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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 1:10 p.m. Tuesday with additional information on a second building that was part of the complex.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A massive fire destroyed an affordable housing building under construction near Redwood City on Monday, forcing neighbors to evacuate and sending a thick plume of smoke into the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eight-alarm fire on the 2700 block of Middlefield Road in North Fair Oaks prompted San Mateo County sheriff’s officials \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SMCSheriff/status/1797694856619528229\">to order residents\u003c/a> on nearby Pacific, Calvin and Dumbarton avenues to leave. A \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SMCSheriff/status/1797719789806465320\">temporary evacuation site\u003c/a> was set up at the Veterans Memorial Senior Center at 1455 Madison Ave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Air Quality Management District also \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/060324-aq-advisory\">issued an air quality advisory\u003c/a> due to the smoke from the fire, advising people living and working near the fire and down the peninsula to try to avoid exposure by staying indoors and closing windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire began around 10:15 a.m. on the fifth floor of the building, one of two structures that make up a 179-unit affordable housing project known as Middlefield Junction, according to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building that burned was planned to include 104 apartments, while an adjacent 75-unit building under construction was not significantly damaged, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 3 p.m., Menlo Park Fire District Chief Mark Lorenzen said he was releasing crews after it was fully controlled and moving the operation into “mop up” mode, dousing the structure with water to prevent any flare-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire was able to tear through the structure quickly because it didn’t yet have sprinkler systems, fire walls, or other fire protection features installed, Lorenzen said, and there were windy conditions in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From our perspective, almost the worst stage it could be in. It burned so easily through there, it was just like kindling,” Lorenzen said. “There being almost no windows…the winds from the north were just pushing right in and blowing it straight through the structure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No injuries were reported. Construction workers evacuated the building, and while there were some minor spots of damage to neighboring buildings or fences, Lorenzen said everyone in the area appears to be safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He estimated about 130 firefighters responded to this fire, with help from about every fire agency in San Mateo County and some additional help from Santa Clara County fire agencies as well. A total of 26 engines and seven ladder trucks were called in throughout the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire was acting similar to a wildland fire due to the wind and the materials that were burning, requiring extra firefighting resources to prevent the spread of the fire, Lorenzen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were putting in insulation and the insulation was catching fire, getting lofted up by the thermal columns and launching into the neighborhood. There were burning embers dropping everywhere from the sky, big ones,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrain \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/alerts\">reported delays\u003c/a> in the area, with trains being held at the Redwood City and Menlo Park stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The apartments being built at Middlefield Junction were planned to be reserved for people earning incomes considered extremely low, very low and low on the pricey San Francisco peninsula. According to a previous county release about the project, 20 apartments were to be set aside for people experiencing homelessness and receiving care management and supportive services from San Mateo County Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Middlefield Junction was borne out of a partnership between the county, nonprofit developer Mercy Housing California, as well as the state and private investors, according to the county. It was estimated to cost $155 million in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorenzen said the wooden framing of all the upper floors is destroyed, though he said it appeared the concrete foundation and underground parking garage area were not damaged.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 1:10 p.m. Tuesday with additional information on a second building that was part of the complex.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A massive fire destroyed an affordable housing building under construction near Redwood City on Monday, forcing neighbors to evacuate and sending a thick plume of smoke into the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eight-alarm fire on the 2700 block of Middlefield Road in North Fair Oaks prompted San Mateo County sheriff’s officials \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SMCSheriff/status/1797694856619528229\">to order residents\u003c/a> on nearby Pacific, Calvin and Dumbarton avenues to leave. A \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SMCSheriff/status/1797719789806465320\">temporary evacuation site\u003c/a> was set up at the Veterans Memorial Senior Center at 1455 Madison Ave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Air Quality Management District also \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/060324-aq-advisory\">issued an air quality advisory\u003c/a> due to the smoke from the fire, advising people living and working near the fire and down the peninsula to try to avoid exposure by staying indoors and closing windows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire began around 10:15 a.m. on the fifth floor of the building, one of two structures that make up a 179-unit affordable housing project known as Middlefield Junction, according to the sheriff’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building that burned was planned to include 104 apartments, while an adjacent 75-unit building under construction was not significantly damaged, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 3 p.m., Menlo Park Fire District Chief Mark Lorenzen said he was releasing crews after it was fully controlled and moving the operation into “mop up” mode, dousing the structure with water to prevent any flare-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire was able to tear through the structure quickly because it didn’t yet have sprinkler systems, fire walls, or other fire protection features installed, Lorenzen said, and there were windy conditions in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From our perspective, almost the worst stage it could be in. It burned so easily through there, it was just like kindling,” Lorenzen said. “There being almost no windows…the winds from the north were just pushing right in and blowing it straight through the structure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No injuries were reported. Construction workers evacuated the building, and while there were some minor spots of damage to neighboring buildings or fences, Lorenzen said everyone in the area appears to be safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He estimated about 130 firefighters responded to this fire, with help from about every fire agency in San Mateo County and some additional help from Santa Clara County fire agencies as well. A total of 26 engines and seven ladder trucks were called in throughout the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire was acting similar to a wildland fire due to the wind and the materials that were burning, requiring extra firefighting resources to prevent the spread of the fire, Lorenzen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were putting in insulation and the insulation was catching fire, getting lofted up by the thermal columns and launching into the neighborhood. There were burning embers dropping everywhere from the sky, big ones,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrain \u003ca href=\"https://www.caltrain.com/alerts\">reported delays\u003c/a> in the area, with trains being held at the Redwood City and Menlo Park stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The apartments being built at Middlefield Junction were planned to be reserved for people earning incomes considered extremely low, very low and low on the pricey San Francisco peninsula. According to a previous county release about the project, 20 apartments were to be set aside for people experiencing homelessness and receiving care management and supportive services from San Mateo County Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Middlefield Junction was borne out of a partnership between the county, nonprofit developer Mercy Housing California, as well as the state and private investors, according to the county. It was estimated to cost $155 million in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorenzen said the wooden framing of all the upper floors is destroyed, though he said it appeared the concrete foundation and underground parking garage area were not damaged.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco homeless services provider accused of falsifying tens of thousands of dollars in invoices was stripped of a city contract over the alleged fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence Foundation of San Francisco will no longer manage a storage facility for unhoused people — a nearly $600,000 contract — Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing (HSH) Deputy Communications Director Emily Cohen confirmed but will continue to run other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contract is set to end June 30, and will not be renewed, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HSH spent months trying to bring this nonprofit into compliance, and I appreciate they have found a new operator for this contract to better serve the community,” City Attorney David Chiu said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move follows an announcement earlier this month of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985194/sf-homeless-services-provider-accused-of-nepotism-100k-fraud\">debarment proceedings\u003c/a> against the nonprofit. An investigation by Chiu’s office found the nonprofit had falsified more than $100,000 in invoices for shelter maintenance work it never completed and violated its contracts with the city despite warnings over nepotism and other offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had suspended Providence from bidding on or receiving new contracts or grants from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HSH is working with the city attorney’s office to determine the future of the nonprofit’s remaining contracts. Providence has five other contracts with HSH, including one to run the Oasis Hotel family shelter, a navigation center and to provide supportive services and housing voucher programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office investigation found that the nonprofit had falsified invoices for painting and lock removal work at the Oasis Hotel, which it claims was never completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"homelessness\"]The attorney representing the foundation, Vernon Goins, did not respond to a request for comment. He previously told KQED Providence denied the allegations of fraud, calling them “unfounded and baseless.” He said the organization was cooperating with the investigation “and will take remedial action where appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence’s board president, James Blanding, told the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> he resigned earlier this month and said Providence’s two top executives, Pat Doyle and Kenisha Roach, were put on leave. The city attorney’s investigation accused them of signing off on the allegedly fraudulent invoices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen said interim executive director Dexter Hall has been working closely with HSH since taking charge of the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has ramped up scrutiny of its nonprofits in recent years. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981767/audit-finds-sf-homeless-housing-provider-misspent-taxpayer-money\">city audit released earlier this year\u003c/a> found HomeRise, a leading developer of housing for people exiting homelessness, misspent taxpayer money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: This story was updated to include additional information provided by San Francisco’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco homeless services provider accused of falsifying tens of thousands of dollars in invoices was stripped of a city contract over the alleged fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence Foundation of San Francisco will no longer manage a storage facility for unhoused people — a nearly $600,000 contract — Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing (HSH) Deputy Communications Director Emily Cohen confirmed but will continue to run other programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contract is set to end June 30, and will not be renewed, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HSH spent months trying to bring this nonprofit into compliance, and I appreciate they have found a new operator for this contract to better serve the community,” City Attorney David Chiu said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move follows an announcement earlier this month of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985194/sf-homeless-services-provider-accused-of-nepotism-100k-fraud\">debarment proceedings\u003c/a> against the nonprofit. An investigation by Chiu’s office found the nonprofit had falsified more than $100,000 in invoices for shelter maintenance work it never completed and violated its contracts with the city despite warnings over nepotism and other offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had suspended Providence from bidding on or receiving new contracts or grants from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HSH is working with the city attorney’s office to determine the future of the nonprofit’s remaining contracts. Providence has five other contracts with HSH, including one to run the Oasis Hotel family shelter, a navigation center and to provide supportive services and housing voucher programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city attorney’s office investigation found that the nonprofit had falsified invoices for painting and lock removal work at the Oasis Hotel, which it claims was never completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The attorney representing the foundation, Vernon Goins, did not respond to a request for comment. He previously told KQED Providence denied the allegations of fraud, calling them “unfounded and baseless.” He said the organization was cooperating with the investigation “and will take remedial action where appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence’s board president, James Blanding, told the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> he resigned earlier this month and said Providence’s two top executives, Pat Doyle and Kenisha Roach, were put on leave. The city attorney’s investigation accused them of signing off on the allegedly fraudulent invoices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen said interim executive director Dexter Hall has been working closely with HSH since taking charge of the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has ramped up scrutiny of its nonprofits in recent years. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981767/audit-finds-sf-homeless-housing-provider-misspent-taxpayer-money\">city audit released earlier this year\u003c/a> found HomeRise, a leading developer of housing for people exiting homelessness, misspent taxpayer money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: This story was updated to include additional information provided by San Francisco’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "peskin-ballot-measure-aims-to-pay-rent-for-thousands-of-low-income-households-in-sf",
"title": "Peskin Ballot Measure Aims to Pay Rent for Thousands of Low-Income Households in SF",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of impoverished San Francisco seniors and people with disabilities may soon get help paying the rent under a proposed amendment to the city charter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charter amendment, which Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin plans to introduce Tuesday, would dedicate millions of dollars a year to creating a Housing Opportunity Fund primarily to help pay rent for people 62 or older living in affordable housing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A just society takes care of our grandmas and grandpas, our seniors, and our disabled,” Peskin told a crowd of more than 100 supporters gathered Monday in the courtyard of the Mary Helen Rogers Senior Community housing development, where he announced the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential recipient of the new funding is the Senior Operating Subsidy program, which was created in 2019 by the Board of Supervisors and first funded by the California Department of Housing and Community Development. It has helped hundreds of extremely low-income seniors pay their rent so far, Peskin said. However, housing advocates at the event said the city hasn’t consistently funded the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the need for rental assistance among seniors is growing: 18% of San Francisco’s 897,000 residents were seniors in 2020, but that is expected to jump to 26% by 2030, according to a Senior Operating Subsidy program policy brief authored by the city last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Peskin’s new charter amendment, the Housing Opportunity Fund would increase by $8.3 million a year for four years starting in 2026 but would be capped at $33 million in fiscal year 2029–2030. That would help pay rent for roughly 2,200 households, Peskin’s office estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single seniors with a monthly income of $1,500 would qualify, as would single people with a disability making $1,493 monthly. Some families would also qualify, including those with single parents working a full-time minimum-wage job with two kids making $3,111 monthly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Stories' tag='housing']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese seniors who are members of the Community Tenants Association, an organization that supported Peskin’s mayoral campaign kickoff in April, attended the rally in support. They carried signs reading “Real Affordability Now” in English and with Chinese-language messages such as “Waited for 17 years, still no affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization’s president, Wing Hoo Leung, said this measure was long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have many members who have been waiting for senior housing for over 10 years on the waiting list,” Leung said in Cantonese, with the aid of an English-speaking interpreter. “Then some of them finally receive offer of housing, but are then told they do not qualify because their income is way too low. This is not justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal comes as Peskin, who has long counted on the support of Chinatown groups that aid low-income seniors and families, aims to strengthen his bona fides with his core supporters ahead of November’s mayoral election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gen Fujioka, a policy director with the Chinatown Community Development Center, said Peskin’s proposal was based on community frustration. Many tenants would come to the Chinatown Community Development Center’s housing clinic on Clay Street and ask the staff for help when they could no longer afford their rent as they grew older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing clinic staffers often have no city resources to offer extremely low-income seniors, Fujioka told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no place to tell them except when you actually get put on the street, where you go to find shelter. That’s it,” Fujioka said. “That wears down our souls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theresa Flandrich, a North Beach resident \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/2-North-Beach-tenants-landlord-settle-Ellis-Act-6451988.php\">who famously fought back an Ellis Act eviction in 2015\u003c/a>, said the senior housing funding would have given her neighbors another option during their eviction battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My upstairs neighbor actually died during our eviction because there was no place to go,” Flandrich said. “She had crossed the entire city trying to find housing that was affordable, and there were waitlists that were closed for five years, for eight years. And that hasn’t changed much in the last decade because there’s not enough truly affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure does not involve tax increases or bonds; instead, it would draw from the city’s general fund to create the Housing Opportunity Fund, which would exclusively help extremely low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding increases may be a tough sell with the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985465/youth-and-nonprofits-rally-against-cuts-to-sf-family-support-programs\">as the city faces a budget deficit of $1.3 billion over the next five years\u003c/a>. In a December memo, Mayor London Breed asked departments to freeze the creation of new positions and to make reductions. Peskin said he’s open to tweaking the charter amendment should his colleagues have budgetary concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be tough to do,” Peskin said. “But there’s never a good time, and now is the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state-mandated goal for San Francisco to build 82,000 housing units by 2031 may favor the proposal. Of that housing, 14,000 units are supposed to be for extremely low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed by the Board of Supervisors, Peskin’s proposed charter amendment would appear before voters this November and require a simple majority for approval.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of impoverished San Francisco seniors and people with disabilities may soon get help paying the rent under a proposed amendment to the city charter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charter amendment, which Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin plans to introduce Tuesday, would dedicate millions of dollars a year to creating a Housing Opportunity Fund primarily to help pay rent for people 62 or older living in affordable housing developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A just society takes care of our grandmas and grandpas, our seniors, and our disabled,” Peskin told a crowd of more than 100 supporters gathered Monday in the courtyard of the Mary Helen Rogers Senior Community housing development, where he announced the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential recipient of the new funding is the Senior Operating Subsidy program, which was created in 2019 by the Board of Supervisors and first funded by the California Department of Housing and Community Development. It has helped hundreds of extremely low-income seniors pay their rent so far, Peskin said. However, housing advocates at the event said the city hasn’t consistently funded the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the need for rental assistance among seniors is growing: 18% of San Francisco’s 897,000 residents were seniors in 2020, but that is expected to jump to 26% by 2030, according to a Senior Operating Subsidy program policy brief authored by the city last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Peskin’s new charter amendment, the Housing Opportunity Fund would increase by $8.3 million a year for four years starting in 2026 but would be capped at $33 million in fiscal year 2029–2030. That would help pay rent for roughly 2,200 households, Peskin’s office estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single seniors with a monthly income of $1,500 would qualify, as would single people with a disability making $1,493 monthly. Some families would also qualify, including those with single parents working a full-time minimum-wage job with two kids making $3,111 monthly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chinese seniors who are members of the Community Tenants Association, an organization that supported Peskin’s mayoral campaign kickoff in April, attended the rally in support. They carried signs reading “Real Affordability Now” in English and with Chinese-language messages such as “Waited for 17 years, still no affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization’s president, Wing Hoo Leung, said this measure was long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have many members who have been waiting for senior housing for over 10 years on the waiting list,” Leung said in Cantonese, with the aid of an English-speaking interpreter. “Then some of them finally receive offer of housing, but are then told they do not qualify because their income is way too low. This is not justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal comes as Peskin, who has long counted on the support of Chinatown groups that aid low-income seniors and families, aims to strengthen his bona fides with his core supporters ahead of November’s mayoral election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gen Fujioka, a policy director with the Chinatown Community Development Center, said Peskin’s proposal was based on community frustration. Many tenants would come to the Chinatown Community Development Center’s housing clinic on Clay Street and ask the staff for help when they could no longer afford their rent as they grew older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing clinic staffers often have no city resources to offer extremely low-income seniors, Fujioka told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have no place to tell them except when you actually get put on the street, where you go to find shelter. That’s it,” Fujioka said. “That wears down our souls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theresa Flandrich, a North Beach resident \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/2-North-Beach-tenants-landlord-settle-Ellis-Act-6451988.php\">who famously fought back an Ellis Act eviction in 2015\u003c/a>, said the senior housing funding would have given her neighbors another option during their eviction battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My upstairs neighbor actually died during our eviction because there was no place to go,” Flandrich said. “She had crossed the entire city trying to find housing that was affordable, and there were waitlists that were closed for five years, for eight years. And that hasn’t changed much in the last decade because there’s not enough truly affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure does not involve tax increases or bonds; instead, it would draw from the city’s general fund to create the Housing Opportunity Fund, which would exclusively help extremely low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funding increases may be a tough sell with the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985465/youth-and-nonprofits-rally-against-cuts-to-sf-family-support-programs\">as the city faces a budget deficit of $1.3 billion over the next five years\u003c/a>. In a December memo, Mayor London Breed asked departments to freeze the creation of new positions and to make reductions. Peskin said he’s open to tweaking the charter amendment should his colleagues have budgetary concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be tough to do,” Peskin said. “But there’s never a good time, and now is the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state-mandated goal for San Francisco to build 82,000 housing units by 2031 may favor the proposal. Of that housing, 14,000 units are supposed to be for extremely low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed by the Board of Supervisors, Peskin’s proposed charter amendment would appear before voters this November and require a simple majority for approval.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Wants Cities to Plan For More Housing. Cities Say the Rules Are Unclear",
