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"title": "Voters Decisively Reject Proposition 6, Measure to Repeal Gas Tax Increase",
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"headTitle": "Voters Decisively Reject Proposition 6, Measure to Repeal Gas Tax Increase | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:20 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians gave Gov. Jerry Brown and a coalition of Democrats, labor and big business a major victory Tuesday, rejecting Proposition 6 — a constitutional amendment that would have repealed last year’s tax and vehicle fees and made it harder to enact such hikes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With counties having counted early mail-in ballots and with election-day votes tabulated from 100 percent of the state’s 24,312 precincts, the repeal initiative lost, 55.1 percent no to 44.9 percent yes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Returns showed that the repeal lost in every coastal county from Humboldt to Los Angeles while winning in most inland counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carl Guardino, a member of the California Transportation Commission and CEO of the Silicon Valley Leadership — which fought the repeal — hailed the result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s heartening to know that California voters and taxpayers realize we have to fix the crumbling condition of our state highways and local streets and roads, that we need transit alternatives and traffic relief and that we need absolutely highway and bridge safety,” Guardino said. “That’s why they’re turning down this ‘U-turn to yesterday’ measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was the No. 1 cheerleader for SB 1, the bill that increased taxes and fees in order to raise $52 billion over the next decade and fund an ambitious program of highway and street repairs, transit projects and other transportation infrastructure improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a No on 6 celebration in Sacramento, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-6-gas-tax-increase-repeal-20181106-story.html\">the governor said\u003c/a> the Prop. 6 result was “one of the most significant votes in America tonight, because where else have people voted to tax themselves to pay for what they need?” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SB 1 tax increases — 12 cents a gallon on gasoline, 20 cents on diesel fuel, with steep jumps in vehicle fees — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11395314/in-big-win-for-gov-brown-state-legislature-oks-major-transportation-plan\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">gained a two-thirds majority\u003c/a> in both houses of the Legislature in April 2017 without a vote to spare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just one Republican voted for the bill — San Joaquin Valley Sen. Anthony Cannella. That sharp partisan divide set the stage for the repeal effort. Travis Allen, a GOP assemblyman from Orange County, launched a campaign to kill the new taxes as soon as SB 1 was enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen’s effort, which sought only to kill the new taxes, faltered. A second drive, which had the expanded goal of repealing the higher taxes and amending the state Constitution to require voter approval of future hikes, succeeded in qualifying for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That campaign, led by Carl DeMaio, a conservative radio talk-show host and former San Diego city councilman, focused on the cost of the new taxes and fees to Californians already struggling with the state’s high cost of living. It also charged that the new tax and fee revenue was bound to be diverted to uses other than transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The repeal was embraced early on by California Republicans who, harking back to 1978’s Proposition 13 property tax initiative, saw the issue as one that could energize the party’s voters and help the cause of several congressional candidates facing tough races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP gubernatorial hopeful John Cox made the repeal a centerpiece of his campaign and contributed $250,000 to the Yes on 6 campaign. The California Republican Party and the campaigns of Central Valley GOP congressmen Kevin McCarthy and Devin Nunes also made substantial contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Gov. Brown in the lead, the No on 6 side built an unusual coalition of Democrats, labor unions, construction firms and traditionally conservative-leaning big business organizations like the state Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those groups raised nearly $50 million in the campaign to defend the gas tax and spent more than $35 million of that, according to the latest campaign finance reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meantime, funding for the Yes on 6 side waned, with the campaign reporting $5 million raised and only $2 million spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement issued four hours before the polls closed Tuesday, the Yes on 6 campaign characterized the election as a David vs. Goliath struggle in which it had been victimized by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702114/leader-of-gax-tax-repeal-threatens-recall-drive-against-becerra\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an allegedly misleading ballot title.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 6 campaign’s DeMaio has threatened to launch a recall drive against Democratic state Attorney General Xavier Becerra, whose office produced the ballot title. A state court of appeal panel reviewed the ballot language, which was originally attached to Travis Allen’s repeal petitions, and ruled it was not misleading. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the ill-gotten victory that the politicians have won tonight by stealing votes, by changing the title on our initiative, you have so much to be proud of,” DeMaio told volunteers in San Diego on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Defeat of effort to repeal gas tax increase marks major victory for Gov. Jerry Brown and proponents of effort to repair and modernize state's transportation network. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:20 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians gave Gov. Jerry Brown and a coalition of Democrats, labor and big business a major victory Tuesday, rejecting Proposition 6 — a constitutional amendment that would have repealed last year’s tax and vehicle fees and made it harder to enact such hikes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With counties having counted early mail-in ballots and with election-day votes tabulated from 100 percent of the state’s 24,312 precincts, the repeal initiative lost, 55.1 percent no to 44.9 percent yes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Returns showed that the repeal lost in every coastal county from Humboldt to Los Angeles while winning in most inland counties. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carl Guardino, a member of the California Transportation Commission and CEO of the Silicon Valley Leadership — which fought the repeal — hailed the result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s heartening to know that California voters and taxpayers realize we have to fix the crumbling condition of our state highways and local streets and roads, that we need transit alternatives and traffic relief and that we need absolutely highway and bridge safety,” Guardino said. “That’s why they’re turning down this ‘U-turn to yesterday’ measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was the No. 1 cheerleader for SB 1, the bill that increased taxes and fees in order to raise $52 billion over the next decade and fund an ambitious program of highway and street repairs, transit projects and other transportation infrastructure improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a No on 6 celebration in Sacramento, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-6-gas-tax-increase-repeal-20181106-story.html\">the governor said\u003c/a> the Prop. 6 result was “one of the most significant votes in America tonight, because where else have people voted to tax themselves to pay for what they need?” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SB 1 tax increases — 12 cents a gallon on gasoline, 20 cents on diesel fuel, with steep jumps in vehicle fees — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11395314/in-big-win-for-gov-brown-state-legislature-oks-major-transportation-plan\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">gained a two-thirds majority\u003c/a> in both houses of the Legislature in April 2017 without a vote to spare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just one Republican voted for the bill — San Joaquin Valley Sen. Anthony Cannella. That sharp partisan divide set the stage for the repeal effort. Travis Allen, a GOP assemblyman from Orange County, launched a campaign to kill the new taxes as soon as SB 1 was enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen’s effort, which sought only to kill the new taxes, faltered. A second drive, which had the expanded goal of repealing the higher taxes and amending the state Constitution to require voter approval of future hikes, succeeded in qualifying for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That campaign, led by Carl DeMaio, a conservative radio talk-show host and former San Diego city councilman, focused on the cost of the new taxes and fees to Californians already struggling with the state’s high cost of living. It also charged that the new tax and fee revenue was bound to be diverted to uses other than transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The repeal was embraced early on by California Republicans who, harking back to 1978’s Proposition 13 property tax initiative, saw the issue as one that could energize the party’s voters and help the cause of several congressional candidates facing tough races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GOP gubernatorial hopeful John Cox made the repeal a centerpiece of his campaign and contributed $250,000 to the Yes on 6 campaign. The California Republican Party and the campaigns of Central Valley GOP congressmen Kevin McCarthy and Devin Nunes also made substantial contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Gov. Brown in the lead, the No on 6 side built an unusual coalition of Democrats, labor unions, construction firms and traditionally conservative-leaning big business organizations like the state Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those groups raised nearly $50 million in the campaign to defend the gas tax and spent more than $35 million of that, according to the latest campaign finance reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meantime, funding for the Yes on 6 side waned, with the campaign reporting $5 million raised and only $2 million spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement issued four hours before the polls closed Tuesday, the Yes on 6 campaign characterized the election as a David vs. Goliath struggle in which it had been victimized by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702114/leader-of-gax-tax-repeal-threatens-recall-drive-against-becerra\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an allegedly misleading ballot title.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 6 campaign’s DeMaio has threatened to launch a recall drive against Democratic state Attorney General Xavier Becerra, whose office produced the ballot title. A state court of appeal panel reviewed the ballot language, which was originally attached to Travis Allen’s repeal petitions, and ruled it was not misleading. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite the ill-gotten victory that the politicians have won tonight by stealing votes, by changing the title on our initiative, you have so much to be proud of,” DeMaio told volunteers in San Diego on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Proposition 6 and the Polls: How You Ask a Question Really Matters",
"title": "Proposition 6 and the Polls: How You Ask a Question Really Matters",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704202/proposition-6-gas-tax-repeal-vote-results\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Voters Decisively Reject Proposition 6, Measure to Repeal Gas Tax Increase\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:45 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ver the last few weeks, five different polling organizations have come out with snapshots of how the California electorate is leaning on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699988/10-things-to-know-about-proposition-6-the-gas-tax-repeal-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a>, the constitutional amendment that would repeal last year's fuel tax and vehicle fee increases and require voter approval of any such hikes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day before the election, the only thing the polls tell you with absolute certainty is that the way you ask a question matters. A lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the polls -- one from \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9cf0k8sv\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC Berkeley's Institute for Government Studies\u003c/a> and one from Stanford's \u003ca href=\"https://files-west-stanford-edu.s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/billlanecenter-stanford-yougov-ca_general_toplines_20181024.pdf?HdNEDH4GzkpgkVqrECio0VoAQguVwRkJ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bill Lane Center for the American West\u003c/a> -- showed likely voters rejecting the repeal effort by 13 to 16 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> suggests Proposition 6 will fail in a fairly close vote -- with the no side 7 points ahead. A fourth, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-usc-latimes-poll-gas-tax-20181019-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">from USC\u003c/a>, indicates the race is a dead heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves one other poll trying to divine the fate of the gas tax repeal, from New Jersey-based SurveyUSA. That firm's \u003ca href=\"http://www.surveyusa.com/client/PollReport.aspx?g=85614f00-b105-4f49-a6e5-630e246d8d52\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sample of likely voters\u003c/a>, taken about the same time as all the others, suggested that voters supported the repeal by a blowout margin of 58 percent yes to 29 percent no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was an obvious explanation for the difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first four polls asked respondents about the language they're seeing on Tuesday's ballot — the proposition's official title and summary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC, for instance, posed this question over the phone:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Proposition 6 is called the 'Eliminates Certain Road Repair and Transportation Funding. Requires Certain Fuel Taxes and Vehicle Fees be Approved by the Electorate. Initiative Constitutional Amendment.' It repeals a 2017 transportation law’s taxes and fees designated for road repairs and public transportation. The fiscal impact is reduced ongoing revenues of $5.1 billion from state fuel and vehicle taxes that mainly would have paid for highway and road maintenance and repairs, as well as transit programs. If the election were held today, would you vote yes or no on Proposition 6?”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley IGS, Stanford and USC polls, all conducted online, used virtually identical wording. Among those four surveys, support for Proposition 6 was cool to tepid, ranging from 34 percent to 41 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It should be noted at this juncture that the ballot title itself is the source of some controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican leaders of the Yes on 6 campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702114/leader-of-gax-tax-repeal-threatens-recall-drive-against-becerra\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have accused\u003c/a> the state attorney general's office, led by Democrat Xavier Becerra, of trying to mislead voters. However, a state Court of Appeal panel upheld the attorney general's wording, finding it \"does not mislead the voters or create prejudice against the measure.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question posed by SurveyUSA contained more than a hint of that political dispute:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Proposition 6, a constitutional amendment which would repeal gasoline and diesel taxes, and vehicle fees, that were enacted in 2017 and would require any future fuel taxes be approved by voters. A YES vote on Prop 6 would repeal fuel tax increases that were enacted in 2017, including the Road Repaid and Accountability Act of 2017. A NO vote on Prop 6 would keep the fuel taxes imposed in 2017 by the California Legislature in place, and would allow the Legislature to impose whatever fees and taxes it approved in the future, provided two-thirds of the California House (sic) and two-thirds of the California Senate approved. On Proposition 6, how do you vote?