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"content": "\u003cp>A granola bar. Hand sanitizer. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/public-transit\">BART train schedule\u003c/a>. These are among the supplies Harvy Chang and his friends plan to bring this Sunday as they attempt to break a new record: visiting every BART station as quickly as possible with as many people as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s called a “speedrun,” and Chang’s group of Bay Area high schoolers is organizing the largest ever attempt in the Bay Area. As of Wednesday, \u003ca href=\"https://luma.com/yj73dmrc\">80 people have signed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to see a hundred people going to do this,” Chang said, “because right now, the transit speedrunning community isn’t that big.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term “speedrunning” was popularized in video gaming culture when a player attempts to complete an entire game as quickly as possible. But transit nerds have co-opted the trend and turned it into a real-life game, by visiting every train or bus station — traveling up and down every arm of the transit system — as quickly as possible. The prize: bragging rights. And possibly internet fame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chang got interested in the sport last year after seeing a \u003ca href=\"http://youtube.com/watch?v=6o9JGsamQF0\">viral YouTube video\u003c/a> about it. He contacted the speedrunner to plan a route, but Chang said the runner didn’t want to share his plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because he wanted to get the record,” Chang said. “At that point, when he didn’t really want to share, I was like, okay, I got to [plan] this myself. So then I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12040953 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed.jpg\" alt=\"People walk through a train station, passing by gates.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk through Montgomery BART Station in San Francisco, on Dec. 4, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While speedrunners have raced on San Francisco’s MUNI trains, San Mateo’s SamTrans bus lines and Santa Clara’s VTA light rail, among other Bay Area transit agency routes, BART is the most popular. The commuter rail agency has even created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/news/fun/speedrun\">webpage dedicated to speedruns\u003c/a> and posts a log of each attempt its staff can find online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.guinnessworldrecords.com/world-records/763245-fastest-time-to-visit-all-san-francisco-metro-stations\">current Guinness World Record\u003c/a> (yes, there’s also a Guinness World Record for speedrunning) is held by a group of seven UC Berkeley graduate students, specializing in transportation, who completed the run in 5 hours, 47 minutes and 42 seconds in March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eThvhW-TdvU&ab_channel=Penguinaut\">Chang and a group of 20 others\u003c/a> unofficially beat that time in July, ending the race in 5 hours, 43 minutes and 10.95 seconds. The group submitted their fastest time to the record-setting organization and is awaiting certification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that July run, Chang’s cadre also broke the unofficial record for the largest group to complete a BART speedrun, which he hopes to break again this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To achieve that, Sunday’s event will prioritize participation over time. For Chang and his friends, that means working out a lot of logistics. Nowhere is that more critical than at transfer points, when the speedrunners will have to get on and off the trains en masse as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023588\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023588\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1340\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-800x536.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-1020x683.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-1920x1286.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART passengers stand on the platform as a train pulls into the Powell Street station on May 12, 2008, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even mere seconds can matter: Chang has found that, if one BART train enters the station and the connecting train holds its doors for passengers to board, it can throw off the whole schedule and possibly mean missing the next train.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before your first transfer, you’re kind of just chilling there,” the 17-year-old said. “As soon as you get your first transfer, it starts getting real.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a group of Sunday’s expected size, that also means planning for banalities like bathroom breaks and trips to the water fountain — no easy feat with a group of 20, let alone the 80 who registered. To manage the crowd, Chang expects Sunday’s speedrun to take about 6 hours to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you make your transfer really long, a BART station is only going to have — at most — two bathrooms, so that’s going to be something that we have to deal with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055631\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1228px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055631\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Speedrunning-Schedule.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1228\" height=\"1070\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Speedrunning-Schedule.jpg 1228w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Speedrunning-Schedule-160x139.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1228px) 100vw, 1228px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The speedrun route Harvey Chang and his friends planned is optimized not so much for speed, but for the large size of the group they hope to attract to the event. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvey Chang)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a widely documented sport, transit speedrunning’s origins trace back to 1960, when the Guinness World Record started tracking the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.thetubechallenge.com/\">Tube Challenge\u003c/a>” on the London Underground. Two United Kingdom residents \u003ca href=\"https://www.guinnessworldrecords.com/world-records/677236-fastest-time-to-travel-to-all-london-underground-stations\">broke the record in August 2024\u003c/a>, visiting all 272 stations in less than 18 hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART spokesperson Alicia Trost said her staff recently learned of the trend when content creators started sharing their experiences — and records — on social media. According to the agency, its popularity had grown over the past decade, ever since Jim Yu, a Moraga resident, completed the \u003ca href=\"https://crasstalk.com/2012/07/world-record-for-visiting-all-44-bart-stations/\">first documented speedrun\u003c/a> in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yu doesn’t call himself a train nerd or a public transportation activist, but rather, a modern-day explorer who prefers to let someone else take the wheel. Over the course of 11 years, he’s traveled, on and off, from the top of North America (Prudhoe Bay, Alaska) to the tip of South America (Ushuaia, Argentina) using only buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he completed his first BART speedrun, it was an opportunity to enjoy the Bay Area’s dynamic landscape and destinations along BART’s station map that he would never visit on a regular commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though the San Francisco Bay Area is not a very large area geographically, you have everything here from oceans to almost desert-like dryness in the East Bay, and everything in between,” he said. “If you [ride] BART— not even for a speedrun, just to sit there and look out the window, you get to see everything that is in the Bay Area.”[aside postID=news_12055129 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED3.jpg']Since then, the speedrunning community has grown — and so have opinions about what qualifies as an official race. Last October, a popular YouTuber — the same one who inspired Chang to join the sport — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T5ap30oYwyM&ab_channel=Adam\">teamed up with another speedrunner and completed the run\u003c/a> in 5 hours, 9 minutes and 35 seconds. But they achieved that time by visiting stations out of order and using bikes to catch some of the trains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite following the official Guinness World Record rules, Chang said the Bay Area Transit Discord is still deciding whether it is fair to use a bike. For now, he and many others will continue speedrunning using only their feet and a Clipper card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Chang and other high school students care less about who is right and more about who shows up. For them, speedrunning isn’t just fun, it’s a chance to explore nearby cities without needing a car or a driver’s license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Rabinovich, a 15-year-old from Foster City, is the board president of the \u003ca href=\"https://calhstatransit.org/\">California High School Transit Alliance\u003c/a>, an organization aiming to connect high school transit clubs across the state and raise awareness of how convenient buses and trains can be for young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he helps Chang and others organize the Bay Area speedrun this Sunday, Rabinovich is also coordinating with a high school in San Diego to \u003ca href=\"https://speedrun.calhstatransit.org/socal\">organize a speedrun there\u003c/a>, also on Sunday. That group will traverse the San Diego Trolley. As both groups speedrun together, Rabinovich hopes to inaugurate \u003ca href=\"https://speedrun.calhstatransit.org/home\">California Speedrun Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transit is very important for high schoolers because some of us can’t drive. If you can drive, you have all these costs: gas, insurance, getting the car— and that’s not something high schoolers can do really,” he said. “So transit is a lifeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The BART speedrun takes place on Sunday, Sept. 14. The event will start at 9:40 a.m. sharp at the Millbrae BART station. For more information, visit: \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://luma.com/yj73dmrc\">\u003cem>https://luma.com/yj73dmrc\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A granola bar. Hand sanitizer. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/public-transit\">BART train schedule\u003c/a>. These are among the supplies Harvy Chang and his friends plan to bring this Sunday as they attempt to break a new record: visiting every BART station as quickly as possible with as many people as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s called a “speedrun,” and Chang’s group of Bay Area high schoolers is organizing the largest ever attempt in the Bay Area. As of Wednesday, \u003ca href=\"https://luma.com/yj73dmrc\">80 people have signed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to see a hundred people going to do this,” Chang said, “because right now, the transit speedrunning community isn’t that big.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term “speedrunning” was popularized in video gaming culture when a player attempts to complete an entire game as quickly as possible. But transit nerds have co-opted the trend and turned it into a real-life game, by visiting every train or bus station — traveling up and down every arm of the transit system — as quickly as possible. The prize: bragging rights. And possibly internet fame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chang got interested in the sport last year after seeing a \u003ca href=\"http://youtube.com/watch?v=6o9JGsamQF0\">viral YouTube video\u003c/a> about it. He contacted the speedrunner to plan a route, but Chang said the runner didn’t want to share his plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because he wanted to get the record,” Chang said. “At that point, when he didn’t really want to share, I was like, okay, I got to [plan] this myself. So then I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12040953 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed.jpg\" alt=\"People walk through a train station, passing by gates.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20241204-BART-JY-033_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk through Montgomery BART Station in San Francisco, on Dec. 4, 2024. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While speedrunners have raced on San Francisco’s MUNI trains, San Mateo’s SamTrans bus lines and Santa Clara’s VTA light rail, among other Bay Area transit agency routes, BART is the most popular. The commuter rail agency has even created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/news/fun/speedrun\">webpage dedicated to speedruns\u003c/a> and posts a log of each attempt its staff can find online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.guinnessworldrecords.com/world-records/763245-fastest-time-to-visit-all-san-francisco-metro-stations\">current Guinness World Record\u003c/a> (yes, there’s also a Guinness World Record for speedrunning) is held by a group of seven UC Berkeley graduate students, specializing in transportation, who completed the run in 5 hours, 47 minutes and 42 seconds in March 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eThvhW-TdvU&ab_channel=Penguinaut\">Chang and a group of 20 others\u003c/a> unofficially beat that time in July, ending the race in 5 hours, 43 minutes and 10.95 seconds. The group submitted their fastest time to the record-setting organization and is awaiting certification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that July run, Chang’s cadre also broke the unofficial record for the largest group to complete a BART speedrun, which he hopes to break again this weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To achieve that, Sunday’s event will prioritize participation over time. For Chang and his friends, that means working out a lot of logistics. Nowhere is that more critical than at transfer points, when the speedrunners will have to get on and off the trains en masse as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023588\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023588\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1340\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-800x536.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-1020x683.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-1536x1029.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/PowellStation1-1920x1286.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART passengers stand on the platform as a train pulls into the Powell Street station on May 12, 2008, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even mere seconds can matter: Chang has found that, if one BART train enters the station and the connecting train holds its doors for passengers to board, it can throw off the whole schedule and possibly mean missing the next train.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before your first transfer, you’re kind of just chilling there,” the 17-year-old said. “As soon as you get your first transfer, it starts getting real.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a group of Sunday’s expected size, that also means planning for banalities like bathroom breaks and trips to the water fountain — no easy feat with a group of 20, let alone the 80 who registered. To manage the crowd, Chang expects Sunday’s speedrun to take about 6 hours to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you make your transfer really long, a BART station is only going to have — at most — two bathrooms, so that’s going to be something that we have to deal with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055631\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1228px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055631\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Speedrunning-Schedule.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1228\" height=\"1070\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Speedrunning-Schedule.jpg 1228w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Speedrunning-Schedule-160x139.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1228px) 100vw, 1228px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The speedrun route Harvey Chang and his friends planned is optimized not so much for speed, but for the large size of the group they hope to attract to the event. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvey Chang)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While it’s not a widely documented sport, transit speedrunning’s origins trace back to 1960, when the Guinness World Record started tracking the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.thetubechallenge.com/\">Tube Challenge\u003c/a>” on the London Underground. Two United Kingdom residents \u003ca href=\"https://www.guinnessworldrecords.com/world-records/677236-fastest-time-to-travel-to-all-london-underground-stations\">broke the record in August 2024\u003c/a>, visiting all 272 stations in less than 18 hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART spokesperson Alicia Trost said her staff recently learned of the trend when content creators started sharing their experiences — and records — on social media. According to the agency, its popularity had grown over the past decade, ever since Jim Yu, a Moraga resident, completed the \u003ca href=\"https://crasstalk.com/2012/07/world-record-for-visiting-all-44-bart-stations/\">first documented speedrun\u003c/a> in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yu doesn’t call himself a train nerd or a public transportation activist, but rather, a modern-day explorer who prefers to let someone else take the wheel. Over the course of 11 years, he’s traveled, on and off, from the top of North America (Prudhoe Bay, Alaska) to the tip of South America (Ushuaia, Argentina) using only buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he completed his first BART speedrun, it was an opportunity to enjoy the Bay Area’s dynamic landscape and destinations along BART’s station map that he would never visit on a regular commute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though the San Francisco Bay Area is not a very large area geographically, you have everything here from oceans to almost desert-like dryness in the East Bay, and everything in between,” he said. “If you [ride] BART— not even for a speedrun, just to sit there and look out the window, you get to see everything that is in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since then, the speedrunning community has grown — and so have opinions about what qualifies as an official race. Last October, a popular YouTuber — the same one who inspired Chang to join the sport — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T5ap30oYwyM&ab_channel=Adam\">teamed up with another speedrunner and completed the run\u003c/a> in 5 hours, 9 minutes and 35 seconds. But they achieved that time by visiting stations out of order and using bikes to catch some of the trains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite following the official Guinness World Record rules, Chang said the Bay Area Transit Discord is still deciding whether it is fair to use a bike. For now, he and many others will continue speedrunning using only their feet and a Clipper card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Chang and other high school students care less about who is right and more about who shows up. For them, speedrunning isn’t just fun, it’s a chance to explore nearby cities without needing a car or a driver’s license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Rabinovich, a 15-year-old from Foster City, is the board president of the \u003ca href=\"https://calhstatransit.org/\">California High School Transit Alliance\u003c/a>, an organization aiming to connect high school transit clubs across the state and raise awareness of how convenient buses and trains can be for young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he helps Chang and others organize the Bay Area speedrun this Sunday, Rabinovich is also coordinating with a high school in San Diego to \u003ca href=\"https://speedrun.calhstatransit.org/socal\">organize a speedrun there\u003c/a>, also on Sunday. That group will traverse the San Diego Trolley. As both groups speedrun together, Rabinovich hopes to inaugurate \u003ca href=\"https://speedrun.calhstatransit.org/home\">California Speedrun Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transit is very important for high schoolers because some of us can’t drive. If you can drive, you have all these costs: gas, insurance, getting the car— and that’s not something high schoolers can do really,” he said. “So transit is a lifeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The BART speedrun takes place on Sunday, Sept. 14. The event will start at 9:40 a.m. sharp at the Millbrae BART station. For more information, visit: \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://luma.com/yj73dmrc\">\u003cem>https://luma.com/yj73dmrc\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Workers at some of the Bay Area’s most popular \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042550/fun-and-affordable-sports-and-activities-to-try-in-the-bay-area\">rock climbing\u003c/a> gyms have voted to unionize, joining colleagues at five gyms in Southern California that are in contract negotiations with their employer, Touchstone Climbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees of Mission Cliffs and Dogpatch Boulders in San Francisco, as well as The Studio in San Jose and Diablo Rock Gym in Concord, won their unionization votes on Monday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I’m very excited; it’s excellent news,” said Max Dolso-Morey, a club coach at Mission Cliffs and a member of the union organizing committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers will aim to negotiate over wages, safety and other concerns with Touchstone, the largest operator of indoor climbing gyms in the state. Dolso-Morey said one of his motivations to unionize was to advocate for more safety staff at Mission Cliffs. Though hundreds of people may use the gym at peak hours, he said, only one person will be in charge of checking that people are climbing safely, among other tasks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Accidents do happen, and usually it’s because of a lack of safety staff being able to make sure everyone is doing the correct protocols before they climb on the wall,” Dolso-Morey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dolso-Morey said he also hopes unionizing will help workers negotiate for better wages. He said his most recent raise pushed up his wage by 4%, equal to 80 cents an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055478\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission Cliffs in San Francisco on Sept. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ Living in San Francisco is diabolically expensive,” Dolso-Morey said. “If we didn’t love doing this job and being part of this community, we wouldn’t be here. So we feel that we should be paid fairly and treated with dignity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The employees, who will be known as Touchstone Workers United, have joined Workers United, an affiliate of the Service Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at five Touchstone gyms in Southern California voted to unionize in March of last year and have been in negotiations with the company since September 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Tillett-Saks, outside counsel for Workers United, has filed five separate unfair labor practice charges with the National Labor Relations Board against Touchstone on behalf of the workers. The complaints remain open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Touchstone has shown a constant and consistent lack of regard for the employee’s desire to bargain a contract,” Tillett-Saks said.