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"content": "\u003cp>\"White working class\" is a phrase that has become an inescapable part of the national conversation ever since Donald Trump won the Republican nomination in 2016. In the year since Trump won the presidency, many have come to view those in the white working class as the key to explaining how he came to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there is a lot of confusion about who exactly the white working class refers to. Some suggest we should stop using the term altogether because it is racially divisive, demographically imprecise and oversimplifies the factors that led to Trump’s victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days after the presidential election, UC Hastings law professor Joan Williams wrote \u003ca href=\"https://hbr.org/2016/11/what-so-many-people-dont-get-about-the-u-s-working-class\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this article\u003c/a> connecting the white working class to President Trump’s victory. It went viral and she has since written a book, \"White Working Class: Overcoming Class Cluelessness in America.\" Williams argues that Trump won in part because Democrats did not have an economic platform that appealed to the white working class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we should be talking about the white working class because that's why we have President Trump,\" Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'I think we should be talking about the white working class because that's why we have President Trump.' \u003ccite>Joan Williams, UC Hastings law professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you look back over the last year, there was first a surge of explanatory postmortem articles like Williams.' Then articles, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/02/the-great-god-trump-and-the-white-working-class\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this piece\u003c/a> in Jacobin, questioned how the phrase is being used to frame the debate about what happened. In the months after the election, \u003ca href=\"https://www.salon.com/2016/12/27/the-invention-of-the-white-working-class-the-phrase-of-the-year-is-racist-hogwash_partner/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">articles began appearing\u003c/a> that pushed back against the use of the term altogether. But now, a year after the election, the phrase remains a large part of conversations and articles about Trump's supporters, policies and his year-old election success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Convenient Narrative?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Williams talks about the white working class, she is referring to a wide range of people. “It’s X-ray radiology technicians who give me my mammogram,” Williams said. “It's plumbers. It's cab drivers. It's a lot of these people who do fundamentally important jobs that make my day-to-day life possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams argues that the elite ignored the \"white working class,\" who have stagnated economically. The workers wanted change, so they voted for Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This narrative is part of the reason Villanova University professor Katie Grimes and others want people to stop using the phrase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grimes, who works on race issues at Villanova, said liberal obsession about the white working class is an attempt to link Trump’s victory primarily to economics. She said that is a neat, convenient narrative, but she does not agree with it and she believes it obscures other potential factors in the election -- issues related to things like race, gender or media coverage. She wrote \u003ca href=\"https://womenintheology.org/2016/11/14/there-is-no-such-thing-as-the-white-working-class/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this piece,\u003c/a> which takes aim at how the term is being used to frame the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I have not seen any evidence that there is something economic about the experience of being a white member of the working class.' \u003ccite>Katie Grimes, Villanova University professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Grimes said continually using the phrase \"white working class\" has another problem. It promotes the idea that there’s a fundamental difference between white workers and those of other races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is a working class, and there are racial groups, but I have not seen any evidence that there is something economic about the experience of being a white member of the working class,” Grimes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>A Term Born Out of Slavery\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"White working class\" has been a racially divisive term since it first appeared about 200 years ago. Katherine Connor Martin is head of U.S. dictionaries at the Oxford English Dictionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first use that I know of was actually discussing the emancipation of enslaved people in Jamaica in 1834,” Martin said. The term came into existence because people wanted to differentiate between white workers and newly freed black slaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin found the term started to become tied to politics in the 1960s, when politicians played up racial divides to get votes. Today, she said, “Overwhelmingly, when people are using the phrase 'white working class,' it seems to be in the context of electoral politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Overwhelmingly when people are using the phrase 'white working class,' it seems to be in the context of electoral politics.' \u003ccite>Katherine Connor Martin, OED\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Martin analyzed a collection of books and articles, and she found that the phrase \"white working class\" is most often followed by the word vote or voter. It’s 10 times more likely to be collocated, or paired, with these words than any other. It is through-and-through an election term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The phrase has been used to explain the victories and losses of many modern presidents, aside from Trump. Reams of articles and books written this year and in the past have linked the white working class to the victories of Republicans like George Bush, Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon. There's another whole genre of stories about how Democrats are losing or have lost the white working-class vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>'An Almost Meaningless Population Segment'\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea that the white working class drove the results of our last presidential election has become broadly accepted, even beyond media commentators. Nathan Richter is a partner at Wakefield Research, which conducted a survey to see how people understand and view the white working class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“U.S. adults overwhelmingly believe that the white working class had a bigger impact than other groups on the election of Trump,” Richter said. “Sixty-eight percent of U.S. adults feel this way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'U.S. adults overwhelmingly believe that the white working class had a bigger impact than other groups on the election of Trump.' \u003ccite>Nathan Richter, Wakefield Research\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Although many pundits associated the white working class with Republican candidates like Trump, that is not how the general public views the demographic. Those surveyed believe that the white working class does not belong to one party or the other. It is not thought to be a base for either Republicans or Democrats, but rather up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11621737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-800x216.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"216\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-800x216.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-160x43.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-240x65.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-375x101.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-520x141.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation.png 888w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Read the rest of the survey in the document below. \u003ccite>(Wakefield Research)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those surveyed had vastly different connotations for the phrase. Around two-thirds of respondents view \"white working class\" as a positive term -- one that implies hard work. The third who see the phrase negatively associate it with things like racism, laziness or poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem with this term when it comes to demographics, Richter said, is that the “working class” category is so broad it doesn’t tell us that much. If you go back to your Marx, \"working class\" refers to anyone who sells labor for a wage -- so, most of us. Today, the official definition used by election pollsters is anyone over age 25 without a four-year degree. It does not refer to particular jobs or income levels. You could be a manual laborer who dropped out of high school or college dropout Mark Zuckerberg -- before he got his honorary degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you look at those who self-identify as working class, the term becomes even broader. In Richter’s survey, 73 percent of people said working class describes them perfectly or somewhat. That number was consistent regardless of education or income level. You can see more results of the Wakefield survey at the end of this post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621730\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11621730\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-800x254.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"254\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-800x254.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-160x51.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-240x76.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-375x119.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-520x165.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description.png 839w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Most Americans in this survey describe themselves as \"working class.\" \u003ccite>(Wakefield Research)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These terms, ‘working class’ or ‘white working class,’ are very useful as rhetoric, and they're effective tools for addressing large groups of Americans,\" Richter said. \"But that's where their utility ends. As a population segment, they're almost meaningless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, this is the same argument that UC Hastings law professor Joan Williams makes about \"middle class\": that too many different kinds of Americans self-identify as part of the category. In \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/4899906/donald-trump-white-working-class/\">this article\u003c/a> for Time, Williams fleshes out her arguments for using \"working class\" instead of \"middle class.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Class Consciousnessless\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the term “white working class” is broad, it actually evokes a narrow image of today’s workers, says Peter Rachleff, a professor and labor historian at Macalester College in Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachleff said the term calls to mind someone who is blue collar, works with their hands, masculine, an everyday American. But today many workers are women and minorities, and they do service jobs, not manual labor. Rachleff said the term is nostalgic and imprecise, “but it’s also the tip of an iceberg that might lead us into deeper analysis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deeper analysis is what we need, Rachleff said. For a long time America has avoided talking about class at all; hopefully, he said, this imperfect term opens a conversation that has been shut for far too long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/4066858/Wakefield-20Research-20WWC-20Survey-20Memo-208.pdf\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\"White working class\" is a phrase that has become an inescapable part of the national conversation ever since Donald Trump won the Republican nomination in 2016. In the year since Trump won the presidency, many have come to view those in the white working class as the key to explaining how he came to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there is a lot of confusion about who exactly the white working class refers to. Some suggest we should stop using the term altogether because it is racially divisive, demographically imprecise and oversimplifies the factors that led to Trump’s victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two days after the presidential election, UC Hastings law professor Joan Williams wrote \u003ca href=\"https://hbr.org/2016/11/what-so-many-people-dont-get-about-the-u-s-working-class\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this article\u003c/a> connecting the white working class to President Trump’s victory. It went viral and she has since written a book, \"White Working Class: Overcoming Class Cluelessness in America.\" Williams argues that Trump won in part because Democrats did not have an economic platform that appealed to the white working class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we should be talking about the white working class because that's why we have President Trump,\" Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'I think we should be talking about the white working class because that's why we have President Trump.' \u003ccite>Joan Williams, UC Hastings law professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you look back over the last year, there was first a surge of explanatory postmortem articles like Williams.' Then articles, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/02/the-great-god-trump-and-the-white-working-class\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this piece\u003c/a> in Jacobin, questioned how the phrase is being used to frame the debate about what happened. In the months after the election, \u003ca href=\"https://www.salon.com/2016/12/27/the-invention-of-the-white-working-class-the-phrase-of-the-year-is-racist-hogwash_partner/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">articles began appearing\u003c/a> that pushed back against the use of the term altogether. But now, a year after the election, the phrase remains a large part of conversations and articles about Trump's supporters, policies and his year-old election success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Convenient Narrative?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Williams talks about the white working class, she is referring to a wide range of people. “It’s X-ray radiology technicians who give me my mammogram,” Williams said. “It's plumbers. It's cab drivers. It's a lot of these people who do fundamentally important jobs that make my day-to-day life possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams argues that the elite ignored the \"white working class,\" who have stagnated economically. The workers wanted change, so they voted for Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This narrative is part of the reason Villanova University professor Katie Grimes and others want people to stop using the phrase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grimes, who works on race issues at Villanova, said liberal obsession about the white working class is an attempt to link Trump’s victory primarily to economics. She said that is a neat, convenient narrative, but she does not agree with it and she believes it obscures other potential factors in the election -- issues related to things like race, gender or media coverage. She wrote \u003ca href=\"https://womenintheology.org/2016/11/14/there-is-no-such-thing-as-the-white-working-class/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">this piece,\u003c/a> which takes aim at how the term is being used to frame the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I have not seen any evidence that there is something economic about the experience of being a white member of the working class.' \u003ccite>Katie Grimes, Villanova University professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Grimes said continually using the phrase \"white working class\" has another problem. It promotes the idea that there’s a fundamental difference between white workers and those of other races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is a working class, and there are racial groups, but I have not seen any evidence that there is something economic about the experience of being a white member of the working class,” Grimes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>A Term Born Out of Slavery\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"White working class\" has been a racially divisive term since it first appeared about 200 years ago. Katherine Connor Martin is head of U.S. dictionaries at the Oxford English Dictionary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first use that I know of was actually discussing the emancipation of enslaved people in Jamaica in 1834,” Martin said. The term came into existence because people wanted to differentiate between white workers and newly freed black slaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin found the term started to become tied to politics in the 1960s, when politicians played up racial divides to get votes. Today, she said, “Overwhelmingly, when people are using the phrase 'white working class,' it seems to be in the context of electoral politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Overwhelmingly when people are using the phrase 'white working class,' it seems to be in the context of electoral politics.' \u003ccite>Katherine Connor Martin, OED\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Martin analyzed a collection of books and articles, and she found that the phrase \"white working class\" is most often followed by the word vote or voter. It’s 10 times more likely to be collocated, or paired, with these words than any other. It is through-and-through an election term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The phrase has been used to explain the victories and losses of many modern presidents, aside from Trump. Reams of articles and books written this year and in the past have linked the white working class to the victories of Republicans like George Bush, Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon. There's another whole genre of stories about how Democrats are losing or have lost the white working-class vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>'An Almost Meaningless Population Segment'\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea that the white working class drove the results of our last presidential election has become broadly accepted, even beyond media commentators. Nathan Richter is a partner at Wakefield Research, which conducted a survey to see how people understand and view the white working class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“U.S. adults overwhelmingly believe that the white working class had a bigger impact than other groups on the election of Trump,” Richter said. “Sixty-eight percent of U.S. adults feel this way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'U.S. adults overwhelmingly believe that the white working class had a bigger impact than other groups on the election of Trump.' \u003ccite>Nathan Richter, Wakefield Research\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Although many pundits associated the white working class with Republican candidates like Trump, that is not how the general public views the demographic. Those surveyed believe that the white working class does not belong to one party or the other. It is not thought to be a base for either Republicans or Democrats, but rather up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11621737\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-800x216.