\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe id=\"datawrapper-chart-x9Kvk\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/x9Kvk/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" align=\"center\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 90% !important;\" height=\"370\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the question's emphasis on the repeal terminology and its argumentative suggestion that a no vote will leave the Legislature free to levy further taxes, it's not shocking that SurveyUSA found rabid support for Proposition 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among those who took note of how sharply the SurveyUSA numbers diverged from those of other pollsters was SurveyUSA itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Jay Leve said Monday the disparity prompted the company to perform what amounted to a do-over last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company conducted a poll last Thursday and Friday in which a group of 913 voters, who said they had already returned their mail-in ballots or were about to, was split roughly in half. One group was asked SurveyUSA's original question; the other was asked to respond to the PPIC wording.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked the PPIC question -- the one reflecting the actual language on the ballot -- SurveyUSA's respondents were 44-41 in favor of Proposition 6, with 14 percent undecided. But given the poll's small sample size and unusually large \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/2017-03/IpsosPA_CredibilityIntervals.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">credibility interval\u003c/a>\" -- plus or minus 7.2 percentage points -- the race is too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, 52 percent of the group that was asked the original SurveyUSA question -- the one emphasizing the repeal -- said they supported Proposition 6, with 40 percent saying they opposed the measure. The statistical uncertainty in that sample is plus or minus 6.2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Pollsters live by the sword, they die by the sword,\" SurveyUSA's Leve said. \"We're prepared to take our lumps if this measure is defeated soundly. Should it eke through, we'll be happy to take our victory lap and say, 'OK, we're glad we did our research.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark DiCamillo, director of UC Berkeley's \u003ca href=\"https://igs.berkeley.edu/igs-poll/berkeley-igs-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">IGS Poll\u003c/a>, said in an interview with KQED's Scott Shafer last week that his organization's survey used the actual Proposition 6 title because \"we're trying to replicate the ballot. We're trying to give voters the same cues they're gonna see when they go to vote -- whether they vote by mail or go into the precinct to vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballot language is \"certainly skewed toward the no side\" and that asking directly about the tax and fee repeal would probably show more support for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But pollsters, he said, \"can't really push things one way or the other if we disagree with the summaries that are on the ballot. It's literally what voters are going to see. So in our judgment as pollsters, it's your best cue ... is to just show voters what the ballot says and see how they answer the question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Northern California political scientists who have been following the polls say they're inclined to believe surveys that use the ballot language -- and show weakening support for the gas tax repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The trend should be trusted for a couple of reasons,\" said Keith Smith, an associate professor of political science at the University of the Pacific. \"One, traditionally the closer we get to an election, the more opposition there is to any initiative. ... Historically, you need to be polling well ahead in order to feel confident going into the election.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the second reason -- reflected in a finding of the USC poll, taken between mid-September and mid-October, reporting that 45 percent of those surveyed were not familiar with Proposition 6 -- is voters' lack of knowledge about the issues they're being asked to decide on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of people who are going to vote, the only thing they are going to read about the initiative is what's on the ballot,\" Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David McCuan, a professor and chair of the political science department at Sonoma State University, agreed. He said it's important to remember that most ballot measures fail in California and that most voters tend to default to the no position when deciding how to vote on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If they are unsure or uncertain what to do, they will maintain the status quo,\" McCuan said. \"That means they'll vote on the defensive -- they'll vote against things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCuan said the Republican-led Yes on 6 effort is fighting other disadvantages in trying to win \"purple\" independent and centrist Democratic voters who might be sympathetic to their message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of aggressive fundraising from the No on 6 side, the repeal drive has suffered from a lack of campaign cash. And traditional GOP allies from the business sector have joined the Democratic/labor coalition trying to defeat the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ballot measures lack partisan cues — you don't see a 'D' or an 'R' after a ballot measure,\" he said. \"So you have to sort of figure out and wade your way through. If you're voting in a defensive way and unsure what's going on, voters use shortcuts to make a decision. So the yes forces have a simple slogan -- 'Repeal the gas tax' -- as an opportunity to go after those purple voters.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's where campaign fundraising and the No on 6 alliances could prove decisive\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCuan said the repeal campaign \"didn't really get the resources or the backing from the Republican establishment or from groups that would normally be on their side, like the Chamber of Commerce or the (California) Business Roundtable -- groups that helped move forward the gas tax because of transportation or building projects.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704202/proposition-6-gas-tax-repeal-vote-results\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Voters Decisively Reject Proposition 6, Measure to Repeal Gas Tax Increase\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:45 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ver the last few weeks, five different polling organizations have come out with snapshots of how the California electorate is leaning on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699988/10-things-to-know-about-proposition-6-the-gas-tax-repeal-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a>, the constitutional amendment that would repeal last year's fuel tax and vehicle fee increases and require voter approval of any such hikes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day before the election, the only thing the polls tell you with absolute certainty is that the way you ask a question matters. A lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the polls -- one from \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9cf0k8sv\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC Berkeley's Institute for Government Studies\u003c/a> and one from Stanford's \u003ca href=\"https://files-west-stanford-edu.s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/billlanecenter-stanford-yougov-ca_general_toplines_20181024.pdf?HdNEDH4GzkpgkVqrECio0VoAQguVwRkJ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Bill Lane Center for the American West\u003c/a> -- showed likely voters rejecting the repeal effort by 13 to 16 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> suggests Proposition 6 will fail in a fairly close vote -- with the no side 7 points ahead. A fourth, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-usc-latimes-poll-gas-tax-20181019-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">from USC\u003c/a>, indicates the race is a dead heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves one other poll trying to divine the fate of the gas tax repeal, from New Jersey-based SurveyUSA. That firm's \u003ca href=\"http://www.surveyusa.com/client/PollReport.aspx?g=85614f00-b105-4f49-a6e5-630e246d8d52\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sample of likely voters\u003c/a>, taken about the same time as all the others, suggested that voters supported the repeal by a blowout margin of 58 percent yes to 29 percent no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was an obvious explanation for the difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first four polls asked respondents about the language they're seeing on Tuesday's ballot — the proposition's official title and summary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC, for instance, posed this question over the phone:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Proposition 6 is called the 'Eliminates Certain Road Repair and Transportation Funding. Requires Certain Fuel Taxes and Vehicle Fees be Approved by the Electorate. Initiative Constitutional Amendment.' It repeals a 2017 transportation law’s taxes and fees designated for road repairs and public transportation. The fiscal impact is reduced ongoing revenues of $5.1 billion from state fuel and vehicle taxes that mainly would have paid for highway and road maintenance and repairs, as well as transit programs. If the election were held today, would you vote yes or no on Proposition 6?”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley IGS, Stanford and USC polls, all conducted online, used virtually identical wording. Among those four surveys, support for Proposition 6 was cool to tepid, ranging from 34 percent to 41 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It should be noted at this juncture that the ballot title itself is the source of some controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican leaders of the Yes on 6 campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702114/leader-of-gax-tax-repeal-threatens-recall-drive-against-becerra\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">have accused\u003c/a> the state attorney general's office, led by Democrat Xavier Becerra, of trying to mislead voters. However, a state Court of Appeal panel upheld the attorney general's wording, finding it \"does not mislead the voters or create prejudice against the measure.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question posed by SurveyUSA contained more than a hint of that political dispute:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Proposition 6, a constitutional amendment which would repeal gasoline and diesel taxes, and vehicle fees, that were enacted in 2017 and would require any future fuel taxes be approved by voters. A YES vote on Prop 6 would repeal fuel tax increases that were enacted in 2017, including the Road Repaid and Accountability Act of 2017. A NO vote on Prop 6 would keep the fuel taxes imposed in 2017 by the California Legislature in place, and would allow the Legislature to impose whatever fees and taxes it approved in the future, provided two-thirds of the California House (sic) and two-thirds of the California Senate approved. On Proposition 6, how do you vote?\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe id=\"datawrapper-chart-x9Kvk\" src=\"//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/x9Kvk/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" align=\"center\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 90% !important;\" height=\"370\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the question's emphasis on the repeal terminology and its argumentative suggestion that a no vote will leave the Legislature free to levy further taxes, it's not shocking that SurveyUSA found rabid support for Proposition 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But among those who took note of how sharply the SurveyUSA numbers diverged from those of other pollsters was SurveyUSA itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Jay Leve said Monday the disparity prompted the company to perform what amounted to a do-over last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company conducted a poll last Thursday and Friday in which a group of 913 voters, who said they had already returned their mail-in ballots or were about to, was split roughly in half. One group was asked SurveyUSA's original question; the other was asked to respond to the PPIC wording.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The outcome?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked the PPIC question -- the one reflecting the actual language on the ballot -- SurveyUSA's respondents were 44-41 in favor of Proposition 6, with 14 percent undecided. But given the poll's small sample size and unusually large \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/2017-03/IpsosPA_CredibilityIntervals.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">credibility interval\u003c/a>\" -- plus or minus 7.2 percentage points -- the race is too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, 52 percent of the group that was asked the original SurveyUSA question -- the one emphasizing the repeal -- said they supported Proposition 6, with 40 percent saying they opposed the measure. The statistical uncertainty in that sample is plus or minus 6.2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Pollsters live by the sword, they die by the sword,\" SurveyUSA's Leve said. \"We're prepared to take our lumps if this measure is defeated soundly. Should it eke through, we'll be happy to take our victory lap and say, 'OK, we're glad we did our research.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark DiCamillo, director of UC Berkeley's \u003ca href=\"https://igs.berkeley.edu/igs-poll/berkeley-igs-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">IGS Poll\u003c/a>, said in an interview with KQED's Scott Shafer last week that his organization's survey used the actual Proposition 6 title because \"we're trying to replicate the ballot. We're trying to give voters the same cues they're gonna see when they go to vote -- whether they vote by mail or go into the precinct to vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the ballot language is \"certainly skewed toward the no side\" and that asking directly about the tax and fee repeal would probably show more support for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But pollsters, he said, \"can't really push things one way or the other if we disagree with the summaries that are on the ballot. It's literally what voters are going to see. So in our judgment as pollsters, it's your best cue ... is to just show voters what the ballot says and see how they answer the question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Northern California political scientists who have been following the polls say they're inclined to believe surveys that use the ballot language -- and show weakening support for the gas tax repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The trend should be trusted for a couple of reasons,\" said Keith Smith, an associate professor of political science at the University of the Pacific. \"One, traditionally the closer we get to an election, the more opposition there is to any initiative. ... Historically, you need to be polling well ahead in order to feel confident going into the election.