[aside postID=news_12054083 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/CaliforniaPublicLandsGetty1-1020x681.jpg']Four of the complaints allege Touchstone retaliated against workers at its Southern California gyms for forming a union, including by increasing employees’ workload, removing employee perks and changing their health plan without bargaining the changes with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One complaint, filed last week, alleges a supervisor at Dogpatch Boulders in San Francisco held a captive meeting with employees to inform them that employees were to take shorter breaks, and did so as a means to chill union activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touchstone Climbing did not respond to multiple requests for comment by deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has rapidly expanded in recent years, opening three new gyms in 2024 alone for a total of 18 statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As any company expands, you get additional layers of leadership, and we want to make sure that no matter how many layers of leadership pop up, the employees maintain an equitable voice when it comes to the direction of the company,” said Tyler Mitchell, who works at the front desk at Diablo Rock Gym in Concord and supported the unionization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote at Diablo Rock Gym included fitness, guest and belay staff, as well as coaches. Mitchell said Touchstone challenged one of the ballots, successfully excluding one employee who sometimes works less than 4 hours per week. He added that routesetters, the employees who set the routes clients climb on and work at gyms throughout the Touchstone system, would be in a different voting unit and were not included in the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ongoing tension between Touchstone and its employees gave way to a routesetter strike in Southern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.climbing.com/news/touchstone-gym-union-routesetter-strike/\">earlier this year.\u003c/a> Some clients of Touchstone are also boycotting the company in support of the ongoing contract negotiations there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an FAQ on its website, Touchstone pushed back on the claim that it is not “coming to the table with proposals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Touchstone regularly presents proposals during bargaining. As a company, we have a responsibility to balance the needs of all stakeholders — including principled commitments to our community, business partners, and the environment and a legal duty to shareholders,” the company wrote on its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said he was expecting more pushback from Touchstone throughout the process and that at his gym, they have a good relationship with their management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that Touchstone understood that this isn’t something that can really be effectively fought against, and from my perspective, personally, it seems that they accepted that this would happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers will aim to negotiate over wages, safety and other concerns with Touchstone, the largest operator of indoor climbing gyms in the state. Dolso-Morey said one of his motivations to unionize was to advocate for more safety staff at Mission Cliffs. Though hundreds of people may use the gym at peak hours, he said, only one person will be in charge of checking that people are climbing safely, among other tasks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Accidents do happen, and usually it’s because of a lack of safety staff being able to make sure everyone is doing the correct protocols before they climb on the wall,” Dolso-Morey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dolso-Morey said he also hopes unionizing will help workers negotiate for better wages. He said his most recent raise pushed up his wage by 4%, equal to 80 cents an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055478\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055478\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-MISSION-CLIFFS-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission Cliffs in San Francisco on Sept. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ Living in San Francisco is diabolically expensive,” Dolso-Morey said. “If we didn’t love doing this job and being part of this community, we wouldn’t be here. So we feel that we should be paid fairly and treated with dignity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The employees, who will be known as Touchstone Workers United, have joined Workers United, an affiliate of the Service Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers at five Touchstone gyms in Southern California voted to unionize in March of last year and have been in negotiations with the company since September 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Tillett-Saks, outside counsel for Workers United, has filed five separate unfair labor practice charges with the National Labor Relations Board against Touchstone on behalf of the workers. The complaints remain open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Touchstone has shown a constant and consistent lack of regard for the employee’s desire to bargain a contract,” Tillett-Saks said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Four of the complaints allege Touchstone retaliated against workers at its Southern California gyms for forming a union, including by increasing employees’ workload, removing employee perks and changing their health plan without bargaining the changes with the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One complaint, filed last week, alleges a supervisor at Dogpatch Boulders in San Francisco held a captive meeting with employees to inform them that employees were to take shorter breaks, and did so as a means to chill union activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Touchstone Climbing did not respond to multiple requests for comment by deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has rapidly expanded in recent years, opening three new gyms in 2024 alone for a total of 18 statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As any company expands, you get additional layers of leadership, and we want to make sure that no matter how many layers of leadership pop up, the employees maintain an equitable voice when it comes to the direction of the company,” said Tyler Mitchell, who works at the front desk at Diablo Rock Gym in Concord and supported the unionization effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote at Diablo Rock Gym included fitness, guest and belay staff, as well as coaches. Mitchell said Touchstone challenged one of the ballots, successfully excluding one employee who sometimes works less than 4 hours per week. He added that routesetters, the employees who set the routes clients climb on and work at gyms throughout the Touchstone system, would be in a different voting unit and were not included in the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ongoing tension between Touchstone and its employees gave way to a routesetter strike in Southern California \u003ca href=\"https://www.climbing.com/news/touchstone-gym-union-routesetter-strike/\">earlier this year.\u003c/a> Some clients of Touchstone are also boycotting the company in support of the ongoing contract negotiations there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an FAQ on its website, Touchstone pushed back on the claim that it is not “coming to the table with proposals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Touchstone regularly presents proposals during bargaining. As a company, we have a responsibility to balance the needs of all stakeholders — including principled commitments to our community, business partners, and the environment and a legal duty to shareholders,” the company wrote on its website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell said he was expecting more pushback from Touchstone throughout the process and that at his gym, they have a good relationship with their management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that Touchstone understood that this isn’t something that can really be effectively fought against, and from my perspective, personally, it seems that they accepted that this would happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "oakland-latino-merchants-learn-rights-as-ice-targets-worksites",
"title": "Oakland Latino Merchants Learn Rights as ICE Targets Worksites",
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"content": "\u003cp>For months, Ledy Ordoñez worried about what she would do if immigration officers arrived at her store in the heart of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s premier Latino neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other local business owners with a largely immigrant clientele, she felt a responsibility to her customers but was also hampered by unanswered questions. Must she allow Immigration and Customs Enforcement into her business? Could neighboring restaurants close their doors to agents? Did customers have to answer questions if stopped?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me and other merchants here need to get informed, so that we know how to act if ICE comes,” Ordoñez said in Spanish after helping a mother and daughter select braided bracelets from a glass display at her shop, Ecuador Imports. “We have to support our people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As immigration authorities increasingly target worksites for arrests, hundreds of managers and business owners like Ordoñez have flocked to “Know Your Rights” training events in the Bay Area specifically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">tailored to the workplace\u003c/a>, according to legal aid groups and worker advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers in California must navigate additional responsibilities under state \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2025/2025-52.html\">labor laws\u003c/a> when it comes to immigration worksite inspections or raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055070 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ledy Ordoñez poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Employers would be breaking California law if they voluntarily allow ICE to access employee records or private areas,” said Marisa Almor, a trainer with the nonprofit East Bay Sanctuary Covenant, referring to a state\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/AB_450_QA.pdf\"> law\u003c/a> known as the Immigrant Worker Protection Act. “So we are informing employers of what their rights are and what they should also not do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several merchants in the Fruitvale neighborhood said the more aggressive immigration crackdown they’ve watched unfold in Southern California gave them a sense of urgency to attend a recent training at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, organized by a local business association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many attendees said they worry about the use of ethnic profiling to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">arrest noncriminal workers\u003c/a> from warehouses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">Home Depot parking lots\u003c/a> and bus stops.[aside postID=news_12025647 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-1243312873-1020x680.jpg']“What we see happening in LA is going to come up here. We have to get organized,” said Jose Antonio Dorado, who owns a bookkeeping and tax services business. “It’s only a matter of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26085902-25a169-order/\">temporarily allowed\u003c/a> the Trump administration to continue using broad factors such as apparent ethnicity, language and occupation to conduct ICE raids in the LA area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the justices’ 6–3 decision will likely embolden federal authorities to use similar tactics in other cities and could lead to Latino U.S. citizens being erroneously targeted because of the color of their skin, Spanish language, or type of work at car washes or as day laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At La Gran Chiquita, stacks of flyers and handouts, including an employer preparedness checklist, greeted local merchants as they walked in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tables and chairs were moved aside to make way for couches, a projector and a white hanging sheet that functioned as a screen. At least one confused customer expecting tacos backed away after realizing the restaurant had been transformed into a classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055069 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisa Almor (left) answers Enrique Soriano’s (right) question about community rights in relation to ICE enforcement at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, in Oakland, on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Almor, who taught the training, advised merchants to plan ahead on how to respond if ICE visited their businesses. The Constitution guarantees that all people on U.S. soil — regardless of their immigration status — have the right to remain silent and request a lawyer if detained, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You must establish a response protocol,” Almor said as attendees took photos of presentation slides and scribbled notes. “Talk with your employees in advance and designate who is authorized to make decisions, who should interact with law enforcement in the name of the business and coworkers and who can document the interaction at a safe distance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almor said brick-and-mortar business owners — especially in predominantly Latino areas — should identify which areas of their stores or offices are considered public versus private.[aside postID=news_12049326 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']The distinction is important because California employers don’t have to allow ICE into private spaces unless they present a valid judicial warrant, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rare for immigration agents to carry a judicial warrant,” Almor said, pointing out the differences between that document and the administrative orders more commonly carried by immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erick Olivares, who hosted the training at his taqueria, said learning about his legal rights as a business owner made him feel more confident. He planned to meet with employees at his two restaurants in the Fruitvale and Richmond, as well as fellow merchants, to ensure they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">know their rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all this information, I got more ideas about the things that I can do. First of all, for me is to prepare my business,” said Olivares, 44.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naturalized U.S. citizen, who first arrived in the Fruitvale as an undocumented teen, said his life experience motivates him to protect his community from any immigration-related abuses. Olivares said he doesn’t want to interfere with ICE’s work but will stand up for his mostly Latino employees and customers if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055071\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Erick Olivares poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Now that I have the opportunity to protect my people, that’s what I want to do,” he said. “I want to help my community. I want to protect the businesses because these things that the federal government is doing to us; we cannot just let it be. We need to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorado, who co-leads the Comunidad y Comerciantes de Fruitvale business association with Olivares, said he wants members to become trainers themselves and involve other merchants. The 77-year-old lifelong Fruitvale resident said that, as unsettling as recent immigration sweeps in other regions may be, he sees an opportunity in the Bay Area for employers to unite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can talk to them about the importance of our coming together, and it’s not just the education,” said Dorado, a former police commissioner. “It’s also the multiplying force of our coming together as merchants and Latino merchants, especially here in the Fruitvale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For months, Ledy Ordoñez worried about what she would do if immigration officers arrived at her store in the heart of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>’s premier Latino neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other local business owners with a largely immigrant clientele, she felt a responsibility to her customers but was also hampered by unanswered questions. Must she allow Immigration and Customs Enforcement into her business? Could neighboring restaurants close their doors to agents? Did customers have to answer questions if stopped?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me and other merchants here need to get informed, so that we know how to act if ICE comes,” Ordoñez said in Spanish after helping a mother and daughter select braided bracelets from a glass display at her shop, Ecuador Imports. “We have to support our people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As immigration authorities increasingly target worksites for arrests, hundreds of managers and business owners like Ordoñez have flocked to “Know Your Rights” training events in the Bay Area specifically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">tailored to the workplace\u003c/a>, according to legal aid groups and worker advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers in California must navigate additional responsibilities under state \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DIRNews/2025/2025-52.html\">labor laws\u003c/a> when it comes to immigration worksite inspections or raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055070 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01090_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ledy Ordoñez poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Employers would be breaking California law if they voluntarily allow ICE to access employee records or private areas,” said Marisa Almor, a trainer with the nonprofit East Bay Sanctuary Covenant, referring to a state\u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/AB_450_QA.pdf\"> law\u003c/a> known as the Immigrant Worker Protection Act. “So we are informing employers of what their rights are and what they should also not do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several merchants in the Fruitvale neighborhood said the more aggressive immigration crackdown they’ve watched unfold in Southern California gave them a sense of urgency to attend a recent training at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, organized by a local business association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many attendees said they worry about the use of ethnic profiling to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12052452/you-cant-trust-anyone-in-oakland-fear-of-ice-raids-grips-day-laborers\">arrest noncriminal workers\u003c/a> from warehouses, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055084/california-volunteers-stand-guard-at-day-laborer-corners-amid-ice-sweeps\">Home Depot parking lots\u003c/a> and bus stops.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What we see happening in LA is going to come up here. We have to get organized,” said Jose Antonio Dorado, who owns a bookkeeping and tax services business. “It’s only a matter of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/26085902-25a169-order/\">temporarily allowed\u003c/a> the Trump administration to continue using broad factors such as apparent ethnicity, language and occupation to conduct ICE raids in the LA area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the justices’ 6–3 decision will likely embolden federal authorities to use similar tactics in other cities and could lead to Latino U.S. citizens being erroneously targeted because of the color of their skin, Spanish language, or type of work at car washes or as day laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At La Gran Chiquita, stacks of flyers and handouts, including an employer preparedness checklist, greeted local merchants as they walked in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tables and chairs were moved aside to make way for couches, a projector and a white hanging sheet that functioned as a screen. At least one confused customer expecting tacos backed away after realizing the restaurant had been transformed into a classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12055069 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01050_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisa Almor (left) answers Enrique Soriano’s (right) question about community rights in relation to ICE enforcement at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita, in Oakland, on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Almor, who taught the training, advised merchants to plan ahead on how to respond if ICE visited their businesses. The Constitution guarantees that all people on U.S. soil — regardless of their immigration status — have the right to remain silent and request a lawyer if detained, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You must establish a response protocol,” Almor said as attendees took photos of presentation slides and scribbled notes. “Talk with your employees in advance and designate who is authorized to make decisions, who should interact with law enforcement in the name of the business and coworkers and who can document the interaction at a safe distance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almor said brick-and-mortar business owners — especially in predominantly Latino areas — should identify which areas of their stores or offices are considered public versus private.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The distinction is important because California employers don’t have to allow ICE into private spaces unless they present a valid judicial warrant, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rare for immigration agents to carry a judicial warrant,” Almor said, pointing out the differences between that document and the administrative orders more commonly carried by immigration officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erick Olivares, who hosted the training at his taqueria, said learning about his legal rights as a business owner made him feel more confident. He planned to meet with employees at his two restaurants in the Fruitvale and Richmond, as well as fellow merchants, to ensure they \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">know their rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all this information, I got more ideas about the things that I can do. First of all, for me is to prepare my business,” said Olivares, 44.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naturalized U.S. citizen, who first arrived in the Fruitvale as an undocumented teen, said his life experience motivates him to protect his community from any immigration-related abuses. Olivares said he doesn’t want to interfere with ICE’s work but will stand up for his mostly Latino employees and customers if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055071\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250903-ICETRAINING_01102_TV-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Erick Olivares poses for a portrait during a training session on community rights in relation to ICE enforcement, at Taqueria La Gran Chiquita in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Now that I have the opportunity to protect my people, that’s what I want to do,” he said. “I want to help my community. I want to protect the businesses because these things that the federal government is doing to us; we cannot just let it be. We need to fight back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorado, who co-leads the Comunidad y Comerciantes de Fruitvale business association with Olivares, said he wants members to become trainers themselves and involve other merchants. The 77-year-old lifelong Fruitvale resident said that, as unsettling as recent immigration sweeps in other regions may be, he sees an opportunity in the Bay Area for employers to unite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can talk to them about the importance of our coming together, and it’s not just the education,” said Dorado, a former police commissioner. “It’s also the multiplying force of our coming together as merchants and Latino merchants, especially here in the Fruitvale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration fired San Francisco’s top immigration judge on Tuesday, marking the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054620/despite-a-growing-case-backlog-trump-fires-6th-san-francisco-immigration-judge\">seventh firing in the office\u003c/a> since January and adding to concerns that the White House is targeting judges who are unwilling to bend to its desires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loi McCleskey, who has served as the court’s assistant chief immigration judge for just over a year, was terminated by the Department of Justice’s Executive Office for Immigration Review — the body that adjudicates immigration cases and administers national law — according to an internal email shared with the office’s staff and viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move follows a national trend, as more than 100 immigration judges have been fired since Trump took office, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/aila-executive-director-trump-administration-furthers-erodes-immigration-courts\">American Immigration Lawyers Association.