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"216\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-800x216.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-160x43.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-240x65.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-375x101.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation-520x141.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Party-Affiliation.png 888w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Read the rest of the survey in the document below. \u003ccite>(Wakefield Research)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those surveyed had vastly different connotations for the phrase. Around two-thirds of respondents view \"white working class\" as a positive term -- one that implies hard work. The third who see the phrase negatively associate it with things like racism, laziness or poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem with this term when it comes to demographics, Richter said, is that the “working class” category is so broad it doesn’t tell us that much. If you go back to your Marx, \"working class\" refers to anyone who sells labor for a wage -- so, most of us. Today, the official definition used by election pollsters is anyone over age 25 without a four-year degree. It does not refer to particular jobs or income levels. You could be a manual laborer who dropped out of high school or college dropout Mark Zuckerberg -- before he got his honorary degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you look at those who self-identify as working class, the term becomes even broader. In Richter’s survey, 73 percent of people said working class describes them perfectly or somewhat. That number was consistent regardless of education or income level. You can see more results of the Wakefield survey at the end of this post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11621730\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11621730\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-800x254.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"254\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-800x254.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-160x51.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-240x76.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-375x119.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description-520x165.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/Description.png 839w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Most Americans in this survey describe themselves as \"working class.\" \u003ccite>(Wakefield Research)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These terms, ‘working class’ or ‘white working class,’ are very useful as rhetoric, and they're effective tools for addressing large groups of Americans,\" Richter said. \"But that's where their utility ends. As a population segment, they're almost meaningless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, this is the same argument that UC Hastings law professor Joan Williams makes about \"middle class\": that too many different kinds of Americans self-identify as part of the category. In \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/4899906/donald-trump-white-working-class/\">this article\u003c/a> for Time, Williams fleshes out her arguments for using \"working class\" instead of \"middle class.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Class Consciousnessless\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the term “white working class” is broad, it actually evokes a narrow image of today’s workers, says Peter Rachleff, a professor and labor historian at Macalester College in Minnesota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachleff said the term calls to mind someone who is blue collar, works with their hands, masculine, an everyday American. But today many workers are women and minorities, and they do service jobs, not manual labor. Rachleff said the term is nostalgic and imprecise, “but it’s also the tip of an iceberg that might lead us into deeper analysis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deeper analysis is what we need, Rachleff said. For a long time America has avoided talking about class at all; hopefully, he said, this imperfect term opens a conversation that has been shut for far too long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Ecologists Strike Back Against Invasive Green Crabs",
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"content": "\u003cp>As far as crabs go, the European green crab might not look like much. They're small -- only about 4 inches wide -- and lack the giant claws of fiddler crabs or spindly limbs of king crabs. But don’t be fooled. Green crabs are voracious predators that rank among the world’s \u003ca href=\"http://rewilding.org/rewildit/images/IUCN-GISP.pdf\">worst invasive species\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists estimate green crabs cost the fishing industry close to $19 million annually \u003ca href=\"https://yosemite.epa.gov/ee/epa/eerm.nsf/vwAN/EE-0513-01.pdf/%24file/EE-0513-01.pdf\">on the East Coast alone\u003c/a>. And in recent years, they have been spotted along the West Coast from Monterey Bay to British Columbia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A consortium of California ecologists, dubbed the \u003ca href=\"http://www.des.ucdavis.edu/faculty/grosholz/GreenCrab/index.html\">Green Crab Project,\u003c/a> is striking back. The team has been removing thousands of European green crabs from a small inlet north of San Francisco called Seadrift Lagoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This sleepy Marin County vacation spot holds the highest concentration of the invasive species on the West Coast. When the Green Crab Project launched in 2009, the crabs' population in Seadrift approached 90,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/11/InvasiveCrabsArcuni.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27838_Green-Crab-1-uncropped-1920x1082.jpg\" Title=\"Ecologists Strike Back Against Invasive Green Crabs\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People around here tell stories about how they would walk into the lagoon or start swimming in the lagoon, and the crabs would be crawling over their feet and legs,” said Kate Bimrose, who coordinates the project for the \u003ca href=\"http://farallones.org/\">Greater Farallones Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bimrose and her colleagues make weekly trips to Seadrift each summer, hauling out hundreds of crabs a day from traps off single-seat kayaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bimrose says green crabs pose a serious threat to commercial fisheries in the region because they decimate populations of native clams, mussels and other crabs. The ripple effects threaten the entire coastal food web, from Dungeness crab to large fish and shorebirds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ecological and economic fallout has yet to reach the levels observed on the East Coast. But scientists like Ted Grosholz, whose lab at UC Davis is a major contributor to the Green Crab Project, believes it may only be a matter of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They seem to be able to make their way into new places and then adapt to new conditions,” Grosholz said. “So there is the very real concern that the number of green crabs could increase dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green crabs were first observed on the West Coast in San Francisco Bay in 1989. Researchers think they hitchhiked here in boxes of live fishing bait shipped from the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628298\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-800x451.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"451\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-800x451.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-1020x575.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-1180x665.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-960x541.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A female European green crab gravid with eggs. Ecologists say a single female can disperse up to a million eggs over its life span. \u003ccite>(Peter Arcuni/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once established, the crabs can spread to other bays in the ballast waters of ships or on currents in the larval state. And because Seadrift exchanges water with the adjacent Bolinas Lagoon -- which connects to a larger system of currents -- the crabs here have potential to fuel a much larger population boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grosholz says the removal efforts in Seadrift have been a proving ground for how to best control invasive species.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, after the team had removed most of the larger adult crabs from the lagoon, they saw the population skyrocket to over 300,000. It turns outs the adults cannibalize baby green crabs, keeping the population in check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"jYl1WBVonvGO08ORcrZn52Hj5RxIPFRN\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we did was undertake a management method, to find it failed horribly,” Grosholz said. “So now we have a strong recommendation for future efforts to control species like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grosholz's findings help support an environmental theory known as overcompensation. The idea posits that controlling an invasive species can backfire unless it's possible to remove every individual at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team now leaves a number of adult crabs in the lagoon so the population can, in part, manage itself. Grosholz says introducing other predatory species like leopard sharks could also help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628300\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628300\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-800x451.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"451\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-800x451.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-1020x575.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-1180x665.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-960x541.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A plastic tub filled with green crabs pulled from Seadrift Lagoon one morning in August. \u003ccite>(Peter Arcuni/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The population of green crabs in Seadrift has now dropped below 40,000. That's a much more manageable number, according to Grosholz -- though he admits there is still an element of “wait and worry” when it comes to the fate of the West Coast green crab invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Chang, an ecologist with the Green Crab Project, likens the challenge of fending off the invasion to figuring out how to “put the toothpaste back in the tube.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of trial and error, Bimrose says they have begun to see the return of other species to Seadrift Lagoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When we first started this project, there weren’t much in the way of other species. Pretty much everything you got was all green crabs,\" she said. This summer, the team started seeing a small number of shrimp and fish, and even a handful of other crabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what happens to the thousands of green crabs pulled from Seadrift each year? So far, their best use is as fertilizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have been told by the farm owners that the green crabs make for great crop fertilizer due to the large amounts of calcium in their exoskeleton combined with nitrogen in the tissue,\" said the Smithsonian Environmental Research Center (SERC), which has a lab in Marin and participates in the Green Crab Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We like to call it a fully surf-to-turf project,\" Bimrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As far as crabs go, the European green crab might not look like much. They're small -- only about 4 inches wide -- and lack the giant claws of fiddler crabs or spindly limbs of king crabs. But don’t be fooled. Green crabs are voracious predators that rank among the world’s \u003ca href=\"http://rewilding.org/rewildit/images/IUCN-GISP.pdf\">worst invasive species\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists estimate green crabs cost the fishing industry close to $19 million annually \u003ca href=\"https://yosemite.epa.gov/ee/epa/eerm.nsf/vwAN/EE-0513-01.pdf/%24file/EE-0513-01.pdf\">on the East Coast alone\u003c/a>. And in recent years, they have been spotted along the West Coast from Monterey Bay to British Columbia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A consortium of California ecologists, dubbed the \u003ca href=\"http://www.des.ucdavis.edu/faculty/grosholz/GreenCrab/index.html\">Green Crab Project,\u003c/a> is striking back. The team has been removing thousands of European green crabs from a small inlet north of San Francisco called Seadrift Lagoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This sleepy Marin County vacation spot holds the highest concentration of the invasive species on the West Coast. When the Green Crab Project launched in 2009, the crabs' population in Seadrift approached 90,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People around here tell stories about how they would walk into the lagoon or start swimming in the lagoon, and the crabs would be crawling over their feet and legs,” said Kate Bimrose, who coordinates the project for the \u003ca href=\"http://farallones.org/\">Greater Farallones Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bimrose and her colleagues make weekly trips to Seadrift each summer, hauling out hundreds of crabs a day from traps off single-seat kayaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bimrose says green crabs pose a serious threat to commercial fisheries in the region because they decimate populations of native clams, mussels and other crabs. The ripple effects threaten the entire coastal food web, from Dungeness crab to large fish and shorebirds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ecological and economic fallout has yet to reach the levels observed on the East Coast. But scientists like Ted Grosholz, whose lab at UC Davis is a major contributor to the Green Crab Project, believes it may only be a matter of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They seem to be able to make their way into new places and then adapt to new conditions,” Grosholz said. “So there is the very real concern that the number of green crabs could increase dramatically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green crabs were first observed on the West Coast in San Francisco Bay in 1989. Researchers think they hitchhiked here in boxes of live fishing bait shipped from the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628298\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628298\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-800x451.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"451\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-800x451.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-1020x575.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-1180x665.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-960x541.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27839_Gravid-Crab-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A female European green crab gravid with eggs. Ecologists say a single female can disperse up to a million eggs over its life span. \u003ccite>(Peter Arcuni/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Once established, the crabs can spread to other bays in the ballast waters of ships or on currents in the larval state. And because Seadrift exchanges water with the adjacent Bolinas Lagoon -- which connects to a larger system of currents -- the crabs here have potential to fuel a much larger population boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grosholz says the removal efforts in Seadrift have been a proving ground for how to best control invasive species.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, after the team had removed most of the larger adult crabs from the lagoon, they saw the population skyrocket to over 300,000. It turns outs the adults cannibalize baby green crabs, keeping the population in check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we did was undertake a management method, to find it failed horribly,” Grosholz said. “So now we have a strong recommendation for future efforts to control species like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grosholz's findings help support an environmental theory known as overcompensation. The idea posits that controlling an invasive species can backfire unless it's possible to remove every individual at once.