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"content": "\u003cp>State auditors will examine California’s system for reviewing and approving cities’ plans to make way for more homes, which has grown increasingly contentious amid the housing crisis, especially for cities that had long faced little pressure to plan for growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such plans to add a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">certain amount of homes based on population growth\u003c/a>, called housing elements, must be submitted by cities and counties every six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a year, since cities had to get their housing elements approved by the California Department of Housing and Community Development, about a third of Bay Area cities and counties, are still out of compliance with state law — and some cities have raised concerns about the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit approved this week by the Joint Legislative Audit Committee will look at how the state reviews housing elements to make sure the standards are consistent and clear enough for cities and counties to actually follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need the state’s department of housing to provide their best guidance, but there have been problems,” said Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda), who requested the audit. “We have to identify them and fix them so we can do better in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent years, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973653/bay-area-deadline-a-crucial-test-for-californias-housing-crisis\">the state’s housing crisis\u003c/a> grows more dire, Gov. Gavin Newsom has amped up pressure on cities after several years of low targets for the amount of new homes planned for and weak consequences for the many cities whose plans fell short. As a result, cities have had to plan for more housing than ever and face strict rules and steep punishments if they don’t submit compliant housing elements — including fines, lawsuits and a loss of state funding for affordable housing and parks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">the state sued Huntington Beach\u003c/a> for refusing to pass a housing element that could have added more than 13,000 new homes and apartments to the expensive Southern California city. This week, a Superior Court judge ordered the city to pass its housing element. City leaders vowed to appeal that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='related coverage' postID=news_11986281,news_11981595,news_11973653,news_11938267]Pablo Espinoza, director of communications for the Department of Housing and Community Development, said he welcomes the audit and looks forward “to working with the California State Auditor to highlight this important work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are proud of the work we have done to strengthen the Housing Element effort since 2017 to ensure that communities plan for their fair share of housing,” he said in a statement to KQED. “And those changes are working: the number of homes built has gone up every single year of this administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocacy organizations are also interested in the results of this audit. Sonja Trauss, executive director of the pro-development group YIMBY Law, said her organization has its own concerns about the housing element review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular, we have reports from our watchdog and allied organizations that for some cities, HCD repeatedly told them to correct problems in their housing element, the cities never did so, and after some time had elapsed, HCD just went ahead and certified them,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We support more transparency for the housing element process, which the auditor’s report should provide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state auditor will select at least 10 cities with compliant housing elements and the same number of cities that are out of compliance. Included in the review, the audit will look at how clear HCD’s standards are for each city’s housing elements, how consistent the agency’s comments are, and how responsive HCD is for each local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor will likely start the review this fall and is expected to complete it sometime next year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State auditors will examine California’s system for reviewing and approving cities’ plans to make way for more homes, which has grown increasingly contentious amid the housing crisis, especially for cities that had long faced little pressure to plan for growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such plans to add a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">certain amount of homes based on population growth\u003c/a>, called housing elements, must be submitted by cities and counties every six years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a year, since cities had to get their housing elements approved by the California Department of Housing and Community Development, about a third of Bay Area cities and counties, are still out of compliance with state law — and some cities have raised concerns about the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit approved this week by the Joint Legislative Audit Committee will look at how the state reviews housing elements to make sure the standards are consistent and clear enough for cities and counties to actually follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need the state’s department of housing to provide their best guidance, but there have been problems,” said Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda), who requested the audit. “We have to identify them and fix them so we can do better in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pablo Espinoza, director of communications for the Department of Housing and Community Development, said he welcomes the audit and looks forward “to working with the California State Auditor to highlight this important work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are proud of the work we have done to strengthen the Housing Element effort since 2017 to ensure that communities plan for their fair share of housing,” he said in a statement to KQED. “And those changes are working: the number of homes built has gone up every single year of this administration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocacy organizations are also interested in the results of this audit. Sonja Trauss, executive director of the pro-development group YIMBY Law, said her organization has its own concerns about the housing element review process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular, we have reports from our watchdog and allied organizations that for some cities, HCD repeatedly told them to correct problems in their housing element, the cities never did so, and after some time had elapsed, HCD just went ahead and certified them,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We support more transparency for the housing element process, which the auditor’s report should provide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state auditor will select at least 10 cities with compliant housing elements and the same number of cities that are out of compliance. Included in the review, the audit will look at how clear HCD’s standards are for each city’s housing elements, how consistent the agency’s comments are, and how responsive HCD is for each local government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor will likely start the review this fall and is expected to complete it sometime next year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-rising-s-f-political-star-accused-of-rape-and-abuse",
"title": "'I Am Still Haunted': Women Accuse Rising SF Political Star of Rape and Abuse",
"publishDate": 1715767233,
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"headTitle": "‘I Am Still Haunted’: Women Accuse Rising SF Political Star of Rape and Abuse | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Jacobo was a rising star in the progressive wing of San Francisco politics when a colleague \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sashaperigo/status/1423674978948435973\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">publicly accused him of rape in 2021\u003c/a>. At that time, he largely escaped scrutiny from members of his own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Josh Koehn of the San Francisco Standard reported in mid-April, three more women have publicly accused Jacobo of sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say that leaders treated their allegations with indifference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6773718564\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/16/san-francisco-housing-jon-jacobo-accused-of-sex-crimes-abuse/\">Women accused a rising SF political star of rape and abuse—and met a wall of silence\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/09/san-francisco-sexual-assault-hearing-supervisors-police/\">San Francisco created an agency to fight sexual crimes. It’s never met with police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/02/san-francisco-democrats-metoo-sexual-assault-rape/\">San Francisco Democrats are having a #MeToo moment as women share stories of rape, abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hey, just a quick warning before we get started here. This episode describes sexual abuse. Please take care while listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and Welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>There’s a whole network of people who make San Francisco politics and government go round, and that network has been shaken up. And it all centers around a community activist named Jon Jacobo, a once rising political star who was being groomed for the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He was very much someone who was climbing up the ranks, up the ladder of politics, and was seen as someone who could be an heir apparent to become supervisor of the mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Jacobo had been super active in San Francisco’s Mission District and was the director of a powerful affordable housing nonprofit called TODCO. But behind the scenes, women were coming out to accuse Jacobo of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say their stories were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The woman felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today, the allegations against Jon Jacobo and how his political allies turned a blind eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And the last few years, Jon Jacobo has been a community activist in the Mission District of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Josh Keene is a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He served as a director for TODCO, which is one of the most powerful affordable housing nonprofits in the Bay area. He did a lot of work around helping community nonprofits in the mission. He served on the board of a group called Chi Venti Quatro. He also was, instrumental in the Latino Task force. This is someone who was deeply connected in San Francisco politics, particularly when it comes to the progressive wing of Democratic politics in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, how did people describe Jon Jacobo’s personality?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>John Jacobo was described to me as someone who’s very gregarious, can be quite charming, someone who is very astute politically and knows how to make connections. Whether or not those connections are genuine is up to the person who was meeting with him. I was told by multiple people that John Jacobo is someone who can be a little bit manipulative and use, those political connections to get to the next rung of the ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>He’s this rising political star in San Francisco, this really charismatic guy. And then in 2021, a woman named Sasha Perrigo comes out and accuses John Jacobo of rape. What was she alleging? Exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So Sasha Perrigo, in the summer of 2021, published an open letter on Twitter, and it was a seven page document that laid out in very excruciating detail how she felt that Jon Jacobo had raped her in a night in which she had come to his apartment. She had been telling him that, hey, I’m just going to come. We’re going to hang out, you know, maybe have some drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And over the course of the night, she said that he was very aggressive and kept advancing on her until the morning after they were hanging out. She woke up and he forced himself on her, is what she alleged. When Sasha Perego came forward, the document that she published laid out a whole host of allegations, but it also included a rape kit that she took, within the days of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>It sent shockwaves through the whole political community. Not only was this a rising star in politics, but she also worked in the affordable housing space similar to much of Cobo. And so this had layers to it in which people in the housing community, people in the political space, people in Latino politics and the mission, everyone was kind of taken aback by these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I remember this happening and it really being like a bombshell moment. Did Sasha Perrigo pursue charges against Jacobo after this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Sasha decided that she was not going to press charges with police. She had a lot of distrust of the criminal justice system, particularly in the way that it treats communities of color, but also in the way that it treats victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she felt that there were other forms of accountability that could be obtained by coming forward in the fashion that she did. However, she was very disappointed to see that there were not a lot of steps taken. Jacob did step down from a commissioned post with the city, but he retained his job and many of his political allies came to his defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So in other words, there was a little bit of shock, a little bit of a response, but things sort of just fizzled out from there. It sounds like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. For him, I think it was a chance to step back, I think, where his political aspirations were to probably run for supervisor. Those were probably eliminated. But other than that, he very much actually was starting to make a return to the limelight in just the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, Josh, that was three years ago that Sasha Perrigo posted those allegations on Twitter. Flash forward to April of this year, and we’re talking about this now because of a story that you broke for the San Francisco Standard about even more accusations that have come out against Jon Jacobo. What did you find?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Three women actually got in touch with me, and they told me, you know, we have been wanting to tell our story because actually, we filed police reports after Sasha came forward. We went to people in local politics that we knew to try to get their help, and those efforts didn’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s talk about these women and their stories a little bit. I mean, who are these women exactly? Are they people like Sasha who are also sort of working within the realm of local San Francisco politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, very much so. These three women, I have all worked at very high levels of local government and public policy. These are people that are well known in the political space. In some ways, that actually were acted as a detriment to them in trying to get their story out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>What they found is that the people in power, Jacobo’s political allies, were uninterested in hearing their stories, and they also knew that not only was there a potential risk for retribution from him and his allies, but that could end up leading to damage to their professional careers. And they also had fears for their own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they all wanted to remain anonymous and talking with you for this story. Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I reported this story over the course of a year. Lots of interviews, lots of conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What are the range of accusations they make against him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, the accusations are quite horrific. They range from harassment, stalking, domestic violence that included strangulation threats, sexual assault and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Zooming in on one of the women. Actually a former partner of Jacobus. Right. And she actually is the one who accuses him of domestic violence. And I wonder if you could tell me a little bit more about her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The allegations made by the first woman in our story, they started dating in 2015 and they dated for over three years. Almost immediately, he began to abuse her. She didn’t know what to do, and she kind of fell under a trap and felt like she couldn’t get out. The accusations range from breaking their furniture, breaking through doors to get to her, locking her into their home, choking her multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her. She she said that he would point a gun at her and talk about killing her and her family, and we also had audio recordings in which he is heard threatening her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And for the other women, what about them wanted their the allegations they made take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the other two women who are featured in this story, one of them alleged that Jon Jacobo raped her in the winter of 2018. Her allegations are very similar to Sasha Burgos, in which she says that John continued to pester her to come over and see her. She allowed him to come to her apartment. She said, we are not hooking up or anything like that. We can just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she says that almost immediately after he came to her home, he forced himself on her and she froze. Which is not an uncommon experience for many victims of sexual assault. She only later realized through quite a bit of therapy. She said, that this was in fact rape because she had told him no many times as he was removing her pants and forcing himself on her. So the third woman, her incidents there were two occurred in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She says that after a night out in which John had been drinking, she allowed him to stay at her apartment in a common area, and she had roommates. She says that when she woke up in her bed, she thought her boyfriend had come home late. And instead, what she found was that Jacomo had allegedly entered her room, gotten naked and into bed with her, and then tried to force himself on her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That morning, she managed to get him to snap out of it, apparently, and he quickly left and she tried to rationalize it. Which is, again, when we talk about locking up, out of fear or trying to rationalize someone’s behavior because you feel like maybe this is not indicative of who they are. Over time, she kind of stayed away from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then there was a night out with friends later in 2016, in Oakland, in which they went out a group for drinks and dancing and went back to a friend’s house, and she passed out and found out later that her friend actually had to allegedly rescue her from Jacobo, trying to take advantage of her while she was unconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And that friend, who’s a commissioner for the Recreation and Parks Department in Oakland, who actually went on record saying that she felt that if she had not come in and stopped it, that she feels like he would have raped her. So those are the the three incidents in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, yeah, has has reporting these to the police led to anything for these women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the women went to police in the months after Sasha Burgo came forward with her public accusations. All of the women told me that they did not necessarily feel supported or believed. You know, it’s common for law enforcement to try to be very frank with the survivors and let them know these are very difficult cases. We need to get a lot of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But the women I spoke with said this isn’t that this was different. And looking at their police reports, they said that there were a lot of things that were left out. One of the women said she provided evidence that was not even mentioned in her police report. There were also not efforts made. They said, to connect them with outside jurisdictional police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That would also have a role in an investigation. The police would counter that argument, and they have been very aggressive in pushing back, saying that they have done everything they can in these cases. However, the women, their story should not be discounted because they have gone through this and they were very brave to come forward and do all of this from the police reports all the way to, telling the story with me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how these women say the political machine protected Jon Jacobo. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In the first part of this episode, we heard about how multiple women accused Jon Jacobo of sexual abuse, sexual assault, and domestic violence. The three women who talked to Josh keen for this story say they were ignored not only by police but also by people who worked with Jon Jacobo, including former San Francisco supervisor Jane Kim, who hired Jacobo back in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The women felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence. Supervisor Jane Kim, who was his former boss and is now the head of the California Working Families Party. She ran for mayor. She ran for a state senate that she brought Jacobo to a political gala just weeks after Sasha Perrigo accused him of rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then I was also told by a very legitimate source that Jane Kim was working to hire John, an attorney, to deal with Sasha Perrigo’s accusation. So that’s one example. John Oberlin, the head of TODCO. He actually was grooming John to take over Taco’s financial operations, which would then make him a significant political player in deciding how to fund ballot measures polling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So when they saw these reports and then they saw him doing TV interviews for the Mission Street vendors, and they knew that he was back on these community boards, they felt, you know what, we have to get this story out because that the very least, we want to make sure that our story is heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>When it comes to folks like Jane Kim, who are accused of not responding adequately to these accusations against John Jacobus. How has she responded? How has she and others? I mean, in the party responded to accusations that they protected Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I spoke with Jane Kim for this story. It was a very curious response I got from her, because she seemed less concerned with the fact that there were three more women who had disturbing allegations against John, who was a protege of hers, and that they had filed police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she seemed more concerned with the timing of the story, asking me, why is this happening now? Her level of outrage with each answer, and this is just to me, seemed to amplify when she realized the serious nature of what I was asking her. You know, I asked her if she was aware of other allegations against John, and she said, no, no, no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, you know, actually, yes, I had heard from the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee that there might be others out there, but she never pursued it. I have not seen any response from her since the story published in that, probably because there were people who said that she went out of her way to protect Jon Jacobo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Though she denies that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She did deny it. And she said that she’d never tried to help him find an attorney. You know, when it comes to TODCO, TODCO announced the day the story ran that Jon Jacobo had resigned from his position as a director with the housing organization. They said that they were not aware of the extent of the allegations in my story. Despite having an internal review of his work, even the the nonprofits within the mission that he had coordinated with very muted statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Has Jon Jacobo said anything in response to these accusations in your story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>No. Jon Jacobo did not respond to multiple requests for comment, including an email with very detailed questions. And he has not said anything that I have seen since the story published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>After Josh’s story came out in mid April, allegations against other figures in San Francisco politics have surfaced. They include Kevin Ortiz, a former staffer for Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and Jay Chang, who runs the moderate group neighbors for a Better San Francisco. Josh says these stories, regardless of party, show a pattern of people choosing to protect their political allies first. Why do these political figure. What what stake do they have in protecting someone? I guess like Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, in this kind of it’s a, a deeper, complex question, but it comes down to the way that political tribes protect themselves, that if one of us is accused that we have their back, or if we don’t have their back, we just make sure that we can’t be harmed politically as a result of their alleged improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>This is not a partisan issue within the Democratic Party, or even really Democrats and Republicans. There is always going to be this instinct to. Make sure that your click of politics is not harmed, or that you are not personally harmed. And so the the immediate reaction generally is to shut up and and just make sure that, like, let the story go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The media cycles so fast these days that if you can just hunker down for a few days, maybe it’ll blow over. Yeah, but this one has not necessarily blown over. And I think it also just shows that, you know, once you put the lens really on the people hunkering down as well, not just the, accused predator, that a story can maybe have a little bit more impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>As a result of the story, there were two different hearings that were held. One was by the Democratic Party for San Francisco looking into sexual assault and harassment in political spaces. And then there was also a hearing at City Hall called by Supervisor Hillary Ronen to look into a group called sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen: \u003c/strong>Good morning, everyone. First, I really want to thank chair Stephanie and supervisor Mel…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>SHARP Stands for the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention. It’s actually under the umbrella of the Human Rights Commission. And their responsibilities are to advocate for survivors of sexual harassment and assault, and also try and transform the systems in place to address sexual violence in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>In the time that Sharp’s been created in six years, they have had zero meetings with the police department. A captain for the San Francisco Police Department, Alexa O’Brian. She runs the Special Victims Unit. Said that she wasn’t even certain they had had a phone call. Was sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen \u003c/strong>Have you ever met with SHARP and in any way, shape or form?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexa O’Brien: \u003c/strong>I think they have been on a call with us. Share. Like a call that I’ve been on with maybe one of my other partners. The case, they might have showed up on a call, but no, I have never met directly or had a meeting with sharp. I’ve never sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Officials, and it’s a small two person team. Seem to have actually not understood the mission. And instead of actually working with victims to better coordinate, with departments and hold these departments accountable if they’re not seen as supportive, they instead, went out and tried to find victims of sexual assault who were not reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Keene: \u003c/strong>The sharp hearing on May 9th was. I would call it a dog and pony show. I think it was completely worthless, if I’m being honest. It was a lot of, elected officials thanking each other for trying to do the job, but failing miserably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, ultimately, what do survivors want? I mean, I feel like the answer is accountability, I guess. But I mean, could there be criminal charges against Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Every every survivor of sexual assault has, you know, their own priorities. And the women in this story are no different in that sense, in which each of them had a different goal for coming forward, where Sasha Perrigo said that she wanted accountability but did not want to go through the criminal justice system. The three women who came forward in my story say no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>We would like to see him charged with crimes. I will add that the story, does end with Sasha Pago, reconsidering whether to press criminal charges. She wasn’t aware of many of the stories that these women told in in our piece. And so when she saw the totality of this, she was aware of other allegations, but nothing to the extent of what was in the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she said that she was going to have a conversation with police and, you know, decide whether or not to move forward. And if if Sasha Perrigo were to press criminal charges against John Jacomo, there is a possibility that the allegations in my story could be part of a larger, prosecutorial case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, how does all of this ultimately affect. All of us. Josh, right? Like, even if you’re coming to this story for the first time, maybe you’re not plugged in to San Francisco politics. How does this affect the average person?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If you don’t know these people and you don’t vote for these people? It may seem like it’s just like, oh, well, politics is gross and I move on with my day. But my hope is that anyone who reads this story maybe actually says for a second, well, if this is happening to women in power, they are advancing in their careers. And, you know, there’s no way this could happen to them because they’re the people that actually could sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If it’s happening to women like that, then it’s probably happening to women all over. You know, also, if you see behavior, with someone you’re close to and, and there’s some kind of encounter that you know, of, but it’s kind of ambiguous, you know, these are the kind of things that maybe, like, we need to check ourselves and say, okay, maybe, maybe I need to be in more open ear, or I’m more helpful to my friends, family, colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Josh, thank you so much for joining us on the show. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Josh Koehn, a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard. We’ll leave you some links to Josh’s reporting on this topic in our show notes. This 45 minute conversation with Josh was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern, they scored this episode and added all the tape. Our senior editor is Alan Montecillo. Music courtesy of the Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Jacobo was a rising star in the progressive wing of San Francisco politics when a colleague \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sashaperigo/status/1423674978948435973\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">publicly accused him of rape in 2021\u003c/a>. At that time, he largely escaped scrutiny from members of his own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Josh Koehn of the San Francisco Standard reported in mid-April, three more women have publicly accused Jacobo of sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say that leaders treated their allegations with indifference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6773718564\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/16/san-francisco-housing-jon-jacobo-accused-of-sex-crimes-abuse/\">Women accused a rising SF political star of rape and abuse—and met a wall of silence\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/09/san-francisco-sexual-assault-hearing-supervisors-police/\">San Francisco created an agency to fight sexual crimes. It’s never met with police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/02/san-francisco-democrats-metoo-sexual-assault-rape/\">San Francisco Democrats are having a #MeToo moment as women share stories of rape, abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hey, just a quick warning before we get started here. This episode describes sexual abuse. Please take care while listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and Welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>There’s a whole network of people who make San Francisco politics and government go round, and that network has been shaken up. And it all centers around a community activist named Jon Jacobo, a once rising political star who was being groomed for the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He was very much someone who was climbing up the ranks, up the ladder of politics, and was seen as someone who could be an heir apparent to become supervisor of the mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Jacobo had been super active in San Francisco’s Mission District and was the director of a powerful affordable housing nonprofit called TODCO. But behind the scenes, women were coming out to accuse Jacobo of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say their stories were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The woman felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today, the allegations against Jon Jacobo and how his political allies turned a blind eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And the last few years, Jon Jacobo has been a community activist in the Mission District of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Josh Keene is a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He served as a director for TODCO, which is one of the most powerful affordable housing nonprofits in the Bay area. He did a lot of work around helping community nonprofits in the mission. He served on the board of a group called Chi Venti Quatro. He also was, instrumental in the Latino Task force. This is someone who was deeply connected in San Francisco politics, particularly when it comes to the progressive wing of Democratic politics in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, how did people describe Jon Jacobo’s personality?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>John Jacobo was described to me as someone who’s very gregarious, can be quite charming, someone who is very astute politically and knows how to make connections. Whether or not those connections are genuine is up to the person who was meeting with him. I was told by multiple people that John Jacobo is someone who can be a little bit manipulative and use, those political connections to get to the next rung of the ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>He’s this rising political star in San Francisco, this really charismatic guy. And then in 2021, a woman named Sasha Perrigo comes out and accuses John Jacobo of rape. What was she alleging? Exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So Sasha Perrigo, in the summer of 2021, published an open letter on Twitter, and it was a seven page document that laid out in very excruciating detail how she felt that Jon Jacobo had raped her in a night in which she had come to his apartment. She had been telling him that, hey, I’m just going to come. We’re going to hang out, you know, maybe have some drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And over the course of the night, she said that he was very aggressive and kept advancing on her until the morning after they were hanging out. She woke up and he forced himself on her, is what she alleged. When Sasha Perego came forward, the document that she published laid out a whole host of allegations, but it also included a rape kit that she took, within the days of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>It sent shockwaves through the whole political community. Not only was this a rising star in politics, but she also worked in the affordable housing space similar to much of Cobo. And so this had layers to it in which people in the housing community, people in the political space, people in Latino politics and the mission, everyone was kind of taken aback by these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I remember this happening and it really being like a bombshell moment. Did Sasha Perrigo pursue charges against Jacobo after this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Sasha decided that she was not going to press charges with police. She had a lot of distrust of the criminal justice system, particularly in the way that it treats communities of color, but also in the way that it treats victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she felt that there were other forms of accountability that could be obtained by coming forward in the fashion that she did. However, she was very disappointed to see that there were not a lot of steps taken. Jacob did step down from a commissioned post with the city, but he retained his job and many of his political allies came to his defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So in other words, there was a little bit of shock, a little bit of a response, but things sort of just fizzled out from there. It sounds like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. For him, I think it was a chance to step back, I think, where his political aspirations were to probably run for supervisor. Those were probably eliminated. But other than that, he very much actually was starting to make a return to the limelight in just the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, Josh, that was three years ago that Sasha Perrigo posted those allegations on Twitter. Flash forward to April of this year, and we’re talking about this now because of a story that you broke for the San Francisco Standard about even more accusations that have come out against Jon Jacobo. What did you find?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Three women actually got in touch with me, and they told me, you know, we have been wanting to tell our story because actually, we filed police reports after Sasha came forward. We went to people in local politics that we knew to try to get their help, and those efforts didn’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s talk about these women and their stories a little bit. I mean, who are these women exactly? Are they people like Sasha who are also sort of working within the realm of local San Francisco politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, very much so. These three women, I have all worked at very high levels of local government and public policy. These are people that are well known in the political space. In some ways, that actually were acted as a detriment to them in trying to get their story out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>What they found is that the people in power, Jacobo’s political allies, were uninterested in hearing their stories, and they also knew that not only was there a potential risk for retribution from him and his allies, but that could end up leading to damage to their professional careers. And they also had fears for their own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they all wanted to remain anonymous and talking with you for this story. Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I reported this story over the course of a year. Lots of interviews, lots of conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What are the range of accusations they make against him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, the accusations are quite horrific. They range from harassment, stalking, domestic violence that included strangulation threats, sexual assault and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Zooming in on one of the women. Actually a former partner of Jacobus. Right. And she actually is the one who accuses him of domestic violence. And I wonder if you could tell me a little bit more about her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The allegations made by the first woman in our story, they started dating in 2015 and they dated for over three years. Almost immediately, he began to abuse her. She didn’t know what to do, and she kind of fell under a trap and felt like she couldn’t get out. The accusations range from breaking their furniture, breaking through doors to get to her, locking her into their home, choking her multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her. She she said that he would point a gun at her and talk about killing her and her family, and we also had audio recordings in which he is heard threatening her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And for the other women, what about them wanted their the allegations they made take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the other two women who are featured in this story, one of them alleged that Jon Jacobo raped her in the winter of 2018. Her allegations are very similar to Sasha Burgos, in which she says that John continued to pester her to come over and see her. She allowed him to come to her apartment. She said, we are not hooking up or anything like that. We can just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she says that almost immediately after he came to her home, he forced himself on her and she froze. Which is not an uncommon experience for many victims of sexual assault. She only later realized through quite a bit of therapy. She said, that this was in fact rape because she had told him no many times as he was removing her pants and forcing himself on her. So the third woman, her incidents there were two occurred in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She says that after a night out in which John had been drinking, she allowed him to stay at her apartment in a common area, and she had roommates. She says that when she woke up in her bed, she thought her boyfriend had come home late. And instead, what she found was that Jacomo had allegedly entered her room, gotten naked and into bed with her, and then tried to force himself on her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That morning, she managed to get him to snap out of it, apparently, and he quickly left and she tried to rationalize it. Which is, again, when we talk about locking up, out of fear or trying to rationalize someone’s behavior because you feel like maybe this is not indicative of who they are. Over time, she kind of stayed away from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then there was a night out with friends later in 2016, in Oakland, in which they went out a group for drinks and dancing and went back to a friend’s house, and she passed out and found out later that her friend actually had to allegedly rescue her from Jacobo, trying to take advantage of her while she was unconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And that friend, who’s a commissioner for the Recreation and Parks Department in Oakland, who actually went on record saying that she felt that if she had not come in and stopped it, that she feels like he would have raped her. So those are the the three incidents in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, yeah, has has reporting these to the police led to anything for these women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the women went to police in the months after Sasha Burgo came forward with her public accusations. All of the women told me that they did not necessarily feel supported or believed. You know, it’s common for law enforcement to try to be very frank with the survivors and let them know these are very difficult cases. We need to get a lot of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But the women I spoke with said this isn’t that this was different. And looking at their police reports, they said that there were a lot of things that were left out. One of the women said she provided evidence that was not even mentioned in her police report. There were also not efforts made. They said, to connect them with outside jurisdictional police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That would also have a role in an investigation. The police would counter that argument, and they have been very aggressive in pushing back, saying that they have done everything they can in these cases. However, the women, their story should not be discounted because they have gone through this and they were very brave to come forward and do all of this from the police reports all the way to, telling the story with me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how these women say the political machine protected Jon Jacobo. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In the first part of this episode, we heard about how multiple women accused Jon Jacobo of sexual abuse, sexual assault, and domestic violence. The three women who talked to Josh keen for this story say they were ignored not only by police but also by people who worked with Jon Jacobo, including former San Francisco supervisor Jane Kim, who hired Jacobo back in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The women felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence. Supervisor Jane Kim, who was his former boss and is now the head of the California Working Families Party. She ran for mayor. She ran for a state senate that she brought Jacobo to a political gala just weeks after Sasha Perrigo accused him of rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then I was also told by a very legitimate source that Jane Kim was working to hire John, an attorney, to deal with Sasha Perrigo’s accusation. So that’s one example. John Oberlin, the head of TODCO. He actually was grooming John to take over Taco’s financial operations, which would then make him a significant political player in deciding how to fund ballot measures polling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So when they saw these reports and then they saw him doing TV interviews for the Mission Street vendors, and they knew that he was back on these community boards, they felt, you know what, we have to get this story out because that the very least, we want to make sure that our story is heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>When it comes to folks like Jane Kim, who are accused of not responding adequately to these accusations against John Jacobus. How has she responded? How has she and others? I mean, in the party responded to accusations that they protected Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I spoke with Jane Kim for this story. It was a very curious response I got from her, because she seemed less concerned with the fact that there were three more women who had disturbing allegations against John, who was a protege of hers, and that they had filed police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she seemed more concerned with the timing of the story, asking me, why is this happening now? Her level of outrage with each answer, and this is just to me, seemed to amplify when she realized the serious nature of what I was asking her. You know, I asked her if she was aware of other allegations against John, and she said, no, no, no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, you know, actually, yes, I had heard from the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee that there might be others out there, but she never pursued it. I have not seen any response from her since the story published in that, probably because there were people who said that she went out of her way to protect Jon Jacobo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Though she denies that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She did deny it. And she said that she’d never tried to help him find an attorney. You know, when it comes to TODCO, TODCO announced the day the story ran that Jon Jacobo had resigned from his position as a director with the housing organization. They said that they were not aware of the extent of the allegations in my story. Despite having an internal review of his work, even the the nonprofits within the mission that he had coordinated with very muted statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Has Jon Jacobo said anything in response to these accusations in your story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>No. Jon Jacobo did not respond to multiple requests for comment, including an email with very detailed questions. And he has not said anything that I have seen since the story published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>After Josh’s story came out in mid April, allegations against other figures in San Francisco politics have surfaced. They include Kevin Ortiz, a former staffer for Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and Jay Chang, who runs the moderate group neighbors for a Better San Francisco. Josh says these stories, regardless of party, show a pattern of people choosing to protect their political allies first. Why do these political figure. What what stake do they have in protecting someone? I guess like Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, in this kind of it’s a, a deeper, complex question, but it comes down to the way that political tribes protect themselves, that if one of us is accused that we have their back, or if we don’t have their back, we just make sure that we can’t be harmed politically as a result of their alleged improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>This is not a partisan issue within the Democratic Party, or even really Democrats and Republicans. There is always going to be this instinct to. Make sure that your click of politics is not harmed, or that you are not personally harmed. And so the the immediate reaction generally is to shut up and and just make sure that, like, let the story go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The media cycles so fast these days that if you can just hunker down for a few days, maybe it’ll blow over. Yeah, but this one has not necessarily blown over. And I think it also just shows that, you know, once you put the lens really on the people hunkering down as well, not just the, accused predator, that a story can maybe have a little bit more impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>As a result of the story, there were two different hearings that were held. One was by the Democratic Party for San Francisco looking into sexual assault and harassment in political spaces. And then there was also a hearing at City Hall called by Supervisor Hillary Ronen to look into a group called sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen: \u003c/strong>Good morning, everyone. First, I really want to thank chair Stephanie and supervisor Mel…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>SHARP Stands for the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention. It’s actually under the umbrella of the Human Rights Commission. And their responsibilities are to advocate for survivors of sexual harassment and assault, and also try and transform the systems in place to address sexual violence in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>In the time that Sharp’s been created in six years, they have had zero meetings with the police department. A captain for the San Francisco Police Department, Alexa O’Brian. She runs the Special Victims Unit. Said that she wasn’t even certain they had had a phone call. Was sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen \u003c/strong>Have you ever met with SHARP and in any way, shape or form?