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the second reason -- reflected in a finding of the USC poll, taken between mid-September and mid-October, reporting that 45 percent of those surveyed were not familiar with Proposition 6 -- is voters' lack of knowledge about the issues they're being asked to decide on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of people who are going to vote, the only thing they are going to read about the initiative is what's on the ballot,\" Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David McCuan, a professor and chair of the political science department at Sonoma State University, agreed. He said it's important to remember that most ballot measures fail in California and that most voters tend to default to the no position when deciding how to vote on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If they are unsure or uncertain what to do, they will maintain the status quo,\" McCuan said. \"That means they'll vote on the defensive -- they'll vote against things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCuan said the Republican-led Yes on 6 effort is fighting other disadvantages in trying to win \"purple\" independent and centrist Democratic voters who might be sympathetic to their message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of aggressive fundraising from the No on 6 side, the repeal drive has suffered from a lack of campaign cash. And traditional GOP allies from the business sector have joined the Democratic/labor coalition trying to defeat the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Ballot measures lack partisan cues — you don't see a 'D' or an 'R' after a ballot measure,\" he said. \"So you have to sort of figure out and wade your way through. If you're voting in a defensive way and unsure what's going on, voters use shortcuts to make a decision. So the yes forces have a simple slogan -- 'Repeal the gas tax' -- as an opportunity to go after those purple voters.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's where campaign fundraising and the No on 6 alliances could prove decisive\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCuan said the repeal campaign \"didn't really get the resources or the backing from the Republican establishment or from groups that would normally be on their side, like the Chamber of Commerce or the (California) Business Roundtable -- groups that helped move forward the gas tax because of transportation or building projects.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Election results:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704202/proposition-6-gas-tax-repeal-vote-results\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Voters Decisively Reject Proposition 6, Measure to Repeal Gas Tax Increase\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Nov. 7 , 2018\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key questions and answers on California’s Proposition 6, the “repeal the gas tax” initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]1.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>What would Proposition 6 do?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nFirst, it would repeal the package of fuel tax increases and new vehicle fees enacted last year by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11382090/brown-democrats-unveil-revenue-plan-for-roads-bridges-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 1\u003c/a>. That legislation, championed by Gov. Jerry Brown and passed by a two-thirds majority in both the state Assembly and Senate, is designed to raise $52 billion over the next decade for highway and street repair, transit and other transportation projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Proposition 6 would amend the state Constitution to require voter approval of future fuel tax and vehicle fee increases, a provision expected to make it more difficult to enact similar levies in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]2.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>Exactly how much more are those SB 1 taxes and fees?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe law raised the state’s gasoline tax by 12 cents, from 29.7 cents to 41.7 cents a gallon, beginning last Nov. 1. The tax will go up another 5.6 cents next July 1. Separately, the law raised the state tax on diesel fuel from 16 cents to 36 cents a gallon and raised the diesel fuel sales tax. (Other charges at the pump, including the 18.4-cent federal tax, the state’s 2.25 percent gasoline sales tax and any local sales taxes, were not changed by SB 1.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1 imposed a new “transportation improvement fee” on car and light-truck owners based on the value of their vehicles. The fee ranges from $25 a year, for vehicles valued at $4,999 or less, to $175 a year for vehicles valued at $60,000 and up. The state began collecting the fee on Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also includes a $100 “road improvement fee” for zero-emission vehicles. The fee will be charged beginning in July 2020 and cover vehicles from model year 2020 and later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]3.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>Who is behind Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn a word: Republicans, including \u003ca href=\"https://gastaxrepeal.org/gas-tax-repeal-heroes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">GOP lawmakers\u003c/a> and party activists at the federal, state and local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official proponent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/17-0033%20%28Gas%20and%20Car%20Tax%29_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a> is \u003ca href=\"https://www.bmhlaw.com/wp-content/uploads/Bell-McAndrews-Hiltachk-DJ-2017-Top-100-Lawyers-2.pdf\">Thomas Hiltachk\u003c/a>, a veteran \u003ca href=\"https://capitalandmain.com/tom-hiltachk-master-of-deception\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Republican attorney in Sacramento\u003c/a> who played leading roles in the 2003 campaign to recall Gov. Gray Davis and many past ballot measures, including one that sought to suspend AB 32, the state’s landmark greenhouse gas law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public face of the repeal campaign is Carl DeMaio, a Republican former San Diego city councilman who was edged out in his 2012 campaign to become mayor and again in 2014, when he ran for Congress. \u003ca href=\"http://carldemaio.com/event/yes-prop-6-rally-orange-county-0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">He calls\u003c/a> the repeal campaign “the biggest taxpayer revolt in California since 1978’s Prop. 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The repeal campaign has become a centerpiece of Republican gubernatorial candidate John Cox’s campaign. It has also drawn support from retiring House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wisconsin, and his second-in-command, Central Valley Rep. Kevin McCarthy, who see it as \u003ca href=\"https://cal.streetsblog.org/2018/08/30/vote-no-on-prop-6-the-campaign-is-an-incoherent-and-childish-effort-to-distract-you-from-donald-trump/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a vehicle for boosting GOP voter turnout\u003c/a>. Most GOP legislators, at both the state and federal level, and tax limitation groups like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association,\u003c/a> also support the repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]4.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>What are the arguments for Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nProposition 6 backers \u003ca href=\"https://gastaxrepeal.org/why-repeal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cite several reasons\u003c/a> they oppose SB 1’s higher fuel taxes and vehicle fees. They say the increases \u003ca href=\"http://act.reformcalifornia.org/Gas_Tax_Impact_Study.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hurt California families\u003c/a> struggling with the state’s high cost of living, that our fuel taxes and vehicle fees are too high already and are spent inefficiently, and that the state already brings in enough money to pay for road and street maintenance without the higher taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]5.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>Who opposes Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA \u003ca href=\"https://noprop6.com/coalition-list/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">broad coalition\u003c/a>. In addition to Gov. Jerry Brown and most Democratic legislators, they include: scores of city and county governments, including 30 in the Bay Area; major business groups, including the Bay Area Council, Silicon Valley Leadership Group and California Chamber of Commerce; police and firefighters unions; construction firms and trade unions; environmental groups; many transit agencies, including BART; and engineering, planning and transportation organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]6.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>What are the arguments against Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nProposition 6 opponents say the tax and fee revenue from SB 1 — about $5.4 billion a year, to be collected for the next decade — is essential to repair and maintain highways, local streets and bridges, and to support a wide variety of transportation network improvements to address traffic congestion, pedestrian safety and improving public transportation. They say that California drivers are \u003ca href=\"http://www.tripnet.org/docs/CA_Transportation_by_the_Numbers_TRIP_Report_Aug_2018.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">paying substantially more\u003c/a> for driving on poorly maintained roads — for added repairs and maintenance, lower gas mileage, time in traffic traffic and the cost of crashes — than they do for the increased fuel taxes and vehicle fees. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They add that SB 1 is just part of what’s needed to help the state deal with an estimated $137 billion backlog of transportation infrastructure maintenance and repair projects in the coming decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]7.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>How much SB 1 funding is distributed to local governments? How much will come to the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nHalf of the $5 billion-plus raised each year by the increased taxes and fees goes to city and county governments for local projects. The Metropolitan Transportation Commission \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/advocate-lead/state-advocacy/senate-bill-1-sb-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">says\u003c/a> the nine-county Bay Area will get at least $365 million a year from SB 1 revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of the local impact: The San Francisco County Transportation Authority \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcta.org/revenue/SB1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that the city will get about $60 million in increased funding for street resurfacing, for Muni operations and other projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans has published \u003ca href=\"http://rebuildingca.ca.gov/map.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a statewide map and list\u003c/a> of projects to be paid for by SB 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]8.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>One of the main arguments for the SB 1 fuel tax and vehicle fee increases is the poor condition of California roads and streets. How bad are they?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA variety of groups that study road and infrastructure conditions and promote improvements concur that California’s highways, roads, bridges and transit are in poor condition and in need of major investment:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Society of Civil Engineers gives California roads \u003ca href=\"https://www.infrastructurereportcard.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/ASCEReport-CA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a grade of D\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TRIP, a national group sponsored by insurance companies, highway engineering and construction firms, unions and groups campaigning for safer and more efficient surface transportation, \u003ca href=\"http://www.tripnet.org/docs/Urban_Roads_TRIP_Report_October_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reports\u003c/a> that the San Francisco-Oakland (71 percent), San Jose-South Bay (64 percent) and Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim metro areas have the nation’s highest percentage of streets and highways in poor condition. Sacramento, Fresno and Southern California’s Inland Empire are also in the bottom 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Metropolitan Transportation Commission, which requires Bay Area cities to assess and report pavement conditions, says streets and roads here have \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/Pothole%20Report%20III_September%202018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an overall score of 67\u003c/a> on a 100-point scale — a regional grade of “fair.” The MTC says Dublin, Clayton, El Cerrito, Brentwood, Colma, Palo Alto, Foster City, Daly City, Union City, San Ramon and unincorporated Solano County have the best roads in the region with scores between 80 and 85 points — the “very good” range. The worst roads were in the North Bay, with Larkspur, Petaluma and unincorporated Sonoma County getting scores in the 40s, indicating overall poor pavement conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]9.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>How much money is each side spending on the campaign, and what are the sources of campaign funding?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nAs of Thursday, Nov. 1, the California Secretary of State reported supporters of the gas tax repeal have raised a total of $5,138,483.95. Opponents have raised $47,847,816.54.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 6 campaign has been driven mostly by small contributions — more than 25,000 of them — to Carl DeMaio’s Reform California campaign organization. But there have been a series of large donations, too: $460,000 from the state Republican Party, $300,000 from House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy’s campaign, $250,000 from the campaign of GOP candidate for governor John Cox, and $135,000 from Republican Congresswoman Mimi Walters’ campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-repeal side’s fundraising has been driven by a dozen contributions of $1 million and up from construction unions and contractors’ groups. Beyond that, the donor list looks like a “who’s who” of the state’s construction industry. The largest individual contribution listed, $250,000, comes from Steve Ballmer, former CEO of Microsoft, who lives in suburban Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]10.[/dropcap] \u003cstrong>Where can I read more?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/09/04/gas-tax-what-you-actually-pay-on-each-gallon-of-gas/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gas Tax: What Californians Actually Pay on Each Gallon of Gas\u003c/a> (Bay Area News Group)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3860/californias-transportation-060418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California’s Transportation System\u003c/a> (State Legislative Analyst’s Office)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/Pothole%20Report%20III_September%202018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Pothole Report\u003c/a> (Metropolitan Transportation Commission)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.tripnet.org/docs/CA_Transportation_by_the_Numbers_TRIP_Report_Aug_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Transportation by the Numbers\u003c/a> (TRIP)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696663/what-if-californians-repealed-the-gas-tax-prop-6-explained\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">What If Californians Repealed the Gas Tax?\u003c/a> (KQED Bay Curious)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"headline": "10 Things to Know About Proposition 6, the Gas Tax Repeal Initiative",