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team now leaves a number of adult crabs in the lagoon so the population can, in part, manage itself. Grosholz says introducing other predatory species like leopard sharks could also help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628300\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628300\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-800x451.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"451\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-800x451.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-160x90.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-1020x575.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-1180x665.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-960x541.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-240x135.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-375x211.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/RS27840_DSCF2586-qut-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A plastic tub filled with green crabs pulled from Seadrift Lagoon one morning in August. \u003ccite>(Peter Arcuni/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The population of green crabs in Seadrift has now dropped below 40,000. That's a much more manageable number, according to Grosholz -- though he admits there is still an element of “wait and worry” when it comes to the fate of the West Coast green crab invasion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andy Chang, an ecologist with the Green Crab Project, likens the challenge of fending off the invasion to figuring out how to “put the toothpaste back in the tube.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After years of trial and error, Bimrose says they have begun to see the return of other species to Seadrift Lagoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When we first started this project, there weren’t much in the way of other species. Pretty much everything you got was all green crabs,\" she said. This summer, the team started seeing a small number of shrimp and fish, and even a handful of other crabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what happens to the thousands of green crabs pulled from Seadrift each year? So far, their best use is as fertilizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have been told by the farm owners that the green crabs make for great crop fertilizer due to the large amounts of calcium in their exoskeleton combined with nitrogen in the tissue,\" said the Smithsonian Environmental Research Center (SERC), which has a lab in Marin and participates in the Green Crab Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We like to call it a fully surf-to-turf project,\" Bimrose said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>KQED News needs your help. We want to hear what you heard or saw during the Northern California fires. For instance, we want to know whether you witnessed any sparks flying, downed power lines, electrical explosions. And, how were you notified about the fires or to evacuate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join our investigation, share your eyewitness experience below or \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.forms.fm/were-you-a-witness-help-kqed-investigate-the-northern-california-fires\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout aligncenter\">\n[firesWitnessForm]\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>KQED News needs your help. We want to hear what you heard or saw during the Northern California fires. For instance, we want to know whether you witnessed any sparks flying, downed power lines, electrical explosions. And, how were you notified about the fires or to evacuate?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join our investigation, share your eyewitness experience below or \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.forms.fm/were-you-a-witness-help-kqed-investigate-the-northern-california-fires\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout aligncenter\">\n[firesWitnessForm]\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Just four days before the release of her newest album, a letter from Taylor Swift's attorney demanding that a website retract and delete an article critical of Swift has drawn a sharp (but also winking) rebuke from the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A letter dated October 25 and addressed to Meghan Herning, the executive editor of a small California blog named PopFront, claimed that the site's article titled \"Swiftly to the alt-right: Taylor subtly gets the lower case kkk in formation\" was defamatory and that if it was not retracted and removed, \"Ms. Swift is prepared to proceed with litigation,\" according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/docs/REDACTED_v1_Taylor_Swift_PopFront_letter.pdf\">a copy of it\u003c/a> made public by the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(The letter's author, attorney William J. Briggs II, did not respond to a request confirming its authenticity, nor did a Swift representative respond to a request confirming that Briggs represents Swift.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://popfront.us/2017/09/swiftly-to-the-alt-right-taylor-subtly-get-the-lower-case-kkk-in-formation/\">article in question\u003c/a> — which veers between Kanye West's interruption of Swift at an awards show, the appropriation of Swift by white nationalists, the eugenics movement of the early 20th century, World War II and American silence toward the Nazi Party and the lyrics of Swift's recent single \"Look What You Made Me Do\" — ultimately argues that Swift's perceived silence on political issues \"is not innocent, it is calculated.\" The article argues that by not tacitly embracing progressive politics, Swift \"could well be construed as her lending support to the voices rising against embracing diversity and inclusion emblematic of Trump supporters.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The article's rhetorical veracity is not the point for the ACLU, however — only that PopFront was stating an opinion about Swift, not asserting any facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its response, the ACLU of Northern California \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclunc.org/docs/Swift_letter_final.pdf\">writes\u003c/a> that \"Ms. Herning and PopFront will not in any way accede\" to the demands. Swift is a public figure — as the ACLU explains — a designation which gives critics and journalists broad protections in what they can legally write about those figures. Anyone suing for defamation on behalf of a public figure must prove both that the writer they're suing published false information and was aware beforehand it was false and published it anyway. As well, opinion is, by definition, not defamation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU writes that Briggs' letter, a \"threat\" \u003ca href=\"http://popfront.us/2017/11/taylor-swift-tries-to-silence-popfront-with-cease-and-desist-letter/\">according\u003c/a> to PopFront, does not convincingly argue that the blog purposefully defamed Swift. \"Criticism is never pleasant, but a celebrity has to shake it off, even if the critique may damage her reputation,\" reads the ACLU's letter — shoehorning in two references, one to Swift's upcoming album \u003cem>Reputation \u003c/em>and the other to her 2014 hit \"Shake It Off,\" in a single sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter, Briggs pointed to two instances that seem to undercut any connection between Swift and far-right political movements. He refers to a \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> story without any Swift comment that says there is no reason to think she is a neo-Nazi; he also quotes one of Swift's lawyers as saying it was safe to say \"the singer is not amused\" by the allegations. Briggs' cease-and-desist itself could possibly be taken as a third denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a PopFront post on Monday, both \u003cem>Broadly\u003c/em>, a Vice vertical \"devoted to representing the multiplicity of women's experiences,\" and Complex Media were cited as publishing similar articles addressing the alt-right's appropriation of Swift. Requests to both asking whether they had received similar letters from Swift's attorneys were not immediately returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reputation\u003c/em>, Swift's sixth studio album, is out on Nov. 10.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Just four days before the release of her newest album, a letter from Taylor Swift's attorney demanding that a website retract and delete an article critical of Swift has drawn a sharp (but also winking) rebuke from the American Civil Liberties Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A letter dated October 25 and addressed to Meghan Herning, the executive editor of a small California blog named PopFront, claimed that the site's article titled \"Swiftly to the alt-right: Taylor subtly gets the lower case kkk in formation\" was defamatory and that if it was not retracted and removed, \"Ms. Swift is prepared to proceed with litigation,\" according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/docs/REDACTED_v1_Taylor_Swift_PopFront_letter.pdf\">a copy of it\u003c/a> made public by the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(The letter's author, attorney William J. Briggs II, did not respond to a request confirming its authenticity, nor did a Swift representative respond to a request confirming that Briggs represents Swift.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://popfront.us/2017/09/swiftly-to-the-alt-right-taylor-subtly-get-the-lower-case-kkk-in-formation/\">article in question\u003c/a> — which veers between Kanye West's interruption of Swift at an awards show, the appropriation of Swift by white nationalists, the eugenics movement of the early 20th century, World War II and American silence toward the Nazi Party and the lyrics of Swift's recent single \"Look What You Made Me Do\" — ultimately argues that Swift's perceived silence on political issues \"is not innocent, it is calculated.\" The article argues that by not tacitly embracing progressive politics, Swift \"could well be construed as her lending support to the voices rising against embracing diversity and inclusion emblematic of Trump supporters.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The article's rhetorical veracity is not the point for the ACLU, however — only that PopFront was stating an opinion about Swift, not asserting any facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its response, the ACLU of Northern California \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclunc.org/docs/Swift_letter_final.pdf\">writes\u003c/a> that \"Ms. Herning and PopFront will not in any way accede\" to the demands. Swift is a public figure — as the ACLU explains — a designation which gives critics and journalists broad protections in what they can legally write about those figures. Anyone suing for defamation on behalf of a public figure must prove both that the writer they're suing published false information and was aware beforehand it was false and published it anyway. As well, opinion is, by definition, not defamation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU writes that Briggs' letter, a \"threat\" \u003ca href=\"http://popfront.us/2017/11/taylor-swift-tries-to-silence-popfront-with-cease-and-desist-letter/\">according\u003c/a> to PopFront, does not convincingly argue that the blog purposefully defamed Swift. \"Criticism is never pleasant, but a celebrity has to shake it off, even if the critique may damage her reputation,\" reads the ACLU's letter — shoehorning in two references, one to Swift's upcoming album \u003cem>Reputation \u003c/em>and the other to her 2014 hit \"Shake It Off,\" in a single sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his letter, Briggs pointed to two instances that seem to undercut any connection between Swift and far-right political movements. He refers to a \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em> story without any Swift comment that says there is no reason to think she is a neo-Nazi; he also quotes one of Swift's lawyers as saying it was safe to say \"the singer is not amused\" by the allegations. Briggs' cease-and-desist itself could possibly be taken as a third denial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a PopFront post on Monday, both \u003cem>Broadly\u003c/em>, a Vice vertical \"devoted to representing the multiplicity of women's experiences,\" and Complex Media were cited as publishing similar articles addressing the alt-right's appropriation of Swift. Requests to both asking whether they had received similar letters from Swift's attorneys were not immediately returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Reputation\u003c/em>, Swift's sixth studio album, is out on Nov. 10.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A firearms expert called by the defense in the San Francisco murder trial over the 2015 slaying of Kathryn Steinle testified Monday that the gun used to kill her was likely less than 2 feet off the ground when the fatal shot was fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Norris, a former San Francisco criminalist and director of the Police Department's forensics division, was the first witness called by attorneys for defendant Jose Ines Garcia Zarate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulk of Norris' testimony focused on the bullet's behavior after it ricocheted off the concrete of a pedestrian pier and flew approximately 78 feet to hit Steinle in the lower back. He said the bullet's path after the ricochet was impossible to predict, aligning with the defense argument that Garcia Zarate didn't mean to shoot Steinle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It loses its accuracy immediately when it strikes the ground,\" Norris said from the witness stand. He said it might have changed direction to the right or to the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's like one of these experiments you can do many times and get a slightly different result,\" he testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norris' conclusions appeared to contradict those of prosecution witness and retired SFPD crime scene investigator John Evans, who \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/30/bullet-trajectory-and-ricochet-shot-central-to-steinle-murder-trial/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">testified last week\u003c/a> that \"a human being held a firearm, pointed it in the direction of Ms. Steinle, pulled the trigger and fired, killing her.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norris said Tuesday that it was impossible to conclude from the physical evidence whether the shot was fired on purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he said, the distances between Steinle, the ricochet mark in the concrete and where Garcia Zarate was sitting -- plus the bullet's vertical rise after it hit the pier -- indicated the gun was \"1½ to 2 feet off the ground.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The weapon seemed to be pointed down toward the ground,\" Norris said. \"It was near the ground. In that position, it would be extremely difficult to aim.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, his calculations were approximate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutor Diana Garcia pointed out that Norris previously testified in this case -- during a preliminary hearing -- that he did not know the angle of the gunshot before the bullet hit the pier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You don't know what he was aiming at,\" Garcia said during a heated cross-examination Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't know that he was aiming,\" Norris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia then showed Norris a .40-caliber round of live ammunition, presumably similar to that fired by the .40-caliber Sig Sauer handgun used to kill Steinle, but otherwise unrelated to the case. She asked Norris questions about the round's caliber and the characteristics of hollow-point bullets, then moved the round into evidence over the defense's objection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Matt Gonzalez said outside court that the prosecution introduced the unrelated round of ammunition to prevent the jury from testing how much pressure it takes to pull the gun's trigger. \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/31/defense-in-steinle-murder-trial-wants-jury-to-dry-fire-gun-to-test-trigger-pull/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">He wants the jury\u003c/a> to feel the how much force it takes to fire the gun because, he says, it will show the trigger could have been pulled accidentally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't care how many bullets you put in the jury room,\" he said. \"Except ... if this judge doesn't allow the jury to dry fire this weapon, then the only reason this bullet has been admitted into evidence is to jeopardize that.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A firearms expert called by the defense in the San Francisco murder trial over the 2015 slaying of Kathryn Steinle testified Monday that the gun used to kill her was likely less than 2 feet off the ground when the fatal shot was fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Norris, a former San Francisco criminalist and director of the Police Department's forensics division, was the first witness called by attorneys for defendant Jose Ines Garcia Zarate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulk of Norris' testimony focused on the bullet's behavior after it ricocheted off the concrete of a pedestrian pier and flew approximately 78 feet to hit Steinle in the lower back. He said the bullet's path after the ricochet was impossible to predict, aligning with the defense argument that Garcia Zarate didn't mean to shoot Steinle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It loses its accuracy immediately when it strikes the ground,\" Norris said from the witness stand. He said it might have changed direction to the right or to the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's like one of these experiments you can do many times and get a slightly different result,\" he testified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norris' conclusions appeared to contradict those of prosecution witness and retired SFPD crime scene investigator John Evans, who \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/30/bullet-trajectory-and-ricochet-shot-central-to-steinle-murder-trial/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">testified last week\u003c/a> that \"a human being held a firearm, pointed it in the direction of Ms. Steinle, pulled the trigger and fired, killing her.