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexa O’Brien: \u003c/strong>I think they have been on a call with us. Share. Like a call that I’ve been on with maybe one of my other partners. The case, they might have showed up on a call, but no, I have never met directly or had a meeting with sharp. I’ve never sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Officials, and it’s a small two person team. Seem to have actually not understood the mission. And instead of actually working with victims to better coordinate, with departments and hold these departments accountable if they’re not seen as supportive, they instead, went out and tried to find victims of sexual assault who were not reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Keene: \u003c/strong>The sharp hearing on May 9th was. I would call it a dog and pony show. I think it was completely worthless, if I’m being honest. It was a lot of, elected officials thanking each other for trying to do the job, but failing miserably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, ultimately, what do survivors want? I mean, I feel like the answer is accountability, I guess. But I mean, could there be criminal charges against Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Every every survivor of sexual assault has, you know, their own priorities. And the women in this story are no different in that sense, in which each of them had a different goal for coming forward, where Sasha Perrigo said that she wanted accountability but did not want to go through the criminal justice system. The three women who came forward in my story say no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>We would like to see him charged with crimes. I will add that the story, does end with Sasha Pago, reconsidering whether to press criminal charges. She wasn’t aware of many of the stories that these women told in in our piece. And so when she saw the totality of this, she was aware of other allegations, but nothing to the extent of what was in the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she said that she was going to have a conversation with police and, you know, decide whether or not to move forward. And if if Sasha Perrigo were to press criminal charges against John Jacomo, there is a possibility that the allegations in my story could be part of a larger, prosecutorial case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, how does all of this ultimately affect. All of us. Josh, right? Like, even if you’re coming to this story for the first time, maybe you’re not plugged in to San Francisco politics. How does this affect the average person?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If you don’t know these people and you don’t vote for these people? It may seem like it’s just like, oh, well, politics is gross and I move on with my day. But my hope is that anyone who reads this story maybe actually says for a second, well, if this is happening to women in power, they are advancing in their careers. And, you know, there’s no way this could happen to them because they’re the people that actually could sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If it’s happening to women like that, then it’s probably happening to women all over. You know, also, if you see behavior, with someone you’re close to and, and there’s some kind of encounter that you know, of, but it’s kind of ambiguous, you know, these are the kind of things that maybe, like, we need to check ourselves and say, okay, maybe, maybe I need to be in more open ear, or I’m more helpful to my friends, family, colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Josh, thank you so much for joining us on the show. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Josh Koehn, a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard. We’ll leave you some links to Josh’s reporting on this topic in our show notes. This 45 minute conversation with Josh was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern, they scored this episode and added all the tape. Our senior editor is Alan Montecillo. Music courtesy of the Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"headTitle": "California Housing Is Even Less Affordable Than You Think, UC Berkeley Study Says | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>As California tries to claw its way out of its housing affordability crisis, policymakers have been asking the wrong question, according to a new study from UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3YtGCn5zDjCmJQVlu9g94t?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">The study\u003c/a>, published Thursday by researchers at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, argues the classic question — “Is a place affordable?” — should instead be supplanted with a new one: “Who can afford this place?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That might seem like a subtle distinction, said Issi Romem, co-author and founder of economics research firm, \u003ca href=\"https://metrosight.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MetroSight\u003c/a>. But its implications are enormous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The differences are just really stark,” Romem said. “We have been, on a grand scale, misleading ourselves with our current metrics to think they are much more affordable than they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, Romem said, is that those metrics don’t account for a simple truth: People who can’t afford rent or mortgage payments in a place often don’t live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other words, we’ve been saying Beverly Hills is perfectly affordable because the people who live there can afford it,” Romem said. “And we’ve been doing that for a broader geography than just Beverly Hills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To determine whether a given county is affordable, policymakers might look at how many people earning the area’s median income can afford to rent or buy a median-priced home. A home is considered “affordable” if the household’s earners are paying no more than 30% of their income on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To craft a new definition of affordability, Romem, and co-author, Dan Shoag looked at responses to a Census questionnaire that asked whether people felt they could afford their expenses after paying for housing costs comfortably, were doing OK, just getting by, or having difficulty. They then looked at a broader set of Census respondents’ incomes and housing costs and used that as the basis for determining the affordability of each county for all Californians, including those not living in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/o_suCo2OEkuv7Jmlszepp4?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">result is an interactive map\u003c/a> that shows how many Californians could afford to live in each county — which paints a much bleaker picture of the state’s most expensive areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take San Francisco, for example, where the median household income was close to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sanfranciscocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$137,000 in 2022.\u003c/a> Under the classic definition of affordability, 67% of renters are “comfortable” or “doing OK.” However, under the definition Romem and his colleagues created, only 23% of Californians would be able to rent there either comfortably or OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that resonates with 31-year-old software developer Nick Fallon. Until December, when he was laid off from his job, he was making $120,000 and paying $2,650 per month in rent for a one-bedroom apartment in the Castro District. He could afford it but felt like it was impossible to save any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t see a future where I could retire here,” Fallon said. “I don’t see a future where I could have children if I wanted them. Buying a house is completely out of the picture. Ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']But rather than simply showing that expensive places like San Francisco are indeed expensive, the Terner Center’s new tool goes further. It allows users to add transportation and childcare costs and accounts for relative differences in incomes across counties, providing a more nuanced picture of rural areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It shows that access to public transportation makes urban areas more affordable than they might otherwise be, and rural places — where transit is scarce and incomes are relatively lower — end up being less affordable than they would otherwise seem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s something Colin Sanders experienced firsthand when he moved from Oakland to Twain Harte, a small mountain community in Tuolumne County. The 34-year-old mechanic had been splitting a master bedroom in a West Oakland home for $1,600 per month. In 2020, Sanders bought a 900-square-foot, off-grid home in Twain Harte for around $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he can afford the home, Sanders said he was forced to buy a newer, more reliable truck since public transportation is nearly nonexistent, and constantly repairing an older vehicle cost him work. He travels around the county, working as a handyman and electrician, and now pays around $1,100 a month in car payments and fuel, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really underestimated how much I’d be driving and how much I’d be spending on fuel,” Sanders said. “I’m not making much more out here than I did there (in Oakland), and I thought that it would go further, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If policymakers chose to adopt the new definition of affordability, publicly funded affordable housing developers would consider not just the incomes of people who live in the area but also those who might want or need to live there, Romem said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would help solve a problem Teri Baldwin said she sees in her role as a kindergarten teacher and president of the Palo Alto Educators Association. The union is currently working with a developer on a project to \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2023/04/21/new-housing-proposal-looks-to-aid-palo-alto-teachers/\">build affordable housing for Palo Alto teachers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fifth of the development’s 44 apartments will be available to teachers, making between 50% to 80% of Palo Alto’s median income, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/paloaltocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$214,118 in 2022\u003c/a>. The remaining apartments will be reserved for people making between 80% and 120% of the median income. But what counts as an “affordable” rent for people within those income bands is still pretty expensive, Baldwin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still pretty high,” she said. “It’s a high percentage of your salary going towards rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even this “affordable” housing is out of reach for many of the district’s support staff, who make even less than teachers. Baldwin is hoping the state can provide deeper subsidies to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like the state to give incentives, more tax breaks or something like that to developers who want to help,” she said, adding the state should look at ways to build housing that doesn’t tie rents to the median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing that will be difficult this year, as the state faces an \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4850#:~:text=Under%20LAO%20Revenue%20Update%2C%20Budget,budget%20was%20proposed%20in%20January.\">estimated $73 billion deficit\u003c/a>, said Matthew Schwartz, president and CEO of the California Housing Partnership, an affordable housing policy and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deepening subsidies to make it more affordable to some will mean providing less of that housing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a pretty Hobbesian choice, and I don’t think most of us would be in favor of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state already saw affordable housing production shrink last year — dropping from more than 23,500 below-market-rate units in 2022 to just under 14,000 in 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2024-1.pdf\">according to the partnership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remedying the situation will require more money, he said. Schwartz hopes the legislature will support Assemblymember Buffy Wicks’ proposal to put a statewide \u003ca href=\"https://a14.asmdc.org/press-releases/20230425-assemblymember-wicks-announces-aim-put-10b-housing-bond-2024-primary-ballot\">$10 billion affordable housing bond\u003c/a> on the November ballot. A separate \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority/bay-area-affordable-housing-bond\">$10 billion to $20 billion bond measure\u003c/a> is also being proposed for the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw production last year decline by almost one third,” Schwartz said, adding that a big reason for that was the exhaustion of an earlier statewide affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building more deeply affordable housing is not the only solution, Romem argues. Instead, he said the state should encourage developers to build more housing for people at all income levels, which will slow the growth in home prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ensuring that the housing that gets built is actually affordable requires a different approach than one the federal government and California have taken so far, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We value what we measure, and that means that we want to be measuring the right thing,” Romem said. And that requires asking the right question, he said: “How affordable San Francisco or Beverly Hills or Los Angeles are — not just to the people who have been able to make it there — but to the people who would make it there if they could.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California tries to claw its way out of its housing affordability crisis, policymakers have been asking the wrong question, according to a new study from UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/3YtGCn5zDjCmJQVlu9g94t?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">The study\u003c/a>, published Thursday by researchers at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation, argues the classic question — “Is a place affordable?” — should instead be supplanted with a new one: “Who can afford this place?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That might seem like a subtle distinction, said Issi Romem, co-author and founder of economics research firm, \u003ca href=\"https://metrosight.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MetroSight\u003c/a>. But its implications are enormous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The differences are just really stark,” Romem said. “We have been, on a grand scale, misleading ourselves with our current metrics to think they are much more affordable than they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem, Romem said, is that those metrics don’t account for a simple truth: People who can’t afford rent or mortgage payments in a place often don’t live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In other words, we’ve been saying Beverly Hills is perfectly affordable because the people who live there can afford it,” Romem said. “And we’ve been doing that for a broader geography than just Beverly Hills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To determine whether a given county is affordable, policymakers might look at how many people earning the area’s median income can afford to rent or buy a median-priced home. A home is considered “affordable” if the household’s earners are paying no more than 30% of their income on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To craft a new definition of affordability, Romem, and co-author, Dan Shoag looked at responses to a Census questionnaire that asked whether people felt they could afford their expenses after paying for housing costs comfortably, were doing OK, just getting by, or having difficulty. They then looked at a broader set of Census respondents’ incomes and housing costs and used that as the basis for determining the affordability of each county for all Californians, including those not living in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/o_suCo2OEkuv7Jmlszepp4?domain=ternercenter.berkeley.edu\">result is an interactive map\u003c/a> that shows how many Californians could afford to live in each county — which paints a much bleaker picture of the state’s most expensive areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take San Francisco, for example, where the median household income was close to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sanfranciscocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$137,000 in 2022.\u003c/a> Under the classic definition of affordability, 67% of renters are “comfortable” or “doing OK.” However, under the definition Romem and his colleagues created, only 23% of Californians would be able to rent there either comfortably or OK.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an idea that resonates with 31-year-old software developer Nick Fallon. Until December, when he was laid off from his job, he was making $120,000 and paying $2,650 per month in rent for a one-bedroom apartment in the Castro District. He could afford it but felt like it was impossible to save any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t see a future where I could retire here,” Fallon said. “I don’t see a future where I could have children if I wanted them. Buying a house is completely out of the picture. Ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But rather than simply showing that expensive places like San Francisco are indeed expensive, the Terner Center’s new tool goes further. It allows users to add transportation and childcare costs and accounts for relative differences in incomes across counties, providing a more nuanced picture of rural areas than had previously been shown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It shows that access to public transportation makes urban areas more affordable than they might otherwise be, and rural places — where transit is scarce and incomes are relatively lower — end up being less affordable than they would otherwise seem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s something Colin Sanders experienced firsthand when he moved from Oakland to Twain Harte, a small mountain community in Tuolumne County. The 34-year-old mechanic had been splitting a master bedroom in a West Oakland home for $1,600 per month. In 2020, Sanders bought a 900-square-foot, off-grid home in Twain Harte for around $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he can afford the home, Sanders said he was forced to buy a newer, more reliable truck since public transportation is nearly nonexistent, and constantly repairing an older vehicle cost him work. He travels around the county, working as a handyman and electrician, and now pays around $1,100 a month in car payments and fuel, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really underestimated how much I’d be driving and how much I’d be spending on fuel,” Sanders said. “I’m not making much more out here than I did there (in Oakland), and I thought that it would go further, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If policymakers chose to adopt the new definition of affordability, publicly funded affordable housing developers would consider not just the incomes of people who live in the area but also those who might want or need to live there, Romem said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would help solve a problem Teri Baldwin said she sees in her role as a kindergarten teacher and president of the Palo Alto Educators Association. The union is currently working with a developer on a project to \u003ca href=\"https://www.paloaltoonline.com/news/2023/04/21/new-housing-proposal-looks-to-aid-palo-alto-teachers/\">build affordable housing for Palo Alto teachers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fifth of the development’s 44 apartments will be available to teachers, making between 50% to 80% of Palo Alto’s median income, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/paloaltocitycalifornia/PST045222\">$214,118 in 2022\u003c/a>. The remaining apartments will be reserved for people making between 80% and 120% of the median income. But what counts as an “affordable” rent for people within those income bands is still pretty expensive, Baldwin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still pretty high,” she said. “It’s a high percentage of your salary going towards rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even this “affordable” housing is out of reach for many of the district’s support staff, who make even less than teachers. Baldwin is hoping the state can provide deeper subsidies to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like the state to give incentives, more tax breaks or something like that to developers who want to help,” she said, adding the state should look at ways to build housing that doesn’t tie rents to the median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing that will be difficult this year, as the state faces an \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4850#:~:text=Under%20LAO%20Revenue%20Update%2C%20Budget,budget%20was%20proposed%20in%20January.\">estimated $73 billion deficit\u003c/a>, said Matthew Schwartz, president and CEO of the California Housing Partnership, an affordable housing policy and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deepening subsidies to make it more affordable to some will mean providing less of that housing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a pretty Hobbesian choice, and I don’t think most of us would be in favor of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state already saw affordable housing production shrink last year — dropping from more than 23,500 below-market-rate units in 2022 to just under 14,000 in 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://chpc.net/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/California-Affordable-Housing-Needs-Report-2024-1.pdf\">according to the partnership\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remedying the situation will require more money, he said. Schwartz hopes the legislature will support Assemblymember Buffy Wicks’ proposal to put a statewide \u003ca href=\"https://a14.asmdc.org/press-releases/20230425-assemblymember-wicks-announces-aim-put-10b-housing-bond-2024-primary-ballot\">$10 billion affordable housing bond\u003c/a> on the November ballot. A separate \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority/bay-area-affordable-housing-bond\">$10 billion to $20 billion bond measure\u003c/a> is also being proposed for the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw production last year decline by almost one third,” Schwartz said, adding that a big reason for that was the exhaustion of an earlier statewide affordable housing bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building more deeply affordable housing is not the only solution, Romem argues. Instead, he said the state should encourage developers to build more housing for people at all income levels, which will slow the growth in home prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ensuring that the housing that gets built is actually affordable requires a different approach than one the federal government and California have taken so far, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We value what we measure, and that means that we want to be measuring the right thing,” Romem said. And that requires asking the right question, he said: “How affordable San Francisco or Beverly Hills or Los Angeles are — not just to the people who have been able to make it there — but to the people who would make it there if they could.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-homeowners-say-oakland-lender-scammed-them-out-of-3m-in-home-improvements",