"datePublished": "2018-11-05T00:01:47-08:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Election results:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11704202/proposition-6-gas-tax-repeal-vote-results\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Voters Decisively Reject Proposition 6, Measure to Repeal Gas Tax Increase\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Nov. 7 , 2018\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key questions and answers on California’s Proposition 6, the “repeal the gas tax” initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">1.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>What would Proposition 6 do?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nFirst, it would repeal the package of fuel tax increases and new vehicle fees enacted last year by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11382090/brown-democrats-unveil-revenue-plan-for-roads-bridges-transit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 1\u003c/a>. That legislation, championed by Gov. Jerry Brown and passed by a two-thirds majority in both the state Assembly and Senate, is designed to raise $52 billion over the next decade for highway and street repair, transit and other transportation projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Proposition 6 would amend the state Constitution to require voter approval of future fuel tax and vehicle fee increases, a provision expected to make it more difficult to enact similar levies in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">2.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>Exactly how much more are those SB 1 taxes and fees?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe law raised the state’s gasoline tax by 12 cents, from 29.7 cents to 41.7 cents a gallon, beginning last Nov. 1. The tax will go up another 5.6 cents next July 1. Separately, the law raised the state tax on diesel fuel from 16 cents to 36 cents a gallon and raised the diesel fuel sales tax. (Other charges at the pump, including the 18.4-cent federal tax, the state’s 2.25 percent gasoline sales tax and any local sales taxes, were not changed by SB 1.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1 imposed a new “transportation improvement fee” on car and light-truck owners based on the value of their vehicles. The fee ranges from $25 a year, for vehicles valued at $4,999 or less, to $175 a year for vehicles valued at $60,000 and up. The state began collecting the fee on Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also includes a $100 “road improvement fee” for zero-emission vehicles. The fee will be charged beginning in July 2020 and cover vehicles from model year 2020 and later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">3.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>Who is behind Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn a word: Republicans, including \u003ca href=\"https://gastaxrepeal.org/gas-tax-repeal-heroes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">GOP lawmakers\u003c/a> and party activists at the federal, state and local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official proponent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/17-0033%20%28Gas%20and%20Car%20Tax%29_1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a> is \u003ca href=\"https://www.bmhlaw.com/wp-content/uploads/Bell-McAndrews-Hiltachk-DJ-2017-Top-100-Lawyers-2.pdf\">Thomas Hiltachk\u003c/a>, a veteran \u003ca href=\"https://capitalandmain.com/tom-hiltachk-master-of-deception\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Republican attorney in Sacramento\u003c/a> who played leading roles in the 2003 campaign to recall Gov. Gray Davis and many past ballot measures, including one that sought to suspend AB 32, the state’s landmark greenhouse gas law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public face of the repeal campaign is Carl DeMaio, a Republican former San Diego city councilman who was edged out in his 2012 campaign to become mayor and again in 2014, when he ran for Congress. \u003ca href=\"http://carldemaio.com/event/yes-prop-6-rally-orange-county-0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">He calls\u003c/a> the repeal campaign “the biggest taxpayer revolt in California since 1978’s Prop. 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The repeal campaign has become a centerpiece of Republican gubernatorial candidate John Cox’s campaign. It has also drawn support from retiring House Speaker Paul Ryan, R-Wisconsin, and his second-in-command, Central Valley Rep. Kevin McCarthy, who see it as \u003ca href=\"https://cal.streetsblog.org/2018/08/30/vote-no-on-prop-6-the-campaign-is-an-incoherent-and-childish-effort-to-distract-you-from-donald-trump/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a vehicle for boosting GOP voter turnout\u003c/a>. Most GOP legislators, at both the state and federal level, and tax limitation groups like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association,\u003c/a> also support the repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">4.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>What are the arguments for Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nProposition 6 backers \u003ca href=\"https://gastaxrepeal.org/why-repeal/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cite several reasons\u003c/a> they oppose SB 1’s higher fuel taxes and vehicle fees. They say the increases \u003ca href=\"http://act.reformcalifornia.org/Gas_Tax_Impact_Study.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hurt California families\u003c/a> struggling with the state’s high cost of living, that our fuel taxes and vehicle fees are too high already and are spent inefficiently, and that the state already brings in enough money to pay for road and street maintenance without the higher taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">5.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>Who opposes Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA \u003ca href=\"https://noprop6.com/coalition-list/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">broad coalition\u003c/a>. In addition to Gov. Jerry Brown and most Democratic legislators, they include: scores of city and county governments, including 30 in the Bay Area; major business groups, including the Bay Area Council, Silicon Valley Leadership Group and California Chamber of Commerce; police and firefighters unions; construction firms and trade unions; environmental groups; many transit agencies, including BART; and engineering, planning and transportation organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">6.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>What are the arguments against Proposition 6?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nProposition 6 opponents say the tax and fee revenue from SB 1 — about $5.4 billion a year, to be collected for the next decade — is essential to repair and maintain highways, local streets and bridges, and to support a wide variety of transportation network improvements to address traffic congestion, pedestrian safety and improving public transportation. They say that California drivers are \u003ca href=\"http://www.tripnet.org/docs/CA_Transportation_by_the_Numbers_TRIP_Report_Aug_2018.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">paying substantially more\u003c/a> for driving on poorly maintained roads — for added repairs and maintenance, lower gas mileage, time in traffic traffic and the cost of crashes — than they do for the increased fuel taxes and vehicle fees. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They add that SB 1 is just part of what’s needed to help the state deal with an estimated $137 billion backlog of transportation infrastructure maintenance and repair projects in the coming decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">7.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>How much SB 1 funding is distributed to local governments? How much will come to the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nHalf of the $5 billion-plus raised each year by the increased taxes and fees goes to city and county governments for local projects. The Metropolitan Transportation Commission \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/advocate-lead/state-advocacy/senate-bill-1-sb-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">says\u003c/a> the nine-county Bay Area will get at least $365 million a year from SB 1 revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One example of the local impact: The San Francisco County Transportation Authority \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcta.org/revenue/SB1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">estimates\u003c/a> that the city will get about $60 million in increased funding for street resurfacing, for Muni operations and other projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrans has published \u003ca href=\"http://rebuildingca.ca.gov/map.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a statewide map and list\u003c/a> of projects to be paid for by SB 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">8.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>One of the main arguments for the SB 1 fuel tax and vehicle fee increases is the poor condition of California roads and streets. How bad are they?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA variety of groups that study road and infrastructure conditions and promote improvements concur that California’s highways, roads, bridges and transit are in poor condition and in need of major investment:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Society of Civil Engineers gives California roads \u003ca href=\"https://www.infrastructurereportcard.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/ASCEReport-CA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a grade of D\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TRIP, a national group sponsored by insurance companies, highway engineering and construction firms, unions and groups campaigning for safer and more efficient surface transportation, \u003ca href=\"http://www.tripnet.org/docs/Urban_Roads_TRIP_Report_October_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reports\u003c/a> that the San Francisco-Oakland (71 percent), San Jose-South Bay (64 percent) and Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim metro areas have the nation’s highest percentage of streets and highways in poor condition. Sacramento, Fresno and Southern California’s Inland Empire are also in the bottom 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Metropolitan Transportation Commission, which requires Bay Area cities to assess and report pavement conditions, says streets and roads here have \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/Pothole%20Report%20III_September%202018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an overall score of 67\u003c/a> on a 100-point scale — a regional grade of “fair.” The MTC says Dublin, Clayton, El Cerrito, Brentwood, Colma, Palo Alto, Foster City, Daly City, Union City, San Ramon and unincorporated Solano County have the best roads in the region with scores between 80 and 85 points — the “very good” range. The worst roads were in the North Bay, with Larkspur, Petaluma and unincorporated Sonoma County getting scores in the 40s, indicating overall poor pavement conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">9.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>How much money is each side spending on the campaign, and what are the sources of campaign funding?\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nAs of Thursday, Nov. 1, the California Secretary of State reported supporters of the gas tax repeal have raised a total of $5,138,483.95. Opponents have raised $47,847,816.54.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 6 campaign has been driven mostly by small contributions — more than 25,000 of them — to Carl DeMaio’s Reform California campaign organization. But there have been a series of large donations, too: $460,000 from the state Republican Party, $300,000 from House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy’s campaign, $250,000 from the campaign of GOP candidate for governor John Cox, and $135,000 from Republican Congresswoman Mimi Walters’ campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-repeal side’s fundraising has been driven by a dozen contributions of $1 million and up from construction unions and contractors’ groups. Beyond that, the donor list looks like a “who’s who” of the state’s construction industry. The largest individual contribution listed, $250,000, comes from Steve Ballmer, former CEO of Microsoft, who lives in suburban Seattle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">10.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp> \u003cstrong>Where can I read more?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/09/04/gas-tax-what-you-actually-pay-on-each-gallon-of-gas/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gas Tax: What Californians Actually Pay on Each Gallon of Gas\u003c/a> (Bay Area News Group)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3860/californias-transportation-060418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California’s Transportation System\u003c/a> (State Legislative Analyst’s Office)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/Pothole%20Report%20III_September%202018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Pothole Report\u003c/a> (Metropolitan Transportation Commission)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.tripnet.org/docs/CA_Transportation_by_the_Numbers_TRIP_Report_Aug_2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Transportation by the Numbers\u003c/a> (TRIP)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696663/what-if-californians-repealed-the-gas-tax-prop-6-explained\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">What If Californians Repealed the Gas Tax?\u003c/a> (KQED Bay Curious)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The leader of the initiative campaign to repeal California’s fuel tax and vehicle fee increases announced Monday that he will launch a drive to recall Attorney General Xavier Becerra if the measure fails next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carl DeMaio, the former San Diego city councilman who has become the public face of the repeal effort, said at a state Capitol media event he’s targeting Becerra over the attorney general’s allegedly deceptive title for \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2018/general/pdf/prop6-title-summ-analysis.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=6]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 6 would repeal tax and fee increases imposed last year to fund road and street repairs, transit and other transportation projects statewide. It would also amend the state Constitution to require voter approval for any future fuel tax and vehicle fee increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMaio complained that the attorney general’s official title for the initiative, which does not include a direct reference to repealing the gas tax, amounts to an attempt to “defraud” voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMaio said the wording confuses voters and asserted that’s the reason for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700879/poll-newsom-feinstein-maintain-leads-rent-control-and-gas-tax-repeal-lagging\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the apparent recent decline\u003c/a> in support for the repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The title, which was printed on repeal petitions circulated earlier this year and appears on the November ballot, reads: “Eliminates Recently Enacted Road Repair and Transportation Funding by Repealing Revenues Dedicated for Those Purposes. Requires Any Measure to Enact Certain Vehicle Fuel Taxes and Vehicle Fees Be Submitted to and Approved by the Electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots also include the following summary of Proposition 6: “Repeals a 2017 transportation law’s taxes and fees designated for road repairs and public transportation. Fiscal Impact: Reduced ongoing revenues of $5.1 billion from state fuel and vehicle taxes that mainly would have paid for highway and road maintenance and repairs, as well as transit programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMaio said recalling Becerra would serve to “punish the politician who signed off on this deceptive ballot title.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, a Democrat, is running for re-election against Republican Steven C. Bailey, a retired El Dorado Superior Court judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to comment on DeMaio’s announcement, Becerra’s campaign issued a statement: “We do not respond to publicity stunts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time Becerra has been embroiled in a controversy over the wording of an initiative to repeal last year’s tax and fee increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Southern California Assemblyman Travis Allen, R-Huntington Beach, launched a campaign to repeal the increases. He sued Becerra over his office’s approved title for the initiative, which featured wording identical to that now targeted by DeMaio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Sacramento Superior Court judge sided with Allen and provided his own title for Allen’s proposed initiative: “Repeals recently enacted gas and diesel taxes and vehicle registration fees. Eliminates road repair and transportation programs funded by these taxes and fees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra appealed. The state’s 3rd District Court of Appeal \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/archive/C085670.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">struck down\u003c/a> the lower court’s ruling, finding that read together with the initiative’s summary, “the text prepared by the attorney general is not misleading, argumentative, or likely to create prejudice against the measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen appealed to the state Supreme Court, which declined to review the appeal court’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The leader of the initiative campaign to repeal California’s fuel tax and vehicle fee increases announced Monday that he will launch a drive to recall Attorney General Xavier Becerra if the measure fails next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carl DeMaio, the former San Diego city councilman who has become the public face of the repeal effort, said at a state Capitol media event he’s targeting Becerra over the attorney general’s allegedly deceptive title for \u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2018/general/pdf/prop6-title-summ-analysis.