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Norris said Tuesday that it was impossible to conclude from the physical evidence whether the shot was fired on purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he said, the distances between Steinle, the ricochet mark in the concrete and where Garcia Zarate was sitting -- plus the bullet's vertical rise after it hit the pier -- indicated the gun was \"1½ to 2 feet off the ground.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The weapon seemed to be pointed down toward the ground,\" Norris said. \"It was near the ground. In that position, it would be extremely difficult to aim.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, his calculations were approximate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutor Diana Garcia pointed out that Norris previously testified in this case -- during a preliminary hearing -- that he did not know the angle of the gunshot before the bullet hit the pier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You don't know what he was aiming at,\" Garcia said during a heated cross-examination Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't know that he was aiming,\" Norris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia then showed Norris a .40-caliber round of live ammunition, presumably similar to that fired by the .40-caliber Sig Sauer handgun used to kill Steinle, but otherwise unrelated to the case. She asked Norris questions about the round's caliber and the characteristics of hollow-point bullets, then moved the round into evidence over the defense's objection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Matt Gonzalez said outside court that the prosecution introduced the unrelated round of ammunition to prevent the jury from testing how much pressure it takes to pull the gun's trigger. \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/10/31/defense-in-steinle-murder-trial-wants-jury-to-dry-fire-gun-to-test-trigger-pull/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">He wants the jury\u003c/a> to feel the how much force it takes to fire the gun because, he says, it will show the trigger could have been pulled accidentally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Look, I don't care how many bullets you put in the jury room,\" he said. \"Except ... if this judge doesn't allow the jury to dry fire this weapon, then the only reason this bullet has been admitted into evidence is to jeopardize that.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>One of the two men charged with involuntary manslaughter in Oakland's Ghost Ship warehouse fire last December says the building's owner shares responsibility for the 36 deaths in the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Derick Almena said in a jailhouse interview airing on KTVU Monday night that he told owner Chor Ng he planned to use the Oakland warehouse as an arts space and community center and that she knew people would be coming in and out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almena said he thought it would be the building owner's responsibility to inform the city that artists would be occupying it, but that city officials never inspected the cluttered warehouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They definitely rented me something that they knew was unsafe. They definitely did,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for Ng have denied she knew people lived in the warehouse. Keith Bremer, an attorney for Ng, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almena rented the warehouse in 2013 and lived there with his wife and two young children. Max Harris, who is also charged in the case, also lived in the building and helped Almena book musical acts and sublet the space to artists looking for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Dec. 2, a fire engulfed the structure during a musical performance that dozens attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/06/05/two-reportedly-charged-with-manslaughter-in-oaklands-ghost-ship-fire/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">announcing charges\u003c/a> against Almena and Harris earlier this year, Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O'Malley said the pair turned the warehouse into a \"death trap\" by illegally converting the building into an entertainment venue and housing for artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O'Malley argued that once the men rented living space to tenants, they were responsible for the installation of sprinklers and to ensure the building was safe. Instead, the men cluttered the warehouse with flammable materials, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for Almena and Harris say they are scapegoats and that the building's owner, who Almena described during the interview as \"deceitful and greedy,\" should face criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, Almena and Harris pleaded not guilty. Each faces 60 years in prison if convicted.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One of the two men charged with involuntary manslaughter in Oakland's Ghost Ship warehouse fire last December says the building's owner shares responsibility for the 36 deaths in the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Derick Almena said in a jailhouse interview airing on KTVU Monday night that he told owner Chor Ng he planned to use the Oakland warehouse as an arts space and community center and that she knew people would be coming in and out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almena said he thought it would be the building owner's responsibility to inform the city that artists would be occupying it, but that city officials never inspected the cluttered warehouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They definitely rented me something that they knew was unsafe. They definitely did,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for Ng have denied she knew people lived in the warehouse. Keith Bremer, an attorney for Ng, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almena rented the warehouse in 2013 and lived there with his wife and two young children. Max Harris, who is also charged in the case, also lived in the building and helped Almena book musical acts and sublet the space to artists looking for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Dec. 2, a fire engulfed the structure during a musical performance that dozens attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/06/05/two-reportedly-charged-with-manslaughter-in-oaklands-ghost-ship-fire/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">announcing charges\u003c/a> against Almena and Harris earlier this year, Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O'Malley said the pair turned the warehouse into a \"death trap\" by illegally converting the building into an entertainment venue and housing for artists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O'Malley argued that once the men rented living space to tenants, they were responsible for the installation of sprinklers and to ensure the building was safe. Instead, the men cluttered the warehouse with flammable materials, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for Almena and Harris say they are scapegoats and that the building's owner, who Almena described during the interview as \"deceitful and greedy,\" should face criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, Almena and Harris pleaded not guilty. Each faces 60 years in prison if convicted.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Update, Tuesday Nov. 7 12:00 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the nation’s largest insurance companies sent teams of retired firefighters into Napa and Sonoma counties to help protect several hundred homes of the wealthy during last month’s fire siege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firms offer “wildfire protection units” for thousands of houses covered by more expensive homeowner insurance plans in several states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the service is offered to policyholders in a “private client group” managed by American International Group (AIG). That particular program insures 40 percent of the Forbes 400 richest Americans, according to Stephen Poux, the group’s global head of risk management services and loss prevention. The policies AIG has with the added service can cost more than $100,000 a year, Poux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AIG began the practice in 2005 and several other companies, including Chubb Limited, USAA and Privilege Underwriters Reciprocal Exchange (PURE), have created plans since then. Some of the companies told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/as-wildfires-raged-insurers-sent-in-private-firefighters-to-protect-homes-of-the-wealthy-1509886801?mod=e2tw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wall Street Journal\u003c/a> they get a jump in consumer interest when “homeowners see the special treatment received by their neighbors during big fires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”yHVZnFHTcK0DRhVzvD1nhsC3151oAMKI”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance plans provide teams made up of former firefighters with Cal Fire, the U.S. Forest Service and local fire departments to work with homeowners on ways to prevent wildfires from damaging or destroying their properties. The units suggest changes to landscaping and reduce brush near houses “so the home has the best possible chance to withstand the encroachment of a wildfire,” Poux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those teams also rush into neighborhoods as wildfires are beginning to threaten homes of customers with the wildfire coverage. The private crews move wood piles and barbecues away from homes, take out foam cushions from patio furniture, remove leaves from gutters and trim branches from nearby trees. They also set up sprinklers and apply fire retardant chemicals directly to the buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just because a home is covered by the wildfire coverage doesn’t necessarily mean it’s saved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chubb’s wildfire teams visited the homes of more than 250 policyholders in the recent Northern California wildfires, according to company spokesman Jeffrey Zack. The group worked to protect more than half of those properties, Zack said in an email. At least nine of those properties were saved, but Zack did not disclose how many homes were damaged or lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means but for the actions taken by Chubb, the homes would have been lost,” Zack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”K5cFzA7MVOAd0GUtjhIiIYdoPFJzOo7l”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PURE’s wildfire risk team “took action” on more than 100 properties owned by its Northern California customers during last month’s blazes, Scott Spencer, a senior vice president of risk management at the company, said in an emailed statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team applied fire retardant to 30 percent of those properties that were in the direct path of fire, Spencer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While a handful of homes were structurally compromised, the majority of the homes PURE served were saved due to the efforts of these crews,” said Spencer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AIG had multiple teams in the area that visited several hundred homes, but the company would not release specific data on how many were saved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one insurance company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.usaa.com/inet/wc/faq_Enterprise_Wildfire_Response_Program_index\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">USAA\u003c/a>, offers the service to policyholders, regardless of the value of their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry emphasizes that its insurance wildfire units are not firefighters. “We do not respond to structure fires. That’s the job of the fire departments,” Poux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire says the presence of wildfire insurance units in big wildfire situations is increasing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more during these major events, and more so within Napa and Sonoma counties,” Cal Fire spokesman Scott McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wildfire insurance teams are required to get permission from state fire officials to enter areas threatened by blazes, according to McLean, who added that the groups have to wear protective equipment and provide documents associated with their companies and the homes they plan to check on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”ImTiBmBsS4kj3Bi85iySsLRVgM7dKbmf”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can come when there’s an evacuation advisory or warning. However, when that turns into an evacuation order to leave, they must leave,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Cal Fire wants the insurance company fire crews to stay in their lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re doing their job and taking fuel away from that fire, sure, that’s a help,” McLean said. “But … they need to stay on that property and take care of what they’re supposed to do. If they leave … and start going around the fire area, then no, they cannot do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators are aware that some insurance companies offer extra wildfire protection but they do not have a full grasp of how prevalent the fire risk units are, according to Nancy Kincaid, press secretary for Insurance Commissioner Dave Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is part of a company’s rate/form filing, we do not track them or keep data on how many companies offer this type of coverage,” Kincaid said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One consumer advocacy group wants the industry to spread the service around to more consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insurance companies have the knowledge, they have access to the technology and they have access to resources to make homes more resistant to damage,” said Amy Bach, executive director of United Policyholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want them to use that knowledge to benefit their policy holders, not just the few, but the many,” Bach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: A PURE representative had told KQED previously that the company’s wildfire risk team visited 81 homes in Northern California during last month’s blazes and three of those houses were destroyed. But, the company issued a revised statement on Tuesday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Update, Tuesday Nov. 7 12:00 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the nation’s largest insurance companies sent teams of retired firefighters into Napa and Sonoma counties to help protect several hundred homes of the wealthy during last month’s fire siege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firms offer “wildfire protection units” for thousands of houses covered by more expensive homeowner insurance plans in several states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the service is offered to policyholders in a “private client group” managed by American International Group (AIG). That particular program insures 40 percent of the Forbes 400 richest Americans, according to Stephen Poux, the group’s global head of risk management services and loss prevention. The policies AIG has with the added service can cost more than $100,000 a year, Poux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AIG began the practice in 2005 and several other companies, including Chubb Limited, USAA and Privilege Underwriters Reciprocal Exchange (PURE), have created plans since then. Some of the companies told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/as-wildfires-raged-insurers-sent-in-private-firefighters-to-protect-homes-of-the-wealthy-1509886801?mod=e2tw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wall Street Journal\u003c/a> they get a jump in consumer interest when “homeowners see the special treatment received by their neighbors during big fires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance plans provide teams made up of former firefighters with Cal Fire, the U.S. Forest Service and local fire departments to work with homeowners on ways to prevent wildfires from damaging or destroying their properties. The units suggest changes to landscaping and reduce brush near houses “so the home has the best possible chance to withstand the encroachment of a wildfire,” Poux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those teams also rush into neighborhoods as wildfires are beginning to threaten homes of customers with the wildfire coverage. The private crews move wood piles and barbecues away from homes, take out foam cushions from patio furniture, remove leaves from gutters and trim branches from nearby trees. They also set up sprinklers and apply fire retardant chemicals directly to the buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just because a home is covered by the wildfire coverage doesn’t necessarily mean it’s saved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chubb’s wildfire teams visited the homes of more than 250 policyholders in the recent Northern California wildfires, according to company spokesman Jeffrey Zack. The group worked to protect more than half of those properties, Zack said in an email. At least nine of those properties were saved, but Zack did not disclose how many homes were damaged or lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means but for the actions taken by Chubb, the homes would have been lost,” Zack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PURE’s wildfire risk team “took action” on more than 100 properties owned by its Northern California customers during last month’s blazes, Scott Spencer, a senior vice president of risk management