed Senate Bill 1421, opening for the first time certain records related to police misconduct, including investigations of officers involved in sexual assault, dishonesty and use-of-force incidents, such as shootings. Assembly Bill 748, also passed in 2018, made public video and audio recordings, including body-worn camera footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the passage of these bills, government-created documents related to alleged or real misbehavior by police were supposed to be made available to anyone on request. The laws made public reports, investigations and records produced by police agencies or external investigating agencies, such as district attorneys, including interview transcripts, autopsy reports and disciplinary actions against officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California state Sen. Nancy Skinner, who authored Senate Bill 1421, said it was intended to “help identify and prevent unjustified use of force, make officer misconduct an even rarer occurrence, and build trust in law enforcement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, media organizations hailed it as a “landmark bill,” and the American Civil Liberties Union said it would “pierce the secrecy that shrouds” law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when the new law took effect on Jan. 1, 2019, law enforcement agencies across California began receiving public records requests and responded with what Loy called “a campaign of massive resistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Carlsbad Police Officers Association, for example, was one of several police unions and agencies that sued to block the release of records created before the new law took effect, arguing it did not retroactively apply to existing cases. The ACLU of San Diego and Imperial Counties, where Loy was the legal director then, argued that the bill applied to records regardless of when they were created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Diego County Superior Court Judge ruled against the police unions, joining several other similar court decisions that established records were releasable regardless of when they were created.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March 2019, a collaboration of California news outlets, computer scientists and lawyers joined together to request, litigate for, and report on the newly available police records. The California Reporting Project began with six newsrooms, including San Francisco-based KQED and the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>. The collaborative has since grown to include dozens of member newsrooms, including The Associated Press and the Howard Centers for Investigative Journalism in Arizona and Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fighting denials\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When an agency denies a request, options are limited in appealing the denial. Some municipalities have special administrative processes, but in many cases, the only way forward is to file a lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Freedom of information laws are supposed to be self-executing in that you shouldn’t need to get a lawyer,” Loy said. “Not everyone can get access to legal counsel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner, in a 2021 report to the state Senate Committee on Public Safety, said some cities went as far as destroying records prior to the Jan. 1 effective date “to avoid producing responsive documents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the time, records retention laws gave agencies the right to destroy complaint records that were more than five years old. Among the cities named by Skinner were Downey and Morgan Hill, whose representatives told the Howard Center the records were destroyed according to the cities’ retention schedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner introduced her second bill, which became law in 2022, to broaden the types of police transparency records available to the public and to address some of the issues and confusion resulting from her first piece of legislation. The law expanded the categories of public information to include excessive use-of-force cases, as well as unlawful searches and arrests, failures to intervene against other officers who use unreasonable force, and cases in which police officers showed discrimination against certain people based on race, religion, sex or disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law requires agencies to maintain complaints and any related reports or findings for at least five years if the complaints are determined to be unfounded — and at least 15 years if the findings are confirmed. The law also set a 45-day deadline for agencies to produce requested police records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current law also states that records don’t need to be released for “pending” or “active” investigations, a provision experts say some agencies use to delay disclosure continually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, state lawmakers approved a measure that added other obstacles for people seeking records related to police misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2023 law made California’s Commission on Peace Officer Standards and Training exempt from disclosing records related to officers’ personnel files, misconduct records and other investigative materials of decertification cases. The state previously had required the commission to make those records public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, through Jan. 1, 2027, the commission is forwarding such requests back to the officer’s department, essentially giving the decision to release records back to the local agencies that the release of any negative information could hurt. Civil rights and open government advocates had opposed the measure, arguing it would “deny promised transparency into the decertification process” and “take the state backward with respect to law enforcement transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When records aren’t specifically made disclosable by the new laws, agencies look to other state laws to determine whether to release officers’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Public Records Act, California’s body of law that covers the release of government information, gives law enforcement agencies broad latitude to keep records confidential based on their judgment that releasing the information “would constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by the Howard Center for Investigative Journalism at Arizona State University’s Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication. The Howard Center is an initiative of the Scripps Howard Fund in honor of the late news industry executive and pioneer Roy W. Howard. Contact us at howardcenter@asu.edu or on X (formerly Twitter)@HowardCenterASU.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "judge-finds-8-antioch-police-officers-tainted-by-racial-bias-reduces-criminal-charges",