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 6 would repeal tax and fee increases imposed last year to fund road and street repairs, transit and other transportation projects statewide. It would also amend the state Constitution to require voter approval for any future fuel tax and vehicle fee increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMaio complained that the attorney general’s official title for the initiative, which does not include a direct reference to repealing the gas tax, amounts to an attempt to “defraud” voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMaio said the wording confuses voters and asserted that’s the reason for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700879/poll-newsom-feinstein-maintain-leads-rent-control-and-gas-tax-repeal-lagging\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the apparent recent decline\u003c/a> in support for the repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The title, which was printed on repeal petitions circulated earlier this year and appears on the November ballot, reads: “Eliminates Recently Enacted Road Repair and Transportation Funding by Repealing Revenues Dedicated for Those Purposes. Requires Any Measure to Enact Certain Vehicle Fuel Taxes and Vehicle Fees Be Submitted to and Approved by the Electorate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots also include the following summary of Proposition 6: “Repeals a 2017 transportation law’s taxes and fees designated for road repairs and public transportation. Fiscal Impact: Reduced ongoing revenues of $5.1 billion from state fuel and vehicle taxes that mainly would have paid for highway and road maintenance and repairs, as well as transit programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeMaio said recalling Becerra would serve to “punish the politician who signed off on this deceptive ballot title.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra, a Democrat, is running for re-election against Republican Steven C. Bailey, a retired El Dorado Superior Court judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked to comment on DeMaio’s announcement, Becerra’s campaign issued a statement: “We do not respond to publicity stunts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not the first time Becerra has been embroiled in a controversy over the wording of an initiative to repeal last year’s tax and fee increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Southern California Assemblyman Travis Allen, R-Huntington Beach, launched a campaign to repeal the increases. He sued Becerra over his office’s approved title for the initiative, which featured wording identical to that now targeted by DeMaio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Sacramento Superior Court judge sided with Allen and provided his own title for Allen’s proposed initiative: “Repeals recently enacted gas and diesel taxes and vehicle registration fees. Eliminates road repair and transportation programs funded by these taxes and fees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra appealed. The state’s 3rd District Court of Appeal \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/archive/C085670.PDF\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">struck down\u003c/a> the lower court’s ruling, finding that read together with the initiative’s summary, “the text prepared by the attorney general is not misleading, argumentative, or likely to create prejudice against the measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen appealed to the state Supreme Court, which declined to review the appeal court’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]en days after the municipally blessed relaunch of electric standup scooter rentals in San Francisco, riders are rambling all over town on machines provided by the two companies that got operating permits from the city: Scoot and Skip. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The permits, granted by the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, give the companies permission to deploy 625 scooters each as part of a 12-month pilot program. If the launch goes well, Skip and Scoot could double their fleets in six months. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds nice and neat and, well, resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all is settled in the city’s scooter wars, touched off last March when scooter firms Lime, Bird and Spin distributed their machines without city authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the scooter pilot has launched, transportation officials are still facing a series of appeals from three companies questioning the city’s process in awarding the permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the companies has gone further, filing a lawsuit that resulted in SFMTA Director of Transportation Ed Reiskin and a member of the agency board being compelled to give depositions about the permit process. That happened Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To recap the scooter conflict for those who haven’t been following every twist and turn: \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid widespread complaints about the Bird, Lime and Spin scooters last spring, the SFMTA drew up regulations and decided on the format of the scooter pilot program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bird, Spin and Lime were forced to pull their scooters off the streets and get in line with other firms that wanted to operate in the city. A total of a dozen firms eventually applied for pilot program permits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689546/s-f-launches-scooter-pilot-and-excludes-bird-lime-and-spin\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">SFMTA announced\u003c/a> at the end of August that it was awarding just two permits, to Skip and Scoot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/sfmta-offers-two-permits-one-year-powered-scooter-pilot\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">explaining\u003c/a> the firms had scored highest among the 12 applicants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lime and two other companies that were shut out of the pilot program by the SFMTA — Jump and Spin — have not gone quietly. Each has appealed the agency’s decision and are awaiting hearings in the coming weeks. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals are trying different tacks in trying to get the SFMTA to reconsider its permit decision. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Jump — an Uber-owned company known for its bright red electrically boosted dockless rental bikes — raises questions about how permit applications were assessed and why the firm didn’t score higher. The company’s appeal letter ends with a rather restrained request for the city to grant more permits and allow an increase in the number of scooters on the street. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lime has taken a harder line. Lime argued in \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019179/Lime-Appeal-FINAL.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">its September appeal letter\u003c/a> that SFMTA officials and the application process led to an arbitrary decision to reject Lime’s permit application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, days before Skip and Scoot were scheduled to launch, the company upped the ante. It filed \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019124/Lime-v-Sfmta.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a lawsuit\u003c/a> alleging that the permit process was “cloaked … in a veil of secrecy,” lacked clear guidelines and was so biased it denied the company of its constitutional right to due process. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit argues, in essence, that the transportation agency had it in for Lime and the two other companies that launched in March. The company’s complaint points to a provision added to the city’s new scooter regulations when the SFMTA board adopted the rules at a meeting in early May. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before they voted, several members of the board and audience said they felt the prior behavior of scooter operators ought to be considered in weighing future applications. That was a not-so-veiled reference to Bird, Spin and Lime, which had already been grilled before the Board of Supervisors and had gotten cease-and-desist letters from the city attorney’s office. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most pointed comment at the meeting — which Lime quotes in its suit as evidence of the SFMTA’s prejudice — came from SFMTA board member Art Torres. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are bad actors, number one,” Torres said, noting Santa Monica’s struggle to rein in Bird in late 2017. “… So I guess it goes back to what we said earlier about past behavior. We ought not be rewarding people who have stuck their fingers at us when dealing with cease-and-desist orders. Those of us on this panel, I know we believe in the rule of law. What are we going to do? …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Superior Court Judge Harold Kahn rejected the company’s motion for a temporary restraining order that would block renewed scooter service to begin in the city Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kahn surprised the city by giving Lime something the company’s suit had not asked for: He issued an order allowing the company to seek further information from the SFMTA about its permit deliberations. As part of that evidence discovery process, the city initially agreed to let Lime take depositions from five SFMTA officials, including agency chief Reiskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon further consideration, though, the city balked, and filed a motion asking Judge Kahn to reconsider his discovery order. The city’s argument: California law does not allow courts to order the questioning of government officials about their decisions to grant or deny permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing earlier this week, Kahn did limit his order, agreeing to reduce the number of depositions to be taken to two: Reiskin and SFMTA board member Lee Hsu. (Hsu’s testimony was sought because of a May email in which he wrote that the transportation agency would “send a compelling message if the first permit for e-scooters is granted to a company that did not jump the gun after being explicitly asked not to … as I see it, the three that deployed early already overplayed their hand out of a desire to gain a first-mover advantage, so it’s up to us now to set a precedent for future purposes that the best-mover advantage is to work with us and not ignore us.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those depositions were scheduled to be taken Friday in San Francisco. Whether the testimony will help Lime’s case or not likely won’t be known until the next scheduled hearing in the case in mid-November. \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>en days after the municipally blessed relaunch of electric standup scooter rentals in San Francisco, riders are rambling all over town on machines provided by the two companies that got operating permits from the city: Scoot and Skip. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The permits, granted by the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency, give the companies permission to deploy 625 scooters each as part of a 12-month pilot program. If the launch goes well, Skip and Scoot could double their fleets in six months. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds nice and neat and, well, resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all is settled in the city’s scooter wars, touched off last March when scooter firms Lime, Bird and Spin distributed their machines without city authorization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the scooter pilot has launched, transportation officials are still facing a series of appeals from three companies questioning the city’s process in awarding the permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the companies has gone further, filing a lawsuit that resulted in SFMTA Director of Transportation Ed Reiskin and a member of the agency board being compelled to give depositions about the permit process. That happened Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To recap the scooter conflict for those who haven’t been following every twist and turn: \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid widespread complaints about the Bird, Lime and Spin scooters last spring, the SFMTA drew up regulations and decided on the format of the scooter pilot program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bird, Spin and Lime were forced to pull their scooters off the streets and get in line with other firms that wanted to operate in the city. A total of a dozen firms eventually applied for pilot program permits. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11689546/s-f-launches-scooter-pilot-and-excludes-bird-lime-and-spin\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">SFMTA announced\u003c/a> at the end of August that it was awarding just two permits, to Skip and Scoot, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/sfmta-offers-two-permits-one-year-powered-scooter-pilot\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">explaining\u003c/a> the firms had scored highest among the 12 applicants. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lime and two other companies that were shut out of the pilot program by the SFMTA — Jump and Spin — have not gone quietly. Each has appealed the agency’s decision and are awaiting hearings in the coming weeks. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals are trying different tacks in trying to get the SFMTA to reconsider its permit decision. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Jump — an Uber-owned company known for its bright red electrically boosted dockless rental bikes — raises questions about how permit applications were assessed and why the firm didn’t score higher. The company’s appeal letter ends with a rather restrained request for the city to grant more permits and allow an increase in the number of scooters on the street. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lime has taken a harder line. Lime argued in \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019179/Lime-Appeal-FINAL.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">its September appeal letter\u003c/a> that SFMTA officials and the application process led to an arbitrary decision to reject Lime’s permit application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, days before Skip and Scoot were scheduled to launch, the company upped the ante. It filed \u003ca href=\"https://assets.documentcloud.org/documents/5019124/Lime-v-Sfmta.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a lawsuit\u003c/a> alleging that the permit process was “cloaked … in a veil of secrecy,” lacked clear guidelines and was so biased it denied the company of its constitutional right to due process. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit argues, in essence, that the transportation agency had it in for Lime and the two other companies that launched in March. The company’s complaint points to a provision added to the city’s new scooter regulations when the SFMTA board adopted the rules at a meeting in early May. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before they voted, several members of the board and audience said they felt the prior behavior of scooter operators ought to be considered in weighing future applications. That was a not-so-veiled reference to Bird, Spin and Lime, which had already been grilled before the Board of Supervisors and had gotten cease-and-desist letters from the city attorney’s office. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most pointed comment at the meeting — which Lime quotes in its suit as evidence of the SFMTA’s prejudice — came from SFMTA board member Art Torres. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These people are bad actors, number one,” Torres said, noting Santa Monica’s struggle to rein in Bird in late 2017. “… So I guess it goes back to what we said earlier about past behavior. We ought not be rewarding people who have stuck their fingers at us when dealing with cease-and-desist orders. Those of us on this panel, I know we believe in the rule of law. What are we going to do? …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Superior Court Judge Harold Kahn rejected the company’s motion for a temporary restraining order that would block renewed scooter service to begin in the city Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Kahn surprised the city by giving Lime something the company’s suit had not asked for: He issued an order allowing the company to seek further information from the SFMTA about its permit deliberations. As part of that evidence discovery process, the city initially agreed to let Lime take depositions from five SFMTA officials, including agency chief Reiskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upon further consideration, though, the city balked, and filed a motion asking Judge Kahn to reconsider his discovery order. The city’s argument: California law does not allow courts to order the questioning of government officials about their decisions to grant or deny permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a hearing earlier this week, Kahn did limit his order, agreeing to reduce the number of depositions to be taken to two: Reiskin and SFMTA board member Lee Hsu. (Hsu’s testimony was sought because of a May email in which he wrote that the transportation agency would “send a compelling message if the first permit for e-scooters is granted to a company that did not jump the gun after being explicitly asked not to … as I see it, the three that deployed early already overplayed their hand out of a desire to gain a first-mover advantage, so it’s up to us now to set a precedent for future purposes that the best-mover advantage is to work with us and not ignore us.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those depositions were scheduled to be taken Friday in San Francisco. Whether the testimony will help Lime’s case or not likely won’t be known until the next scheduled hearing in the case in mid-November. \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JYKxFrMkzKA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jack/status/1053312148317716480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition C in San Francisco, Measure P in Mountain View and Measure HH in East Palo Alto would all raise taxes on businesses.",