at the company, said in an emailed statement Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team applied fire retardant to 30 percent of those properties that were in the direct path of fire, Spencer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While a handful of homes were structurally compromised, the majority of the homes PURE served were saved due to the efforts of these crews,” said Spencer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AIG had multiple teams in the area that visited several hundred homes, but the company would not release specific data on how many were saved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one insurance company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.usaa.com/inet/wc/faq_Enterprise_Wildfire_Response_Program_index\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">USAA\u003c/a>, offers the service to policyholders, regardless of the value of their property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry emphasizes that its insurance wildfire units are not firefighters. “We do not respond to structure fires. That’s the job of the fire departments,” Poux said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire says the presence of wildfire insurance units in big wildfire situations is increasing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more during these major events, and more so within Napa and Sonoma counties,” Cal Fire spokesman Scott McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wildfire insurance teams are required to get permission from state fire officials to enter areas threatened by blazes, according to McLean, who added that the groups have to wear protective equipment and provide documents associated with their companies and the homes they plan to check on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can come when there’s an evacuation advisory or warning. However, when that turns into an evacuation order to leave, they must leave,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Cal Fire wants the insurance company fire crews to stay in their lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re doing their job and taking fuel away from that fire, sure, that’s a help,” McLean said. “But … they need to stay on that property and take care of what they’re supposed to do. If they leave … and start going around the fire area, then no, they cannot do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators are aware that some insurance companies offer extra wildfire protection but they do not have a full grasp of how prevalent the fire risk units are, according to Nancy Kincaid, press secretary for Insurance Commissioner Dave Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is part of a company’s rate/form filing, we do not track them or keep data on how many companies offer this type of coverage,” Kincaid said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One consumer advocacy group wants the industry to spread the service around to more consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insurance companies have the knowledge, they have access to the technology and they have access to resources to make homes more resistant to damage,” said Amy Bach, executive director of United Policyholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want them to use that knowledge to benefit their policy holders, not just the few, but the many,” Bach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: A PURE representative had told KQED previously that the company’s wildfire risk team visited 81 homes in Northern California during last month’s blazes and three of those houses were destroyed. But, the company issued a revised statement on Tuesday.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Withering California Dream, by the Numbers",
"title": "The Withering California Dream, by the Numbers",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The California dream isn’t dead. It just upped and moved to South Dakota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of people born in California in 1980 are making more money than their parents did as young adults. That’s the lowest percentage of children out-earning their parents that California has seen since at least 1940.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, 62 percent of people born in South Dakota in 1980 out-earn their parents. That’s the highest percentage for any state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those figures come from a \u003ca href=\"http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/papers/abs_mobility_paper.pdf\">study\u003c/a> by Stanford economist Raj Chetty and several prominent co-authors, whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/05/03/upshot/the-best-and-worst-places-to-grow-up-how-your-area-compares.html?mtrref=www.nytimes.com&gwh=A162EB05EBD48940B641AB3545D9DB70&gwt=pay\">widely publicized\u003c/a> work on intergenerational income mobility—the likelihood children will fare better financially than their parents—has transformed what we know about the data behind the American dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chetty’s research has profound implications for California, a state whose unique mythology of boundless opportunity and instant riches has attracted generations of migrants to settle here in pursuit of a better life for their children. There’s a reason you’ve heard of “\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the California dream\u003c/a>,” while the phrase “Vermont dream” doesn’t really evoke much beyond a good name for a Ben and Jerry’s flavor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ISmXptzosfdXWTjzaqEL1FDv8ziNa5Z3\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the president \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aqUP3kCA5jo\">declaring the American Dream dead\u003c/a> and at least \u003ca href=\"http://antonioforcalifornia.com/\">one leading candidate \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://antonioforcalifornia.com/\">for\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://antonioforcalifornia.com/\"> governor\u003c/a> staking claim to “the California dream” as a major campaign theme, let’s play Freud for a moment and analyze why decades ago young Californians dreamt of picket fences and swimming pools, while many of today’s young Californians can dream only that their parents will subsidize their cell phone bill well into their forties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the charts and graphs!\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Since 1940, the Proportion of Californians Out-earning Their Parents has Dropped by Nearly Half\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Chetty’s research—which is revolutionary primarily because of access to a longitudinal database of Americans’ tax records—children born in 1940 in California had a roughly 90 percent chance of making more money than their parents did around the age of 30. Fast-forward 40 years, and Californians born in 1980 stand less than a 50 percent chance of making more than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[OddsOfOutEarning]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to think through how the comparison between children and parents is actually being measured here. For California babies born in 1980, researchers are using the total income they’re receiving as young adults in 2010, regardless of whether they stay in the state or move elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are then comparing that income to what their parents made at around the same age, regardless of their age when they became parents, or where those parents were born. So we’re not just comparing one generation of native Californians to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obviously, part of that drop over that 50-year-period can be attributed simply to how poor everyone was back in 1940, when the United States had yet to fully escape the depths of the Great Depression. In 2014 dollars, the national median income of parents for children born in 1940 was around $18,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Falling Income Mobility Closely Tracks What's Happening Nationwide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Younger Californians shouldn’t feel uniquely sheepish about making less than their parents. California mirrors the national pattern in income mobility very closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, only 50 percent of Americans born in 1980 were out-earning their parents at the age of 30. That percentage has ticked up a bit in subsequent years, but not by much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Ohio]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not a lot of variation between states in levels of income mobility, or in changes in mobility over time. There are some exceptions to this—states like South Dakota, Montana, and Arkansas all appear to have above-average mobility rates for younger natives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But interestingly, California does not fare much better than many states in the Midwest, where the narrative of a dying American dream played heavily in the 2016 presidential campaign. Ohio and California have very similar mobility rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Can We Be Similar to Ohio? We Have Silicon Valley and the World's 6\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> Largest Economy! Ohio has… LeBron?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To be fair to Chetty and his co-authors, their research is less focused on state-by-state differences than the broader national picture of declining mobility. But one of the study’s conclusions about why the American dream is fading could help explain what’s happening at the state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two primary determinants of mobility: economic growth and inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To use the overwrought \"pie metaphor,\" it’s inherently good for income mobility when the economic pie grows over time. But when a smaller share of the population receives a larger chunk of that pie, the odds that the average child will out-earn his or her parents shrinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing on the national level is that most of the decline (in mobility) is not due to overall economic growth,” says Robert Fluegge, a Stanford researcher who contributed to the study. “What counts more is the change in the distribution for income growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"fZmLIWuyAsmoylCTrY6dlqGYfVwXT3VJ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To test how much rising inequality determined mobility rates, Chetty’s team simulated what would have happened if the United States kept its very equal income distribution from 1940 through 2010. Under that scenario, 80 percent of children born in 1980 made more than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would help explain why despite its remarkable economic growth over the past half century, California’s mobility rate is not that much different than states like Ohio or Indiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even if you’re in California, you’re getting a concentration of income growth among high skilled labor that are able to use technology,\" says Fluegge. \"And those type of jobs are likely grabbing a lot of that income growth.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fluegge cautions that although inequality is likely part of the explanation for California, researchers have yet to drill down on the state specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, plotting the level of inequality in a state to its level of mobility doesn’t reveal much of a relationship. Nor does plotting changes in the level of inequality over the past decade, which arguably would affect young wage-earners more. Researchers will have more work to do disentangling the relationship between inequality, growth and mobility at the state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can’t You Tell Me Some Good News About Living in this State?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the fact that only 49 percent of younger Californians are making more than their parents may seem concerning, there are reasons to think that number may be overstating things a little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That figure is at the household level, and does not adjust for household size. So a single 30-year-old born in 1980 may be compared to the dual incomes of their married parents at the same age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adjusting for family size, the share of young adults out-earning their parents nationally improves from 50 percent to 60 percent (unfortunately those figures aren’t calculated at the state level). The sharp downward trend from 1940 persists, but the picture is somewhat rosier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"u94itVnNHwUTiotZfiEfuAUIt90tIaZR\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps more significant for California, the 49 percent figure does not include immigrant children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shortcoming could be of enormous consequence to the Golden State, which has the highest percentage of foreign-born residents of any state in the country (27 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, 2010 was also a particularly bad year for California incomes. In the depths of the Great Recession, median California household income dipped to a five-year low. The result could be that measuring the income of a 30-year old born in 1980 is artificially depressed in California, relative to both previous generations and other states where the recession took less of a toll.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What About Cost of Living?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So that’s the glass half full version of income mobility in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glass half empty version? Nothing in Chetty’s study accounts for this chart:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[MedianHome]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 40 years, the cost of housing has exploded in California relative to the rest of the United States. While the chart above only refers to median housing prices, there’s nothing much better about California’s rental market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means that those 49 percent of Californians making more than their parents are likely seeing their paycheck stretched much thinner by steeper mortgages and rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"jWti9zsY6bN7Dva5uEHprhE2yEImE84S\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here again, Californians might look at South Dakota with envy. Before adjusting for cost of living, younger Californians could defend the state’s lackluster mobility numbers by saying, “well, sure South Dakotans may be making more than their parents. But that doesn’t mean Californians aren’t making more than South Dakotans overall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the median household income for 25 to 44 year-olds in California is about $8,000 more than their equivalents in South Dakota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after adjusting for California’s high cost of living, South Dakotans appear much better off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SouthDakota]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Less than half of people born in California in 1980 make more money than their parents did. That's the lowest percentage California's seen since at least 1940.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California dream isn’t dead. It just upped and moved to South Dakota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than half of people born in California in 1980 are making more money than their parents did as young adults. That’s the lowest percentage of children out-earning their parents that California has seen since at least 1940.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, 62 percent of people born in South Dakota in 1980 out-earn their parents. That’s the highest percentage for any state in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those figures come from a \u003ca href=\"http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/papers/abs_mobility_paper.pdf\">study\u003c/a> by Stanford economist Raj Chetty and several prominent co-authors, whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/05/03/upshot/the-best-and-worst-places-to-grow-up-how-your-area-compares.html?mtrref=www.nytimes.com&gwh=A162EB05EBD48940B641AB3545D9DB70&gwt=pay\">widely publicized\u003c/a> work on intergenerational income mobility—the likelihood children will fare better financially than their parents—has transformed what we know about the data behind the American dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chetty’s research has profound implications for California, a state whose unique mythology of boundless opportunity and instant riches has attracted generations of migrants to settle here in pursuit of a better life for their children. There’s a reason you’ve heard of “\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the California dream\u003c/a>,” while the phrase “Vermont dream” doesn’t really evoke much beyond a good name for a Ben and Jerry’s flavor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the president \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aqUP3kCA5jo\">declaring the American Dream dead\u003c/a> and at least \u003ca href=\"http://antonioforcalifornia.com/\">one leading candidate \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://antonioforcalifornia.com/\">for\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://antonioforcalifornia.com/\"> governor\u003c/a> staking claim to “the California dream” as a major campaign theme, let’s play Freud for a moment and analyze why decades ago young Californians dreamt of picket fences and swimming pools, while many of today’s young Californians can dream only that their parents will subsidize their cell phone bill well into their forties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the charts and graphs!