"title": "California Homeowners Say Oakland Lender Scammed Them Out of $3M in Home Improvements",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dozens of California homeowners allege an Oakland-based lending company conspired with contractors to issue fraudulent loans for home improvement projects that were never completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 160 complaints have been filed against the financial lending platform, Solar Mosaic, since 2019, according to data from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/data-research/consumer-complaints/search/?date_received_max=2024-04-28&date_received_min=2011-12-01&has_narrative=true&page=1&searchField=all&searchText=solar%20mosaic&size=100&sort=created_date_desc&tab=List\">Consumer Financial Protection Bureau\u003c/a>. And on Monday, a group of nearly 100 people drove from Los Angeles to protest outside Solar Mosaic’s headquarters in downtown Oakland, demanding to meet with the company and seek loan forgiveness and repayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An executive assistant for Solar Mosaic met the protestors on Monday, agreeing to set up a meeting or another resolution in the next week. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mosaic takes homeowner safeguards seriously. We strive to create a positive customer experience for every homeowner who chooses Mosaic to finance their sustainable home improvements,” a spokesperson for Mosaic told KQED in an email. “In the event a homeowner complains, we work with the homeowner to understand their concerns and seek to resolve such concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Robles was among Monday’s demonstrators. The Los Angeles homeowner said Viridi Construction, a construction company working to build an accessory dwelling unit, or in-law apartment, on her property requested $75,000 from Solar Mosaic, which the lender allegedly granted without any prior authorization from her. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m already retired, so if something happened, I wouldn’t be able to recover the money,” said Robles, who is trying to get out of a $75,000 loan, plus nearly $3,000 in interest and fees. “I trusted them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mosaic is currently in litigation with Viridi Construction — which several of the homeowners at Monday’s protest said they had worked with — for breach of contract and “unjust enrichment,” a legal term referring to when one party receives a benefit at the expense of the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mosaic disbursed significant loan funds to Viridi Construction, yet Viridi Construction failed to complete the work it agreed to perform on all projects,” reads the complaint filed on April 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homeowners are demanding that Solar Mosaic cancel more than $3 million in alleged fraudulent loans and reimburse families who have made payments. Mosaic has canceled some, but very few of the loans, homeowners alleged at Monday’s protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984457\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984457\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a denim jean jacket is seen yelling among a group of people wearing yellow shirts leaving a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sergio Vargas (center) and others leave 601 12th St. in Oakland after taking over the building’s lobby, accusing Solar Mosaic of having issued millions in fraudulent loans to California homeowners and demanding they be canceled on April 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These homeowners are grappling with the immense stress of fraudulent loans taken out in their names and being unwittingly involved in home improvement scams,” reads the groups’ demand letter, which they sent to Solar Mosaic executives. “With homes demolished and families facing the specter of foreclosure, the threat of losing their homes looms large, casting a shadow of uncertainty and anxiety over their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robles and nearly 20 other families said they have filed multiple police and FBI reports against the lender. Many homeowners who have issued complaints against Solar Mosaic with the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau are based in California, as well as Florida, Texas and nearly 30 other states.[aside postID=\"news_11982884,science_1991404\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have requested a stop payment and refund from all three companies until the solar panels are working. They agreed to reimburse me. However, I have not heard from them in three months. They have, however, continued to deduct money from my bank account each month,” reads one complaint to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau from a homeowner based on the Peninsula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison \u003ca href=\"https://www.ag.state.mn.us/Office/Communications/2024/docs/SolarLending_Complaint.pdf\">sued four solar lending companies\u003c/a>, including Solar Mosaic, for allegedly misleading customers into taking out loans, hiding fees and other deceptive trade practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lenders I sued today seriously misled consumers by promising cheap credit for solar installation, only to charge huge upfront fees that consumers didn’t know about,” Ellison said in a press release announcing the lawsuit. “Let this lawsuit serve as a warning that I will not tolerate deceptive practices, particularly in an industry that is so important to our collective future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984454\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Several people wearing yellow shirts holds up pieces of paper and signs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Amaya (center) and others from the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment occupy the lobby of 601 12th St. in Oakland, where Solar Mosaic is headquartered. They accuse the company of having issued millions in fraudulent loans to California homeowners and demand that they be canceled on April 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Amaya drove from her home in Hollywood to Oakland to join Monday’s protest. She paid thousands of dollars for her loan in cash and now wonders if she’ll be able to recoup the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They sent an email showing me blueprints of the plans they had finished, but when I went to the city, they had not received any plans or approved a permit or anything,” Amaya said through a Spanish translator on Monday. “That was my life savings, my retirement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amaya found others were in her position after her daughter discovered a \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@tonirobinhoooood?is_from_webapp=1&sender_device=pc\">TikTok\u003c/a> with other Solar Mosaic victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the statewide community advocacy organization, the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Action, organized Monday’s protest. Members said Solar Mosaic allegedly approved loans without proper inspections and paid money to contractors but not homeowners, whose names were on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will continue until they cancel the loans,” Robles said. She told KQED as the protest ended, “I hope we don’t have to come back. If not, you’ll see us more.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dozens of California homeowners allege an Oakland-based lending company conspired with contractors to issue fraudulent loans for home improvement projects that were never completed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 160 complaints have been filed against the financial lending platform, Solar Mosaic, since 2019, according to data from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/data-research/consumer-complaints/search/?date_received_max=2024-04-28&date_received_min=2011-12-01&has_narrative=true&page=1&searchField=all&searchText=solar%20mosaic&size=100&sort=created_date_desc&tab=List\">Consumer Financial Protection Bureau\u003c/a>. And on Monday, a group of nearly 100 people drove from Los Angeles to protest outside Solar Mosaic’s headquarters in downtown Oakland, demanding to meet with the company and seek loan forgiveness and repayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An executive assistant for Solar Mosaic met the protestors on Monday, agreeing to set up a meeting or another resolution in the next week. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mosaic takes homeowner safeguards seriously. We strive to create a positive customer experience for every homeowner who chooses Mosaic to finance their sustainable home improvements,” a spokesperson for Mosaic told KQED in an email. “In the event a homeowner complains, we work with the homeowner to understand their concerns and seek to resolve such concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Julie Robles was among Monday’s demonstrators. The Los Angeles homeowner said Viridi Construction, a construction company working to build an accessory dwelling unit, or in-law apartment, on her property requested $75,000 from Solar Mosaic, which the lender allegedly granted without any prior authorization from her. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m already retired, so if something happened, I wouldn’t be able to recover the money,” said Robles, who is trying to get out of a $75,000 loan, plus nearly $3,000 in interest and fees. “I trusted them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mosaic is currently in litigation with Viridi Construction — which several of the homeowners at Monday’s protest said they had worked with — for breach of contract and “unjust enrichment,” a legal term referring to when one party receives a benefit at the expense of the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mosaic disbursed significant loan funds to Viridi Construction, yet Viridi Construction failed to complete the work it agreed to perform on all projects,” reads the complaint filed on April 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homeowners are demanding that Solar Mosaic cancel more than $3 million in alleged fraudulent loans and reimburse families who have made payments. Mosaic has canceled some, but very few of the loans, homeowners alleged at Monday’s protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984457\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984457\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a denim jean jacket is seen yelling among a group of people wearing yellow shirts leaving a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sergio Vargas (center) and others leave 601 12th St. in Oakland after taking over the building’s lobby, accusing Solar Mosaic of having issued millions in fraudulent loans to California homeowners and demanding they be canceled on April 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These homeowners are grappling with the immense stress of fraudulent loans taken out in their names and being unwittingly involved in home improvement scams,” reads the groups’ demand letter, which they sent to Solar Mosaic executives. “With homes demolished and families facing the specter of foreclosure, the threat of losing their homes looms large, casting a shadow of uncertainty and anxiety over their lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robles and nearly 20 other families said they have filed multiple police and FBI reports against the lender. Many homeowners who have issued complaints against Solar Mosaic with the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau are based in California, as well as Florida, Texas and nearly 30 other states.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have requested a stop payment and refund from all three companies until the solar panels are working. They agreed to reimburse me. However, I have not heard from them in three months. They have, however, continued to deduct money from my bank account each month,” reads one complaint to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau from a homeowner based on the Peninsula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison \u003ca href=\"https://www.ag.state.mn.us/Office/Communications/2024/docs/SolarLending_Complaint.pdf\">sued four solar lending companies\u003c/a>, including Solar Mosaic, for allegedly misleading customers into taking out loans, hiding fees and other deceptive trade practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lenders I sued today seriously misled consumers by promising cheap credit for solar installation, only to charge huge upfront fees that consumers didn’t know about,” Ellison said in a press release announcing the lawsuit. “Let this lawsuit serve as a warning that I will not tolerate deceptive practices, particularly in an industry that is so important to our collective future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984454\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984454\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Several people wearing yellow shirts holds up pieces of paper and signs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240429-SOLAR-MOSAIC-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Amaya (center) and others from the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment occupy the lobby of 601 12th St. in Oakland, where Solar Mosaic is headquartered. They accuse the company of having issued millions in fraudulent loans to California homeowners and demand that they be canceled on April 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maria Amaya drove from her home in Hollywood to Oakland to join Monday’s protest. She paid thousands of dollars for her loan in cash and now wonders if she’ll be able to recoup the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They sent an email showing me blueprints of the plans they had finished, but when I went to the city, they had not received any plans or approved a permit or anything,” Amaya said through a Spanish translator on Monday. “That was my life savings, my retirement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amaya found others were in her position after her daughter discovered a \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@tonirobinhoooood?is_from_webapp=1&sender_device=pc\">TikTok\u003c/a> with other Solar Mosaic victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the statewide community advocacy organization, the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Action, organized Monday’s protest. Members said Solar Mosaic allegedly approved loans without proper inspections and paid money to contractors but not homeowners, whose names were on the loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will continue until they cancel the loans,” Robles said. She told KQED as the protest ended, “I hope we don’t have to come back. If not, you’ll see us more.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "judge-rules-california-split-lot-housing-law-unconstitutional",
"title": "California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is 'Unconstitutional,' Judge Rules",
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"headTitle": "California Law Letting Property Owners Split Lots to Build New Homes Is ‘Unconstitutional,’ Judge Rules | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860308/why-just-allowing-fourplexes-wont-solve-californias-housing-affordability-crisis\">controversial 2021 law\u003c/a> that allows property owners in California to split their lots and build up to two new homes is unconstitutional, a Los Angeles Superior Court judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240422-Los-Angeles-Superior-Court-Judge-ruling-on-SB-9.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The ruling\u003c/a> striking down \u003ca href=\"https://focus.senate.ca.gov/sb9\">Senate Bill 9\u003c/a> only applies to the five Southern California charter cities that were parties to the case: Redondo Beach, Whittier, Carson, Del Mar and Torrance. However, if the case is appealed, the appellate court’s ruling will apply to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/UploadedFiles/LeagueInternet/6b/6bbb4ee3-88f9-4d8f-93ad-0075a7b486c4.pdf\">charter cities\u003c/a> statewide, including San Francisco, Oakland and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, issued on Monday, is a blow to key state leaders, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/16/governor-newsom-signs-historic-legislation-to-boost-californias-housing-supply-and-fight-the-housing-crisis/\">hailed the law\u003c/a> as a way to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">open single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> to desperately needed housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s an endorsement of an opposing idea: that suburban neighborhoods should be reserved for single-family homes, said Chris Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of unease or discomfort with housing laws that are trying to transform single-family-home neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the named defendant in the case, said his office is reviewing the case and would “consider all options in defense of SB 9.” The office of Gov. Gavin Newsom, a supporter of the law, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pam Lee, an attorney with Aleshire & Wynder, who represented the plaintiffs in the case, said the ruling came as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that the stakes were high, but we also knew that it was an uphill battle,” Lee said. “So many of the [housing] laws that have been challenged — in particular, cases against charter cities — have just not been met with a favorable fate.”[aside label=\"more housing coverage\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]Charter cities have special privileges under the state Constitution, Lee said, including the right to enact their own laws. When the state Legislature wants its laws to apply to those charter cities, Lee said lawmakers have to demonstrate the law addresses a statewide concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Judge Curtis Kin said the Legislature didn’t do that in this case. Specifically, SB 9 says its purpose is to “ensure access to affordable housing.” Lee and her colleagues argued that “affordable housing” means something very specific: below-market-rate, deed-restricted housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law doesn’t specifically require property owners to develop that kind of housing, the law is unconstitutional, Kin ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf called that interpretation “kind of silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two homes on each new one, the law promotes the construction of homes that are smaller and therefore relatively more affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is not a house full of idiots,” Elmendorf said, adding the law itself clearly states the Legislature’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), who authored SB 9, called the judge’s ruling “sadly misguided” and vowed to “remedy any loopholes biased city governments might utilize” to block new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assertion by NIMBY city governments that SB 9 is only about subsidized housing is a stretch at best,” said Atkins, who recently stepped down as Senate President Pro Tempore. “The goal of SB 9 has always been to increase equity and accessibility in our neighborhoods while growing our housing supply and production across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it went into effect in 2022, however, the law has produced little in the way of new lots or housing. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">KQED survey\u003c/a> of 16 cities of varying sizes found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot-split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 accessory dwelling units, or in-law apartments, the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers have generally supported the bill but have criticized anti-speculation provisions in the law that require a property owner requesting a lot split to agree to live in the house for at least three years. They have also argued that fees and other barriers cities have imposed have prevented the law from working as intended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins authored a second bill, SB 450, to address some of those issues, but it is currently on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the Legislature’s unwillingness to address those issues demonstrates a certain unease with the law’s intent to open single-family neighborhoods to more housing — even among lawmakers who voted to approve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That unease is reflected in SB 9 itself,” he said. “SB 9 is written with loopholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could easily fix those loopholes, Elmendorf said, just as it can easily remedy the error Kin identified in his ruling. How swiftly it does so will demonstrate how serious lawmakers are about dismantling barriers to housing in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s worth watching the legislative response to this case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so will better answer the question underlying SB 9, Elmendorf added. “Do we really want these traditional single-family home neighborhoods to be transformed into something that’s a little bit different?”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A Los Angeles Superior Court judge this week struck down SB 9, a 2021 California law allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two new homes.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11860308/why-just-allowing-fourplexes-wont-solve-californias-housing-affordability-crisis\">controversial 2021 law\u003c/a> that allows property owners in California to split their lots and build up to two new homes is unconstitutional, a Los Angeles Superior Court judge ruled this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20240422-Los-Angeles-Superior-Court-Judge-ruling-on-SB-9.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The ruling\u003c/a> striking down \u003ca href=\"https://focus.senate.ca.gov/sb9\">Senate Bill 9\u003c/a> only applies to the five Southern California charter cities that were parties to the case: Redondo Beach, Whittier, Carson, Del Mar and Torrance. However, if the case is appealed, the appellate court’s ruling will apply to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/UploadedFiles/LeagueInternet/6b/6bbb4ee3-88f9-4d8f-93ad-0075a7b486c4.pdf\">charter cities\u003c/a> statewide, including San Francisco, Oakland and San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision, issued on Monday, is a blow to key state leaders, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/09/16/governor-newsom-signs-historic-legislation-to-boost-californias-housing-supply-and-fight-the-housing-crisis/\">hailed the law\u003c/a> as a way to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">open single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> to desperately needed housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s an endorsement of an opposing idea: that suburban neighborhoods should be reserved for single-family homes, said Chris Elmendorf, a law professor at UC Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indication of unease or discomfort with housing laws that are trying to transform single-family-home neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the named defendant in the case, said his office is reviewing the case and would “consider all options in defense of SB 9.” The office of Gov. Gavin Newsom, a supporter of the law, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pam Lee, an attorney with Aleshire & Wynder, who represented the plaintiffs in the case, said the ruling came as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew that the stakes were high, but we also knew that it was an uphill battle,” Lee said. “So many of the [housing] laws that have been challenged — in particular, cases against charter cities — have just not been met with a favorable fate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Charter cities have special privileges under the state Constitution, Lee said, including the right to enact their own laws. When the state Legislature wants its laws to apply to those charter cities, Lee said lawmakers have to demonstrate the law addresses a statewide concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Judge Curtis Kin said the Legislature didn’t do that in this case. Specifically, SB 9 says its purpose is to “ensure access to affordable housing.” Lee and her colleagues argued that “affordable housing” means something very specific: below-market-rate, deed-restricted housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law doesn’t specifically require property owners to develop that kind of housing, the law is unconstitutional, Kin ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf called that interpretation “kind of silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By allowing property owners to split their lots and build up to two homes on each new one, the law promotes the construction of homes that are smaller and therefore relatively more affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is not a house full of idiots,” Elmendorf said, adding the law itself clearly states the Legislature’s intent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, state Sen. Toni Atkins (D-San Diego), who authored SB 9, called the judge’s ruling “sadly misguided” and vowed to “remedy any loopholes biased city governments might utilize” to block new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assertion by NIMBY city governments that SB 9 is only about subsidized housing is a stretch at best,” said Atkins, who recently stepped down as Senate President Pro Tempore. “The goal of SB 9 has always been to increase equity and accessibility in our neighborhoods while growing our housing supply and production across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it went into effect in 2022, however, the law has produced little in the way of new lots or housing. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">KQED survey\u003c/a> of 16 cities of varying sizes found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot-split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 accessory dwelling units, or in-law apartments, the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers have generally supported the bill but have criticized anti-speculation provisions in the law that require a property owner requesting a lot split to agree to live in the house for at least three years. They have also argued that fees and other barriers cities have imposed have prevented the law from working as intended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins authored a second bill, SB 450, to address some of those issues, but it is currently on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said the Legislature’s unwillingness to address those issues demonstrates a certain unease with the law’s intent to open single-family neighborhoods to more housing — even among lawmakers who voted to approve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That unease is reflected in SB 9 itself,” he said. “SB 9 is written with loopholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state could easily fix those loopholes, Elmendorf said, just as it can easily remedy the error Kin identified in his ruling. How swiftly it does so will demonstrate how serious lawmakers are about dismantling barriers to housing in single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s worth watching the legislative response to this case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so will better answer the question underlying SB 9, Elmendorf added. “Do we really want these traditional single-family home neighborhoods to be transformed into something that’s a little bit different?