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to let you know that my employment with EOIR has been terminated effective today,” McCleskey told the office team via email. “It has been an honor to serve as your ACIJ and to work alongside such a dedicated and talented group of professionals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her role, McCleskey supervised all of the judges in San Francisco’s office, which has a record of granting asylum at a higher rate than the national average, according to data collected by \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/asylum/\">Transaction Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys told KQED that the discrepancy between San Francisco’s and rates in other jurisdictions is likely due to a multitude of factors, including that asylum seekers in San Francisco are more likely to have representation and required to meet different standards than in some other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her firing, and those of six other judges in the office, have prompted local attorneys and former staff in recent weeks to suspect that the federal government is targeting adjudicators who are more likely to grant asylum or have spent their careers defending immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears to be completely ideologically based,” former San Francisco immigration judge Dana Leigh Marks said of the firings last week. “It appears to be very results-oriented, targeted towards individuals who think more independently and are willing to listen to both sides when a case is presented to them rather than just accepting the government assertions.”\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=news_12055084 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-ADOPTACORNER_00645_TV-KQED.jpg']McCleskey granted asylum to just more than 72% of the asylum seekers whose cases she heard, according to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judge2024/00867SFR/index.html\">TRAC data\u003c/a>. That figure is significantly higher than the countrywide average, which has hovered below 50% in most recent years, but about the norm within the Bay Area court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three San Francisco judges with the highest asylum-granting rates have all been terminated in recent months, including Judge Shira Levine, who was fired last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said that McCleskey was well respected and had navigated the difficult role of heading an immigration court in recent months with “competence and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She truly was the glue holding the San Francisco court together as political appointees and ideologues in Washington were doing their best to dismantle and tear apart the court,” Levine told KQED on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said she’s worried that the administration is trying to create chaos in immigration courts and get rid of people who “play by the rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the DOJ lowered the prerequisites to qualify for temporary judge positions, removing the requirement that candidates have prior immigration experience, and the following week, the federal government authorized 600 military lawyers to serve in those roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration, in terminating ACIJ McCleskey, is seeking to replace upstanding, experienced, knowledgeable, fair judges with people who possess none of those skills but people who may come from the military and will follow orders,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The seventh firing of a San Francisco immigration judge has added to concerns that the Trump administration is targeting adjudicators who don’t support the President’s aggressive immigration agenda. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration fired San Francisco’s top immigration judge on Tuesday, marking the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054620/despite-a-growing-case-backlog-trump-fires-6th-san-francisco-immigration-judge\">seventh firing in the office\u003c/a> since January and adding to concerns that the White House is targeting judges who are unwilling to bend to its desires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loi McCleskey, who has served as the court’s assistant chief immigration judge for just over a year, was terminated by the Department of Justice’s Executive Office for Immigration Review — the body that adjudicates immigration cases and administers national law — according to an internal email shared with the office’s staff and viewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move follows a national trend, as more than 100 immigration judges have been fired since Trump took office, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/aila-executive-director-trump-administration-furthers-erodes-immigration-courts\">American Immigration Lawyers Association.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to let you know that my employment with EOIR has been terminated effective today,” McCleskey told the office team via email. “It has been an honor to serve as your ACIJ and to work alongside such a dedicated and talented group of professionals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her role, McCleskey supervised all of the judges in San Francisco’s office, which has a record of granting asylum at a higher rate than the national average, according to data collected by \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/asylum/\">Transaction Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys told KQED that the discrepancy between San Francisco’s and rates in other jurisdictions is likely due to a multitude of factors, including that asylum seekers in San Francisco are more likely to have representation and required to meet different standards than in some other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her firing, and those of six other judges in the office, have prompted local attorneys and former staff in recent weeks to suspect that the federal government is targeting adjudicators who are more likely to grant asylum or have spent their careers defending immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears to be completely ideologically based,” former San Francisco immigration judge Dana Leigh Marks said of the firings last week. “It appears to be very results-oriented, targeted towards individuals who think more independently and are willing to listen to both sides when a case is presented to them rather than just accepting the government assertions.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>McCleskey granted asylum to just more than 72% of the asylum seekers whose cases she heard, according to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judge2024/00867SFR/index.html\">TRAC data\u003c/a>. That figure is significantly higher than the countrywide average, which has hovered below 50% in most recent years, but about the norm within the Bay Area court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three San Francisco judges with the highest asylum-granting rates have all been terminated in recent months, including Judge Shira Levine, who was fired last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said that McCleskey was well respected and had navigated the difficult role of heading an immigration court in recent months with “competence and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She truly was the glue holding the San Francisco court together as political appointees and ideologues in Washington were doing their best to dismantle and tear apart the court,” Levine told KQED on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine said she’s worried that the administration is trying to create chaos in immigration courts and get rid of people who “play by the rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the DOJ lowered the prerequisites to qualify for temporary judge positions, removing the requirement that candidates have prior immigration experience, and the following week, the federal government authorized 600 military lawyers to serve in those roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Trump administration, in terminating ACIJ McCleskey, is seeking to replace upstanding, experienced, knowledgeable, fair judges with people who possess none of those skills but people who may come from the military and will follow orders,” Levine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wearing a fistful of army rings, Bill Wade pulled his green beret from a shelf crammed with military memorabilia. As he held it in his hands, he read the U.S. Army Special Forces motto on the patch: De Oppresso Liber, in his words, “Hero of the Oppressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wade’s time in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/vietnam\">Vietnam\u003c/a> is a source of pride, but more than half a century later, the 74-year-old still carries its scars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a teenager, the army provided him with an escape from an abusive foster father. Later, it gave him structure and purpose. But his 12 years of service also left him with PTSD, a shattered jaw that still aches and a jar of his own teeth, which fell out over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For over a decade, Wade lived in his truck, doing stints as a bouncer and renting rooms when he could. “It was a weird life,” he said, “a terrible life back then.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, six years ago, he landed a small studio apartment in Fremont that he shares with his cat, Libby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a place to live hasn’t relieved his pain, physical or emotional, but it’s put him in a better place to tend those wounds. “Now I have a place to come home to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wade’s path from years of instability to this small sanctuary reflects the philosophy guiding California’s homelessness policy, which prioritizes getting people into permanent housing with as few barriers as possible. Or, as Alex Visotzky of the National Alliance to End Homelessness puts it, “The very simple idea that the immediate solution to someone being homeless is a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Wade, a formerly homeless veteran housed through the HUD-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program, shows his dog tags at his Laguna Commons apartment in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This approach, known as Housing First, has shaped the federal response to homelessness for two decades, and California doubled down in 2016 by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=WIC§ionNum=8255.\">requiring state-funded programs\u003c/a> to follow its principles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the Trump administration is trying to scrap it. In late July, the president \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049734/newsoms-office-blasts-trumps-homelessness-order-as-a-harmful-imitation\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing federal agencies to stop funding Housing First programs, calling them a failure and turning a California mandate into a liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order is the culmination of a backlash that’s been brewing for years — both in California and across the country — as the number of people on the streets keeps ticking up even as the spending on homelessness grows.[aside postID=news_12049734 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/241203-FresnoCampingBan-25-BL_qed.jpg']The debate over Housing First hinges on a clash over both causes and solutions. Is homelessness the result of rampant drug use and untreated mental illness, or of deeper structural forces like sky-high rents, poverty and racism? Should housing be used as a reward for sobriety and treatment, or provided first, as the foundation for recovery? And, perhaps more fundamentally, should housing be a human right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pendulum is swinging back,” said Paul Webster, a California-based fellow with the Cicero Institute, the Texas-based think tank leading the ideological charge against Housing First. “We have to balance the provision of housing with some kind of way to help people get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the federal pullback will mean in California isn’t clear. Local officials are awaiting guidance on whether and how they’ll be able to tap federal dollars. Jonathan Russell, who runs homelessness services for Alameda County, where Wade lives, called it a “tectonic shift” that has left local agencies caught between contradictory policies. “There’s a lot of unknowns,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the county’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/dfiles/CPD/documents/CoC/CoC-2024-CA_Press.pdf\">main federal homelessness-related grant\u003c/a> totaled $56 million, and nearly 80% of that went to permanent housing. If that funding doesn’t come through this year and he can’t find a way to make it up, Russell said, as many as 1,400 people in Alameda County alone could lose their rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Million-dollar Murray\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wade spent years in and out of homelessness before a fellow vet suggested he turn to the VA for help. He started seeing a psychiatrist and secured a housing voucher through a federal program that specializes in helping homeless veterans. But he still hadn’t found an apartment that would accept it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed after a lucky encounter with a DMV worker. He was applying for a new driver’s license with a veteran designation when the woman behind the counter asked for his address. “I don’t live nowhere,” he recalls telling her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo of William Wade, his ex-wife, and their now deceased child sits on a shelf in Wade’s Laguna Commons apartment in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. William Wade is a formerly homeless veteran housed through the HUD-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her son happened to be a veteran who’d been in the same position, and she connected Wade with staff at an apartment building in Fremont for people exiting homelessness. Within weeks, Wade said he was able to move into his own studio there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was fantastic,” he said. “I couldn’t believe it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When proponents of Housing First point to the approach’s success, they often highlight the very program that helped Wade get into housing. Launched in 2008 under the George W. Bush Administration, the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing, or HUD-VASH, offers participants housing vouchers with few strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants put about a third of their income toward rent, and the rest is covered by the voucher. Case managers help connect the veterans with optional services like health care, mental health treatment and substance use counseling.[aside postID=news_12051236 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250626-GRANTSPASSDECISIONANNI-03-BL-KQED.jpg']The program is credited with helping contribute to a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/137562/veteran-homelessness-reaches-record-low-2023/\">55% drop in homelessness\u003c/a> among veterans nationwide since 2010, even as overall homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">climbed over 20%\u003c/a> during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the story of another veteran that first brought Housing First into the mainstream. Murray Barr was an ex-marine who drank himself to death on the streets of Reno, Nevada. In a 2006 \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2006/02/13/million-dollar-murray\">\u003cem>New Yorker \u003c/em>article\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>Malcolm Gladwell used Barr’s repeated ER visits and rehab stays to illustrate the high cost of homelessness and to make the case for a more economical approach: permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, journalists, politicians and nonprofits seized on the “Million-Dollar Murray” narrative, galvanizing support for the Housing First strategy with its cost-saving logic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gladwell first heard Barr’s story not from a liberal academic or housing advocate, but from Philip Mangano, who Bush appointed to lead the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness in 2002.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His idea was radical: Take the most difficult cases, the nation’s Murray Barrs, and hand them the keys to an apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Mangano ushered in the era of Housing First, the typical approach to getting people off the streets was intuitive, not guided by research, according to University of Southern California professor Benjamin Henwood, who studies homelessness policy. In hindsight, it can be seen as a “treatment first” or “housing readiness” strategy that operated like a reward system, providing housing to those who could meet a series of requirements as they graduated from shelter to temporary to more permanent placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A laundry room is featured at the Laguna Commons supportive housing in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Folks had to prove all along the way … that they were ready for housing,” said Vivian Wan, the CEO of Abode Services, which operates the building where Wade lives. “If they did well and followed all the rules and were good tenants in transitional housing, then they got the golden ticket to permanent supportive housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Success required staying sober, getting mental healthcare, drug treatment, making curfew or meeting with a case manager. As a result, chronically unhoused people with substance use or mental health issues often flunked out of programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, people started experimenting with a different approach that prioritized housing. New York City-based psychologist Sam Tsemberis was the first to rigorously study the model and coin the term: Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early ’90s, Tsemberis launched a program that targeted people who’d failed out of previous programs and placed them in apartments with no requirement to get clean or enter treatment and no time limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These were typically very significantly impaired people,” Wan said. “Folks who were really very vulnerable had acute mental health needs across the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After five years, \u003ca href=\"https://psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.ps.51.4.487\">88% of the participants were still housed\u003c/a>, compared to 47% of residents in the city’s residential treatment system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other research showed promising results, too. “The people who you gave housing to actually stayed in that housing, and they stopped going to the emergency room, and they stopped getting arrested, whereas the other folks continue to cycle through all these other institutions,” Henwood said. “That’s what got the attention of the Bush Administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intent, Mangano told Gladwell, was to invest in solutions “that actually end homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evolution and backlash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over time, as Housing First became the country’s homelessness policy north star, the term evolved into a catch-all, blurring what it actually entails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sort of lost a bit of its meaning along the way,” Henwood said. “And I think part of that made it an easy target for where we are today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the country, there are now \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_NatlTerrDC_2024.pdf\">some 400,000 units\u003c/a> of permanent supportive housing nationwide, up 32% in the \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_NatlTerrDC_2014.pdf\">last decade\u003c/a>. In California, the number rose 73% to \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_NatlTerrDC_2024.pdf\">around 79,000\u003c/a>. While some programs hew to Tsemberis’ model, with its clear set of standards, many more employ the approach loosely. Today, it’s shorthand for simply providing housing with few preconditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Laguna Commons supportive housing stands on 41152 Fremont Blvd., in Fremont, on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And as permanent supportive housing has become the primary tool for ending homelessness, critics see its limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Wade imagines he’ll live in his studio apartment for the rest of his life, the evidence shows permanent supportive housing doesn’t work for everybody. About one in five people will struggle to keep their apartments, Henwood said, noting it’s difficult to predict who that will be. People with serious mental health or drug issues might stay housed, while others who appear stable get evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephen Eide, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, argues that while certain Housing First programs might be successful, the results don’t often hold up at scale. “At the city level, the evidence was never very compelling,” he said. “That’s a big problem because when the public was told, ‘We know how to end homelessness,’ they were really thinking about at the city level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his view, Housing First has promised too much and delivered too little, making it ripe for attacks. “This is a problem that the advocates created because they were so grandiose in their claims about what Housing First was going to do,” he said.