\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Since 1940, the Proportion of Californians Out-earning Their Parents has Dropped by Nearly Half\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Chetty’s research—which is revolutionary primarily because of access to a longitudinal database of Americans’ tax records—children born in 1940 in California had a roughly 90 percent chance of making more money than their parents did around the age of 30. Fast-forward 40 years, and Californians born in 1980 stand less than a 50 percent chance of making more than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[OddsOfOutEarning]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s important to think through how the comparison between children and parents is actually being measured here. For California babies born in 1980, researchers are using the total income they’re receiving as young adults in 2010, regardless of whether they stay in the state or move elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are then comparing that income to what their parents made at around the same age, regardless of their age when they became parents, or where those parents were born. So we’re not just comparing one generation of native Californians to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Obviously, part of that drop over that 50-year-period can be attributed simply to how poor everyone was back in 1940, when the United States had yet to fully escape the depths of the Great Depression. In 2014 dollars, the national median income of parents for children born in 1940 was around $18,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Falling Income Mobility Closely Tracks What's Happening Nationwide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Younger Californians shouldn’t feel uniquely sheepish about making less than their parents. California mirrors the national pattern in income mobility very closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, only 50 percent of Americans born in 1980 were out-earning their parents at the age of 30. That percentage has ticked up a bit in subsequent years, but not by much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[Ohio]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not a lot of variation between states in levels of income mobility, or in changes in mobility over time. There are some exceptions to this—states like South Dakota, Montana, and Arkansas all appear to have above-average mobility rates for younger natives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But interestingly, California does not fare much better than many states in the Midwest, where the narrative of a dying American dream played heavily in the 2016 presidential campaign. Ohio and California have very similar mobility rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Can We Be Similar to Ohio? We Have Silicon Valley and the World's 6\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> Largest Economy! Ohio has… LeBron?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To be fair to Chetty and his co-authors, their research is less focused on state-by-state differences than the broader national picture of declining mobility. But one of the study’s conclusions about why the American dream is fading could help explain what’s happening at the state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two primary determinants of mobility: economic growth and inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To use the overwrought \"pie metaphor,\" it’s inherently good for income mobility when the economic pie grows over time. But when a smaller share of the population receives a larger chunk of that pie, the odds that the average child will out-earn his or her parents shrinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing on the national level is that most of the decline (in mobility) is not due to overall economic growth,” says Robert Fluegge, a Stanford researcher who contributed to the study. “What counts more is the change in the distribution for income growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To test how much rising inequality determined mobility rates, Chetty’s team simulated what would have happened if the United States kept its very equal income distribution from 1940 through 2010. Under that scenario, 80 percent of children born in 1980 made more than their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would help explain why despite its remarkable economic growth over the past half century, California’s mobility rate is not that much different than states like Ohio or Indiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Even if you’re in California, you’re getting a concentration of income growth among high skilled labor that are able to use technology,\" says Fluegge. \"And those type of jobs are likely grabbing a lot of that income growth.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fluegge cautions that although inequality is likely part of the explanation for California, researchers have yet to drill down on the state specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, plotting the level of inequality in a state to its level of mobility doesn’t reveal much of a relationship. Nor does plotting changes in the level of inequality over the past decade, which arguably would affect young wage-earners more. Researchers will have more work to do disentangling the relationship between inequality, growth and mobility at the state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can’t You Tell Me Some Good News About Living in this State?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the fact that only 49 percent of younger Californians are making more than their parents may seem concerning, there are reasons to think that number may be overstating things a little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That figure is at the household level, and does not adjust for household size. So a single 30-year-old born in 1980 may be compared to the dual incomes of their married parents at the same age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adjusting for family size, the share of young adults out-earning their parents nationally improves from 50 percent to 60 percent (unfortunately those figures aren’t calculated at the state level). The sharp downward trend from 1940 persists, but the picture is somewhat rosier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps more significant for California, the 49 percent figure does not include immigrant children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That shortcoming could be of enormous consequence to the Golden State, which has the highest percentage of foreign-born residents of any state in the country (27 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, 2010 was also a particularly bad year for California incomes. In the depths of the Great Recession, median California household income dipped to a five-year low. The result could be that measuring the income of a 30-year old born in 1980 is artificially depressed in California, relative to both previous generations and other states where the recession took less of a toll.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What About Cost of Living?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So that’s the glass half full version of income mobility in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The glass half empty version? Nothing in Chetty’s study accounts for this chart:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[MedianHome]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 40 years, the cost of housing has exploded in California relative to the rest of the United States. While the chart above only refers to median housing prices, there’s nothing much better about California’s rental market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means that those 49 percent of Californians making more than their parents are likely seeing their paycheck stretched much thinner by steeper mortgages and rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here again, Californians might look at South Dakota with envy. Before adjusting for cost of living, younger Californians could defend the state’s lackluster mobility numbers by saying, “well, sure South Dakotans may be making more than their parents. But that doesn’t mean Californians aren’t making more than South Dakotans overall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, the median household income for 25 to 44 year-olds in California is about $8,000 more than their equivalents in South Dakota.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after adjusting for California’s high cost of living, South Dakotans appear much better off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[SouthDakota]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "As Short-Term Rentals Boom, Homelessness Remains a Problem Near Yosemite",
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"content": "\u003cp>When people think of homelessness, they often think of cities like Fresno or Los Angeles. But in the mountains of Madera County, it's a lingering problem. And as the short-term rental market grows, some fear the housing shortage in the communities just outside Yosemite National Park will only get worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serenity Village is a seven-unit affordable apartment complex in Oakhurst, 14 miles south of the entrance to Yosemite. It's targeted at helping homeless people get back on their feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is furnished when they move in,” says Jody Ketcheside, who oversees a number of government-run homeless facilities in Madera and Fresno counties, including Serenity Village. \"There’s a microwave, there’s a dining table, couches, a bed, nightstand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ketcheside says every week her team has to turn away homeless people, due to a program requirement that states a person must be homeless for a year and have a disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"eWSF8jiSzCTvFYfyrPvHN6iDSCZx7iF1\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The case manager for this particular program is seeing more people that haven’t been on the streets longer than a year,” says Ketcheside. \"That’s somebody new then from when we counted in 2016. She has to tell them what nobody ever wants to tell anyone. They haven’t been homeless long enough.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She blames the lack of affordable housing and jobs in the region. When her team can’t help they often point homeless people to Matt Mellon with Sierra Vista Presbyterian Church in Oakhurst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mellon runs a ministry that employs homeless people for $10 an hour, for up to 12 hours a week. He says homeless people are attracted to Oakhurst because of the ease of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hear of people who have been on the street down in Bakersfield or Fresno and they come here because they feel like they don’t have to worry as much about getting in fights or having somebody attack them in the middle of the night,” says Mellon. “The drawback is that we have fewer resources to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628522\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628522\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-800x562.jpg\" alt=\"Matt Mellon runs the Jubilee Ministry in Oakhurst. They hire homeless people for up to 12 hours a week at $10 an hour.\" width=\"800\" height=\"562\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-800x562.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-1020x717.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-1180x829.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-960x675.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-240x169.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-375x263.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-520x365.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matt Mellon runs the Jubilee Ministry in Oakhurst. They hire homeless people for up to 12 hours a week at $10 an hour. \u003ccite>(Ezra David Romero/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The people the church hires for the Jubilee Ministry answer calls, clean the church and keep the acreage around the church fire-ready. Mellon says he is beginning to see families become affected by the lack of affordable housing. He says one family lost their home when the owner sold it and it was converted it into a short-term rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were evicted and now they have nowhere to go,” says Mellon. “They were living in a tent trailer for a while. Now they have to move off that property. They have a little girl who is 6 years old. She’s in first grade right now. They’re trying to [figure out] how do I be homeless with a first-grader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mellon is in a bind himself. He can’t find a rental in Oakhurst, so he commutes from Fresno. Justin Bales just began his first week back at the Jubilee Ministry. He moved back to Oakhurst after spending time in jail and a period of being homeless in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"ZGVcAyZvxyAKxZG2NMSr9aRKHr8kbSj2\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like a little slice of heaven, I’ll be honest to you,” says Bales. “I’ve been all around California -- Sacramento, L.A., Fresno. In Bakersfield I was in the mission, and it was as ghetto as can be. People shooting up drugs right outside the gate. You don’t see that right here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Bales isn’t couch surfing, he’s living on the streets. He’s looking for a more permanent job, and even though work is scarce, he says he wanted to move home near family. He says the community needs more services for the homeless population, such as a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You get out on the streets and you’re like, OK, even if I’m not a drug user you end up using drugs because you’re going to be cold at night. But if you’re using drugs you’re going to be warm at night,” says Bales. “I really wish Madera County would open up some kind of shelter for people that tried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628529\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628529\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-800x550.jpg\" alt=\"Justin Bales has been homeless off and on for about a decade. He recently landed back in Oakhurst and is couch surfing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-800x550.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-1020x701.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-1180x811.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-960x660.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-240x165.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-375x258.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-520x357.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Bales has been homeless off and on for about a decade. He recently landed back in Oakhurst and is couch surfing. \u003ccite>(Ezra David Romero/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So is the homeless problem getting worse because of the short-term rentals? It's hard to get a definitive answer, but there is a long-term rental shortage in the area. Everyone I spoke with says they’ve noticed new homeless faces in the area, but the actual number hasn’t officially grown. In 2016, 43 homeless people were counted in the Oakhurst area, but that number dropped to around 35 in this year’s count. Officials say the number is low because there weren’t many volunteers this year for the 2017 count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Tom Nicolulis with Manna House -- a food pantry, free thrift shop and job training facility in Oakhurst -- doesn’t think the homeless problem is large enough in the area for a shelter. Even though his ministry served over 35,000 families last year, he doesn’t think rental issues are creating widespread homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"R7O54hm5VDr8dHcP8oWCpKWZ5Z6NUnKQ\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to be ignorant to the fact that it could generate some homelessness because I’ve already seen it happen,” Nicolulis says. “As long as we have humanity on Earth we are going to have a homeless population. Every town across the nation has a homeless population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the homeless situation in the region is growing, life is still not easy for people on the streets. For example, people like Michael Clay. We met at the New Community Unitarian Methodist Church of Oakhurst for a dinner serving the homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clay isn’t sure if the homeless population is growing in the area, but he says that in his seven months of being homeless, this time around he’s noticed new homeless people in the area. He sleeps in a graveyard to hide from homeless people he thinks will harm him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m basically now running around with two pairs of clothes and a tarp and blanket,” says Clay. “I’m mostly frustrated because I do have a disability and the means to pay for an apartment, but I’m being harried all up and down Highway 41 by other homeless people and they keep moving in from different areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clay is on two waitlists for affordable apartments in Oakhurst, but he says he isn’t banking on a unit becoming available anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When people think of homelessness, they often think of cities like Fresno or Los Angeles. But in the mountains of Madera County, it's a lingering problem. And as the short-term rental market grows, some fear the housing shortage in the communities just outside Yosemite National Park will only get worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serenity Village is a seven-unit affordable apartment complex in Oakhurst, 14 miles south of the entrance to Yosemite. It's targeted at helping homeless people get back on their feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is furnished when they move in,” says Jody Ketcheside, who oversees a number of government-run homeless facilities in Madera and Fresno counties, including Serenity Village. \"There’s a microwave, there’s a dining table, couches, a bed, nightstand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ketcheside says every week her team has to turn away homeless people, due to a program requirement that states a person must be homeless for a year and have a disability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The case manager for this particular program is seeing more people that haven’t been on the streets longer than a year,” says Ketcheside. \"That’s somebody new then from when we counted in 2016. She has to tell them what nobody ever wants to tell anyone. They haven’t been homeless long enough.