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"title": "Should Big Business Pay to Fight Homelessness, Transportation Woes? Voters Will Decide | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A week after two-thirds of San Francisco’s taxi fleet was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699586/many-s-f-cabbies-are-losing-one-of-the-last-places-they-might-make-a-buck\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">barred\u003c/a> from picking up passengers at SFO, officials \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioretaxis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">banned cab drivers from organizing\u003c/a> at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drivers say that officials are clamping down on their First Amendment rights, but an SFO statement said the airport is not intended for “free speech activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Uber and Lyft drivers are subject to the same rules banning organizing, ride service drivers can still pick up passengers at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been a rough month for San Francisco cab drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, most of the city’s drivers lost their right to pick up passengers at San Francisco International Airport. Now, they’re all losing their right to organize at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFO officials this week said they planned to ban drivers from participating in “free speech” activities at most places in the airport, citing concerns with increased congestion and public safety that could result from organizing activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules would prohibit drivers from organizing activities in the garage and staging lot, the main areas taxi drivers have organized in the past. A representative of SFO said that drivers would be able to conduct free speech activities at a picnic table in the lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Airport was not designed and is not intended for use as a public forum for free speech activities,” SFO’s announcement stated. Cab drivers say that SFO is infringing on their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFO has long been a central location for taxicab organizing, particularly since the arrival and proliferation of Uber and Lyft in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Gruberg is a driver in the San Francisco Taxi Workers Alliance. “The airport is essential for organizing,” he said, noting that it’s particularly important right now after the Municipal Transportation Agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699586/many-s-f-cabbies-are-losing-one-of-the-last-places-they-might-make-a-buck\">vote last week to prohibit\u003c/a> more than half of San Francisco’s licensed cab drivers from picking up passengers up at the airport. “It’s the only common area that cab drivers have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new regulations, only cab drivers who bought their $250,000 taxi medallions after 2010 — as opposed to those who received them through the prior seniority system — will be allowed to give rides to customers at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The MTA said the move is an effort to help the drivers who have taken the biggest financial hit from the medallion meltdown. But that gain is coming at the loss of their fellow drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new rules, only about 550 cabs would be eligible to pick up passengers at the airport. This means that, although all taxis could still drop off passengers at SFO, two-thirds of the entire fleet would be barred from pickup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear how this new rule will be enforced. SFO said it was reviewing the rule and will respond to the MTA by mid-November, a spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The airport is one of the last bastions for cab drivers in San Francisco to reliably make a buck and compete with the overwhelming number of Uber and Lyft cars on the road. In response to the MTA’s decision, many drivers said that if they couldn’t go to the airport, it wouldn’t be financially feasible for them to go out at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gruberg is one of the cab drivers who received his medallion through the seniority system and who will now be barred from picking up passengers at the airport. Losing airport access may push them to stop driving altogether, Gruberg said. He also worried that not being able to distribute leaflets at the airport would be detrimental to organizing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called the MTA airport ban and the SFO anti-organizing rule a one-two punch against the taxi industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These two things are related,” Gruberg said. “And they’re trying to stifle cab drivers organizing and having any way to effectively combat the MTA’s decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under SFO’s new rule, Lyft and Uber drivers will not be able to organize at most places in the airport either. But unlike taxicabs, all those drivers can still continue to pick up passengers at the airport. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been a rough month for San Francisco cab drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, most of the city’s drivers lost their right to pick up passengers at San Francisco International Airport. Now, they’re all losing their right to organize at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFO officials this week said they planned to ban drivers from participating in “free speech” activities at most places in the airport, citing concerns with increased congestion and public safety that could result from organizing activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules would prohibit drivers from organizing activities in the garage and staging lot, the main areas taxi drivers have organized in the past. A representative of SFO said that drivers would be able to conduct free speech activities at a picnic table in the lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Airport was not designed and is not intended for use as a public forum for free speech activities,” SFO’s announcement stated. Cab drivers say that SFO is infringing on their First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFO has long been a central location for taxicab organizing, particularly since the arrival and proliferation of Uber and Lyft in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Gruberg is a driver in the San Francisco Taxi Workers Alliance. “The airport is essential for organizing,” he said, noting that it’s particularly important right now after the Municipal Transportation Agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699586/many-s-f-cabbies-are-losing-one-of-the-last-places-they-might-make-a-buck\">vote last week to prohibit\u003c/a> more than half of San Francisco’s licensed cab drivers from picking up passengers up at the airport. “It’s the only common area that cab drivers have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new regulations, only cab drivers who bought their $250,000 taxi medallions after 2010 — as opposed to those who received them through the prior seniority system — will be allowed to give rides to customers at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The MTA said the move is an effort to help the drivers who have taken the biggest financial hit from the medallion meltdown. But that gain is coming at the loss of their fellow drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new rules, only about 550 cabs would be eligible to pick up passengers at the airport. This means that, although all taxis could still drop off passengers at SFO, two-thirds of the entire fleet would be barred from pickup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s still unclear how this new rule will be enforced. SFO said it was reviewing the rule and will respond to the MTA by mid-November, a spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The airport is one of the last bastions for cab drivers in San Francisco to reliably make a buck and compete with the overwhelming number of Uber and Lyft cars on the road. In response to the MTA’s decision, many drivers said that if they couldn’t go to the airport, it wouldn’t be financially feasible for them to go out at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gruberg is one of the cab drivers who received his medallion through the seniority system and who will now be barred from picking up passengers at the airport. Losing airport access may push them to stop driving altogether, Gruberg said. He also worried that not being able to distribute leaflets at the airport would be detrimental to organizing efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called the MTA airport ban and the SFO anti-organizing rule a one-two punch against the taxi industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These two things are related,” Gruberg said. “And they’re trying to stifle cab drivers organizing and having any way to effectively combat the MTA’s decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under SFO’s new rule, Lyft and Uber drivers will not be able to organize at most places in the airport either. But unlike taxicabs, all those drivers can still continue to pick up passengers at the airport. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "after-workers-death-on-muni-project-s-f-grapples-with-how-to-vet-contractor-safety-records",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the aftermath of an August incident in which a worker died working in a Muni tunnel, San Francisco agencies say they do not yet have a comprehensive system in place to warn each other about contractors who have had safety problems while working on city construction projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, city officials say they’ve begun building a database in which departments can enter information about contractors — including any documented safety concerns — that other agencies will be able to access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was raised last week in a Board of Supervisors committee meeting prompted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686567/worker-dies-after-twin-peaks-tunnel-project-construction-accident\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Aug. 10 death\u003c/a> of Patrick Ricketts, 51, a worker with Shimmick Construction killed by a falling steel beam in Muni’s Twin Peaks Tunnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hearing of the board’s Government Audit and Oversight Committee, Supervisor Norman Yee asked John Thomas, a San Francisco Public Works engineer and deputy director for infrastructure, whether the department notifies other city agencies about contractors that have had safety issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is this information used for future potential contracts?” Yee asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If, for instance, you see a pattern and it doesn’t really stop and they haven’t done any corrective actions, do you use that information to say ‘you know something, we can’t be giving this particular company a new contract?” Yee inquired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, no, it is not used as part of the selection process,” Thomas answered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-800x524.jpg\" alt=\"Supervisor Norman Yee called a hearing last week in response to questions that arose after a worker's death near West Portal Station.\" width=\"800\" height=\"524\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-800x524.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-960x629.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-240x157.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-375x246.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-520x341.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Norman Yee called a hearing last week in response to questions that arose after a worker’s death near West Portal Station. \u003ccite>(Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When asked about Thomas’ remarks, Public Works spokeswoman Rachel Gordon said city departments have begun a pilot project using an internal website, completed last February, where they can store reviews of construction jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, records from eight projects have been entered in the site. City officials plan to add more in the coming months as the project continues to roll out, Gordon said in emailed responses to questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said documenting city officials’ concerns is key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue is largely about making a fair decision that is supported by documentation of poor performance,” she said. “If a department doesn’t award a contract because of its concerns about the ability of the contractor to perform, it must backup that decision with documentation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon also pushed back against the idea that city agencies don’t have access to safety information about contractors that bid on city projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Departments may ask about safe work history on past work for the city,” Gordon said in an email. “The department may check references by asking its employees or those of other city departments,” Gordon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee called last week’s hearing in response to questions that arose after Ricketts’ death near West Portal Station.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686976/muni-chief-downplays-safety-concerns-in-sf-tunnel-project-after-worker-death\">Muni Chief Downplays Safety Concerns in S.F. Tunnel Project After Worker’s Death\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686976/muni-chief-downplays-safety-concerns-in-sf-tunnel-project-after-worker-death\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/tunnel-1180x592.