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A controversial California law meant to scare cities into allowing more housing could grow a few more teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta announced Tuesday that he is sponsoring AB 1893, a bill by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) that would update the builder’s remedy. The law allows developers to bypass local building rules and receive automatic approval for dense housing developments in jurisdictions that are out of compliance with state housing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1893\">AB 1893\u003c/a> updates the original law to reduce the amount of affordable housing required for builder’s remedy projects — from 20% to 10% — and exempt developments with 10 or fewer units from providing any affordable housing at all. It also clarifies where the projects can be located and establishes standards for how large they can be, among other changes.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Adam Mayberry, architect\"]‘A bill like this would lessen the uncertainty and the risk that developers that have submitted projects are going through.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the bill clarifies “how the builder’s remedy will work in different situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It provides clear and objective standards, to provide greater guidance, more clarity, more certainty as to when the builder’s remedy applies and when projects must be approved,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By reducing the bill’s requirements and providing legal clarity on a law filled with ambiguities could empower more developers to use the law. And since the builder’s remedy only applies to cities or counties that don’t comply with state housing law, Wicks said the bill should further incentivize those jurisdictions to get in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message to local jurisdictions is very clear: The days of shirking your responsibility to your neighbors are over,” she said. “This bill is not about taking away local control. It’s about creating consequences for ignoring the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11945744,news_11938267\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Though the builder’s remedy has been on the books since 1990, developers have only recently been willing to use it. That changed, in part, due to a bevy of new housing laws that have been approved over the past half-decade as the state seeks to spur the construction of some \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In particular, jurisdictions are required to submit plans to the state every eight years detailing where developers can build new housing. But, because of those recent changes to state law, cities and counties not only have to plan for more housing than ever before, they also have to locate more of that housing in neighborhoods with access to highly-rated schools, grocery stores and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s meant that cities and counties have often had to resubmit plans multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Tuesday, 40% of cities and counties across the state were \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-review-and-compliance-report\">out of compliance\u003c/a> with state housing law, and in the Bay Area, 37% were out of compliance — making them potentially vulnerable to builder’s remedy projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, \u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/app9RDx8iUzQMybXB/shrOu16SXIFWr5Bsy/tblCmd5iq08cbtxR8/viwdVopcBuGou2AfK?backgroundColor=green\">at least 93 builder’s remedy projects\u003c/a>, representing 17,000 potential new homes or apartments, have been proposed across California, according to the pro-housing advocacy organization, YIMBY Law, which keeps a running tally — though Sonja Trauss, the organization’s executive director, admits the tally is an undercount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a jurisdiction is in compliance with housing element law, that means they’ve made it possible to build the housing that we need,” Wicks said. “That means that they have zoned to ensure there’s enough land where it’s legal to build housing. They’ve removed constraints so that their approval process is more efficient and objective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without the update proposed under AB 1893, Trauss said the law has been successful “at motivating cities to get in compliance” with state housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking forward to continuing to see positive results in the courts on projects using the existing program, and also looking forward to the improvements this bill promises in making the builder’s remedy even easier to use to build housing faster,” she wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects, however, have faced opposition from cities that have sought to block approvals under the builder’s remedy. In the wealthy Los Angeles-area city of La Cañada Flintridge, for instance, city officials denied an application for a project with 80 mixed-income apartment units, along with hotel and office space, arguing it had “self-certified” its own housing plan, making it immune to the law. Last month, a court \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-court-orders-la-ca%C3%B1ada-flintridge-follow-state-housing#:~:text=OAKLAND%20%E2%80%94%20California%20Attorney%20General%20Rob,did%20not%20have%20a%20compliant\">ruled against the city\u003c/a>, forcing it to proceed with processing the application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1893 clarifies where housing could be built, designating sites already used for housing, retail or office as appropriate and prohibiting projects on or adjacent to industrial sites. It also provides clearer objective standards for development, allowing projects to more than double or sometimes triple the density of housing the jurisdiction currently allows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of which should make it easier for developers to make sure their projects can’t be challenged in court, said Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate with the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It establishes a definitive objective standard,” he said. “This also diminishes the ability for local governments to disapprove projects by adding onerous standards or refusing to process applications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameldin said the projects are more likely to be financially feasible by lowering the requirements to provide affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So what the bill hopes to do is that by lowering the threshold, more projects will be proposed,” he said. “By making [the affordable housing requirement] 10%, then projects could start penciling across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One developer, Sasha Zbrozek, wasted no time submitting an application to build a five-unit townhouse on his property in the Bay Area’s Los Altos Hills. But just a month after he submitted it, city officials found it incomplete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, his project still hasn’t broken ground — a result, he said, of a combination of factors, including high-interest rates and regulatory hurdles. Even with the changes proposed to the builder’s remedy, Zbrozek said it’s unlikely to spur enough housing to make a dent in the state’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve realized that if I want to build homes, that it will need to be in a different state that has fewer and more favorable laws,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A controversial California law meant to scare cities into allowing more housing could grow a few more teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta announced Tuesday that he is sponsoring AB 1893, a bill by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) that would update the builder’s remedy. The law allows developers to bypass local building rules and receive automatic approval for dense housing developments in jurisdictions that are out of compliance with state housing law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1893\">AB 1893\u003c/a> updates the original law to reduce the amount of affordable housing required for builder’s remedy projects — from 20% to 10% — and exempt developments with 10 or fewer units from providing any affordable housing at all. It also clarifies where the projects can be located and establishes standards for how large they can be, among other changes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said the bill clarifies “how the builder’s remedy will work in different situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It provides clear and objective standards, to provide greater guidance, more clarity, more certainty as to when the builder’s remedy applies and when projects must be approved,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By reducing the bill’s requirements and providing legal clarity on a law filled with ambiguities could empower more developers to use the law. And since the builder’s remedy only applies to cities or counties that don’t comply with state housing law, Wicks said the bill should further incentivize those jurisdictions to get in line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message to local jurisdictions is very clear: The days of shirking your responsibility to your neighbors are over,” she said. “This bill is not about taking away local control. It’s about creating consequences for ignoring the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Though the builder’s remedy has been on the books since 1990, developers have only recently been willing to use it. That changed, in part, due to a bevy of new housing laws that have been approved over the past half-decade as the state seeks to spur the construction of some \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In particular, jurisdictions are required to submit plans to the state every eight years detailing where developers can build new housing. But, because of those recent changes to state law, cities and counties not only have to plan for more housing than ever before, they also have to locate more of that housing in neighborhoods with access to highly-rated schools, grocery stores and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s meant that cities and counties have often had to resubmit plans multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Tuesday, 40% of cities and counties across the state were \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-review-and-compliance-report\">out of compliance\u003c/a> with state housing law, and in the Bay Area, 37% were out of compliance — making them potentially vulnerable to builder’s remedy projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past two years, \u003ca href=\"https://airtable.com/app9RDx8iUzQMybXB/shrOu16SXIFWr5Bsy/tblCmd5iq08cbtxR8/viwdVopcBuGou2AfK?backgroundColor=green\">at least 93 builder’s remedy projects\u003c/a>, representing 17,000 potential new homes or apartments, have been proposed across California, according to the pro-housing advocacy organization, YIMBY Law, which keeps a running tally — though Sonja Trauss, the organization’s executive director, admits the tally is an undercount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a jurisdiction is in compliance with housing element law, that means they’ve made it possible to build the housing that we need,” Wicks said. “That means that they have zoned to ensure there’s enough land where it’s legal to build housing. They’ve removed constraints so that their approval process is more efficient and objective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without the update proposed under AB 1893, Trauss said the law has been successful “at motivating cities to get in compliance” with state housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking forward to continuing to see positive results in the courts on projects using the existing program, and also looking forward to the improvements this bill promises in making the builder’s remedy even easier to use to build housing faster,” she wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The projects, however, have faced opposition from cities that have sought to block approvals under the builder’s remedy. In the wealthy Los Angeles-area city of La Cañada Flintridge, for instance, city officials denied an application for a project with 80 mixed-income apartment units, along with hotel and office space, arguing it had “self-certified” its own housing plan, making it immune to the law. Last month, a court \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-court-orders-la-ca%C3%B1ada-flintridge-follow-state-housing#:~:text=OAKLAND%20%E2%80%94%20California%20Attorney%20General%20Rob,did%20not%20have%20a%20compliant\">ruled against the city\u003c/a>, forcing it to proceed with processing the application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1893 clarifies where housing could be built, designating sites already used for housing, retail or office as appropriate and prohibiting projects on or adjacent to industrial sites. It also provides clearer objective standards for development, allowing projects to more than double or sometimes triple the density of housing the jurisdiction currently allows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of which should make it easier for developers to make sure their projects can’t be challenged in court, said Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate with the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It establishes a definitive objective standard,” he said. “This also diminishes the ability for local governments to disapprove projects by adding onerous standards or refusing to process applications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameldin said the projects are more likely to be financially feasible by lowering the requirements to provide affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So what the bill hopes to do is that by lowering the threshold, more projects will be proposed,” he said. “By making [the affordable housing requirement] 10%, then projects could start penciling across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One developer, Sasha Zbrozek, wasted no time submitting an application to build a five-unit townhouse on his property in the Bay Area’s Los Altos Hills. But just a month after he submitted it, city officials found it incomplete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, his project still hasn’t broken ground — a result, he said, of a combination of factors, including high-interest rates and regulatory hurdles. Even with the changes proposed to the builder’s remedy, Zbrozek said it’s unlikely to spur enough housing to make a dent in the state’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve realized that if I want to build homes, that it will need to be in a different state that has fewer and more favorable laws,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Applications open tomorrow for San Francisco’s first affordable housing project prioritizing the city’s public school educators and employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Located in San Francisco’s Sunset District, Shirley Chisholm Village is a 135-unit 100% affordable housing project slated to open in the fall of 2024.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Anne Stanley, communications manager, San Francisco Mayor's Office of Housing and Community Development\"]‘It’s really an opportunity for educators to have an opportunity to afford and to live and contribute to the neighborhoods and the communities where they teach and they work.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who work in San Francisco should be able to afford to live here, especially our teachers who are critical to our community,” said Mayor London Breed in a statement Monday morning. “Shirley Chisholm Village is an example of our work in action to address that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applications to rent or buy a unit can be made through San Francisco’s housing portal, \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">DAHLIA\u003c/a>, and will remain open through Tuesday, April 23. While the initial applications in April are for San Francisco Unified School District educators and employees only, a second application round open to the general public is expected this summer, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.midpen-housing.org/shirley-chisholm-village-2024/\">housing project’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office said eligible applicants will need to provide employment verification, including their SFUSD job code, as part of the initial application on DAHLIA and that applicants \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/get-priority-housing-lottery\">will be further prioritized\u003c/a> if they are eligible for other local housing preference programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a family housing building,” said Anne Stanley, communications manager for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development. “It’s really an opportunity for educators to have an opportunity to afford and to live and contribute to the neighborhoods and the communities where they teach and they work.”[aside postID=\"news_11976959,news_11975156,news_11970993\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Built on the site of a beloved \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/archives/beloved-sunset-district-park-to-make-way-for-teacher-housing/article_64dbdc6f-aef0-56a0-9fcb-7570669a851d.html\">Sunset park called Playland\u003c/a>, the development is named after the first Black woman elected to the U.S. Congress. Shirley Chisholm was a staunch advocate for public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first, 100% affordable educator housing project for the city and county of San Francisco,” Stanley said. “But last year, we did award two new projects to nonprofit developers. So, there are two additional educator housing projects on the horizon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement Monday marks nearly a decade since the Board of Supervisors and the Board of Education passed resolutions supporting the development of educator housing in San Francisco in June 2015. Construction on the site didn’t begin until August 2022, after the project received $24 million in federal low-income housing tax credits as well as funding from banks, a voter-approved general obligation affordable housing bond, and the San Francisco Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Attila Pelit, Spencer Whitney, Sara Hossaini and Azul Dahlstrom Eckman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who work in San Francisco should be able to afford to live here, especially our teachers who are critical to our community,” said Mayor London Breed in a statement Monday morning. “Shirley Chisholm Village is an example of our work in action to address that issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Applications to rent or buy a unit can be made through San Francisco’s housing portal, \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">DAHLIA\u003c/a>, and will remain open through Tuesday, April 23. While the initial applications in April are for San Francisco Unified School District educators and employees only, a second application round open to the general public is expected this summer, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.midpen-housing.org/shirley-chisholm-village-2024/\">housing project’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office said eligible applicants will need to provide employment verification, including their SFUSD job code, as part of the initial application on DAHLIA and that applicants \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/get-priority-housing-lottery\">will be further prioritized\u003c/a> if they are eligible for other local housing preference programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a family housing building,” said Anne Stanley, communications manager for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development. “It’s really an opportunity for educators to have an opportunity to afford and to live and contribute to the neighborhoods and the communities where they teach and they work.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Built on the site of a beloved \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/archives/beloved-sunset-district-park-to-make-way-for-teacher-housing/article_64dbdc6f-aef0-56a0-9fcb-7570669a851d.html\">Sunset park called Playland\u003c/a>, the development is named after the first Black woman elected to the U.S. Congress. Shirley Chisholm was a staunch advocate for public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first, 100% affordable educator housing project for the city and county of San Francisco,” Stanley said. “But last year, we did award two new projects to nonprofit developers. So, there are two additional educator housing projects on the horizon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement Monday marks nearly a decade since the Board of Supervisors and the Board of Education passed resolutions supporting the development of educator housing in San Francisco in June 2015. Construction on the site didn’t begin until August 2022, after the project received $24 million in federal low-income housing tax credits as well as funding from banks, a voter-approved general obligation affordable housing bond, and the San Francisco Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Attila Pelit, Spencer Whitney, Sara Hossaini and Azul Dahlstrom Eckman contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house",
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"content": "\u003cp>Brian and Gail Tremaine moved to East San José 45 years ago for the quiet. On the outskirts of this Silicon Valley city, atop what was once an apricot orchard, the couple kept sheep, goats and horses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They planted mulberry trees along the driveway and carved terraces and patios out of the sloping hillside, but a portion of the 1.7-acre property remained untamed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just become an area where we need to do weed control and keep it clean because the county gets after us if the weeds get too high,” said Brian Tremaine, 75. “We’re getting to the age where we want less land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple first considered building an accessory dwelling unit (ADU) or backyard cottage. But the cost — with estimates ranging from $500,000 to $700,000 — was formidable, Brian Tremaine said, as was the idea of taking out a second mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979558\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979558\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brian and Gail Tremaine stand in the parcel of land that will be carved from their original parcel in San José on March 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s when they learned about \u003ca href=\"https://www.buildcasa.com/\">BuildCasa \u003c/a>— a company that would purchase a portion of their backyard and assist them in splitting the lot under SB 9, a controversial law that went into effect in January 2022. It allows property owners to build up to two duplexes on most single-family properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of its passage, supporters hailed it as the end of single-family zoning in California and an opportunity to spur more housing, while critics worried it would spark a dramatic shift in the makeup of California’s suburban neighborhoods. But in the first two years since the law was in effect, it has produced little in the way of either new lots or housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED survey of 16 cities of varying sizes across the state found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 ADUs the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ih4uc/4/?v=3\" width=\"800\" height=\"620\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a growing cadre of companies is hoping to jumpstart the construction of SB 9 projects by taking on the permitting and development work themselves, as well as making it easier for homeowners to take advantage of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These types of projects are really costly and complicated for a homeowner to take on,” said Ben Bear, co-founder and CEO of BuildCasa. “They’re basically asking the homeowner to be a developer, which, from a financial and capabilities perspective, is a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, \u003ca href=\"https://yardsworth.com/\">Yardsworth\u003c/a> has emerged with a model similar to BuildCasa. But unlike the latter company, which sells the lots to developers, Yardsworth plans to develop the lots themselves and either sell or rent out the new homes. Elsewhere in the state, other companies are specializing in particular aspects of SB 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ben Bear, co-founder and CEO, BuildCasa.\"]‘These types of projects are really costly and complicated for a homeowner to take on. They’re basically asking the homeowner to be a developer, which, from a financial and capabilities perspective, is a challenge.’[/pullquote]Bear said his clients make, on average, just over $100,000 selling the new lot — though in high-priced areas of the state, the amounts have been as high as $400,000. Homeowners get to keep their existing home and mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tradeoff, he said, is a reduction in the value of the existing property by 10% or less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there’s a major positive benefit when you compare those two numbers,” Bear said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether these offers are enticing enough to encourage more homeowners to take advantage of SB 9 remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, is skeptical that these companies alone can kickstart the construction of new housing because few projects are financially viable under SB 9. He said that without changing the law itself, it would likely result in only a smattering of new homes each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do not go back after implementation and reform and fix some of the requirements of [SB 9],” he said, “then what’s the point of even having this big fight in the first place?