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She blames the lack of affordable housing and jobs in the region. When her team can’t help they often point homeless people to Matt Mellon with Sierra Vista Presbyterian Church in Oakhurst.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mellon runs a ministry that employs homeless people for $10 an hour, for up to 12 hours a week. He says homeless people are attracted to Oakhurst because of the ease of life here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hear of people who have been on the street down in Bakersfield or Fresno and they come here because they feel like they don’t have to worry as much about getting in fights or having somebody attack them in the middle of the night,” says Mellon. “The drawback is that we have fewer resources to help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628522\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628522\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-800x562.jpg\" alt=\"Matt Mellon runs the Jubilee Ministry in Oakhurst. They hire homeless people for up to 12 hours a week at $10 an hour.\" width=\"800\" height=\"562\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-800x562.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-1020x717.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-1180x829.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-960x675.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-240x169.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-375x263.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/MattMellon-520x365.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matt Mellon runs the Jubilee Ministry in Oakhurst. They hire homeless people for up to 12 hours a week at $10 an hour. \u003ccite>(Ezra David Romero/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The people the church hires for the Jubilee Ministry answer calls, clean the church and keep the acreage around the church fire-ready. Mellon says he is beginning to see families become affected by the lack of affordable housing. He says one family lost their home when the owner sold it and it was converted it into a short-term rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were evicted and now they have nowhere to go,” says Mellon. “They were living in a tent trailer for a while. Now they have to move off that property. They have a little girl who is 6 years old. She’s in first grade right now. They’re trying to [figure out] how do I be homeless with a first-grader.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mellon is in a bind himself. He can’t find a rental in Oakhurst, so he commutes from Fresno. Justin Bales just began his first week back at the Jubilee Ministry. He moved back to Oakhurst after spending time in jail and a period of being homeless in Bakersfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is like a little slice of heaven, I’ll be honest to you,” says Bales. “I’ve been all around California -- Sacramento, L.A., Fresno. In Bakersfield I was in the mission, and it was as ghetto as can be. People shooting up drugs right outside the gate. You don’t see that right here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Bales isn’t couch surfing, he’s living on the streets. He’s looking for a more permanent job, and even though work is scarce, he says he wanted to move home near family. He says the community needs more services for the homeless population, such as a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You get out on the streets and you’re like, OK, even if I’m not a drug user you end up using drugs because you’re going to be cold at night. But if you’re using drugs you’re going to be warm at night,” says Bales. “I really wish Madera County would open up some kind of shelter for people that tried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628529\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628529\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-800x550.jpg\" alt=\"Justin Bales has been homeless off and on for about a decade. He recently landed back in Oakhurst and is couch surfing.\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-800x550.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-1020x701.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-1180x811.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-960x660.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-240x165.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-375x258.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/JBales-520x357.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Bales has been homeless off and on for about a decade. He recently landed back in Oakhurst and is couch surfing. \u003ccite>(Ezra David Romero/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So is the homeless problem getting worse because of the short-term rentals? It's hard to get a definitive answer, but there is a long-term rental shortage in the area. Everyone I spoke with says they’ve noticed new homeless faces in the area, but the actual number hasn’t officially grown. In 2016, 43 homeless people were counted in the Oakhurst area, but that number dropped to around 35 in this year’s count. Officials say the number is low because there weren’t many volunteers this year for the 2017 count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Tom Nicolulis with Manna House -- a food pantry, free thrift shop and job training facility in Oakhurst -- doesn’t think the homeless problem is large enough in the area for a shelter. Even though his ministry served over 35,000 families last year, he doesn’t think rental issues are creating widespread homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to be ignorant to the fact that it could generate some homelessness because I’ve already seen it happen,” Nicolulis says. “As long as we have humanity on Earth we are going to have a homeless population. Every town across the nation has a homeless population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the homeless situation in the region is growing, life is still not easy for people on the streets. For example, people like Michael Clay. We met at the New Community Unitarian Methodist Church of Oakhurst for a dinner serving the homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clay isn’t sure if the homeless population is growing in the area, but he says that in his seven months of being homeless, this time around he’s noticed new homeless people in the area. He sleeps in a graveyard to hide from homeless people he thinks will harm him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m basically now running around with two pairs of clothes and a tarp and blanket,” says Clay. “I’m mostly frustrated because I do have a disability and the means to pay for an apartment, but I’m being harried all up and down Highway 41 by other homeless people and they keep moving in from different areas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco police are investigating the theft of a shotgun, rifle, ammunition, bulletproof vest and FBI jacket stolen last week from the car of a San Mateo County sheriff’s sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastbaytimes.com/2017/11/05/guns-ammunition-stolen-from-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-sergeant/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">East Bay Times reports\u003c/a> Monday the sergeant was attending an FBI task force meeting in San Francisco when his car window was broken and the weapons stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office spokesman Detective Salvador Zuno says the sergeant has been in the department for at least 15 years. He did not know how long the man had been on the FBI task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says department-issued guns must be locked down inside a car. He says he doesn’t know if the sergeant’s guns had been secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Bay Area News Group investigation published last year found that \u003ca href=\"http://extras.mercurynews.com/policeguns/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">at least 944 police-issued weapons\u003c/a> had been either stolen, lost or couldn’t be accounted for since 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Information from: East Bay Times, http://www.eastbaytimes.com\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco police are investigating the theft of a shotgun, rifle, ammunition, bulletproof vest and FBI jacket stolen last week from the car of a San Mateo County sheriff’s sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastbaytimes.com/2017/11/05/guns-ammunition-stolen-from-san-mateo-county-sheriffs-sergeant/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">East Bay Times reports\u003c/a> Monday the sergeant was attending an FBI task force meeting in San Francisco when his car window was broken and the weapons stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County Sheriff’s Office spokesman Detective Salvador Zuno says the sergeant has been in the department for at least 15 years. He did not know how long the man had been on the FBI task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says department-issued guns must be locked down inside a car. He says he doesn’t know if the sergeant’s guns had been secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Bay Area News Group investigation published last year found that \u003ca href=\"http://extras.mercurynews.com/policeguns/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">at least 944 police-issued weapons\u003c/a> had been either stolen, lost or couldn’t be accounted for since 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "At Least 26 Dead After Gunman Opens Fire In South Texas Church",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated Monday at 5:10 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities are investigating a shooting at the First Baptist Church in Sutherland Springs, Texas, a small community southeast of San Antonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a news conference Sunday night, an official from the Texas Department of Public Safety described the scene: Around 11:20 a.m., a man dressed in black tactical gear approached the church and began firing an assault rifle. He then entered the church and continued firing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Greg Abbott confirmed that at least 26 people were killed. A Texas Department of Public Safety official said the ages of the victims ranged from 5 to 72 years old. The AP reports that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/325a116cb78e4b8b8e5992c8763ca956\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the pastor's 14-year-old daughter is among the dead\u003c/a>. In a news conference, Freeman Martin, a regional director of the Texas Department of Safety, said 23 of those killed were found in the church, two were found outside the church and one died after being taken to a hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Public Safety confirmed to NPR that at least 20 others were wounded. A DPS official said in the news conference that the gunman was confronted by an armed civilian outside the church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooter has been identified as Devin Patrick Kelley, 26, according to a law enforcement official. Kelley previously served in the U.S. Air Force in New Mexico from 2010 until he received a bad conduct discharge in 2014, Air Force spokeswoman Ann Stefanek told NPR in an email. He was court-martialed in 2012 for assaulting his wife and child and sentenced to 12 months of confinement. Kelley died shortly after the attack. It's unclear whether it was self-inflicted or whether he was shot by a resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley lived in New Braunfels, northeast of San Antonio, records show. He attended New Braunfels High School, a classmate confirmed to KUT's Mose Buchele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Tom Vinger of the Texas Department of Public Safety said, \"The shooter was later found deceased in his vehicle in Guadalupe County. The exact circumstances of the gunman's death are still under investigation. The wounded individuals were transported to San Antonio Medical Center and University Hospital in San Antonio.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ksat.com/news/neighbor-who-watched-shooting-unfold-says-gunman-unloaded-at-least-6-clips-on-church\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KSAT television\u003c/a> spoke with Fred Curnow, who lives near the church. Curnow said he heard gunfire. \"I went to the window to look and I see an armed man dressed in riot gear — I guess that's what you call it — SWAT gear,\" Curnow said. \"Fully masked, fully armored. He was just shooting the church from the outside.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he saw the shooter return to a white SUV to reload.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MaxMasseyTV/status/927252802182754304\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the attack, the shooter reportedly exchanged gunfire with a nearby resident before getting in his vehicle and driving away. Martin said he could not confirm whether the neighbor hit the suspect, but said it was safe to say that his actions, which caused the shooter to drop his weapon, saved lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KSAT spoke with Johnnie Langendorff, who said the man who exchanged fire with the suspect \"came to my vehicle in distress with his weapon\" and quickly explained what had happened. \"The other gentleman came and said, 'We need to pursue him. He just shot up the church.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/927265906086031363\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langendorff said he and the other man pursued the shooter at high speed before he appeared to lose control and go off the road. \"The other gentleman jumped out and had his rifle on him and he didn't move after that,\" Langendorff told the TV station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fewer than a thousand people live in Sutherland Springs. Kelsey Bradshaw, a reporter for the \u003cem>San Antonio Express-News\u003c/em>, told NPR: \"The number of people who are injured and killed make up about 10 percent of the entire population.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Martin Davies of Texas Public Radio told NPR's Noel King: \"This is a blue jeans and working boots kind of church. It's a big part of the community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While the details of this horrific act are still under investigation, Cecilia and I want to send our sincerest thoughts and prayers to all those who have been affected by this evil act,\" Gov. Greg Abbott \u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-statement-on-shooting-in-sutherland-springs-tx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. \"I want to thank law enforcement for their response and ask that all Texans pray for the Sutherland Springs community during this time of mourning and loss.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a small Baptist church. It's an older building,\" one witness who works nearby \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/several-casualties-reported-texas-church-shooting-n817751?cid=sm_npd_nn_tw_ma\">told MSNBC\u003c/a>, adding that she heard \"semiautomatic gunfire\" from her vantage point about 150 yards away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I never thought it would happen here. This is something that happens in a big city. I would never have thought this would have taken place here. It's just too tight a community. It doesn't make sense.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local media reported that law enforcement closed off the scene, where emergency vehicles lined the streets and witnesses told of several helicopters overhead. FBI agents also arrived at the church. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ATFHQ/status/927255361660301314\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tweeted\u003c/a> that special agents from its San Antonio field office were on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"May God be w/ the people of Sutherland Springs, Texas,\" President \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/927265906086031363\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trump tweeted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president opened previously scheduled remarks in Tokyo on Monday morning local time with \"thoughts and prayers\" for the victims. He said he was sending \"thoughts prayers and deepest condolences to victims of horrific assault on a church in a beautiful area. So sad.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/927397233741492225\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In dark times, and these are dark times, such as these, Americans do what they do best and pull together,\" Trump said. \"Through the tears and through the sadness we stand strong.\" He said his administration would provide support to Texas and the local authorities investigating the shooting.