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In the days after the incident, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686976/muni-chief-downplays-safety-concerns-in-sf-tunnel-project-after-worker-death\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">news reports disclosed\u003c/a> his employer, Oakland-based Shimmick Construction, was tied to dozens of workplace violations over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prior to beginning work on the Twin Peaks Tunnel, the company and its partner on the project, Con-Quest, answered “no” on a San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority questionnaire that asked whether they had been cited for any serious and willful violations by California’s Division of Occupational Safety and Health, or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the alleged violations for which Cal/OSHA has fined Shimmick were \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/pls/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1192534.015\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">three serious infractions\u003c/a> involving the death of a forklift driver in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shimmick, which faces a $46,800 penalty in the case, is contesting Cal/OSHA’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Aaron Peskin said city agencies that use similar questionnaires should change the way they ask about contractor safety records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can take years to close out a case,” Peskin said. He urged all departments to ask contractors to list all workplace safety incidents they’re associated with, even those still under investigation or appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siew-Chin Yeong, SFMTA’s director of capital programs and construction, said that her agency wants to require contractors to submit annual summaries of work-related injuries when bidding on a project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Yee pointed out that on many city construction jobs, the project’s main contractor hires smaller companies to do large parts of the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we control that?” Yee asked, looking for city rules on how the agencies track the safety records of subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The general contractor is fully responsible for the safety site including the safety of the sub-contractor,” Yeong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the focus of the hearing and of previous news coverage has focused on weaknesses in vetting the safety records of contractors, it should be noted that city officials in recent years have been meeting to collaborate more efficiently on what they know about construction companies, emphasized Nicholas King, a process improvement analyst for Public Works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that you’ve heard from three departments today, and you guys are asking questions and the public’s here and the press is watching,” King said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be clear that we’re all on the same page, and we’re all on the same team, and we’re all committed to safety.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the aftermath of an August incident in which a worker died working in a Muni tunnel, San Francisco agencies say they do not yet have a comprehensive system in place to warn each other about contractors who have had safety problems while working on city construction projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, city officials say they’ve begun building a database in which departments can enter information about contractors — including any documented safety concerns — that other agencies will be able to access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue was raised last week in a Board of Supervisors committee meeting prompted by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686567/worker-dies-after-twin-peaks-tunnel-project-construction-accident\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Aug. 10 death\u003c/a> of Patrick Ricketts, 51, a worker with Shimmick Construction killed by a falling steel beam in Muni’s Twin Peaks Tunnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the hearing of the board’s Government Audit and Oversight Committee, Supervisor Norman Yee asked John Thomas, a San Francisco Public Works engineer and deputy director for infrastructure, whether the department notifies other city agencies about contractors that have had safety issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is this information used for future potential contracts?” Yee asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If, for instance, you see a pattern and it doesn’t really stop and they haven’t done any corrective actions, do you use that information to say ‘you know something, we can’t be giving this particular company a new contract?” Yee inquired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, no, it is not used as part of the selection process,” Thomas answered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-800x524.jpg\" alt=\"Supervisor Norman Yee called a hearing last week in response to questions that arose after a worker's death near West Portal Station.\" width=\"800\" height=\"524\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700900\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-800x524.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-960x629.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-240x157.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-375x246.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee-520x341.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/NormanYee.jpg 1000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Norman Yee called a hearing last week in response to questions that arose after a worker’s death near West Portal Station. \u003ccite>(Sara Bloomberg/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When asked about Thomas’ remarks, Public Works spokeswoman Rachel Gordon said city departments have begun a pilot project using an internal website, completed last February, where they can store reviews of construction jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, records from eight projects have been entered in the site. City officials plan to add more in the coming months as the project continues to roll out, Gordon said in emailed responses to questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said documenting city officials’ concerns is key.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue is largely about making a fair decision that is supported by documentation of poor performance,” she said. “If a department doesn’t award a contract because of its concerns about the ability of the contractor to perform, it must backup that decision with documentation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gordon also pushed back against the idea that city agencies don’t have access to safety information about contractors that bid on city projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Departments may ask about safe work history on past work for the city,” Gordon said in an email. “The department may check references by asking its employees or those of other city departments,” Gordon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yee called last week’s hearing in response to questions that arose after Ricketts’ death near West Portal Station.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686976/muni-chief-downplays-safety-concerns-in-sf-tunnel-project-after-worker-death\">Muni Chief Downplays Safety Concerns in S.F. Tunnel Project After Worker’s Death\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686976/muni-chief-downplays-safety-concerns-in-sf-tunnel-project-after-worker-death\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/tunnel-1180x592.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In the days after the incident, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686976/muni-chief-downplays-safety-concerns-in-sf-tunnel-project-after-worker-death\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">news reports disclosed\u003c/a> his employer, Oakland-based Shimmick Construction, was tied to dozens of workplace violations over the last decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prior to beginning work on the Twin Peaks Tunnel, the company and its partner on the project, Con-Quest, answered “no” on a San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority questionnaire that asked whether they had been cited for any serious and willful violations by California’s Division of Occupational Safety and Health, or Cal/OSHA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the alleged violations for which Cal/OSHA has fined Shimmick were \u003ca href=\"https://www.osha.gov/pls/imis/establishment.inspection_detail?id=1192534.015\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">three serious infractions\u003c/a> involving the death of a forklift driver in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shimmick, which faces a $46,800 penalty in the case, is contesting Cal/OSHA’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Aaron Peskin said city agencies that use similar questionnaires should change the way they ask about contractor safety records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can take years to close out a case,” Peskin said. He urged all departments to ask contractors to list all workplace safety incidents they’re associated with, even those still under investigation or appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Siew-Chin Yeong, SFMTA’s director of capital programs and construction, said that her agency wants to require contractors to submit annual summaries of work-related injuries when bidding on a project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Yee pointed out that on many city construction jobs, the project’s main contractor hires smaller companies to do large parts of the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we control that?” Yee asked, looking for city rules on how the agencies track the safety records of subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The general contractor is fully responsible for the safety site including the safety of the sub-contractor,” Yeong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the focus of the hearing and of previous news coverage has focused on weaknesses in vetting the safety records of contractors, it should be noted that city officials in recent years have been meeting to collaborate more efficiently on what they know about construction companies, emphasized Nicholas King, a process improvement analyst for Public Works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that you’ve heard from three departments today, and you guys are asking questions and the public’s here and the press is watching,” King said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be clear that we’re all on the same page, and we’re all on the same team, and we’re all committed to safety.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-food-delivery-apps-are-changing-the-concept-of-dining",
"title": "How Food Delivery Apps Are Changing the Concept of Dining",
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"content": "\u003cp>Joe Hargrave, co-owner of San Francisco’s Tacolicious restaurants, says customers who come in and sit down for lunch have no idea that all the hustle and bustle in the kitchen has very little to do with serving them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the bar near the kitchen, an employee rushes around to handle all the incoming food orders from a third-party delivery app called Caviar. Even before the restaurant opens, online orders often pile up from Caviar, Uber Eats and DoorDash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave says the apps account for more and more of the restaurant’s lunch business. While lunch sales for Tacolicious are down 35 percent, lunch revenue is up 8 percent. Co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how the two run the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we will be delivering food, which I don’t see that ever ending,” Deseran says, “then we have to adapt every single thing we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the delivery app Caviar says its customers wanted food in bowls. Now Tacolicious is serving food in bowls. The restaurant had stacks of plates on the bar. Now they’ve replaced half of the plates with stacks of to-go boxes. Tacolicious is even making changes to their staff to accommodate the apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat in the restaurant talking, Hargrave received an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] from our VP of Ops talking about a new position that he wants to put out for third-party sales because he wants to keep the boxes organized and he wants to make sure the food is organized, and that we don’t miss a beat,” says Hargrave. “And we can go as high as $17 an hour!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tacolicious already has a person to manage customer phone calls, many of which happen to be about issues with deliveries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might have seen someone working one of these third-party delivery app jobs at other restaurants. They’re usually behind the bar, surrounded by tablets. The tablets are running all the different delivery apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also might have seen the delivery workers for the apps. They are often on mopeds, and still wearing their helmets when they come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These workers are paid by the order, which means they’re rushing into the restaurant to grab food and make their deliveries as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says the apps create all kinds of chaos that restaurants have to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to be dealing with these orders?” Deseran asks. “Will we have another person taking these orders? Will it be its own position? Where will we store the compostable trays? It’s almost like you are running an entirely different business on top of your business,” Deseran says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When something goes wrong with a delivery, the restaurant often has to deal with it. The restaurant gets the angry customer phone calls and the bad Yelp reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists have poured billions of dollars into these third-party apps. Over the last few years, the apps have been vying for market share and trying to get people used to ordering food online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies make revenue by taking a cut of the orders. Some of the companies siphon off as much as 30 percent from each delivery total. Profit margins in restaurants are notoriously small. So even though restaurants might get more business through the apps, they may actually be losing money on each order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave believes all this could get worse as the companies transition from using venture capital to build market share to trying to make real profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s going to happen to the rates when they start killing each other and one reigns supreme and they have to make a profit?” Hargrave asks. At that point, he says, diners may be so accustomed to the apps that restaurants have to serve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I didn’t do this to put food into boxes. I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.’\u003ccite>Joe Hargrave, Tacolicious co-owner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The National Restaurant Association is steering its members toward embracing the apps as a way to reach customers and sell more food. It sees this as the future that restaurants must conform to in order to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave and Deseran own five restaurants, which has allowed them to adapt to the apps. For instance, they can negotiate lower rates to be taken from each order and hire people to manage all the third-party apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller mom-and-pop restaurants don’t have these luxuries. So many don’t use the apps, which means that as more and more people order delivery, they could lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tacolicious, Hargrave’s big worry is that he’ll have to compromise on his food to feed the delivery apps, like adding preservatives to his tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says they’ve already taste-tested their food after it’s been driven around for 20 minutes in a car. So, like, food marinated in a Uber?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” Deseran says, “pine scent and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jokes aside, Deseran says she wishes they didn’t have to do delivery at all because of how it affects their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You end up having half the quality when it arrives,” says Deseran. “But people, I think, have become accustomed to having food that’s mediocre.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrubHub and Uber Eats are also testing ways to make food stay fresher during transit. But Hargrave says that when it comes down to it, what he really loves is having people actually come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do this to put food into boxes,” says Hargrave. “I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eating at a restaurant, Hargrave believes, is one of the last bastions of human connection that isn’t mediated through an app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he would prefer to keep it that way.