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Slow uptake\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the law went into effect, many cities implemented their own restrictions on SB 9 projects. Alameldin co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/sb-9-turns-one-applications/\">2023 report\u003c/a> detailing many of them: limitations on the size of new units, open space requirements and burdensome fees, to name a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a story that had been told before — with ADUs, which were first \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/blog/accessory-dwelling-units-adus-in-california/#:~:text=In%202016%2C%20the%20state%20legislature,zoning%20ordinances%20and%20permitting%20processes.\">legalized statewide in 2016\u003c/a>. It took several years and nearly a dozen new laws to reduce regulations and spur construction. In 2016, just over\u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/blog/accessory-dwelling-units-adus-in-california/#:~:text=As%20soon%20as%20the%20first,19%25%20of%20new%20housing%20permits.\"> 1,000 ADUs were approved\u003c/a> across the state. In 2022, there were nearly 25,000 — comprising \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">nearly a fifth\u003c/a> of the state’s estimated housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979557\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The plot of land that will be carved off of Gail and Brian Tremaine’s original lot in San José on March 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t by accident,” Alameldin said. “It was years and years of legislation by multiple authors from the Assembly and Senate, who kept improving the law year after year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Toni Atkins, SB 9’s original author, has introduced a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://sd39.senate.ca.gov/news/20230320-senate-leader-atkins-introduces-legislation-improve-access-oversight-california-home\">SB 450\u003c/a>, that begins to address some of the issues that developers, planning staff and homeowners have faced. It would set a time limit for jurisdictions to approve or reject applications for SB 9 projects and mandate that new housing not be held to stricter design standards than other homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed in the Senate and Assembly last year but was then put on hold. It’s eligible for a floor vote this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Atkins acknowledged the slow rollout of SB 9 and said she was committed to “finding solutions to the housing crisis by building on past legislative efforts, like SB 9.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Implementation of new legislation like SB 9 doesn’t happen overnight; it takes time and thoughtful consideration,” Atkins wrote. “SB 9 is a modest tool that gives homeowners control of housing options that best meet their needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with the proposed changes, some developers said SB 450 doesn’t go far enough. Several said they would like to see an anti-speculation measure removed that requires applicants to live on the property for three years after undergoing a lot split.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so would make the projects more enticing to developers, said Peter Taormina, the managing owner of a development company called Cypress Pacific Investors, who is hoping the provision can be changed in subsequent legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Toni Atkins (D-San Diego)\"]‘Implementation of new legislation like SB 9 doesn’t happen overnight; it takes time and thoughtful consideration. SB 9 is a modest tool that gives homeowners control of housing options that best meet their needs.’[/pullquote]“You’re going to have to let the people that do this for a living, roll up their sleeves and do it,” said Taormina, who is in the process of completing an SB 9 project in Marina, California, that consists of splitting three parcels into six with a home and an in-law unit on each. “The end result will be [that] housing will be created.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matt Lucido, co-founder and CEO of Yardsworth, identified less tangible barriers, as well. Most people simply aren’t aware of the bill, he said, and even if they are, they may be reluctant to sell a portion of their backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a really emotional thing. People are attached to their backyards, even if they don’t use them,” he said. “You’re asking them to carve off a piece of the American dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help potential clients overcome this hurdle, Yardsworth introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://zerodownca.com/\">new offer\u003c/a> earlier this month: The company will fund the down payment on a new home in exchange for a portion of the homebuyer’s yet-to-sentimentalized backyard. Lucido said that can help solve two problems simultaneously — adding housing amid a shortage and helping renters become owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeowners leverage their lots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For those willing to take on an SB 9 project, the leaders of BuildCasa and Yardsworth said their clients tended to fall into two categories: retirees looking to downsize in place — similar to the Tremaines in San José — or younger homeowners hoping to leverage the equity in their properties without taking on debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latter was the case for one of Yardsworth’s clients, former Olympian Jamele Mason, who competed in the 2012 Summer Games in the men’s 400-meter hurdles. Mason bought his South Los Angeles home in February 2020, right before the pandemic lockdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11968455,news_11806332,news_11770372\"]At first, he thought maintaining the large backyard, with its lemon tree and pergola, would be a fun pastime. But, he quickly realized it was more work than pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, I ripped up all the grass that was in the back. I put in artificial turf to try to make it as low maintenance as possible,” he said. “Turns out there is still maintenance that needs to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He learned about Yardsworth while researching ways to pull equity out of his house without having to sell and contacted the company last fall to begin the process. In January, he began working for Yardsworth as a sales manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason, 34, said he plans to use the $135,000 he got from Yardsworth to buy an investment property in Houston, where he grew up. He hopes the additional property will set him up for a more comfortable retirement, something he admitted was a constant worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I put everything I had into purchasing this house,” Mason said. “So, when I found out that I could pull the money out, I was like, ‘Wow, that’s actually a really cool way to leverage what I have.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, homeowners opt to keep their split lots vacant as an investment — either to pass down to their children or sell later. Such was the case with roughly half of Peter Riechers’ 80 or so clients, who are spread out across the state, he said. The president of civil engineering firm Riechers Engineering said he was so motivated by SB 9’s potential that he came out of a 15-year retirement when the law went into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so exciting — still is very exciting,” he said. “You’ve got all this land sitting there, not being used … when it could be used for this housing crisis we have in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Peter Riechers, president, Riechers Engineering\"]‘It was so exciting — still is very exciting. You’ve got all this land sitting there, not being used … when it could be used for this housing crisis we have in California.’[/pullquote]Easton McAllister, the owner of DeBolt Civil Engineering, which is based out of Danville, said his company has taken on at least 50 lot splits. In roughly a dozen cases, he said he’s also offered to complete the work for free in exchange for an option to purchase the newly split lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear whether these companies’ models of shepherding property owners through the process — and then selling the newly split lots or developing them themselves — are in keeping with the spirit of SB 9’s anti-speculation protections. Atkins declined to be interviewed and didn’t respond to a request for comment via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both Mason and the Tremaines said their projects wouldn’t have happened without some kind of professional assistance. Brian Tremaine said he wouldn’t even have known where to start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ever go to the county, it’s impossible. … Who do you talk to?” he said. “That would have taken months — probably years, literally — just to figure it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, Mason is bracing for a duplex to be built behind his single-story home, while the Tremaines said they don’t yet know what kind of home might be built in their backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not what worries Gail Tremaine. The law requires at least 40% of the existing lot to be sectioned off, which, in the Tremaines’ case, made for an awkward gerrymandering of the property. It meant they not only had to carve off the unused portion of their backyard but a portion of their front yard, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of tugs at my heart a little,” she said. “You know, change is always hard. And the older you get, the harder change is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "SB 9, which went into effect in January 2022, allows property owners to split their lot into two parcels and build a duplex on each lot.",
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"title": "These California Companies Want to Buy Your Backyard — and Build a House | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Brian and Gail Tremaine moved to East San José 45 years ago for the quiet. On the outskirts of this Silicon Valley city, atop what was once an apricot orchard, the couple kept sheep, goats and horses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They planted mulberry trees along the driveway and carved terraces and patios out of the sloping hillside, but a portion of the 1.7-acre property remained untamed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just become an area where we need to do weed control and keep it clean because the county gets after us if the weeds get too high,” said Brian Tremaine, 75. “We’re getting to the age where we want less land.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple first considered building an accessory dwelling unit (ADU) or backyard cottage. But the cost — with estimates ranging from $500,000 to $700,000 — was formidable, Brian Tremaine said, as was the idea of taking out a second mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979558\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979558\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-8-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brian and Gail Tremaine stand in the parcel of land that will be carved from their original parcel in San José on March 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That’s when they learned about \u003ca href=\"https://www.buildcasa.com/\">BuildCasa \u003c/a>— a company that would purchase a portion of their backyard and assist them in splitting the lot under SB 9, a controversial law that went into effect in January 2022. It allows property owners to build up to two duplexes on most single-family properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time of its passage, supporters hailed it as the end of single-family zoning in California and an opportunity to spur more housing, while critics worried it would spark a dramatic shift in the makeup of California’s suburban neighborhoods. But in the first two years since the law was in effect, it has produced little in the way of either new lots or housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED survey of 16 cities of varying sizes across the state found that between 2022 and 2023, the cities collectively approved 75 lot split applications and 112 applications for new units under the law. That’s compared to more than 8,800 ADUs the cities permitted during the same time frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ih4uc/4/?v=3\" width=\"800\" height=\"620\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a growing cadre of companies is hoping to jumpstart the construction of SB 9 projects by taking on the permitting and development work themselves, as well as making it easier for homeowners to take advantage of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These types of projects are really costly and complicated for a homeowner to take on,” said Ben Bear, co-founder and CEO of BuildCasa. “They’re basically asking the homeowner to be a developer, which, from a financial and capabilities perspective, is a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, \u003ca href=\"https://yardsworth.com/\">Yardsworth\u003c/a> has emerged with a model similar to BuildCasa. But unlike the latter company, which sells the lots to developers, Yardsworth plans to develop the lots themselves and either sell or rent out the new homes. Elsewhere in the state, other companies are specializing in particular aspects of SB 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bear said his clients make, on average, just over $100,000 selling the new lot — though in high-priced areas of the state, the amounts have been as high as $400,000. Homeowners get to keep their existing home and mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tradeoff, he said, is a reduction in the value of the existing property by 10% or less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there’s a major positive benefit when you compare those two numbers,” Bear said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether these offers are enticing enough to encourage more homeowners to take advantage of SB 9 remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate at the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, is skeptical that these companies alone can kickstart the construction of new housing because few projects are financially viable under SB 9. He said that without changing the law itself, it would likely result in only a smattering of new homes each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do not go back after implementation and reform and fix some of the requirements of [SB 9],” he said, “then what’s the point of even having this big fight in the first place?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Slow uptake\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the law went into effect, many cities implemented their own restrictions on SB 9 projects. Alameldin co-authored a \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/sb-9-turns-one-applications/\">2023 report\u003c/a> detailing many of them: limitations on the size of new units, open space requirements and burdensome fees, to name a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a story that had been told before — with ADUs, which were first \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/blog/accessory-dwelling-units-adus-in-california/#:~:text=In%202016%2C%20the%20state%20legislature,zoning%20ordinances%20and%20permitting%20processes.\">legalized statewide in 2016\u003c/a>. It took several years and nearly a dozen new laws to reduce regulations and spur construction. In 2016, just over\u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/blog/accessory-dwelling-units-adus-in-california/#:~:text=As%20soon%20as%20the%20first,19%25%20of%20new%20housing%20permits.\"> 1,000 ADUs were approved\u003c/a> across the state. In 2022, there were nearly 25,000 — comprising \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">nearly a fifth\u003c/a> of the state’s estimated housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979557\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SANJOSE-KSM-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The plot of land that will be carved off of Gail and Brian Tremaine’s original lot in San José on March 13, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t by accident,” Alameldin said. “It was years and years of legislation by multiple authors from the Assembly and Senate, who kept improving the law year after year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Toni Atkins, SB 9’s original author, has introduced a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://sd39.senate.ca.gov/news/20230320-senate-leader-atkins-introduces-legislation-improve-access-oversight-california-home\">SB 450\u003c/a>, that begins to address some of the issues that developers, planning staff and homeowners have faced. It would set a time limit for jurisdictions to approve or reject applications for SB 9 projects and mandate that new housing not be held to stricter design standards than other homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed in the Senate and Assembly last year but was then put on hold. It’s eligible for a floor vote this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Atkins acknowledged the slow rollout of SB 9 and said she was committed to “finding solutions to the housing crisis by building on past legislative efforts, like SB 9.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Implementation of new legislation like SB 9 doesn’t happen overnight; it takes time and thoughtful consideration,” Atkins wrote. “SB 9 is a modest tool that gives homeowners control of housing options that best meet their needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with the proposed changes, some developers said SB 450 doesn’t go far enough. Several said they would like to see an anti-speculation measure removed that requires applicants to live on the property for three years after undergoing a lot split.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Doing so would make the projects more enticing to developers, said Peter Taormina, the managing owner of a development company called Cypress Pacific Investors, who is hoping the provision can be changed in subsequent legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“You’re going to have to let the people that do this for a living, roll up their sleeves and do it,” said Taormina, who is in the process of completing an SB 9 project in Marina, California, that consists of splitting three parcels into six with a home and an in-law unit on each. “The end result will be [that] housing will be created.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matt Lucido, co-founder and CEO of Yardsworth, identified less tangible barriers, as well. Most people simply aren’t aware of the bill, he said, and even if they are, they may be reluctant to sell a portion of their backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a really emotional thing. People are attached to their backyards, even if they don’t use them,” he said. “You’re asking them to carve off a piece of the American dream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help potential clients overcome this hurdle, Yardsworth introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://zerodownca.com/\">new offer\u003c/a> earlier this month: The company will fund the down payment on a new home in exchange for a portion of the homebuyer’s yet-to-sentimentalized backyard. Lucido said that can help solve two problems simultaneously — adding housing amid a shortage and helping renters become owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeowners leverage their lots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For those willing to take on an SB 9 project, the leaders of BuildCasa and Yardsworth said their clients tended to fall into two categories: retirees looking to downsize in place — similar to the Tremaines in San José — or younger homeowners hoping to leverage the equity in their properties without taking on debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latter was the case for one of Yardsworth’s clients, former Olympian Jamele Mason, who competed in the 2012 Summer Games in the men’s 400-meter hurdles. Mason bought his South Los Angeles home in February 2020, right before the pandemic lockdowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At first, he thought maintaining the large backyard, with its lemon tree and pergola, would be a fun pastime. But, he quickly realized it was more work than pleasure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, I ripped up all the grass that was in the back. I put in artificial turf to try to make it as low maintenance as possible,” he said. “Turns out there is still maintenance that needs to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He learned about Yardsworth while researching ways to pull equity out of his house without having to sell and contacted the company last fall to begin the process. In January, he began working for Yardsworth as a sales manager.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mason, 34, said he plans to use the $135,000 he got from Yardsworth to buy an investment property in Houston, where he grew up. He hopes the additional property will set him up for a more comfortable retirement, something he admitted was a constant worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I put everything I had into purchasing this house,” Mason said. “So, when I found out that I could pull the money out, I was like, ‘Wow, that’s actually a really cool way to leverage what I have.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, homeowners opt to keep their split lots vacant as an investment — either to pass down to their children or sell later. Such was the case with roughly half of Peter Riechers’ 80 or so clients, who are spread out across the state, he said. The president of civil engineering firm Riechers Engineering said he was so motivated by SB 9’s potential that he came out of a 15-year retirement when the law went into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so exciting — still is very exciting,” he said. “You’ve got all this land sitting there, not being used … when it could be used for this housing crisis we have in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It was so exciting — still is very exciting. You’ve got all this land sitting there, not being used … when it could be used for this housing crisis we have in California.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Easton McAllister, the owner of DeBolt Civil Engineering, which is based out of Danville, said his company has taken on at least 50 lot splits. In roughly a dozen cases, he said he’s also offered to complete the work for free in exchange for an option to purchase the newly split lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear whether these companies’ models of shepherding property owners through the process — and then selling the newly split lots or developing them themselves — are in keeping with the spirit of SB 9’s anti-speculation protections. Atkins declined to be interviewed and didn’t respond to a request for comment via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both Mason and the Tremaines said their projects wouldn’t have happened without some kind of professional assistance. Brian Tremaine said he wouldn’t even have known where to start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ever go to the county, it’s impossible. … Who do you talk to?” he said. “That would have taken months — probably years, literally — just to figure it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, Mason is bracing for a duplex to be built behind his single-story home, while the Tremaines said they don’t yet know what kind of home might be built in their backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s not what worries Gail Tremaine. The law requires at least 40% of the existing lot to be sectioned off, which, in the Tremaines’ case, made for an awkward gerrymandering of the property. It meant they not only had to carve off the unused portion of their backyard but a portion of their front yard, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That kind of tugs at my heart a little,” she said. “You know, change is always hard. And the older you get, the harder change is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Guaranteed income has become a buzzword in California as the state struggles to stop people from getting priced out of their homes and landing on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest entity pushing to give cash directly to people in need isn’t a nonprofit or an uber-progressive politician — it’s a massive federal agency not typically known for its innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development is encouraging local housing authorities to experiment with giving cash directly to renters in pilot programs it wants to track. It wants to know if this simplified method, which cuts down on red tape and puts more power in tenants’ hands, works better than its decades-old approach: a voucher system where money flows from the federal government to the local housing authority to the landlord’s pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the tests succeed, they could inspire national change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could be a significant sea change in how HUD implements subsidies,” said Jimar Wilson, vice president of the Southern California market for national housing nonprofit Enterprise Community Partners, which is considering getting involved in the test program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the pilots could help more people find housing by making landlords less likely to discriminate against renters who get federal aid. At least one California housing authority — in Silicon Valley — is very interested in participating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nobody knows what these programs would look like and, most importantly, how they would be funded. Despite advocating for guaranteed income pilot programs, HUD said it can’t use federal money, placing the idea in limbo until funding sources come forward. Santa Clara County’s housing authority has pushed back on HUD’s claim that it can’t use federal money for this purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside link1='https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout,Sold Out - Rethinking Housing in America' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2023/10/horizontal-image-1020x574.png']“HUD doing this and being willing to look at the role of cash aid or direct cash assistance or subsidies in this way is moving in the right direction,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Santa Clara County-based nonprofit Destination: Home. “What would make it incredibly perfect is if they were championing new funding for this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD published \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/pdredge/pdr-edge-frm-asst-sec-090523.html\">an online article in September\u003c/a> calling for nonprofits to partner with it on cash-aid pilots, convened \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/event/quarterlyupdate-November2023.html#:~:text=On%20Thursday%2C%20November%2016%2C%202023,cash%20assistance%20programs%20and%20housing.