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nCorrection, Nov. 6, 2017:\u003cbr>\nIn a previous version of this post, Kelsey Bradshaw was identified as a reporter for the San Antonio News Express. In fact, the newspaper's name is San Antonio Express-News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated Monday at 5:10 a.m. ET\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal authorities are investigating a shooting at the First Baptist Church in Sutherland Springs, Texas, a small community southeast of San Antonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a news conference Sunday night, an official from the Texas Department of Public Safety described the scene: Around 11:20 a.m., a man dressed in black tactical gear approached the church and began firing an assault rifle. He then entered the church and continued firing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Greg Abbott confirmed that at least 26 people were killed. A Texas Department of Public Safety official said the ages of the victims ranged from 5 to 72 years old. The AP reports that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/325a116cb78e4b8b8e5992c8763ca956\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the pastor's 14-year-old daughter is among the dead\u003c/a>. In a news conference, Freeman Martin, a regional director of the Texas Department of Safety, said 23 of those killed were found in the church, two were found outside the church and one died after being taken to a hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Public Safety confirmed to NPR that at least 20 others were wounded. A DPS official said in the news conference that the gunman was confronted by an armed civilian outside the church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shooter has been identified as Devin Patrick Kelley, 26, according to a law enforcement official. Kelley previously served in the U.S. Air Force in New Mexico from 2010 until he received a bad conduct discharge in 2014, Air Force spokeswoman Ann Stefanek told NPR in an email. He was court-martialed in 2012 for assaulting his wife and child and sentenced to 12 months of confinement. Kelley died shortly after the attack. It's unclear whether it was self-inflicted or whether he was shot by a resident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelley lived in New Braunfels, northeast of San Antonio, records show. He attended New Braunfels High School, a classmate confirmed to KUT's Mose Buchele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Tom Vinger of the Texas Department of Public Safety said, \"The shooter was later found deceased in his vehicle in Guadalupe County. The exact circumstances of the gunman's death are still under investigation. The wounded individuals were transported to San Antonio Medical Center and University Hospital in San Antonio.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ksat.com/news/neighbor-who-watched-shooting-unfold-says-gunman-unloaded-at-least-6-clips-on-church\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KSAT television\u003c/a> spoke with Fred Curnow, who lives near the church. Curnow said he heard gunfire. \"I went to the window to look and I see an armed man dressed in riot gear — I guess that's what you call it — SWAT gear,\" Curnow said. \"Fully masked, fully armored. He was just shooting the church from the outside.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he saw the shooter return to a white SUV to reload.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>After the attack, the shooter reportedly exchanged gunfire with a nearby resident before getting in his vehicle and driving away. Martin said he could not confirm whether the neighbor hit the suspect, but said it was safe to say that his actions, which caused the shooter to drop his weapon, saved lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KSAT spoke with Johnnie Langendorff, who said the man who exchanged fire with the suspect \"came to my vehicle in distress with his weapon\" and quickly explained what had happened. \"The other gentleman came and said, 'We need to pursue him. He just shot up the church.' \"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Langendorff said he and the other man pursued the shooter at high speed before he appeared to lose control and go off the road. \"The other gentleman jumped out and had his rifle on him and he didn't move after that,\" Langendorff told the TV station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fewer than a thousand people live in Sutherland Springs. Kelsey Bradshaw, a reporter for the \u003cem>San Antonio Express-News\u003c/em>, told NPR: \"The number of people who are injured and killed make up about 10 percent of the entire population.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Martin Davies of Texas Public Radio told NPR's Noel King: \"This is a blue jeans and working boots kind of church. It's a big part of the community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While the details of this horrific act are still under investigation, Cecilia and I want to send our sincerest thoughts and prayers to all those who have been affected by this evil act,\" Gov. Greg Abbott \u003ca href=\"https://gov.texas.gov/news/post/governor-abbott-statement-on-shooting-in-sutherland-springs-tx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. \"I want to thank law enforcement for their response and ask that all Texans pray for the Sutherland Springs community during this time of mourning and loss.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a small Baptist church. It's an older building,\" one witness who works nearby \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/several-casualties-reported-texas-church-shooting-n817751?cid=sm_npd_nn_tw_ma\">told MSNBC\u003c/a>, adding that she heard \"semiautomatic gunfire\" from her vantage point about 150 yards away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I never thought it would happen here. This is something that happens in a big city. I would never have thought this would have taken place here. It's just too tight a community. It doesn't make sense.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local media reported that law enforcement closed off the scene, where emergency vehicles lined the streets and witnesses told of several helicopters overhead. FBI agents also arrived at the church. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ATFHQ/status/927255361660301314\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tweeted\u003c/a> that special agents from its San Antonio field office were on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"May God be w/ the people of Sutherland Springs, Texas,\" President \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/927265906086031363\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Trump tweeted\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president opened previously scheduled remarks in Tokyo on Monday morning local time with \"thoughts and prayers\" for the victims. He said he was sending \"thoughts prayers and deepest condolences to victims of horrific assault on a church in a beautiful area. So sad.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\"In dark times, and these are dark times, such as these, Americans do what they do best and pull together,\" Trump said. \"Through the tears and through the sadness we stand strong.\" He said his administration would provide support to Texas and the local authorities investigating the shooting.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nCorrection, Nov. 6, 2017:\u003cbr>\nIn a previous version of this post, Kelsey Bradshaw was identified as a reporter for the San Antonio News Express. In fact, the newspaper's name is San Antonio Express-News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Pacifica to Vote on Rent Control Measure Tuesday",
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"content": "\u003cp>After rent stabilization measures received mixed results around the Bay Area in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/09/bay-area-cities-appear-to-split-on-multiple-rent-control-measures/\">last election\u003c/a>, voters in Pacifica will have their turn on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers who have been campaigning since the summer hope to convince homeowners, a group that makes up the majority of the city's population, to vote for \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofpacifica.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=12742\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would limit how much landlords could raise rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gloria Stofan, a resident since 1966, volunteers with Fair Rents 4 Pacifica. She said that, after speaking to four people, two said they'd vote no on Measure C, one said yes and one was undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628235\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628235\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Stofan has been a resident of Pacifica since 1966. She volunteers with Fair Rents 4 Pacifica. \u003ccite>(Devin Katayama/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure C would impact only 2,300 or so rental units in Pacifica -- about 16 percent of the city's housing stock, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofpacifica.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=12741\">city report\u003c/a>. If approved, the measure would roll back rents to February 2017 levels, limit annual increases to the consumer price index and add just-cause protections to some units, meaning landlords would need a good reason to evict a tenant, like not paying rent or criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction protections would apply only to the units covered by rent stabilization, unlike other cities that have applied it more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our measure is much more moderate than any others,\" said Thursday Roberts, a volunteer for \u003ca href=\"http://www.fairrents4pacifica.org/\">Fair Rents 4 Pacifica\u003c/a>. \"We thought it would be more palatable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacifica represents the smallest Bay Area city that has put a rent stabilization measure on the ballot in recent years. The city's population is around 40,000 and about a third of households are renters. That number could play a role in whether Measure C is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither Burlingame nor San Mateo, two other San Mateo County cities, passed rent stabilization measures last year, and nearly 50 percent of residents are renters in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the City Council voted to put rent stabilization and just cause evictions on the ballot, and the council \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/12/pacifica-city-council-approves-temporary-rent-control-ordinance/\">passed a moratorium\u003c/a> on rent increases until the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the help of the California Apartment Association, which \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/09/apartment-association-ends-legal-challenge-against-rent-control-in-richmond-and-mountain-view/\">opposes rent stabilization\u003c/a>, a referendum petition stopped the moratorium on rent increases from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo District Attorney's Office is currently investigating allegations that signature-gatherers misled people into signing the petition, although the investigation won't impact the results of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renters groups have been largely outspent by the opposition. Fair Rents 4 Pacifica has raised around $50,000 according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofpacifica.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=13519\">last city filing\u003c/a>. The main opposition group has raised more than $300,000, led by the San Mateo County Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One consistent opponent of Measure C is Mayor Mike O'Neill, who signed the argument against it. O'Neill is a homeowner who says the government should not interfere in the relationship between a tenant and landlord. Yet he knows that could result in displacement for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conundrum,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O'Neill is concerned that Measure C will end up costing the city too much money and has called it a hidden tax. But supporters say even the city's website dispels that rumor. The rent program will be funded by a $19 monthly fee that can be passed down to renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question that people are deciding for themselves: \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/10/06/is-rent-control-fair-the-question-at-the-heart-of-the-debate/\">Is rent stabilization fair\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen California cities have similar laws on the books. In the last election, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/09/bay-area-cities-appear-to-split-on-multiple-rent-control-measures/\">two of five cities\u003c/a> with renter-backed measures passed them. Santa Rosa \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/business/networth/article/Rent-control-loses-a-battle-in-Santa-Rosa-but-11203882.php\">failed to pass\u003c/a> a measure earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether O'Neill would fight for rent stabilization if he were a renter, he paused and said, \"It would probably depend on what kind of landlord I had.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority vote is needed for Measure C to pass.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After rent stabilization measures received mixed results around the Bay Area in the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/09/bay-area-cities-appear-to-split-on-multiple-rent-control-measures/\">last election\u003c/a>, voters in Pacifica will have their turn on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers who have been campaigning since the summer hope to convince homeowners, a group that makes up the majority of the city's population, to vote for \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofpacifica.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=12742\">Measure C\u003c/a>, which would limit how much landlords could raise rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gloria Stofan, a resident since 1966, volunteers with Fair Rents 4 Pacifica. She said that, after speaking to four people, two said they'd vote no on Measure C, one said yes and one was undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628235\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628235\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/IMG_3012-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Stofan has been a resident of Pacifica since 1966. She volunteers with Fair Rents 4 Pacifica. \u003ccite>(Devin Katayama/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure C would impact only 2,300 or so rental units in Pacifica -- about 16 percent of the city's housing stock, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofpacifica.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=12741\">city report\u003c/a>. If approved, the measure would roll back rents to February 2017 levels, limit annual increases to the consumer price index and add just-cause protections to some units, meaning landlords would need a good reason to evict a tenant, like not paying rent or criminal activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction protections would apply only to the units covered by rent stabilization, unlike other cities that have applied it more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our measure is much more moderate than any others,\" said Thursday Roberts, a volunteer for \u003ca href=\"http://www.fairrents4pacifica.org/\">Fair Rents 4 Pacifica\u003c/a>. \"We thought it would be more palatable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacifica represents the smallest Bay Area city that has put a rent stabilization measure on the ballot in recent years. The city's population is around 40,000 and about a third of households are renters. That number could play a role in whether Measure C is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither Burlingame nor San Mateo, two other San Mateo County cities, passed rent stabilization measures last year, and nearly 50 percent of residents are renters in either city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the City Council voted to put rent stabilization and just cause evictions on the ballot, and the council \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/04/12/pacifica-city-council-approves-temporary-rent-control-ordinance/\">passed a moratorium\u003c/a> on rent increases until the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with the help of the California Apartment Association, which \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/05/09/apartment-association-ends-legal-challenge-against-rent-control-in-richmond-and-mountain-view/\">opposes rent stabilization\u003c/a>, a referendum petition stopped the moratorium on rent increases from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo District Attorney's Office is currently investigating allegations that signature-gatherers misled people into signing the petition, although the investigation won't impact the results of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renters groups have been largely outspent by the opposition. Fair Rents 4 Pacifica has raised around $50,000 according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofpacifica.org/civicax/filebank/blobdload.aspx?BlobID=13519\">last city filing\u003c/a>. The main opposition group has raised more than $300,000, led by the San Mateo County Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One consistent opponent of Measure C is Mayor Mike O'Neill, who signed the argument against it. O'Neill is a homeowner who says the government should not interfere in the relationship between a tenant and landlord. Yet he knows that could result in displacement for some.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a conundrum,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>O'Neill is concerned that Measure C will end up costing the city too much money and has called it a hidden tax. But supporters say even the city's website dispels that rumor. The rent program will be funded by a $19 monthly fee that can be passed down to renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question that people are deciding for themselves: \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/10/06/is-rent-control-fair-the-question-at-the-heart-of-the-debate/\">Is rent stabilization fair\u003c/a>?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a dozen California cities have similar laws on the books. In the last election, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/09/bay-area-cities-appear-to-split-on-multiple-rent-control-measures/\">two of five cities\u003c/a> with renter-backed measures passed them. Santa Rosa \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfchronicle.com/business/networth/article/Rent-control-loses-a-battle-in-Santa-Rosa-but-11203882.php\">failed to pass\u003c/a> a measure earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether O'Neill would fight for rent stabilization if he were a renter, he paused and said, \"It would probably depend on what kind of landlord I had.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A majority vote is needed for Measure C to pass.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"order": 3
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},
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"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"order": 10
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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