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Joe Hargrave, co-owner of San Francisco’s Tacolicious restaurants, says customers who come in and sit down for lunch have no idea that all the hustle and bustle in the kitchen has very little to do with serving them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the bar near the kitchen, an employee rushes around to handle all the incoming food orders from a third-party delivery app called Caviar. Even before the restaurant opens, online orders often pile up from Caviar, Uber Eats and DoorDash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave says the apps account for more and more of the restaurant’s lunch business. While lunch sales for Tacolicious are down 35 percent, lunch revenue is up 8 percent. Co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how the two run the place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as we will be delivering food, which I don’t see that ever ending,” Deseran says, “then we have to adapt every single thing we do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, the delivery app Caviar says its customers wanted food in bowls. Now Tacolicious is serving food in bowls. The restaurant had stacks of plates on the bar. Now they’ve replaced half of the plates with stacks of to-go boxes. Tacolicious is even making changes to their staff to accommodate the apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As we sat in the restaurant talking, Hargrave received an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] from our VP of Ops talking about a new position that he wants to put out for third-party sales because he wants to keep the boxes organized and he wants to make sure the food is organized, and that we don’t miss a beat,” says Hargrave. “And we can go as high as $17 an hour!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tacolicious already has a person to manage customer phone calls, many of which happen to be about issues with deliveries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You might have seen someone working one of these third-party delivery app jobs at other restaurants. They’re usually behind the bar, surrounded by tablets. The tablets are running all the different delivery apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You also might have seen the delivery workers for the apps. They are often on mopeds, and still wearing their helmets when they come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These workers are paid by the order, which means they’re rushing into the restaurant to grab food and make their deliveries as quickly as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says the apps create all kinds of chaos that restaurants have to manage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who is going to be dealing with these orders?” Deseran asks. “Will we have another person taking these orders? Will it be its own position? Where will we store the compostable trays? It’s almost like you are running an entirely different business on top of your business,” Deseran says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11700687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11700687\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/FoodDelivery-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A third-party app food delivery worker transports food on his bicycle. Tacolicious co-owner Sara Deseran says third-party delivery apps have changed how she runs her restaurant. \u003ccite>(Spencer Platt/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When something goes wrong with a delivery, the restaurant often has to deal with it. The restaurant gets the angry customer phone calls and the bad Yelp reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists have poured billions of dollars into these third-party apps. Over the last few years, the apps have been vying for market share and trying to get people used to ordering food online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies make revenue by taking a cut of the orders. Some of the companies siphon off as much as 30 percent from each delivery total. Profit margins in restaurants are notoriously small. So even though restaurants might get more business through the apps, they may actually be losing money on each order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave believes all this could get worse as the companies transition from using venture capital to build market share to trying to make real profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s going to happen to the rates when they start killing each other and one reigns supreme and they have to make a profit?” Hargrave asks. At that point, he says, diners may be so accustomed to the apps that restaurants have to serve them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I didn’t do this to put food into boxes. I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.’\u003ccite>Joe Hargrave, Tacolicious co-owner\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The National Restaurant Association is steering its members toward embracing the apps as a way to reach customers and sell more food. It sees this as the future that restaurants must conform to in order to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hargrave and Deseran own five restaurants, which has allowed them to adapt to the apps. For instance, they can negotiate lower rates to be taken from each order and hire people to manage all the third-party apps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller mom-and-pop restaurants don’t have these luxuries. So many don’t use the apps, which means that as more and more people order delivery, they could lose out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tacolicious, Hargrave’s big worry is that he’ll have to compromise on his food to feed the delivery apps, like adding preservatives to his tortillas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deseran says they’ve already taste-tested their food after it’s been driven around for 20 minutes in a car. So, like, food marinated in a Uber?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” Deseran says, “pine scent and all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jokes aside, Deseran says she wishes they didn’t have to do delivery at all because of how it affects their food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You end up having half the quality when it arrives,” says Deseran. “But people, I think, have become accustomed to having food that’s mediocre.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GrubHub and Uber Eats are also testing ways to make food stay fresher during transit. But Hargrave says that when it comes down to it, what he really loves is having people actually come into the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t do this to put food into boxes,” says Hargrave. “I like food, but I like giving food to people and seeing them interact with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eating at a restaurant, Hargrave believes, is one of the last bastions of human connection that isn’t mediated through an app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he would prefer to keep it that way.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Transbay Transit Center officials said Tuesday it will be weeks before they can offer an estimate about when the facility -- shut down for a month after workers discovered fractures in steel beams -- will reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Zabaneh, chief of the agency that oversaw the $2.2 billion center's construction, told a meeting of the San Francisco County Transportation Authority board that resumption of service hinges on the results of tests trying to determine why two beams in the structure cracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By mid-November, we should get the test results back, and at that point in time, we'll be able to share with you what type of repair will be needed and how long it will take to do,\" Zabaneh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flawed structural steel is under study by experts retained by Zabaneh's Transbay Joint Powers Authority and a peer-review panel set up by the Metropolitan Transportation Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zabaneh offered no new details about the cracked beams, but acknowledged that the project's multi-tiered inspection process had failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a very unfortunate incident. We're very disappointed it happened,\" Zabaneh said. \"... We did have a good quality-control plan in place at four levels. Unfortunately, it didn't work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center's closure has forced AC Transit, Muni and other bus agencies to relocate their operations to a temporary terminal at Folsom and Beale streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Zabaneh spoke, his agency was the subject of what amounted to a vote of no confidence by the Transportation Authority board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board, which is made up of the 11 members of the Board of Supervisors, voted to withhold $9.7 million in funds already promised to the TJPA to allow it to continue with preliminary planning of a long-dreamed-of rail extension from Caltrain's Fourth and Townsend station to the new transit center. The vote was 10-0, with Supervisor Ahsha Safai absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcta.org/sites/default/files/content/Executive/Meetings/board/2018/10-Oct-23/Item%2011%20-%20DTX%20design%20part%201%20suspend.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">board's resolution\u003c/a>, offered by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, would hold up the funding pending a review of the agency's management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin said in an interview Wednesday the review is necessary because of a long string of problems involving the transit center. He noted that the transit center is about $800 million over budget, was finished more than a year behind schedule and that the joint powers agency is now the target of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699559/s-f-transit-center-contractor-files-150-million-suit-in-dispute-over-delays\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $150 million lawsuit\u003c/a> filed by the project's principal contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those problems and others, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694695/crack-in-support-beam-shuts-down-s-f-s-brand-new-2-billion-transit-terminal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Sept. 25 discovery\u003c/a> of cracked beams in the sprawling structure, raise doubts about the TJPA's competence and its ability to handle the downtown rail extension.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The organization that developed the Transbay Terminal is out of its depth, out of its league and needs a new governance structure,\" Peskin said. \"I think it's time to rethink this to make sure we have an organization that can actually deliver a remarkably complex project.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downtown rail extension has been discussed for decades, and planning has been underway for several years. The city's preferred project involves building a rail tunnel along the Caltrain right-of-way from near 22nd Street and Pennsylvania Avenue -- just east of Potrero Hill -- to Fourth and Townsend and then to the transit center at First and Mission. The estimated cost is about $6 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Transportation Authority board embraced Peskin's resolution, Tuesday's meeting heard from several transit advocates who objected that holding up planning for the project now could delay its completion well beyond the currently projected date of 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Miguel, who chaired the city's Rail Alignment and Benefits Study that looked at alternatives for the downtown extension, said he recognized the need for a review of the TJPA. But he and others said it's crucial that the review be conducted quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would not like to see this project derailed -- that's an understatement,\" Miguel said. \"I'd like to see it start up again in six months -- not in three years.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Transbay Transit Center officials said Tuesday it will be weeks before they can offer an estimate about when the facility -- shut down for a month after workers discovered fractures in steel beams -- will reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Zabaneh, chief of the agency that oversaw the $2.2 billion center's construction, told a meeting of the San Francisco County Transportation Authority board that resumption of service hinges on the results of tests trying to determine why two beams in the structure cracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By mid-November, we should get the test results back, and at that point in time, we'll be able to share with you what type of repair will be needed and how long it will take to do,\" Zabaneh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The flawed structural steel is under study by experts retained by Zabaneh's Transbay Joint Powers Authority and a peer-review panel set up by the Metropolitan Transportation Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zabaneh offered no new details about the cracked beams, but acknowledged that the project's multi-tiered inspection process had failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a very unfortunate incident. We're very disappointed it happened,\" Zabaneh said. \"... We did have a good quality-control plan in place at four levels. Unfortunately, it didn't work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center's closure has forced AC Transit, Muni and other bus agencies to relocate their operations to a temporary terminal at Folsom and Beale streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Zabaneh spoke, his agency was the subject of what amounted to a vote of no confidence by the Transportation Authority board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board, which is made up of the 11 members of the Board of Supervisors, voted to withhold $9.7 million in funds already promised to the TJPA to allow it to continue with preliminary planning of a long-dreamed-of rail extension from Caltrain's Fourth and Townsend station to the new transit center. The vote was 10-0, with Supervisor Ahsha Safai absent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcta.org/sites/default/files/content/Executive/Meetings/board/2018/10-Oct-23/Item%2011%20-%20DTX%20design%20part%201%20suspend.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">board's resolution\u003c/a>, offered by Supervisor Aaron Peskin, would hold up the funding pending a review of the agency's management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin said in an interview Wednesday the review is necessary because of a long string of problems involving the transit center. He noted that the transit center is about $800 million over budget, was finished more than a year behind schedule and that the joint powers agency is now the target of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11699559/s-f-transit-center-contractor-files-150-million-suit-in-dispute-over-delays\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $150 million lawsuit\u003c/a> filed by the project's principal contractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those problems and others, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694695/crack-in-support-beam-shuts-down-s-f-s-brand-new-2-billion-transit-terminal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Sept. 25 discovery\u003c/a> of cracked beams in the sprawling structure, raise doubts about the TJPA's competence and its ability to handle the downtown rail extension.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The organization that developed the Transbay Terminal is out of its depth, out of its league and needs a new governance structure,\" Peskin said. \"I think it's time to rethink this to make sure we have an organization that can actually deliver a remarkably complex project.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downtown rail extension has been discussed for decades, and planning has been underway for several years. The city's preferred project involves building a rail tunnel along the Caltrain right-of-way from near 22nd Street and Pennsylvania Avenue -- just east of Potrero Hill -- to Fourth and Townsend and then to the transit center at First and Mission. The estimated cost is about $6 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the Transportation Authority board embraced Peskin's resolution, Tuesday's meeting heard from several transit advocates who objected that holding up planning for the project now could delay its completion well beyond the currently projected date of 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Miguel, who chaired the city's Rail Alignment and Benefits Study that looked at alternatives for the downtown extension, said he recognized the need for a review of the TJPA. But he and others said it's crucial that the review be conducted quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would not like to see this project derailed -- that's an understatement,\" Miguel said. \"I'd like to see it start up again in six months -- not in three years.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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}
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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