[aside postID=news_12039730 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/080924-ENCAMPMENT-SWEEP-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']By the late 2010s, right-leaning think tanks like his were waging an ideological war on Housing First. They’ve argued the model is ineffective and doesn’t address what they believe are often the root causes of homelessness — drug addiction and mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those arguments have now found purchase at the highest levels of government. The Cicero Institute pushed many of the ideas in President Trump’s recent executive order, including banning public camping, predicating housing on treatment and forcibly institutionalizing people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The spigot’s been supporting this housing-centric approach,” Cicero’s Webster said of the billions in federal money invested. “And what are the results that we’ve seen? We’ve seen homelessness go up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Housing First liken that logic to handing out too few life jackets and then, when those without jackets drown, blaming the devices. The problem isn’t too much spending in their view, but too little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area alone, the nonprofit All Home \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991834/slashing-bay-area-homelessness-would-cost-9-5-billion-report-says\">estimates it would cost $9.5 billion\u003c/a> over five years on top of current spending to cut homelessness by just three-quarters. And despite the expansion of permanent supportive housing, they point to a system dogged by scarcity. In California, where more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">187,000 people experience homelessness\u003c/a> on any given night, people can wait years for a spot to open. In the meantime, their condition deteriorates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053761\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053761\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bike room is featured at the Laguna Commons supportive housing in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know the longer folks are outside and the longer folks don’t have stable housing, the more their needs can get more complex, more difficult to overcome,” Russell said. And research shows that Housing First programs aren’t good at addressing those complex needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those whose needs are less complex, Housing First may indeed get them off the street, but the “Million-Dollar Murray” cost-savings argument breaks down. Research finds that it only holds up for the small subset of unhoused people who cycle between emergency rooms and jails. But for many others who don’t fit that criterion, it may not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That doesn’t hold true once you’re working with families who live in their cars and don’t go to ERs and don’t use all these other emergency services,” Henwood said. “If you give them an apartment and a social worker or a mental health worker, that just costs money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer, Russell and Henwood say, is not to throw out Housing First, but to expand the types of offerings that are available to better meet people’s needs. “The real need is actually to diversify the housing types across the continuum,” Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On that point, Eide and Webster agree. They argue that some people might need more mental health support than housing providers can offer. Others might need sober living facilities so they don’t relapse. And still others might not need much more than a temporary roof over their heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rethinking housing first in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beneath all these arguments is a more fundamental disagreement about the nature of housing in this country. For Visotzky of the National Alliance to End Homelessness, solving homelessness means asking big questions that get at the true cause: “Are we doing enough to house poor people in this country? Is our housing market working for the poorest people?” And blaming Housing First is a distraction from the answer — in his view, a resounding no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea echoed on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pathwayshousingfirst.org/\">homepage\u003c/a> for Tsemberis’s preeminent Housing First training program, which declares, “Housing is a Human Right.” To critics like Webster, such statements are evidence that the model isn’t just a failed policy but a Trojan Horse for socialism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A community space for children at the Laguna Commons supportive housing in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The ultimate choice is, do we want to have a conversation about restructuring our entire housing system, such that housing is no longer considered a commodity but a public good?” Webster said. “I’m not interested in that conversation; I don’t think this executive order is interested in the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pete Kasperowicz, press secretary for the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, said he has no reason to believe the recent executive order will impact the HUD-VASH program that Wade is in. “Past administrations may have labeled HUD-VASH as a ‘Housing First’ program,” he said in a statement, “but we don’t view it that way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Asked whether HUD-VASH has begun or would begin requiring treatment as a condition of enrollment in the program, which Trump’s executive order explicitly demands, Kasperowicz declined to respond.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/ACA10/id/2729557\">enshrine housing as a human right\u003c/a> into the state constitution and build social housing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB309\">haven’t gotten\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB387\">much traction\u003c/a>. But policymakers are reconsidering their approach to homelessness, including Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom and many local leaders have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039730/newsom-pushes-cities-ban-homeless-encampments-across-california\">leaned into enforcement\u003c/a>, backing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">encampment clearings\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">expanded\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11963961/newsom-signs-law-expanding-conservatorships-for-those-experiencing-severe-mental-illness-substance-abuse\">conservatorships\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eide, of the Manhattan Institute, sees the state’s shift as part of a larger national turn away from Housing First. “A lot of people, whether they want to say they’re aligned with the president or not, are moving in the same general direction as a lot of the ideas in this executive order,” he said, referring to Trump’s call for tougher enforcement and more treatment mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney of San Francisco is among the Democrats pressing for changes. “Where California’s approach to Housing First has fallen short is that it’s been in some ways inflexible in recognizing that some people do need options,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> that would allow state funding to be used for drug-free recovery housing. He said California’s 2016 Housing First law was written to prevent providers from imposing conditions like drug tests just to get a bed for the night. But in practice, he argued, it has blocked funding for residents who actually want drug-free environments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, right now, we force everyone into environments where drug use is explicitly allowed,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever its pitfalls, Wade is proof of what Housing First can do: keep someone with deep wounds housed and connected to care. Advocates warn discarding the model could unravel that fragile progress for thousands like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053758\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053758\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Wade, a formerly homeless veteran housed through the HUD-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program, pets his cat Libby as he looks out the window at his Laguna Commons apartment in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he was living in his truck, Wade was fighting a deep depression. He was divorced, and his only child had died in her 20s of a brain tumor. “Throughout those years, I was contemplating suicide and got pretty close,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Wade volunteers as a security guard for a nearby church, and he’s made a couple of friends in the building. Still, he struggles. “Sometimes I get down and out,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing has not swept away his depression, but he’s less alone. His VA case worker regularly calls to check up on him and make sure he’s seeing his doctor and taking medication. He’s enrolled in an anger management class and goes on group outings to the movies or to eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his favorite field trip, they visited stables, and Wade met a horse named Country Candy. He beamed as he recounted brushing her chest. “We had a ball,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Wearing a fistful of army rings, Bill Wade pulled his green beret from a shelf crammed with military memorabilia. As he held it in his hands, he read the U.S. Army Special Forces motto on the patch: De Oppresso Liber, in his words, “Hero of the Oppressed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wade’s time in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/vietnam\">Vietnam\u003c/a> is a source of pride, but more than half a century later, the 74-year-old still carries its scars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a teenager, the army provided him with an escape from an abusive foster father. Later, it gave him structure and purpose. But his 12 years of service also left him with PTSD, a shattered jaw that still aches and a jar of his own teeth, which fell out over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For over a decade, Wade lived in his truck, doing stints as a bouncer and renting rooms when he could. “It was a weird life,” he said, “a terrible life back then.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, six years ago, he landed a small studio apartment in Fremont that he shares with his cat, Libby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a place to live hasn’t relieved his pain, physical or emotional, but it’s put him in a better place to tend those wounds. “Now I have a place to come home to,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wade’s path from years of instability to this small sanctuary reflects the philosophy guiding California’s homelessness policy, which prioritizes getting people into permanent housing with as few barriers as possible. Or, as Alex Visotzky of the National Alliance to End Homelessness puts it, “The very simple idea that the immediate solution to someone being homeless is a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053757\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01757_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Wade, a formerly homeless veteran housed through the HUD-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program, shows his dog tags at his Laguna Commons apartment in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This approach, known as Housing First, has shaped the federal response to homelessness for two decades, and California doubled down in 2016 by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=WIC§ionNum=8255.\">requiring state-funded programs\u003c/a> to follow its principles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the Trump administration is trying to scrap it. In late July, the president \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049734/newsoms-office-blasts-trumps-homelessness-order-as-a-harmful-imitation\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing federal agencies to stop funding Housing First programs, calling them a failure and turning a California mandate into a liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order is the culmination of a backlash that’s been brewing for years — both in California and across the country — as the number of people on the streets keeps ticking up even as the spending on homelessness grows.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The debate over Housing First hinges on a clash over both causes and solutions. Is homelessness the result of rampant drug use and untreated mental illness, or of deeper structural forces like sky-high rents, poverty and racism? Should housing be used as a reward for sobriety and treatment, or provided first, as the foundation for recovery? And, perhaps more fundamentally, should housing be a human right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pendulum is swinging back,” said Paul Webster, a California-based fellow with the Cicero Institute, the Texas-based think tank leading the ideological charge against Housing First. “We have to balance the provision of housing with some kind of way to help people get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the federal pullback will mean in California isn’t clear. Local officials are awaiting guidance on whether and how they’ll be able to tap federal dollars. Jonathan Russell, who runs homelessness services for Alameda County, where Wade lives, called it a “tectonic shift” that has left local agencies caught between contradictory policies. “There’s a lot of unknowns,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the county’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/dfiles/CPD/documents/CoC/CoC-2024-CA_Press.pdf\">main federal homelessness-related grant\u003c/a> totaled $56 million, and nearly 80% of that went to permanent housing. If that funding doesn’t come through this year and he can’t find a way to make it up, Russell said, as many as 1,400 people in Alameda County alone could lose their rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Million-dollar Murray\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Wade spent years in and out of homelessness before a fellow vet suggested he turn to the VA for help. He started seeing a psychiatrist and secured a housing voucher through a federal program that specializes in helping homeless veterans. But he still hadn’t found an apartment that would accept it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed after a lucky encounter with a DMV worker. He was applying for a new driver’s license with a veteran designation when the woman behind the counter asked for his address. “I don’t live nowhere,” he recalls telling her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01683_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A family photo of William Wade, his ex-wife, and their now deceased child sits on a shelf in Wade’s Laguna Commons apartment in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. William Wade is a formerly homeless veteran housed through the HUD-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her son happened to be a veteran who’d been in the same position, and she connected Wade with staff at an apartment building in Fremont for people exiting homelessness. Within weeks, Wade said he was able to move into his own studio there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was fantastic,” he said. “I couldn’t believe it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When proponents of Housing First point to the approach’s success, they often highlight the very program that helped Wade get into housing. Launched in 2008 under the George W. Bush Administration, the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing, or HUD-VASH, offers participants housing vouchers with few strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Participants put about a third of their income toward rent, and the rest is covered by the voucher. Case managers help connect the veterans with optional services like health care, mental health treatment and substance use counseling.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The program is credited with helping contribute to a \u003ca href=\"https://news.va.gov/137562/veteran-homelessness-reaches-record-low-2023/\">55% drop in homelessness\u003c/a> among veterans nationwide since 2010, even as overall homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">climbed over 20%\u003c/a> during that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the story of another veteran that first brought Housing First into the mainstream. Murray Barr was an ex-marine who drank himself to death on the streets of Reno, Nevada. In a 2006 \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2006/02/13/million-dollar-murray\">\u003cem>New Yorker \u003c/em>article\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>Malcolm Gladwell used Barr’s repeated ER visits and rehab stays to illustrate the high cost of homelessness and to make the case for a more economical approach: permanent supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, journalists, politicians and nonprofits seized on the “Million-Dollar Murray” narrative, galvanizing support for the Housing First strategy with its cost-saving logic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gladwell first heard Barr’s story not from a liberal academic or housing advocate, but from Philip Mangano, who Bush appointed to lead the U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness in 2002.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His idea was radical: Take the most difficult cases, the nation’s Murray Barrs, and hand them the keys to an apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Mangano ushered in the era of Housing First, the typical approach to getting people off the streets was intuitive, not guided by research, according to University of Southern California professor Benjamin Henwood, who studies homelessness policy. In hindsight, it can be seen as a “treatment first” or “housing readiness” strategy that operated like a reward system, providing housing to those who could meet a series of requirements as they graduated from shelter to temporary to more permanent placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053760\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053760\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02019_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A laundry room is featured at the Laguna Commons supportive housing in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Folks had to prove all along the way … that they were ready for housing,” said Vivian Wan, the CEO of Abode Services, which operates the building where Wade lives. “If they did well and followed all the rules and were good tenants in transitional housing, then they got the golden ticket to permanent supportive housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Success required staying sober, getting mental healthcare, drug treatment, making curfew or meeting with a case manager. As a result, chronically unhoused people with substance use or mental health issues often flunked out of programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the country, people started experimenting with a different approach that prioritized housing. New York City-based psychologist Sam Tsemberis was the first to rigorously study the model and coin the term: Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early ’90s, Tsemberis launched a program that targeted people who’d failed out of previous programs and placed them in apartments with no requirement to get clean or enter treatment and no time limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These were typically very significantly impaired people,” Wan said. “Folks who were really very vulnerable had acute mental health needs across the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After five years, \u003ca href=\"https://psychiatryonline.org/doi/10.1176/appi.ps.51.4.487\">88% of the participants were still housed\u003c/a>, compared to 47% of residents in the city’s residential treatment system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other research showed promising results, too. “The people who you gave housing to actually stayed in that housing, and they stopped going to the emergency room, and they stopped getting arrested, whereas the other folks continue to cycle through all these other institutions,” Henwood said. “That’s what got the attention of the Bush Administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intent, Mangano told Gladwell, was to invest in solutions “that actually end homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Evolution and backlash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over time, as Housing First became the country’s homelessness policy north star, the term evolved into a catch-all, blurring what it actually entails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sort of lost a bit of its meaning along the way,” Henwood said. “And I think part of that made it an easy target for where we are today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the country, there are now \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_NatlTerrDC_2024.pdf\">some 400,000 units\u003c/a> of permanent supportive housing nationwide, up 32% in the \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_NatlTerrDC_2014.pdf\">last decade\u003c/a>. In California, the number rose 73% to \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_NatlTerrDC_2024.pdf\">around 79,000\u003c/a>. While some programs hew to Tsemberis’ model, with its clear set of standards, many more employ the approach loosely. Today, it’s shorthand for simply providing housing with few preconditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02179_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Laguna Commons supportive housing stands on 41152 Fremont Blvd., in Fremont, on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And as permanent supportive housing has become the primary tool for ending homelessness, critics see its limitations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Wade imagines he’ll live in his studio apartment for the rest of his life, the evidence shows permanent supportive housing doesn’t work for everybody. About one in five people will struggle to keep their apartments, Henwood said, noting it’s difficult to predict who that will be. People with serious mental health or drug issues might stay housed, while others who appear stable get evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephen Eide, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, argues that while certain Housing First programs might be successful, the results don’t often hold up at scale. “At the city level, the evidence was never very compelling,” he said. “That’s a big problem because when the public was told, ‘We know how to end homelessness,’ they were really thinking about at the city level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his view, Housing First has promised too much and delivered too little, making it ripe for attacks. “This is a problem that the advocates created because they were so grandiose in their claims about what Housing First was going to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>By the late 2010s, right-leaning think tanks like his were waging an ideological war on Housing First. They’ve argued the model is ineffective and doesn’t address what they believe are often the root causes of homelessness — drug addiction and mental illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those arguments have now found purchase at the highest levels of government. The Cicero Institute pushed many of the ideas in President Trump’s recent executive order, including banning public camping, predicating housing on treatment and forcibly institutionalizing people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The spigot’s been supporting this housing-centric approach,” Cicero’s Webster said of the billions in federal money invested. “And what are the results that we’ve seen? We’ve seen homelessness go up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defenders of Housing First liken that logic to handing out too few life jackets and then, when those without jackets drown, blaming the devices. The problem isn’t too much spending in their view, but too little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area alone, the nonprofit All Home \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991834/slashing-bay-area-homelessness-would-cost-9-5-billion-report-says\">estimates it would cost $9.5 billion\u003c/a> over five years on top of current spending to cut homelessness by just three-quarters. And despite the expansion of permanent supportive housing, they point to a system dogged by scarcity. In California, where more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">187,000 people experience homelessness\u003c/a> on any given night, people can wait years for a spot to open. In the meantime, their condition deteriorates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053761\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053761\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_02034_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bike room is featured at the Laguna Commons supportive housing in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know the longer folks are outside and the longer folks don’t have stable housing, the more their needs can get more complex, more difficult to overcome,” Russell said. And research shows that Housing First programs aren’t good at addressing those complex needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those whose needs are less complex, Housing First may indeed get them off the street, but the “Million-Dollar Murray” cost-savings argument breaks down. Research finds that it only holds up for the small subset of unhoused people who cycle between emergency rooms and jails. But for many others who don’t fit that criterion, it may not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That doesn’t hold true once you’re working with families who live in their cars and don’t go to ERs and don’t use all these other emergency services,” Henwood said. “If you give them an apartment and a social worker or a mental health worker, that just costs money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer, Russell and Henwood say, is not to throw out Housing First, but to expand the types of offerings that are available to better meet people’s needs. “The real need is actually to diversify the housing types across the continuum,” Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On that point, Eide and Webster agree. They argue that some people might need more mental health support than housing providers can offer. Others might need sober living facilities so they don’t relapse. And still others might not need much more than a temporary roof over their heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rethinking housing first in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Beneath all these arguments is a more fundamental disagreement about the nature of housing in this country. For Visotzky of the National Alliance to End Homelessness, solving homelessness means asking big questions that get at the true cause: “Are we doing enough to house poor people in this country? Is our housing market working for the poorest people?” And blaming Housing First is a distraction from the answer — in his view, a resounding no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea echoed on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pathwayshousingfirst.org/\">homepage\u003c/a> for Tsemberis’s preeminent Housing First training program, which declares, “Housing is a Human Right.” To critics like Webster, such statements are evidence that the model isn’t just a failed policy but a Trojan Horse for socialism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053759\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01990_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A community space for children at the Laguna Commons supportive housing in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The ultimate choice is, do we want to have a conversation about restructuring our entire housing system, such that housing is no longer considered a commodity but a public good?” Webster said. “I’m not interested in that conversation; I don’t think this executive order is interested in the conversation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Pete Kasperowicz, press secretary for the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, said he has no reason to believe the recent executive order will impact the HUD-VASH program that Wade is in. “Past administrations may have labeled HUD-VASH as a ‘Housing First’ program,” he said in a statement, “but we don’t view it that way.