\">an in-person event in November\u003c/a> to discuss cash aid and has been hosting monthly virtual meetings on the topic attended by nonprofits and housing authorities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD offered CalMatters an interview with one of the September article’s co-authors — then rescinded the offer two days later. Instead, a HUD spokesperson sent an emailed statement that referenced the article, November event, and monthly meetings but failed to address several of CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Biden-Harris Administration has made strides to expand, streamline, and strengthen the (Housing Choice Voucher) program, including continuing to explore a broad range of actions to improve and expand rental assistance for low-income households,” spokesperson Andra Higgs wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why give people cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of giving cash directly to people in need, known as guaranteed income, is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/02/universal-basic-income/\">swiftly gaining traction in California\u003c/a>. Nonprofits, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101895209/concord-launches-guaranteed-income-pilot-as-programs-gain-traction-in-the-bay-area\">cities\u003c/a> and counties throughout the state have launched \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/01/guaranteed-income-program/\">dozens\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934613/gift-is-san-franciscos-guaranteed-income-program-for-transgender-people-heres-how-to-apply\">local programs\u003c/a>. Even Gov. Gavin Newsom recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/Press%20Releases/2023/CDSS-News-Release-Guaranteed-Income-Pilots.pdf\">set aside $35 million (PDF)\u003c/a> to fund a handful of programs testing the idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946467/study-shows-limits-of-stocktons-guaranteed-income-program-during-pandemic\">Early results\u003c/a> suggest this model has helped people become more financially stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philadelphia is already \u003ca href=\"https://phdcphila.org/residents-and-landlords/homebuyers-and-renters/phlhousing-plus/\">testing giving 300 renters cash instead of housing vouchers\u003c/a> — a program \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/19/1238053555/rent-cash-philadelphia-hud-housing-vouchers\">HUD is keeping a close eye on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, cash aid programs have been limited to scattered, small-scale, temporary pilots that lack the resources to scale up. HUD jumping into the ring marks the first time a federal agency is taking a cohesive look at the model and potentially creating a path for it to influence national policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s exciting about this, the fact that the initial call has come from HUD,” said Alexa Rosenberg, who co-leads Enterprise’s economic mobility initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD operates the country’s Housing Choice Voucher program (also known as Section 8), which doles out vouchers to low-income tenants who can’t afford market-rate rent. The program started in the 1970s as an alternative to place-based subsidized housing. Instead of having to rent an apartment in a building specifically designated as affordable housing, the tenant can use the voucher to pay a portion of the rent at any market-rate property. Payments under the voucher system go directly to the landlord, who first has to pass a housing inspection. Tenants pay 30% of their income toward rent, and the voucher covers the rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That system, which is a cornerstone of America’s subsidized housing program, has several problems. People languish for years on waitlists before they get a voucher, and many never get one at all. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/families-wait-years-for-housing-vouchers-due-to-inadequate-funding\">Only about one in four households\u003c/a> eligible for rental assistance receives it, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those tenants lucky enough to score a voucher, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Voucher-Success_Rates.pdf\">about 40% can’t use it (PDF)\u003c/a>: They either can’t find an apartment that meets HUD’s requirements or a landlord willing to accept the voucher, according to HUD data. Though California prohibits landlords from discriminating against a potential tenant based on their source of income, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-19/california-outlawed-section-8-housing-discrimination-why-it-still-persists\">many still refuse to rent to voucher-holders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The direct cash program could eliminate some of those issues. \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdredge/DRA-proposal-9-5-23.pdf\">The housing department (PDF)\u003c/a> envisions allowing the tenant to inspect their own unit rather than having to wait for an official inspection from their local housing authority. And the landlord would not have to sign a contract with the housing authority. Instead, the renter would pay the landlord directly, just like any other renter. Advocates say that could help prevent discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s housing authority is “very interested” in participating, said deputy executive director Angie Garcia-Nguyen. Her team has been attending monthly virtual meetings hosted by HUD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought this would be a good opportunity to learn where we have been a barrier in folks achieving housing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margarita Lares, chief programs officer for the Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles, is less convinced. She worries that without oversight, renters will spend the cash they get from this program on things other than rent — leaving their landlords in the lurch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone within HUD is convinced cash is necessarily the answer, either. The current voucher system is working, said Richard Monocchio, principal deputy assistant secretary of HUD’s Office of Public and Indian Housing. He called it “the best homelessness prevention program of all time.” While he said he has nothing against testing cash aid, he doesn’t think it will prevent discrimination, and he’s focused instead on increasing resources for the existing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to do anything to diminish this program,” he said. “I mean, it’s the largest rental assistance program in history, and it works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980574\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/03/23/the-feds-want-organizations-to-give-cash-straight-to-renters-but-who-will-pay-for-it/sfchroniclehousingcrunch/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11980574\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980574\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With the housing crisis in California, many nonprofit groups and advocates are eager for new ways to improve access to affordable housing. \u003ccite>(Gabrielle Lurie/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>So, who’s paying for this?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s main hang-up when it comes to a cash-aid pilot? A lack of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/pdredge/pdr-edge-frm-asst-sec-090523.html\">HUD said it doesn’t have the authority\u003c/a> to use federal funds to pay for this experiment. Garcia-Nguyen disagrees. She said Santa Clara County, as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/mtw\">HUD’s Moving to Work program\u003c/a> — which is supposed to fund innovation — should be allowed to use federal dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without federal money, Garcia-Nguyen doesn’t see a way forward. Their average housing voucher payment is $2,200 per month. HUD envisions these pilots lasting up to four years, and experts say each one likely would need a few hundred people in order to demonstrate convincing results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to need a lot of money,” Garcia-Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD has indicated it will reconsider its position on Moving to Work funds, Garcia-Nguyen said, and now they’re waiting for the agency’s final determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD declined to comment to CalMatters on the funding question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, HUD expects nonprofits to pay for this effort. But so far, none has committed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t seen our members jumping at this,” said Amanda Misiko Andere, CEO of Funders Together to End Homelessness, an organization made up of homelessness nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Angie Garcia-Nguyen, Santa Clara County housing authority\"]‘We’re going to need a lot of money.’[/pullquote]Housing organizations generally support the concept of cash aid, but are reluctant to be the first one to throw their hat in the ring, said Jeanne Fekade-Sellassie, executive director of Funders for Housing and Opportunity. Before they commit, they want more details about what the programs will look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, HUD’s best bet is likely Enterprise. The national housing nonprofit could act as an umbrella agency that helps coordinate the pilots — making sure they operate with similar guidelines, setting evaluation metrics and bringing together funders, Rosenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enterprise wants a year to plan its approach, pick locations for pilots and identify resources. Just to fund that year of planning, Enterprise will need about $850,000, Rosenberg said. After that, she estimates it would cost between $4.7 million and $7.7 million to fund each pilot for between three and five years, plus an additional $2 or $3 million in infrastructure costs. She hopes they launch at least five pilots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Enterprise isn’t committing to anything until it has funding in hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What comes next for HUD rent experiment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if these pilot programs get off the ground and succeed — essentially proving to the federal government that cash payments work — what happens next is unclear. HUD has promised to watch these pilots carefully and learn from them, and if they work, it could use the data to encourage Congress to fund larger programs where HUD plays a bigger role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any overarching change to the way HUD doles out housing assistance also would require Congressional approval, which is no small feat. That could take years if it happens at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the meantime, HUD could incorporate the change into its policy in smaller ways. For example, HUD could decide that the roughly 130 members of its Moving to Work program (including Santa Clara County) can give cash directly to renters, Rosenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia-Nguyen hopes the pilot program will help spark some sort of federal change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would I see it in my lifetime? I don’t know,” she said. “But I hope to at least be part of it, part of what helped discover it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Guaranteed income has become a buzzword in California as the state struggles to stop people from getting priced out of their homes and landing on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest entity pushing to give cash directly to people in need isn’t a nonprofit or an uber-progressive politician — it’s a massive federal agency not typically known for its innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development is encouraging local housing authorities to experiment with giving cash directly to renters in pilot programs it wants to track. It wants to know if this simplified method, which cuts down on red tape and puts more power in tenants’ hands, works better than its decades-old approach: a voucher system where money flows from the federal government to the local housing authority to the landlord’s pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the tests succeed, they could inspire national change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could be a significant sea change in how HUD implements subsidies,” said Jimar Wilson, vice president of the Southern California market for national housing nonprofit Enterprise Community Partners, which is considering getting involved in the test program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the pilots could help more people find housing by making landlords less likely to discriminate against renters who get federal aid. At least one California housing authority — in Silicon Valley — is very interested in participating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nobody knows what these programs would look like and, most importantly, how they would be funded. Despite advocating for guaranteed income pilot programs, HUD said it can’t use federal money, placing the idea in limbo until funding sources come forward. Santa Clara County’s housing authority has pushed back on HUD’s claim that it can’t use federal money for this purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“HUD doing this and being willing to look at the role of cash aid or direct cash assistance or subsidies in this way is moving in the right direction,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Santa Clara County-based nonprofit Destination: Home. “What would make it incredibly perfect is if they were championing new funding for this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD published \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/pdredge/pdr-edge-frm-asst-sec-090523.html\">an online article in September\u003c/a> calling for nonprofits to partner with it on cash-aid pilots, convened \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/event/quarterlyupdate-November2023.html#:~:text=On%20Thursday%2C%20November%2016%2C%202023,cash%20assistance%20programs%20and%20housing.\">an in-person event in November\u003c/a> to discuss cash aid and has been hosting monthly virtual meetings on the topic attended by nonprofits and housing authorities around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD offered CalMatters an interview with one of the September article’s co-authors — then rescinded the offer two days later. Instead, a HUD spokesperson sent an emailed statement that referenced the article, November event, and monthly meetings but failed to address several of CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Biden-Harris Administration has made strides to expand, streamline, and strengthen the (Housing Choice Voucher) program, including continuing to explore a broad range of actions to improve and expand rental assistance for low-income households,” spokesperson Andra Higgs wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why give people cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of giving cash directly to people in need, known as guaranteed income, is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/02/universal-basic-income/\">swiftly gaining traction in California\u003c/a>. Nonprofits, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101895209/concord-launches-guaranteed-income-pilot-as-programs-gain-traction-in-the-bay-area\">cities\u003c/a> and counties throughout the state have launched \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/01/guaranteed-income-program/\">dozens\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934613/gift-is-san-franciscos-guaranteed-income-program-for-transgender-people-heres-how-to-apply\">local programs\u003c/a>. Even Gov. Gavin Newsom recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/Press%20Releases/2023/CDSS-News-Release-Guaranteed-Income-Pilots.pdf\">set aside $35 million (PDF)\u003c/a> to fund a handful of programs testing the idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946467/study-shows-limits-of-stocktons-guaranteed-income-program-during-pandemic\">Early results\u003c/a> suggest this model has helped people become more financially stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philadelphia is already \u003ca href=\"https://phdcphila.org/residents-and-landlords/homebuyers-and-renters/phlhousing-plus/\">testing giving 300 renters cash instead of housing vouchers\u003c/a> — a program \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/19/1238053555/rent-cash-philadelphia-hud-housing-vouchers\">HUD is keeping a close eye on\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, cash aid programs have been limited to scattered, small-scale, temporary pilots that lack the resources to scale up. HUD jumping into the ring marks the first time a federal agency is taking a cohesive look at the model and potentially creating a path for it to influence national policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s exciting about this, the fact that the initial call has come from HUD,” said Alexa Rosenberg, who co-leads Enterprise’s economic mobility initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD operates the country’s Housing Choice Voucher program (also known as Section 8), which doles out vouchers to low-income tenants who can’t afford market-rate rent. The program started in the 1970s as an alternative to place-based subsidized housing. Instead of having to rent an apartment in a building specifically designated as affordable housing, the tenant can use the voucher to pay a portion of the rent at any market-rate property. Payments under the voucher system go directly to the landlord, who first has to pass a housing inspection. Tenants pay 30% of their income toward rent, and the voucher covers the rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That system, which is a cornerstone of America’s subsidized housing program, has several problems. People languish for years on waitlists before they get a voucher, and many never get one at all. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbpp.org/research/housing/families-wait-years-for-housing-vouchers-due-to-inadequate-funding\">Only about one in four households\u003c/a> eligible for rental assistance receives it, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those tenants lucky enough to score a voucher, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/Voucher-Success_Rates.pdf\">about 40% can’t use it (PDF)\u003c/a>: They either can’t find an apartment that meets HUD’s requirements or a landlord willing to accept the voucher, according to HUD data. Though California prohibits landlords from discriminating against a potential tenant based on their source of income, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-11-19/california-outlawed-section-8-housing-discrimination-why-it-still-persists\">many still refuse to rent to voucher-holders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The direct cash program could eliminate some of those issues. \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdredge/DRA-proposal-9-5-23.pdf\">The housing department (PDF)\u003c/a> envisions allowing the tenant to inspect their own unit rather than having to wait for an official inspection from their local housing authority. And the landlord would not have to sign a contract with the housing authority. Instead, the renter would pay the landlord directly, just like any other renter. Advocates say that could help prevent discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s housing authority is “very interested” in participating, said deputy executive director Angie Garcia-Nguyen. Her team has been attending monthly virtual meetings hosted by HUD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought this would be a good opportunity to learn where we have been a barrier in folks achieving housing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margarita Lares, chief programs officer for the Housing Authority of the City of Los Angeles, is less convinced. She worries that without oversight, renters will spend the cash they get from this program on things other than rent — leaving their landlords in the lurch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone within HUD is convinced cash is necessarily the answer, either. The current voucher system is working, said Richard Monocchio, principal deputy assistant secretary of HUD’s Office of Public and Indian Housing. He called it “the best homelessness prevention program of all time.” While he said he has nothing against testing cash aid, he doesn’t think it will prevent discrimination, and he’s focused instead on increasing resources for the existing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to do anything to diminish this program,” he said. “I mean, it’s the largest rental assistance program in history, and it works.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11980574\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/03/23/the-feds-want-organizations-to-give-cash-straight-to-renters-but-who-will-pay-for-it/sfchroniclehousingcrunch/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11980574\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11980574\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GettyImages-1309172817-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With the housing crisis in California, many nonprofit groups and advocates are eager for new ways to improve access to affordable housing. \u003ccite>(Gabrielle Lurie/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>So, who’s paying for this?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County’s main hang-up when it comes to a cash-aid pilot? A lack of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/pdredge/pdr-edge-frm-asst-sec-090523.html\">HUD said it doesn’t have the authority\u003c/a> to use federal funds to pay for this experiment. Garcia-Nguyen disagrees. She said Santa Clara County, as part of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/mtw\">HUD’s Moving to Work program\u003c/a> — which is supposed to fund innovation — should be allowed to use federal dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without federal money, Garcia-Nguyen doesn’t see a way forward. Their average housing voucher payment is $2,200 per month. HUD envisions these pilots lasting up to four years, and experts say each one likely would need a few hundred people in order to demonstrate convincing results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to need a lot of money,” Garcia-Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD has indicated it will reconsider its position on Moving to Work funds, Garcia-Nguyen said, and now they’re waiting for the agency’s final determination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>HUD declined to comment to CalMatters on the funding question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, HUD expects nonprofits to pay for this effort. But so far, none has committed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t seen our members jumping at this,” said Amanda Misiko Andere, CEO of Funders Together to End Homelessness, an organization made up of homelessness nonprofits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Housing organizations generally support the concept of cash aid, but are reluctant to be the first one to throw their hat in the ring, said Jeanne Fekade-Sellassie, executive director of Funders for Housing and Opportunity. Before they commit, they want more details about what the programs will look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, HUD’s best bet is likely Enterprise. The national housing nonprofit could act as an umbrella agency that helps coordinate the pilots — making sure they operate with similar guidelines, setting evaluation metrics and bringing together funders, Rosenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enterprise wants a year to plan its approach, pick locations for pilots and identify resources. Just to fund that year of planning, Enterprise will need about $850,000, Rosenberg said. After that, she estimates it would cost between $4.7 million and $7.7 million to fund each pilot for between three and five years, plus an additional $2 or $3 million in infrastructure costs. She hopes they launch at least five pilots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Enterprise isn’t committing to anything until it has funding in hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What comes next for HUD rent experiment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if these pilot programs get off the ground and succeed — essentially proving to the federal government that cash payments work — what happens next is unclear. HUD has promised to watch these pilots carefully and learn from them, and if they work, it could use the data to encourage Congress to fund larger programs where HUD plays a bigger role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any overarching change to the way HUD doles out housing assistance also would require Congressional approval, which is no small feat. That could take years if it happens at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the meantime, HUD could incorporate the change into its policy in smaller ways. For example, HUD could decide that the roughly 130 members of its Moving to Work program (including Santa Clara County) can give cash directly to renters, Rosenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia-Nguyen hopes the pilot program will help spark some sort of federal change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Would I see it in my lifetime? I don’t know,” she said. “But I hope to at least be part of it, part of what helped discover it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"order": 9
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
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"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
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"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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