"title": "Judge Finds 8 Antioch Police Officers Tainted by Racial Bias, Reduces Criminal Charges",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Monday, a Contra Costa County Superior Court Judge threw out sentence enhancements in a criminal case where Antioch police officers sent racist text messages about four men accused of murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his ruling, Judge David Goldstein said the behavior by officers violated the California Racial Justice Act, a state law designed to eliminate racial bias from the justice system by empowering defendants to challenge racism in the justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Catch up fast:\u003c/strong> The four men, all in their early 20s, are accused of a drive-by shooting in an Antioch neighborhood in March 2021. Arnold Marcel Hawkins, 22, was killed and another man was injured. The arrest of the four men was heralded by East Bay law enforcement as a step toward reducing gun violence. In court, the men argued their arrests were motivated by racial bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The context: \u003c/strong>For years, Antioch residents have reported racist and illegal behavior by local law enforcement. They have protested fatal shootings by police. Last summer, an FBI investigation into criminal misconduct by Pittsburg and Antioch police officers uncovered thousands of racist text messages. Nearly half of the Antioch police department was temporarily put on leave after the discovery and the police chief resigned. Ten law enforcement employees were eventually charged with federal crimes, including fraud, civil rights abuses and falsification of records. The still-unfolding police misconduct scandal is the biggest to hit the Bay Area since the Oakland Riders case in the early 2000s.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nThe big picture: \u003c/strong>The California Racial Justice Act, the first of its kind in the nation, was passed in 2020. Contra Costa is a hot spot for defense attorneys testing the law’s limit. In the case decided this week, attorneys argued that the entire Antioch Police Department has operated with a culture that permits and promotes racism for years. [aside label='More on Antioch Police Department' tag='antioch-police-department']\u003cstrong>What we are watching: \u003c/strong>The ruling could affect hundreds of criminal cases in the county and around the state. Following the FBI investigation, Contra Costa District Attorney Diana Becton dismissed more than 30 criminal cases and is evaluating others. Defense attorneys arguing that racial bias played a role in a client’s arrest, charging or sentencing now have a clearer pathway to use the RJA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The opposing view: \u003c/strong>For survivors of crime, seeing charges dismissed can be devastating. Hawkins’ family members filled the gallery benches at court dates. When parts of the justice system, such as policing, are found to be shaped by racism and can’t be relied upon for a just outcome, where will the survivors of crime turn for accountability?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The bottom line:\u003c/strong> The decision in Contra Costa County cements a radical change in California’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In his ruling, Judge David Goldstein said the Antioch police officers' behavior violated the California Racial Justice Act, which empowers defendants to challenge racism in the justice system.",
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"title": "Judge Finds 8 Antioch Police Officers Tainted by Racial Bias, Reduces Criminal Charges | KQED",
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"headline": "Judge Finds 8 Antioch Police Officers Tainted by Racial Bias, Reduces Criminal Charges",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Monday, a Contra Costa County Superior Court Judge threw out sentence enhancements in a criminal case where Antioch police officers sent racist text messages about four men accused of murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his ruling, Judge David Goldstein said the behavior by officers violated the California Racial Justice Act, a state law designed to eliminate racial bias from the justice system by empowering defendants to challenge racism in the justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Catch up fast:\u003c/strong> The four men, all in their early 20s, are accused of a drive-by shooting in an Antioch neighborhood in March 2021. Arnold Marcel Hawkins, 22, was killed and another man was injured. The arrest of the four men was heralded by East Bay law enforcement as a step toward reducing gun violence. In court, the men argued their arrests were motivated by racial bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The context: \u003c/strong>For years, Antioch residents have reported racist and illegal behavior by local law enforcement. They have protested fatal shootings by police. Last summer, an FBI investigation into criminal misconduct by Pittsburg and Antioch police officers uncovered thousands of racist text messages. Nearly half of the Antioch police department was temporarily put on leave after the discovery and the police chief resigned. Ten law enforcement employees were eventually charged with federal crimes, including fraud, civil rights abuses and falsification of records. The still-unfolding police misconduct scandal is the biggest to hit the Bay Area since the Oakland Riders case in the early 2000s.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nThe big picture: \u003c/strong>The California Racial Justice Act, the first of its kind in the nation, was passed in 2020. Contra Costa is a hot spot for defense attorneys testing the law’s limit. In the case decided this week, attorneys argued that the entire Antioch Police Department has operated with a culture that permits and promotes racism for years. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What we are watching: \u003c/strong>The ruling could affect hundreds of criminal cases in the county and around the state. Following the FBI investigation, Contra Costa District Attorney Diana Becton dismissed more than 30 criminal cases and is evaluating others. Defense attorneys arguing that racial bias played a role in a client’s arrest, charging or sentencing now have a clearer pathway to use the RJA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The opposing view: \u003c/strong>For survivors of crime, seeing charges dismissed can be devastating. Hawkins’ family members filled the gallery benches at court dates. When parts of the justice system, such as policing, are found to be shaped by racism and can’t be relied upon for a just outcome, where will the survivors of crime turn for accountability?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The bottom line:\u003c/strong> The decision in Contra Costa County cements a radical change in California’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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