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Asked whether HUD-VASH has begun or would begin requiring treatment as a condition of enrollment in the program, which Trump’s executive order explicitly demands, Kasperowicz declined to respond.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/ACA10/id/2729557\">enshrine housing as a human right\u003c/a> into the state constitution and build social housing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB309\">haven’t gotten\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB387\">much traction\u003c/a>. But policymakers are reconsidering their approach to homelessness, including Housing First.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom and many local leaders have already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039730/newsom-pushes-cities-ban-homeless-encampments-across-california\">leaned into enforcement\u003c/a>, backing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">encampment clearings\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007175/care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going\">expanded\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11963961/newsom-signs-law-expanding-conservatorships-for-those-experiencing-severe-mental-illness-substance-abuse\">conservatorships\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eide, of the Manhattan Institute, sees the state’s shift as part of a larger national turn away from Housing First. “A lot of people, whether they want to say they’re aligned with the president or not, are moving in the same general direction as a lot of the ideas in this executive order,” he said, referring to Trump’s call for tougher enforcement and more treatment mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney of San Francisco is among the Democrats pressing for changes. “Where California’s approach to Housing First has fallen short is that it’s been in some ways inflexible in recognizing that some people do need options,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB255\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> that would allow state funding to be used for drug-free recovery housing. He said California’s 2016 Housing First law was written to prevent providers from imposing conditions like drug tests just to get a bed for the night. But in practice, he argued, it has blocked funding for residents who actually want drug-free environments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, right now, we force everyone into environments where drug use is explicitly allowed,” Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever its pitfalls, Wade is proof of what Housing First can do: keep someone with deep wounds housed and connected to care. Advocates warn discarding the model could unravel that fragile progress for thousands like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12053758\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12053758\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-HOUSINGFIRST_01827_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William Wade, a formerly homeless veteran housed through the HUD-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program, pets his cat Libby as he looks out the window at his Laguna Commons apartment in Fremont on Aug. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he was living in his truck, Wade was fighting a deep depression. He was divorced, and his only child had died in her 20s of a brain tumor. “Throughout those years, I was contemplating suicide and got pretty close,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Wade volunteers as a security guard for a nearby church, and he’s made a couple of friends in the building. Still, he struggles. “Sometimes I get down and out,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing has not swept away his depression, but he’s less alone. His VA case worker regularly calls to check up on him and make sure he’s seeing his doctor and taking medication. He’s enrolled in an anger management class and goes on group outings to the movies or to eat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On his favorite field trip, they visited stables, and Wade met a horse named Country Candy. He beamed as he recounted brushing her chest. “We had a ball,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/public-transit\">Public transit\u003c/a> riders in the Bay Area are used to the occasional delay, but news that sorely needed state funding could be running late has sent advocates into emergency mode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed as medical responders, activists carried mock transit vehicles on stretchers across San Francisco’s Civic Center Plaza on Monday to implore Gov. Gavin Newsom to deliver a promised $750 million loan. The money, meant to prevent looming service cuts at some of the Bay Area’s largest transit agencies, would bridge the gap until lawmakers can put a regional funding measure on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ This emergency loan would stave off imminent service cuts that would devastate working people, seniors, students, families and businesses,” said Carter Lavin, co-founder of the Transbay Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally came after state Sens. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Oakland, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054992/newsom-will-not-provide-stopgap-loan-to-prevent-cuts-to-bay-area-transit-lawmakers-say\">Saturday \u003c/a>that the California Department of Finance informed them that it would not finalize the loan before Friday’s legislative deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This failure by the Department of Finance is unacceptable,” the senators wrote in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by Monday, Newsom’s office sought to dispel the notion that the loan would not be delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055197\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener addresses a rally at San Francisco Civic Center Plaza on Monday, Sept. 8, 2025. More than a hundred transit advocates and elected officials called for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration to sign off on a $750 million emergency loan for Bay Area transit agencies. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are working closely with all stakeholders on the parameters of a funding deal. Our shared goal is to agree on the terms of a deal by this fall,” the governor’s office said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and state lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043556/california-lawmakers-plan-would-help-bay-area-transit-avoid-fiscal-disaster-for-now\">the loan\u003c/a> earlier this summer, and it was included in the June budget passed by the Legislature. Since then, Wiener said he and others have been working with the Department of Finance to negotiate terms to implement the loan, and have submitted three different proposals to the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just kept saying no. But now they’ve said that this [latest] proposal is something that they can work with, which is great,” Wiener said. “ We’re working to take a strong step before we adjourn on Friday. We’ll keep working on it over the fall. This is really important, and we need to get it done.”[aside postID=news_12054754 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250905-bartoutage00435_TV_qed.jpg']Bay Area transit agencies like BART, Muni, AC Transit and Caltrain are staring down immense budget deficits beginning in fiscal year 2026–27, as one-time state and federal funding related to the pandemic is exhausted, and ridership numbers fail to rebound to pre-pandemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loan is intended as a stopgap measure to prevent service cuts between now and 2027, when funding from the potential regional tax measure would kick in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039394/last-ditch-effort-fund-bay-area-transit-tries-pick-up-support\">SB 63\u003c/a>, would impose a 0.5% sales tax in Alameda, Contra Costa, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties, and a 1% sales tax in San Francisco County to fund local transit agencies. If passed by lawmakers, the bill would need to be approved by voters on the November 2026 ballot and would provide funding for 14 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates caution that without both the loan and the regional tax measure, Bay Area public transit service would wither.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART is facing a budget deficit of approximately $375 million in the 2027 fiscal year, the most severe of all the local transit agencies. Officials say that if SB 63 fails to pass, the agency could be forced to end weekend service, cut two lines entirely or end service at 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055202\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055202\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists and lawmakers are calling on Gov. Gavin Newsom to make good on a promised $750 million loan to prevent drastic service cuts to local transit next year. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>BART has experienced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054754/bart-outage-shuts-down-entire-system-for-2nd-time-in-months\">two \u003c/a>major systemwide outages this year, which snarled morning commutes and contributed to worse-than-usual traffic on Bay Area roads. Supporters of public transit warn this \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039472/bart-shuts-down-entire-train-service-due-to-computer-networking-problem\">could be a regular occurrence\u003c/a> if both the loan and the regional sales tax measure fail to materialize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ The Bay Area does not run without buses and trains. We saw this last week when, for just a couple hours, [BART] was down,” Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, said. “It brought the Bay nearly to gridlock. People couldn’t get to work, they couldn’t get to school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said the loan is needed by next spring, but he stressed that time is of the essence in getting it secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether the loan gets finalized now or in a couple months, it doesn’t matter, but it needs to get finalized soon,” Wiener said. “ The transit agencies need to have confidence that the money is coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he is “more optimistic now than I was a few days ago,” but “it’s still not guaranteed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/public-transit\">Public transit\u003c/a> riders in the Bay Area are used to the occasional delay, but news that sorely needed state funding could be running late has sent advocates into emergency mode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dressed as medical responders, activists carried mock transit vehicles on stretchers across San Francisco’s Civic Center Plaza on Monday to implore Gov. Gavin Newsom to deliver a promised $750 million loan. The money, meant to prevent looming service cuts at some of the Bay Area’s largest transit agencies, would bridge the gap until lawmakers can put a regional funding measure on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ This emergency loan would stave off imminent service cuts that would devastate working people, seniors, students, families and businesses,” said Carter Lavin, co-founder of the Transbay Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally came after state Sens. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Oakland, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054992/newsom-will-not-provide-stopgap-loan-to-prevent-cuts-to-bay-area-transit-lawmakers-say\">Saturday \u003c/a>that the California Department of Finance informed them that it would not finalize the loan before Friday’s legislative deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This failure by the Department of Finance is unacceptable,” the senators wrote in a press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by Monday, Newsom’s office sought to dispel the notion that the loan would not be delivered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055197\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener addresses a rally at San Francisco Civic Center Plaza on Monday, Sept. 8, 2025. More than a hundred transit advocates and elected officials called for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration to sign off on a $750 million emergency loan for Bay Area transit agencies. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are working closely with all stakeholders on the parameters of a funding deal. Our shared goal is to agree on the terms of a deal by this fall,” the governor’s office said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and state lawmakers agreed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043556/california-lawmakers-plan-would-help-bay-area-transit-avoid-fiscal-disaster-for-now\">the loan\u003c/a> earlier this summer, and it was included in the June budget passed by the Legislature. Since then, Wiener said he and others have been working with the Department of Finance to negotiate terms to implement the loan, and have submitted three different proposals to the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just kept saying no. But now they’ve said that this [latest] proposal is something that they can work with, which is great,” Wiener said. “ We’re working to take a strong step before we adjourn on Friday. We’ll keep working on it over the fall. This is really important, and we need to get it done.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bay Area transit agencies like BART, Muni, AC Transit and Caltrain are staring down immense budget deficits beginning in fiscal year 2026–27, as one-time state and federal funding related to the pandemic is exhausted, and ridership numbers fail to rebound to pre-pandemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loan is intended as a stopgap measure to prevent service cuts between now and 2027, when funding from the potential regional tax measure would kick in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039394/last-ditch-effort-fund-bay-area-transit-tries-pick-up-support\">SB 63\u003c/a>, would impose a 0.5% sales tax in Alameda, Contra Costa, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties, and a 1% sales tax in San Francisco County to fund local transit agencies. If passed by lawmakers, the bill would need to be approved by voters on the November 2026 ballot and would provide funding for 14 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates caution that without both the loan and the regional tax measure, Bay Area public transit service would wither.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART is facing a budget deficit of approximately $375 million in the 2027 fiscal year, the most severe of all the local transit agencies. Officials say that if SB 63 fails to pass, the agency could be forced to end weekend service, cut two lines entirely or end service at 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055202\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055202\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/TransitFundingKQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Activists and lawmakers are calling on Gov. Gavin Newsom to make good on a promised $750 million loan to prevent drastic service cuts to local transit next year. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>BART has experienced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054754/bart-outage-shuts-down-entire-system-for-2nd-time-in-months\">two \u003c/a>major systemwide outages this year, which snarled morning commutes and contributed to worse-than-usual traffic on Bay Area roads. Supporters of public transit warn this \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039472/bart-shuts-down-entire-train-service-due-to-computer-networking-problem\">could be a regular occurrence\u003c/a> if both the loan and the regional sales tax measure fail to materialize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ The Bay Area does not run without buses and trains. We saw this last week when, for just a couple hours, [BART] was down,” Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, said. “It brought the Bay nearly to gridlock. People couldn’t get to work, they couldn’t get to school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said the loan is needed by next spring, but he stressed that time is of the essence in getting it secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether the loan gets finalized now or in a couple months, it doesn’t matter, but it needs to get finalized soon,” Wiener said. “ The transit agencies need to have confidence that the money is coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he is “more optimistic now than I was a few days ago,” but “it’s still not guaranteed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "this-is-how-one-bay-area-woman-went-from-homelessness-to-homeownership",
"title": "From Homeless to Homeowner: One Bay Area Woman's Journey",
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"headTitle": "From Homeless to Homeowner: One Bay Area Woman’s Journey | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>This summer, Jenn Oakley bought a one-bedroom condo in Emeryville — a milestone that once seemed impossible after more than a decade of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a>, addiction, recovery and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her journey is wild, full of sharp turns and near collapses. Before I get to it, know this: When I first \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/otisrtaylorjr/article/Who-can-really-afford-rent-in-the-Bay-Area-Beats-15271337.php\">told her story\u003c/a> as a \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> columnist, readers sent money. Their generosity gave her the foothold she needed to start climbing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the truth about touching the bottom: No one climbs out alone. Some land on a safety net. Others crash onto concrete. We pass them every day — in tents, in shacks, at stoplights with cardboard pleas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley’s story makes me wonder what else might be possible in the Bay Area, where stability feels impossible for many. Her story illuminates the cruelty of a system that punishes those who lose their housing. Years of homelessness, addiction and structural barriers made Oakley — the most determined unhoused person I’ve reported on — a long shot. She did nearly everything right — sobriety, training, work, service — and still needed luck and the kindness of strangers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the tens of thousands drifting street to street and the countless more hanging on by a rent check, the door to stable, permanent housing isn’t just closed — it’s bolted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054862\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054862 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley poses for a portrait inside her moving truck after moving out her belongings from a storage unit en route to her first-ever owned home in the East Bay on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I first met Oakley, she had her face buried in the hood of a beat-up Nissan Altima, which was leaking oil. It was May 2020, outside the Lake Merritt Tuff Sheds, Oakland’s transitional housing for the unhoused. It was the early pandemic, and most of us were going stir-crazy inside. I wanted to talk to the people who didn’t have the luxury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley told me she’d been homeless for a decade. After moving to Oakland from Tennessee nearly two decades ago, Oakley, a college graduate, sold insurance. Her slide began in 2009, after her father died. Grief pushed her into meth. The spiral was swift and merciless: she lost her housing, her work and nearly herself. Then came the stroke, which left her partially paralyzed in a room at the Value Inn at the corner of MacArthur Boulevard and Shafter Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I followed her for seven months. In December 2020, she moved into her own room near UC Berkeley — $950 a month for a chance at stability, made possible in part by the generosity of \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> readers. The distance \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/otisrtaylorjr/article/Bay-Area-has-been-memorable-but-family-s-15780385.php\">between the streets and a bed\u003c/a> with a roof came down to just $3,000.[aside postID=news_12051236 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250626-GRANTSPASSDECISIONANNI-03-BL-KQED.jpg']On May 28, 2025, Oakley became the owner of a waterfront condo in Emeryville. The complex has gyms, jacuzzis and saunas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m working so much I can’t even enjoy it yet,” Oakley told me, standing in the breakfast nook where she has her work-from-home station. She’s juggling three jobs and nearly 80 hours a week. “In the future, I’m gonna make some changes to this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants to get rid of the beige carpet. Oakley, who regularly runs five miles a day, still has to hang her running medals, patches and bibs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve kept in touch since meeting five years ago. The more I got to know her, the more I realized: If someone as focused as Oakley can barely grasp an affordable apartment, what hope remains for those on the street?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has pushed cities to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039730/newsom-pushes-cities-ban-homeless-encampments-across-california\">ban homeless encampments\u003c/a> across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RV communities are asphalt villages, stubborn and sprawling, their challenges mounting as more Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043516/rv-encampments-are-notoriously-hard-to-close-this-city-found-something-that-works\">trade driveways for curbsides\u003c/a> and turn vehicles into permanent homes. California’s homeless population is still the largest in the country, with more than 187,000 people \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">at last count\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043991 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley relied on her community of friends and graduates from Rising Sun Center for Opportunity, where she is a case manager, for assistance in moving out of her storage unit in Emeryville on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the homelessness crisis continues to swell, reaching a record 38,891 people in 2024 — a 6% jump from the year before, according to the Bay Area Council Economic Institute. The surge is driven by the relentless housing and affordability crunch, compounded by struggles with mental health and substance use. Already stretched shelters and supportive housing programs struggle to keep up with a growing population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most, the odds of escaping homelessness are grim. But every so often, someone beats them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley, known as Tennessee Jenn on the streets, won the lottery. No, not like the unhoused man who \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/california-lottery-homeless-man-20769219.php\">won a $1 million prize\u003c/a> from a California Lottery scratcher. Oakley won the housing lottery in Emeryville. She’s the first person to become a homeowner through First Home Emeryville, the city’s down payment assistance program for first-time buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If your credit’s not good enough, if you don’t have enough money, then you’re out,” she told me as she showed me around her place. “And even if you do get approved, then you gotta find a spot. There’s only 40 condos for sale in Emeryville at any given time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043988\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043988 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley carries a box filled with her belongings into a moving truck in Emeryville on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only three were in her price range — and she needed to qualify for a loan. Another buyer made an offer, and she nearly lost the place, but her mortgage broker hustled to close the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat on her porch one Sunday afternoon last month, Fattie, Oakley’s lab-mastiff mix, nudged my leg, drooling for attention. Until her stroke, Oakley, now 47, had lived and worked in a hotel for three years, she said. The stroke only slowed her down temporarily. As she recovered, she threw herself into learning new trades, determined to build a stable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley’s leadership and passion for helping others were obvious the first time she met former Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf.[aside postID=news_12050701 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SHELTERFAMILIES-08-BL-KQED.jpg']“It was a pleasure to stay in touch and see those gifts develop,” Schaaf said. “I’m grateful she stayed in touch with me. So often, as policymakers, we launch a program like Cabin Communities, we only get to evaluate its success with cold aggregated data or, sadly, not at all. To see intimately how Jenn was affected by the city’s actions was a profound gift for me. And I got a friend in the bargain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While living in the cabins, Oakley took automotive tech classes at Chabot College in Hayward. She completed a construction-training program at Rising Sun Center for Opportunity, which helps low-income people enter trades. She trained for two years to be a heavy equipment mechanic, only to be dismissed, she said, by a sexist instructor who questioned her age and mocked her background. Oakley said she was the third woman in 10 years to complete the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s worked security, changed oil at Jiffy Lube in Castro Valley, even fueled airplanes at San Francisco International Airport — until a background check flagged old drug and weapon charges, and she was escorted off the premises, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found her occupational calling by leaning into what she knows. She thrived working at Lifelong Medical Care, an organization that helps residents navigate the transition from homelessness into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043998\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043998 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley moves her belongings into the bedroom of her first-ever owned home in the East Bay on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All these people had been homeless, now they’re trying to figure out how to live inside,” she told me. “They’ve got disabilities, addiction, violence — but I loved it. And they loved me. I was good at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s now the lead case manager at Rising Sun, helping others move out of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was homeless for 10 years. I was on drugs for 30. I can tell them all that stuff, and it gives me instant credibility,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her compassion isn’t limited to her job description. She also looks after a man she met while homeless — a man who had a stroke and cannot speak. She helped him secure an apartment in Brooklyn Basin and still checks in, making sure he has meals, medication and the support he needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043997\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043997 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley has championed advocacy for equal access to housing and opportunities in the East Bay and plans to write a book about her journey from homelessness to home ownership. Photographed on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were friends, but we weren’t that close. He’s older, and I saw him, and I had instant survivor’s guilt,” Oakley said. “I mean, my stroke — I came back. I started taking care of him and doing his case work, doing all this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the weekends, she surveys unhoused people across East Oakland, where encampments have been pushed. She navigates streets to connect with people who would otherwise disappear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re scattered. It’s a whole different climate than it was five years ago. Ever since Grants Pass passed, everything has changed,” she said, referring to the Supreme Court decision that gives cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">more power to regulate\u003c/a> encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a long way from the street to where she lives now, in a complex with Bay Bridge views and three swimming pools. We watched as neighbors shuffled past in robes, heading to swim or sunbathe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like, wait,” Oakley said, shaking her head, “this is where I live now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This summer, Jenn Oakley bought a one-bedroom condo in Emeryville — a milestone that once seemed impossible after more than a decade of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/homelessness\">homelessness\u003c/a>, addiction, recovery and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her journey is wild, full of sharp turns and near collapses. Before I get to it, know this: When I first \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/otisrtaylorjr/article/Who-can-really-afford-rent-in-the-Bay-Area-Beats-15271337.php\">told her story\u003c/a> as a \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> columnist, readers sent money. Their generosity gave her the foothold she needed to start climbing back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the truth about touching the bottom: No one climbs out alone. Some land on a safety net. Others crash onto concrete. We pass them every day — in tents, in shacks, at stoplights with cardboard pleas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley’s story makes me wonder what else might be possible in the Bay Area, where stability feels impossible for many. Her story illuminates the cruelty of a system that punishes those who lose their housing. Years of homelessness, addiction and structural barriers made Oakley — the most determined unhoused person I’ve reported on — a long shot. She did nearly everything right — sobriety, training, work, service — and still needed luck and the kindness of strangers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the tens of thousands drifting street to street and the countless more hanging on by a rent check, the door to stable, permanent housing isn’t just closed — it’s bolted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054862\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12054862 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/Jenn-Oakley_homelessnesshomeownership_MO32_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley poses for a portrait inside her moving truck after moving out her belongings from a storage unit en route to her first-ever owned home in the East Bay on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When I first met Oakley, she had her face buried in the hood of a beat-up Nissan Altima, which was leaking oil. It was May 2020, outside the Lake Merritt Tuff Sheds, Oakland’s transitional housing for the unhoused. It was the early pandemic, and most of us were going stir-crazy inside. I wanted to talk to the people who didn’t have the luxury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley told me she’d been homeless for a decade. After moving to Oakland from Tennessee nearly two decades ago, Oakley, a college graduate, sold insurance. Her slide began in 2009, after her father died. Grief pushed her into meth. The spiral was swift and merciless: she lost her housing, her work and nearly herself. Then came the stroke, which left her partially paralyzed in a room at the Value Inn at the corner of MacArthur Boulevard and Shafter Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I followed her for seven months. In December 2020, she moved into her own room near UC Berkeley — $950 a month for a chance at stability, made possible in part by the generosity of \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em> readers. The distance \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/otisrtaylorjr/article/Bay-Area-has-been-memorable-but-family-s-15780385.php\">between the streets and a bed\u003c/a> with a roof came down to just $3,000.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>On May 28, 2025, Oakley became the owner of a waterfront condo in Emeryville. The complex has gyms, jacuzzis and saunas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m working so much I can’t even enjoy it yet,” Oakley told me, standing in the breakfast nook where she has her work-from-home station. She’s juggling three jobs and nearly 80 hours a week. “In the future, I’m gonna make some changes to this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She wants to get rid of the beige carpet. Oakley, who regularly runs five miles a day, still has to hang her running medals, patches and bibs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve kept in touch since meeting five years ago. The more I got to know her, the more I realized: If someone as focused as Oakley can barely grasp an affordable apartment, what hope remains for those on the street?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has pushed cities to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039730/newsom-pushes-cities-ban-homeless-encampments-across-california\">ban homeless encampments\u003c/a> across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>RV communities are asphalt villages, stubborn and sprawling, their challenges mounting as more Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043516/rv-encampments-are-notoriously-hard-to-close-this-city-found-something-that-works\">trade driveways for curbsides\u003c/a> and turn vehicles into permanent homes. California’s homeless population is still the largest in the country, with more than 187,000 people \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2024-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">at last count\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043991\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043991 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley relied on her community of friends and graduates from Rising Sun Center for Opportunity, where she is a case manager, for assistance in moving out of her storage unit in Emeryville on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the homelessness crisis continues to swell, reaching a record 38,891 people in 2024 — a 6% jump from the year before, according to the Bay Area Council Economic Institute. The surge is driven by the relentless housing and affordability crunch, compounded by struggles with mental health and substance use. Already stretched shelters and supportive housing programs struggle to keep up with a growing population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most, the odds of escaping homelessness are grim. But every so often, someone beats them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley, known as Tennessee Jenn on the streets, won the lottery. No, not like the unhoused man who \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/california-lottery-homeless-man-20769219.php\">won a $1 million prize\u003c/a> from a California Lottery scratcher. Oakley won the housing lottery in Emeryville. She’s the first person to become a homeowner through First Home Emeryville, the city’s down payment assistance program for first-time buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If your credit’s not good enough, if you don’t have enough money, then you’re out,” she told me as she showed me around her place. “And even if you do get approved, then you gotta find a spot. There’s only 40 condos for sale in Emeryville at any given time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043988\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043988 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley carries a box filled with her belongings into a moving truck in Emeryville on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Only three were in her price range — and she needed to qualify for a loan. Another buyer made an offer, and she nearly lost the place, but her mortgage broker hustled to close the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat on her porch one Sunday afternoon last month, Fattie, Oakley’s lab-mastiff mix, nudged my leg, drooling for attention. Until her stroke, Oakley, now 47, had lived and worked in a hotel for three years, she said. The stroke only slowed her down temporarily. As she recovered, she threw herself into learning new trades, determined to build a stable future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley’s leadership and passion for helping others were obvious the first time she met former Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It was a pleasure to stay in touch and see those gifts develop,” Schaaf said. “I’m grateful she stayed in touch with me. So often, as policymakers, we launch a program like Cabin Communities, we only get to evaluate its success with cold aggregated data or, sadly, not at all. To see intimately how Jenn was affected by the city’s actions was a profound gift for me. And I got a friend in the bargain.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While living in the cabins, Oakley took automotive tech classes at Chabot College in Hayward. She completed a construction-training program at Rising Sun Center for Opportunity, which helps low-income people enter trades. She trained for two years to be a heavy equipment mechanic, only to be dismissed, she said, by a sexist instructor who questioned her age and mocked her background. Oakley said she was the third woman in 10 years to complete the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s worked security, changed oil at Jiffy Lube in Castro Valley, even fueled airplanes at San Francisco International Airport — until a background check flagged old drug and weapon charges, and she was escorted off the premises, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found her occupational calling by leaning into what she knows. She thrived working at Lifelong Medical Care, an organization that helps residents navigate the transition from homelessness into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043998\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043998 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO42-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley moves her belongings into the bedroom of her first-ever owned home in the East Bay on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All these people had been homeless, now they’re trying to figure out how to live inside,” she told me. “They’ve got disabilities, addiction, violence — but I loved it. And they loved me. I was good at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s now the lead case manager at Rising Sun, helping others move out of homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was homeless for 10 years. I was on drugs for 30. I can tell them all that stuff, and it gives me instant credibility,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her compassion isn’t limited to her job description. She also looks after a man she met while homeless — a man who had a stroke and cannot speak. She helped him secure an apartment in Brooklyn Basin and still checks in, making sure he has meals, medication and the support he needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043997\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12043997 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/JENN-OAKLEY_HOMELESSNESSHOMEOWNERSHIP_MO39-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jenn Oakley has championed advocacy for equal access to housing and opportunities in the East Bay and plans to write a book about her journey from homelessness to home ownership. Photographed on June 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Manuel Orbegozo for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were friends, but we weren’t that close. He’s older, and I saw him, and I had instant survivor’s guilt,” Oakley said. “I mean, my stroke — I came back. I started taking care of him and doing his case work, doing all this stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the weekends, she surveys unhoused people across East Oakland, where encampments have been pushed. She navigates streets to connect with people who would otherwise disappear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re scattered. It’s a whole different climate than it was five years ago. Ever since Grants Pass passed, everything has changed,” she said, referring to the Supreme Court decision that gives cities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">more power to regulate\u003c/a> encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a long way from the street to where she lives now, in a complex with Bay Bridge views and three swimming pools. We watched as neighbors shuffled past in robes, heading to swim or sunbathe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like, wait,” Oakley said, shaking her head, “this is where I live now?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Elected leaders in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a>’s largest city are proposing a policy that would ban federal immigration officers from concealing their identities during enforcement actions within its borders, taking a cue from lawmakers in the state and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Councilmember Peter Ortiz, who represents a large chunk of the city’s east side, said the proposed ordinance is about restoring trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When federal law enforcement officers, or any law enforcement officers, are covering their face or refusing to identify themselves — like we’ve seen across the state and across the country in regard to ICE and federal immigration enforcement — it creates fear and uncertainty, especially in our immigrant communities,” Ortiz told KQED in an interview on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe people, regardless of citizenship, deserve to know who’s approaching them and whether that person is a legitimate law enforcement officer, not someone impersonating them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy, which has also drawn support from Council members David Cohen, Pamela Campos and Rosemary Kamei, will be heard at the city’s Rules and Open Government Committee on Wednesday. If it finds enough support there, the ordinance could be considered by the full council in about two months, Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987727\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks during a rally outside of Regional Medical Center in East San José on May 24. Ortiz and others called on Attorney General Rob Bonta to halt service cuts planned by the hospital’s ownership. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San José, which is home to nearly 1 million people, has large Asian and Latino populations, and about 40% of the city’s residents are immigrants, according to the US Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe it’s a responsibility of this council to make sure that our immigrant community is being protected, is being represented properly, and that any sort of immigration enforcement … is done in accordance with the law and respects the human rights of all residents,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city has not seen Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids on the scale of the Los Angeles County area, enforcement actions in San José earlier this year and around the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043139/san-jose-immigrant-advocates-protest-sweeping-ice-arrests\">prompted protests\u003c/a> against the Trump administration’s aggressive escalation of tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043787/as-ice-fears-grow-san-jose-approves-1-5-million-to-support-immigrants\">San José and Santa Clara County leaders\u003c/a> responded by bolstering funding for legal aid and financial relief for families whose loved ones have been detained, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">spiking fear of ICE roundups\u003c/a> has kept some home from work or school. [aside postID=news_12054668 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/GettyImages-2220320695-2000x1334.jpg']Legislators in California, New York and Pennsylvania and supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-29/well-see-you-in-court-l-a-county-plans-to-bar-federal-immigration-agents-from-concealing-their-identity\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> County are among some of the electeds pushing similar policies sometimes referred to as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">“No Secret Police” laws\u003c/a>, even as the legal landscape around such rules is murky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José City Attorney Nora Frimann said it’s unclear whether local or state laws will hold any sway over federal agents or officers, be they from ICE, Border Patrol, or another agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it is also significantly troubling to many in the community that masking and other efforts to hide identity can endanger residents, and not allow our residents to know if legitimate law enforcement is occurring and by which agency or branch of government,” Frimann said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment about San José’s proposal. The agency has previously told KQED in response to similar legislation proposed by state Sens. Scott Weiner, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Berkeley, that officers wear masks and use other methods to avoid identification to prevent “doxxing,” or the publishing of someone’s personal information online to publicly shame or harass them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz acknowledged his policy proposal could result in a courtroom fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may come to a legal argument that we may have to support in partnership with the state of California and other jurisdictions, but I believe that San José has a moral obligation to lead that conversation and to lead in that battle for our immigrant community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposal makes it to the full council, there will likely be a discussion of the merits of the policy and any legal implications, Frimann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Elected leaders in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a>’s largest city are proposing a policy that would ban federal immigration officers from concealing their identities during enforcement actions within its borders, taking a cue from lawmakers in the state and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Councilmember Peter Ortiz, who represents a large chunk of the city’s east side, said the proposed ordinance is about restoring trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When federal law enforcement officers, or any law enforcement officers, are covering their face or refusing to identify themselves — like we’ve seen across the state and across the country in regard to ICE and federal immigration enforcement — it creates fear and uncertainty, especially in our immigrant communities,” Ortiz told KQED in an interview on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe people, regardless of citizenship, deserve to know who’s approaching them and whether that person is a legitimate law enforcement officer, not someone impersonating them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy, which has also drawn support from Council members David Cohen, Pamela Campos and Rosemary Kamei, will be heard at the city’s Rules and Open Government Committee on Wednesday. If it finds enough support there, the ordinance could be considered by the full council in about two months, Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987727\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240524-REGIONALMEDICAL-JG-5_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks during a rally outside of Regional Medical Center in East San José on May 24. Ortiz and others called on Attorney General Rob Bonta to halt service cuts planned by the hospital’s ownership. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San José, which is home to nearly 1 million people, has large Asian and Latino populations, and about 40% of the city’s residents are immigrants, according to the US Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe it’s a responsibility of this council to make sure that our immigrant community is being protected, is being represented properly, and that any sort of immigration enforcement … is done in accordance with the law and respects the human rights of all residents,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the city has not seen Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids on the scale of the Los Angeles County area, enforcement actions in San José earlier this year and around the Bay Area have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043139/san-jose-immigrant-advocates-protest-sweeping-ice-arrests\">prompted protests\u003c/a> against the Trump administration’s aggressive escalation of tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043787/as-ice-fears-grow-san-jose-approves-1-5-million-to-support-immigrants\">San José and Santa Clara County leaders\u003c/a> responded by bolstering funding for legal aid and financial relief for families whose loved ones have been detained, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">spiking fear of ICE roundups\u003c/a> has kept some home from work or school. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Legislators in California, New York and Pennsylvania and supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-29/well-see-you-in-court-l-a-county-plans-to-bar-federal-immigration-agents-from-concealing-their-identity\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> County are among some of the electeds pushing similar policies sometimes referred to as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044570/california-bill-would-prohibit-ice-officers-from-wearing-masks-in-the-state\">“No Secret Police” laws\u003c/a>, even as the legal landscape around such rules is murky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José City Attorney Nora Frimann said it’s unclear whether local or state laws will hold any sway over federal agents or officers, be they from ICE, Border Patrol, or another agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it is also significantly troubling to many in the community that masking and other efforts to hide identity can endanger residents, and not allow our residents to know if legitimate law enforcement is occurring and by which agency or branch of government,” Frimann said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment about San José’s proposal. The agency has previously told KQED in response to similar legislation proposed by state Sens. Scott Weiner, D-San Francisco, and Jesse Arreguín, D-Berkeley, that officers wear masks and use other methods to avoid identification to prevent “doxxing,” or the publishing of someone’s personal information online to publicly shame or harass them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ortiz acknowledged his policy proposal could result in a courtroom fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may come to a legal argument that we may have to support in partnership with the state of California and other jurisdictions, but I believe that San José has a moral obligation to lead that conversation and to lead in that battle for our immigrant community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposal makes it to the full council, there will likely be a discussion of the merits of the policy and any legal implications, Frimann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A longtime \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> bookseller announced Wednesday that it would be acquired by bookstore giant Barnes & Noble, allowing it to keep its nine stores open after filing for bankruptcy earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Books Inc., which has been a staple brick-and-morter bookstore in the Bay Area for more than 150 years, asked the U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the Northern District of California to approve its sale to BI Acquisition Co., a Barnes and Noble affiliate, for $3.25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the deal is approved, Books Inc. stores in San Francisco, the East Bay and on the Peninsula will get to keep their recognizable name, but have the resources of the larger corporation, according to CEO Andy Perham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This agreement will ensure that Book Inc.’s legacy will continue for the foreseeable future,” Perham said in a statement. “With Barnes & Noble’s deep resources and world-class support, Books Inc. will be able to quickly modernize its operations so we can focus on what we do best: connecting people with books, ideas and each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many indie bookstores, Books Inc. has struggled to remain profitable as online booksellers like Amazon entered the market, offering faster delivery, lower prices and more convenience. In January, the company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy, citing revenue losses from rising operating costs and changing consumer habits during the COVID-19 pandemic, which shifted even more shopping online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retail patterns have changed a lot since COVID,” said Vanessa Martini, who works as the head buyer for San Francisco’s Green Apple Books. “[Books Inc.] had locations like in places that were heavily dependent on commuting workers that don’t really shop in those areas anymore.”[aside postID=news_12051278 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/PhilzCoffeeGetty.jpg']Martini said she lives near the Books Inc. at Opera Plaza on Van Ness Avenue, which is “definitely an area that just simply sees fewer people coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the initial news that Books Inc. had filed for bankruptcy was “crushing,” but the announcement that it would be bought by Barnes & Noble felt more bittersweet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is … disappointing to lose what was an indie bookstore to something that’s no longer indie,” she said, but added that the stores remaining open is a definite upside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another positive Martini sees in the deal is that Barnes & Noble is investing in the indie model — “they’re seeing where the money can actually be made,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, Barnes & Noble purchased Denver-based Tattered Cover’s book stores after it filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy. The chain has also been opening smaller stores that feel more local and personable, Martini said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you go into the newly opened Barnes & Noble that they are positioning, there are smaller footprints, they have much more obvious staff involvement, like handwritten shelf talkers, which didn’t used to be the case,” she told KQED. “They have front table displays that are definitely modeled after the indie selections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because even as in-person book shopping declines, she said, indie bookstores offer a purchasing experience that’s different from Amazon, or even Barnes & Noble. At those neighborhood stores, she said, people are more often introduced to new authors or titles, and more likely to pick up a book in a genre they wouldn’t usually because it’s on one of their aesthetic display tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What an indie bookstore does is [say] ‘OK, here’s the thing that you know about and have heard about, but here’s something else that you never would have picked up without somebody who’s plumbed through all of the thousands of pieces of publisher catalog copy to find the most interesting thing for you,’” Martini said. “The power of discovery is still what indie bookstores do best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\">\u003cem>Rachael Myrow\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A longtime \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> bookseller announced Wednesday that it would be acquired by bookstore giant Barnes & Noble, allowing it to keep its nine stores open after filing for bankruptcy earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Books Inc., which has been a staple brick-and-morter bookstore in the Bay Area for more than 150 years, asked the U.S. Bankruptcy Court for the Northern District of California to approve its sale to BI Acquisition Co., a Barnes and Noble affiliate, for $3.25 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the deal is approved, Books Inc. stores in San Francisco, the East Bay and on the Peninsula will get to keep their recognizable name, but have the resources of the larger corporation, according to CEO Andy Perham.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This agreement will ensure that Book Inc.’s legacy will continue for the foreseeable future,” Perham said in a statement. “With Barnes & Noble’s deep resources and world-class support, Books Inc. will be able to quickly modernize its operations so we can focus on what we do best: connecting people with books, ideas and each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many indie bookstores, Books Inc. has struggled to remain profitable as online booksellers like Amazon entered the market, offering faster delivery, lower prices and more convenience. In January, the company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy, citing revenue losses from rising operating costs and changing consumer habits during the COVID-19 pandemic, which shifted even more shopping online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Retail patterns have changed a lot since COVID,” said Vanessa Martini, who works as the head buyer for San Francisco’s Green Apple Books. “[Books Inc.] had locations like in places that were heavily dependent on commuting workers that don’t really shop in those areas anymore.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Martini said she lives near the Books Inc. at Opera Plaza on Van Ness Avenue, which is “definitely an area that just simply sees fewer people coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the initial news that Books Inc. had filed for bankruptcy was “crushing,” but the announcement that it would be bought by Barnes & Noble felt more bittersweet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is … disappointing to lose what was an indie bookstore to something that’s no longer indie,” she said, but added that the stores remaining open is a definite upside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another positive Martini sees in the deal is that Barnes & Noble is investing in the indie model — “they’re seeing where the money can actually be made,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, Barnes & Noble purchased Denver-based Tattered Cover’s book stores after it filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy. The chain has also been opening smaller stores that feel more local and personable, Martini said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you go into the newly opened Barnes & Noble that they are positioning, there are smaller footprints, they have much more obvious staff involvement, like handwritten shelf talkers, which didn’t used to be the case,” she told KQED. “They have front table displays that are definitely modeled after the indie selections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because even as in-person book shopping declines, she said, indie bookstores offer a purchasing experience that’s different from Amazon, or even Barnes & Noble. At those neighborhood stores, she said, people are more often introduced to new authors or titles, and more likely to pick up a book in a genre they wouldn’t usually because it’s on one of their aesthetic display tables.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What an indie bookstore does is [say] ‘OK, here’s the thing that you know about and have heard about, but here’s something else that you never would have picked up without somebody who’s plumbed through all of the thousands of pieces of publisher catalog copy to find the most interesting thing for you,’” Martini said. “The power of discovery is still what indie bookstores do best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/rachael-myrow\">\u003cem>Rachael Myrow\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Despite a Growing Case Backlog, Trump Fires Sixth San Francisco Immigration Judge",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Department of Justice this week fired a sixth\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\"> San Francisco immigration judge\u003c/a> since President Donald Trump took office. The firing appears to follow a pattern of targeting adjudicators likely to grant asylum or have spent their careers defending immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Shira Levine, who was appointed to the city’s immigration court in October 2021, was terminated without cause by the Department of Justice this week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/investigations/sixth-san-francisco-immigration-judge-fired/3942782/\">NBC Bay Area first reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, Levine wasn’t given an explanation for her removal. But it wasn’t entirely out of the blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since April, five other judges in the city’s immigration court have received similar termination messages, including Judges Chloe Dillon and Elisa Brasil, the two other judges in the city’s court who have the highest asylum grant rates, according to data collected by \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judgereports/00876SFR/index.html\">Transaction Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dillon told KQED she learned she was fired through a three-sentence email on Aug. 22. She opened her inbox late that Friday, returning to her office after hearing oral arguments for a yearslong asylum hearing. She had already indicated how she would rule in the courtroom, and hoped to issue her decision by the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048131\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters rally outside the U.S. District Court in San Francisco on July 15, 2025, calling on ICE to release Bay Area organizer Guillermo Medina Reyes ahead of his preliminary injunction hearing. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Instead, she spent the next 90 minutes scrambling to collect all of her personal items, return all of her federal property and hand over her 6,000-docket case load without any idea who would pick it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dillon said it didn’t come entirely as a shock that she was fired — despite the job safety she and other government workers might have had in the past, the Trump administration has treated federal workers as at-will employees. And, she said, there had been mass firings at immigration courts, especially among people who fit certain demographics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of the judges who have been fired were appointed during the Biden administration. People with experience representing immigrants, or with high asylum grant rates also appear to be targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are specifically targeting one end of the spectrum because they don’t like those results; they don’t think that people should be granted asylum essentially,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the six dismissed judges have \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judgereports/\">higher asylum-granting rates\u003c/a> than the national average and have spent at least part of their careers aiding immigrants in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears to be completely ideologically based,” former San Francisco immigration judge Dana Leigh Marks said of the firings. “It’s making assumptions about people from their background, and it appears to be very results-oriented, targeted towards individuals who think more independently and are willing to listen to both sides when a case is presented to them rather than just accepting the government assertions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine granted asylum to more than 97% of the immigrants in her courtroom between fiscal years 2019 and 2024. Dillon granted 96.5% of people asylum. During that period, the national average hovered around 50%, falling to its lowest last October at just below 36%, according to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/751/\">TRAC data\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12052975 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250820-ICE-ACTIVITY-JCL-03-KQED.jpg']While the numbers don’t reflect that San Francisco asylum seekers are more likely to have representation and have to meet different standards than those in other states, experts said the Department of Justice is targeting judges who they believe are more likely to stray from U.S. prosecutors’ requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marks said it appears that the DOJ is going after judges with backgrounds in immigrant advocacy rights, private practice or public interest law, while those who rose through the ranks as prosecutors for the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Division of the Department of Homeland Security have kept their appointments. She called the pattern “distressing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before being appointed to the court in May 2023, Brasil worked as a private practice immigration attorney, litigating pro bono cases throughout her career. Levine spent more than five years as an immigration attorney at Centro Legal de la Raza and the Immigration Institute of the Bay Area in the East Bay. Dillon served as an attorney advisor at Los Angeles’ immigration court and another fired judge, Jami Vigil, previously worked as a court-appointed counsel for immigrant families for eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Marks was appointed in 1987, the federal court system was undergoing a transformation, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the 1980s, many immigration judges were career Department of Homeland Security prosecutors who were “rewarded for their productivity” with a court appointment. But, “when I was recruited, and when others followed me, there was an effort to balance the court so that there were both immigration prosecutors and immigration defenders,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marks was the 68th person to be appointed as an immigration judge in the country. Now, there are more than 600, many of whom previously defended immigrants in the courts they now oversee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s much more appropriate with regard to reflecting public attitudes towards immigration and towards the knowledge base and sophistication and professionalism that the court was trying to achieve,” Marks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent changes, she fears, reflect backsliding within the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the DOJ lowered the prerequisites to qualify for temporary judge positions, removing the requirement that candidates have prior immigration experience. The following week, the federal government authorized 600 military lawyers to serve as temporary immigration judges, NPR reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration law is routinely considered to be second in complexity to tax law,” Marks said. “To hire someone with no immigration law experience seems very, very unfair, counterproductive [and] undermining the integrity and respect that the immigration judge core deserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I fear it will have lasting consequences. And none of them good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the firings, U.S. immigration courts had growing case backlogs as ICE enforcement efforts ramped up under the Trump administration. New temporary judges who don’t understand the nuances of the immigration field, and don’t have time for training or mentorship, will likely work more slowly and could make more errors, Atkinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both she and Marks said this could extend already long wait times for court dates and increase the number of erroneous rulings that end up in appeals court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkinson believes the changes could further deter asylum seekers from pursuing their cases if they cannot afford representation on appeal or understand the filing timeline to do so. Advocates have already been raising alarms that ICE agents are making previously unprecedented arrests in the halls of immigration courts and outside ICE field offices when people reported to mandatory hearings or check-in appointments, a move they say is meant to scare asylum seekers into missing these appointments and losing their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every barrier at every stage is going to mean more and more asylum seekers are going to be put at risk of being removed and deported because they didn’t have the opportunity to present their case in front of a fair and unbiased judge,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Department of Justice this week fired a sixth\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\"> San Francisco immigration judge\u003c/a> since President Donald Trump took office. The firing appears to follow a pattern of targeting adjudicators likely to grant asylum or have spent their careers defending immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Shira Levine, who was appointed to the city’s immigration court in October 2021, was terminated without cause by the Department of Justice this week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/investigations/sixth-san-francisco-immigration-judge-fired/3942782/\">NBC Bay Area first reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, Levine wasn’t given an explanation for her removal. But it wasn’t entirely out of the blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since April, five other judges in the city’s immigration court have received similar termination messages, including Judges Chloe Dillon and Elisa Brasil, the two other judges in the city’s court who have the highest asylum grant rates, according to data collected by \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judgereports/00876SFR/index.html\">Transaction Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dillon told KQED she learned she was fired through a three-sentence email on Aug. 22. She opened her inbox late that Friday, returning to her office after hearing oral arguments for a yearslong asylum hearing. She had already indicated how she would rule in the courtroom, and hoped to issue her decision by the end of the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048131\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-16-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters rally outside the U.S. District Court in San Francisco on July 15, 2025, calling on ICE to release Bay Area organizer Guillermo Medina Reyes ahead of his preliminary injunction hearing. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Instead, she spent the next 90 minutes scrambling to collect all of her personal items, return all of her federal property and hand over her 6,000-docket case load without any idea who would pick it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dillon said it didn’t come entirely as a shock that she was fired — despite the job safety she and other government workers might have had in the past, the Trump administration has treated federal workers as at-will employees. And, she said, there had been mass firings at immigration courts, especially among people who fit certain demographics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said many of the judges who have been fired were appointed during the Biden administration. People with experience representing immigrants, or with high asylum grant rates also appear to be targets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are specifically targeting one end of the spectrum because they don’t like those results; they don’t think that people should be granted asylum essentially,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the six dismissed judges have \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/immigration/reports/judgereports/\">higher asylum-granting rates\u003c/a> than the national average and have spent at least part of their careers aiding immigrants in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It appears to be completely ideologically based,” former San Francisco immigration judge Dana Leigh Marks said of the firings. “It’s making assumptions about people from their background, and it appears to be very results-oriented, targeted towards individuals who think more independently and are willing to listen to both sides when a case is presented to them rather than just accepting the government assertions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Levine granted asylum to more than 97% of the immigrants in her courtroom between fiscal years 2019 and 2024. Dillon granted 96.5% of people asylum. During that period, the national average hovered around 50%, falling to its lowest last October at just below 36%, according to \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/reports/751/\">TRAC data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While the numbers don’t reflect that San Francisco asylum seekers are more likely to have representation and have to meet different standards than those in other states, experts said the Department of Justice is targeting judges who they believe are more likely to stray from U.S. prosecutors’ requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marks said it appears that the DOJ is going after judges with backgrounds in immigrant advocacy rights, private practice or public interest law, while those who rose through the ranks as prosecutors for the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Division of the Department of Homeland Security have kept their appointments. She called the pattern “distressing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before being appointed to the court in May 2023, Brasil worked as a private practice immigration attorney, litigating pro bono cases throughout her career. Levine spent more than five years as an immigration attorney at Centro Legal de la Raza and the Immigration Institute of the Bay Area in the East Bay. Dillon served as an attorney advisor at Los Angeles’ immigration court and another fired judge, Jami Vigil, previously worked as a court-appointed counsel for immigrant families for eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Marks was appointed in 1987, the federal court system was undergoing a transformation, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the 1980s, many immigration judges were career Department of Homeland Security prosecutors who were “rewarded for their productivity” with a court appointment. But, “when I was recruited, and when others followed me, there was an effort to balance the court so that there were both immigration prosecutors and immigration defenders,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marks was the 68th person to be appointed as an immigration judge in the country. Now, there are more than 600, many of whom previously defended immigrants in the courts they now oversee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s much more appropriate with regard to reflecting public attitudes towards immigration and towards the knowledge base and sophistication and professionalism that the court was trying to achieve,” Marks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent changes, she fears, reflect backsliding within the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, the DOJ lowered the prerequisites to qualify for temporary judge positions, removing the requirement that candidates have prior immigration experience. The following week, the federal government authorized 600 military lawyers to serve as temporary immigration judges, NPR reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration law is routinely considered to be second in complexity to tax law,” Marks said. “To hire someone with no immigration law experience seems very, very unfair, counterproductive [and] undermining the integrity and respect that the immigration judge core deserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I fear it will have lasting consequences. And none of them good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the firings, U.S. immigration courts had growing case backlogs as ICE enforcement efforts ramped up under the Trump administration. New temporary judges who don’t understand the nuances of the immigration field, and don’t have time for training or mentorship, will likely work more slowly and could make more errors, Atkinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both she and Marks said this could extend already long wait times for court dates and increase the number of erroneous rulings that end up in appeals court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkinson believes the changes could further deter asylum seekers from pursuing their cases if they cannot afford representation on appeal or understand the filing timeline to do so. Advocates have already been raising alarms that ICE agents are making previously unprecedented arrests in the halls of immigration courts and outside ICE field offices when people reported to mandatory hearings or check-in appointments, a move they say is meant to scare asylum seekers into missing these appointments and losing their case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every barrier at every stage is going to mean more and more asylum seekers are going to be put at risk of being removed and deported because they didn’t have the opportunity to present their case in front of a fair and unbiased judge,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara\">Santa Clara\u003c/a> police fatally shot someone while responding to a report of a stabbing on Wednesday morning, according to the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officers responded to a home in the 1800 block of Eisenhower Drive in north Santa Clara around 6:18 a.m., after someone called police to report a stabbing in the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officers arrived and shot the suspect. The person was taken to a hospital and later pronounced deceased, police said in a press release on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The officer was not injured as a result of the incident,” the statement said. The victim of the stabbing was hospitalized and is being treated for their injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police released no other details, but department officials said they expect to provide an update on the incident on Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office and the Santa Clara Police Department are conducting a joint investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officers arrived and shot the suspect. The person was taken to a hospital and later pronounced deceased, police said in a press release on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The officer was not injured as a result of the incident,” the statement said. The victim of the stabbing was hospitalized and is being treated for their injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police released no other details, but department officials said they expect to provide an update on the incident on Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara County District Attorney’s Office and the Santa Clara Police Department are conducting a joint investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In August, a Richmond man called 911 for assistance: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051745/richmond-police-release-details-in-fatal-shooting-of-man-in-mental-health-crisis\">his brother, Angel Montaño, was armed with a knife\u003c/a> in the family home, threatening to kill members of his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My brother became aggressive. He has mental issues,” Montaño’s brother, whose name has been redacted, told the emergency dispatcher in an audio recording released by the Richmond Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding officers rushed to the scene, waiting out of view for less-lethal weapons as Montaño’s family tried to de-escalate the situation. But when the caller said Angel, 27, had grabbed a second knife, they rushed to the door and shot him. Montaño, a U.S. Marine reserve officer, died of his wounds on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the shooting, Richmond Police Chief Bisa French had a clear message about mental health and public safety: “Something has to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an extremely unfortunate and tragic event,” French said at a press conference the week after the shooting. “I don’t have the answers of what can be done differently, but I do hope that there will be some conversation around legislation and laws to get the people that actually need some mental health assistance the help that they need so that we do not end up in these types of situations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051143\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Richmond Police Department in Richmond on Aug. 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The sentiment isn’t a new one. Experts have debated how to more effectively respond to mental health crises for decades, and most recently, a movement to move away from law enforcement responses entirely gained momentum after \u003ca href=\"http://v\">George Floyd’s murder in 2020\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While police remain the de facto responders to mental health emergencies in many places, including Richmond, experts say there are still a number of reforms law enforcement agencies could implement to improve their responses. Many, though, remain sluggish or stagnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What kind of precedent are we setting when families of individuals experiencing a mental health crisis are now afraid to call 911 because they’re forced to weigh the impossible decision between getting help or keeping their loved ones alive,” asked one of Montaño’s former classmates at a Richmond City Council meeting shortly after Montaño’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, jurisdictions nationwide have piloted mental health response teams based on a program out of Eugene, Oregon known as CAHOOTS, or Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a nonviolent mental health call came in, 911 dispatchers in the city could send a two-person team made up of a medic and mental health worker to respond instead of police.[aside postID=news_12051745 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250811_RICHMOND-PD-SHOOTING-UPDATE-_GH-KQED.jpg']None of these teams’ responders carried weapons or had law enforcement training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond was one of the cities inspired by CAHOOTS, but its version, the Community Crisis Response Program, still isn’t operational. While some residents blamed the City Council for not activating the program more quickly, Richmond police spokesperson Lt. Donald Patchin said even if the civilian-led team was operational, it would have passed Montaño’s case to the police, since he was armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because “the civilian was already exhibiting a threat of deadly force, that means that there’s a better argument for the police at that point coming in with potential deadly force,” said Robert Weisberg, who heads Stanford’s Criminal Justice Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are often very scary, very heated, intense situations,” said Jen Skeem, a UC Berkeley psychologist who studies mental health and criminal justice. “[Citizen-led] programs usually get just a very small assortment of the calls that have already been triaged, they don’t involve any risk and they’re not going to get responded to [by police] because there’s no, as they say, ‘blood and bullets.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Skeem said there are other reforms within police departments that could improve their mental health responses. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/advocacy/crisis-intervention/crisis-intervention-team-cit-programs/#:~:text=In%20over%202%2C700%20communities%20nationwide,ensures%20officer%20and%20community%20safety.\">More than 2,700 departments\u003c/a> nationwide have units whose officers complete crisis intervention training and others have piloted programs that embed a mental health counselor into an existing police squad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 70% of officers in San Francisco’s police department have taken a 40-hour crisis intervention training course, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/your-sfpd/explore-department/crisis-intervention-team-cit-program\">according to department data\u003c/a>. SFPD said that the training led to a 68% decrease in officer use of force and 18 consecutive months without a police shooting between 2016 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The training, first developed in 1988, focuses on expanding officers’ understanding of mental health conditions, emphasizing de-escalation and creating connections between officers and people with relevant lived experiences, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://bja.ojp.gov/events/crisis-response-and-intervention-training-crit\">Department of Justice\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_11964307 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS12714_491213158_af42d77b95_o-qut-1020x627.jpg']Richmond police did not respond to questions about whether its officers underwent crisis intervention training. The city’s website said that it has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/4705/Community-Crisis-Response-Program\">crisis negotiation team\u003c/a> trained in “negotiating with armed subjects, barricaded subjects, suicidal subjects and incidents where hostages have been taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, including Mobile, Alabama, now hire mental health clinicians who ride along with police officers to the scene of the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have a clinician who’s trained in, hopefully, dealing appropriately with people and de-escalating situations, along with a police officer who’s really trained to respond to situations that can involve danger,” Skeem said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts are also studying how providing mental health training to 911 dispatchers affects outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skeem said she and other researchers are assessing the efficacy of training dispatchers to convey information to officers or other responders “in a way that will not trigger a lot of stigma or fear … that can make the response ineffective or involve more force than maybe it needs to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dispatchers also learn how to ask questions to extract better information from callers and more accurately assess how much imminent risk is involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skeem said she’s observed that when a mental health clinician responds, they tend to treat the caller as an expert in the situation, since they are usually a friend or family member of the person in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can get more information about what’s helped in the past, what might be helpful now, if there’s someone in the house that has the most positive relationship with the person that might try some way of approaching the issue,” Skeem said. “It’s leveraging the expertise of the caller to really inform the way that the response goes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s police department did not respond to questions about whether it had implemented any of these alternative response methods prior to Montaño’s death, or if it is considering further reform moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All U.S.residents can call the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919553/a-new-mental-health-crisis-line-launches-on-saturday-is-california-ready-to-operate-it\">988 crisis line,\u003c/a> an alternative to 911 that connects people having psychiatric emergencies with non-police options where they’re available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s Community Crisis Response Program, which the City Council approved in 2023, hopes to begin responding to incidents later this year\u003ca href=\"https://www.grandviewindependent.com/richmond-opens-applications-for-crisis-intervention-positions/\"> after opening applications for crisis intervention specialists in May\u003c/a>. When it launches, the team will only respond to nonviolent incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In August, a Richmond man called 911 for assistance: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051745/richmond-police-release-details-in-fatal-shooting-of-man-in-mental-health-crisis\">his brother, Angel Montaño, was armed with a knife\u003c/a> in the family home, threatening to kill members of his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My brother became aggressive. He has mental issues,” Montaño’s brother, whose name has been redacted, told the emergency dispatcher in an audio recording released by the Richmond Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Responding officers rushed to the scene, waiting out of view for less-lethal weapons as Montaño’s family tried to de-escalate the situation. But when the caller said Angel, 27, had grabbed a second knife, they rushed to the door and shot him. Montaño, a U.S. Marine reserve officer, died of his wounds on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the shooting, Richmond Police Chief Bisa French had a clear message about mental health and public safety: “Something has to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an extremely unfortunate and tragic event,” French said at a press conference the week after the shooting. “I don’t have the answers of what can be done differently, but I do hope that there will be some conversation around legislation and laws to get the people that actually need some mental health assistance the help that they need so that we do not end up in these types of situations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051143\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051143\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250806-RICHMOND-POLICE-FILE-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Richmond Police Department in Richmond on Aug. 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The sentiment isn’t a new one. Experts have debated how to more effectively respond to mental health crises for decades, and most recently, a movement to move away from law enforcement responses entirely gained momentum after \u003ca href=\"http://v\">George Floyd’s murder in 2020\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While police remain the de facto responders to mental health emergencies in many places, including Richmond, experts say there are still a number of reforms law enforcement agencies could implement to improve their responses. Many, though, remain sluggish or stagnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What kind of precedent are we setting when families of individuals experiencing a mental health crisis are now afraid to call 911 because they’re forced to weigh the impossible decision between getting help or keeping their loved ones alive,” asked one of Montaño’s former classmates at a Richmond City Council meeting shortly after Montaño’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, jurisdictions nationwide have piloted mental health response teams based on a program out of Eugene, Oregon known as CAHOOTS, or Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a nonviolent mental health call came in, 911 dispatchers in the city could send a two-person team made up of a medic and mental health worker to respond instead of police.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>None of these teams’ responders carried weapons or had law enforcement training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond was one of the cities inspired by CAHOOTS, but its version, the Community Crisis Response Program, still isn’t operational. While some residents blamed the City Council for not activating the program more quickly, Richmond police spokesperson Lt. Donald Patchin said even if the civilian-led team was operational, it would have passed Montaño’s case to the police, since he was armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because “the civilian was already exhibiting a threat of deadly force, that means that there’s a better argument for the police at that point coming in with potential deadly force,” said Robert Weisberg, who heads Stanford’s Criminal Justice Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are often very scary, very heated, intense situations,” said Jen Skeem, a UC Berkeley psychologist who studies mental health and criminal justice. “[Citizen-led] programs usually get just a very small assortment of the calls that have already been triaged, they don’t involve any risk and they’re not going to get responded to [by police] because there’s no, as they say, ‘blood and bullets.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Skeem said there are other reforms within police departments that could improve their mental health responses. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nami.org/advocacy/crisis-intervention/crisis-intervention-team-cit-programs/#:~:text=In%20over%202%2C700%20communities%20nationwide,ensures%20officer%20and%20community%20safety.\">More than 2,700 departments\u003c/a> nationwide have units whose officers complete crisis intervention training and others have piloted programs that embed a mental health counselor into an existing police squad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 70% of officers in San Francisco’s police department have taken a 40-hour crisis intervention training course, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/your-sfpd/explore-department/crisis-intervention-team-cit-program\">according to department data\u003c/a>. SFPD said that the training led to a 68% decrease in officer use of force and 18 consecutive months without a police shooting between 2016 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The training, first developed in 1988, focuses on expanding officers’ understanding of mental health conditions, emphasizing de-escalation and creating connections between officers and people with relevant lived experiences, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://bja.ojp.gov/events/crisis-response-and-intervention-training-crit\">Department of Justice\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Richmond police did not respond to questions about whether its officers underwent crisis intervention training. The city’s website said that it has a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/4705/Community-Crisis-Response-Program\">crisis negotiation team\u003c/a> trained in “negotiating with armed subjects, barricaded subjects, suicidal subjects and incidents where hostages have been taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, including Mobile, Alabama, now hire mental health clinicians who ride along with police officers to the scene of the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have a clinician who’s trained in, hopefully, dealing appropriately with people and de-escalating situations, along with a police officer who’s really trained to respond to situations that can involve danger,” Skeem said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts are also studying how providing mental health training to 911 dispatchers affects outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skeem said she and other researchers are assessing the efficacy of training dispatchers to convey information to officers or other responders “in a way that will not trigger a lot of stigma or fear … that can make the response ineffective or involve more force than maybe it needs to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dispatchers also learn how to ask questions to extract better information from callers and more accurately assess how much imminent risk is involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skeem said she’s observed that when a mental health clinician responds, they tend to treat the caller as an expert in the situation, since they are usually a friend or family member of the person in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can get more information about what’s helped in the past, what might be helpful now, if there’s someone in the house that has the most positive relationship with the person that might try some way of approaching the issue,” Skeem said. “It’s leveraging the expertise of the caller to really inform the way that the response goes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s police department did not respond to questions about whether it had implemented any of these alternative response methods prior to Montaño’s death, or if it is considering further reform moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All U.S.residents can call the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919553/a-new-mental-health-crisis-line-launches-on-saturday-is-california-ready-to-operate-it\">988 crisis line,\u003c/a> an alternative to 911 that connects people having psychiatric emergencies with non-police options where they’re available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s Community Crisis Response Program, which the City Council approved in 2023, hopes to begin responding to incidents later this year\u003ca href=\"https://www.grandviewindependent.com/richmond-opens-applications-for-crisis-intervention-positions/\"> after opening applications for crisis intervention specialists in May\u003c/a>. When it launches, the team will only respond to nonviolent incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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