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"title": "After Election 1st, Here’s How Oakland and Berkeley Youth Turned Out",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Maximus Simmons cast his ballot in November, he could only fill it out for one election — his Oakland school board representative — because he was among the first 16- and 17-year-olds \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012537/young-people-in-oakland-and-berkeley-are-casting-ballots-for-the-first-time-heres-what-it-looks-like\">allowed to vote in Oakland and Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay cities allowed teens to vote in school board elections for the first time last year, following years of youth advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Filling out the ballot is easy once you get it, but actually making sure to go and turn in your ballot, even I struggled with that a little bit,” said Simmons, who also serves as student director on the Oakland school board. “It was a matter of making time to drop it off and also figuring out how to drop it off because a lot of kids are on their parents’ schedule.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simmons said the experience empowered him and his peers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How was youth voter turnout?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1,500 youth voters were registered by Election Day in Berkeley and Oakland, with about a third casting ballots. The numbers are low compared to turnout among adults who voted in the same school board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities run their school board elections differently. In Oakland, residents select candidates based on the district they live in and only half of the districts are up for an election at any given time. In Berkeley’s at-large system, the candidates with the most votes overall are elected to available seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Youth turnout in Oakland & Berkeley 2024 school board elections\" aria-label=\"Donut Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-MJZF4\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/MJZF4/7/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"570\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just under 600 young people exercised their right to vote in school board races. Those who did cast ballots had similar vote splits to the general population — except for one race in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified School District 5, which includes the diverse Fruitvale and Jingletown neighborhoods with a large Spanish-speaking population, saw different voting patterns. While adults elected Patrice Berry, youth voters preferred Sasha Ritzie-Hernandez. Both candidates advocated for diversity and equity efforts in the school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the results in District 5 weren’t close enough to be affected by the youth vote, it was by far the tightest race: Just 885 votes separated Berry from Ritzie-Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lessons from 2024\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The historic youth vote was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002068/in-oakland-and-berkeley-16-and-17-year-olds-can-now-vote-for-school-board\">years in the making\u003c/a>. Berkeley passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921973/berkeley-and-oakland-passed-measures-to-let-16-and-17-year-olds-participate-in-school-board-elections-so-why-cant-they-vote-yet\">Measure Y1\u003c/a> in 2016, amending the city charter to allow teens to vote in school board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, students formed the Oakland Youth Vote Coalition to attempt the same thing with help from the nonprofit Oakland Kids First, led by executive director Lukas Brekke-Miesner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lukas Brekke-Miesner, executive director of Oakland Kids First, at Willard Park in Berkeley, on Wednesday, Feb. 26, 2025. He helped launch youth voting in Oakland back in 2019. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It took another four years after Oakland’s 2020 measure for teens in both cities to vote, meaning most of the original student advocates had aged out of the youth voting category altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always hard to know if something’s high or low when it’s the first time,” Brekke-Miesner said. “Generally, our feeling is overwhelmingly positive in the sense that every young person who voted was a young person who has never been able to vote before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029001 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20241211-OUSDMergerVote-JY-033-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logistical issues with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters delayed the implementation of youth voting, Brekke-Miesner said. He didn’t learn until August 2024 that the systems were ready for the upcoming election, a timeline that significantly impacted turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youth voters also do not appear on voter rolls because they are minors, Brekke-Miesner said, which meant that there was no way to track registration or follow up with potential voters ahead of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything about our ability to register voters, mobilize voters, educate voters, et cetera, was all condensed to a September, October timeline,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the work, he noted, was led by teens and teachers. At Oakland High School, Simmons said civics teachers would set aside class time to educate students about how to register and fill out a ballot, with a curriculum from the League of Women Voters of Berkeley, Albany and Emeryville — a critical step to foster civic engagement early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029006\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12029006 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maximus Simmons, of Oakland, is a student director at Oakland Unified and was a first-time youth voter in the 2024 election. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Society is set up for young people to not care about voting,” said Simmons, a junior. “We don’t learn about it in school. We don’t learn about who our political party should be, what each political party means. We’re not taught why voting is important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students in Oakland hosted candidate forums at several high schools, which they have done for the past few elections they couldn’t even vote in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley High School, Zamahra Winta Clark went from classroom to classroom with a curriculum developed by a school librarian to educate her peers about the registration process. Clark is also a student director on Berkeley’s school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If students were able to vote in the mayoral election, I feel like it would be a way higher percentage of voter turnout for students,” Clark, a senior, said. “The majority of them were confused on not only how the process works, but how this affects them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simmons added that the novelty of youth voting could play a role in limiting turnout since students aren’t familiar with the process yet. Simmons said he expects turnout to increase as it has in the few other cities in the U.S. that allow youth voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nationwide momentum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Bay Area, cities on the East Coast states of Vermont, Maryland and New Jersey allow youth voting in local elections. More than a dozen states have active campaigns supported by Vote16USA, a national organization that provides resources to local youth vote advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see in places where we’ve lowered the voting age, 16- and 17-year-olds are voting at a much higher rate than those that are 18 and older,” said LaJuan Allen, the director of Vote16USA. “And not only that, but the voting turnout for folks that are 18 and older continued to increase every election cycle that 16- and 17-year-olds were able to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Takoma Park, Maryland, was the first municipality to expand youth voting in 2013. Only 59 young people cast ballots, marking turnout at 44%. By 2020, turnout had risen to 69%, surpassing the general population rate of 54%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said he expects a similar pattern in the Bay Area, especially as more cities in the region expand the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Albany is next\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The latest Bay Area city to expand youth voting rights is in neighboring Albany — and it goes a step further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote16USA helped launch Albany’s youth voting ballot measure last year, which voters passed in November. The measure allows young people to cast ballots in school board races and municipal elections — the broadest expansion of youth voting rights on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029005\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12029005 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lukas Brekke-Miesner, left, of Oakland, is the executive director of Oakland Kids First, which helped launch youth voting in Oakland back in 2019. Maximus Simmons, of Oakland, is a student director at Oakland Unified and was a first-time youth voter in the 2024 election. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alex Li, a freshman at Georgetown University, was a key organizer in the city’s campaign while attending Albany High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is traditional, and I guess more politically intuitive, to go just for school board because there’s that direct connection,” Li said. “But at the same time, it’s not as if we’re not citizens of the city, and we’re not impacted by what happens in the policymaking through ballot measures or the city council.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s unclear how quickly Albany can implement youth voting, Li said Berkeley and Oakland cut through much of the bureaucratic red tape at the registrar’s office. Brennen Brown, Albany’s public information officer, said the city is coordinating with the county to get that done before the next election.[aside postID=news_12012537 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-OAKLAND-YOUTH-VOTE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']More Bay Area cities are expected to follow. Students at the Alameda Science and Technology Institute are putting together a campaign with the help of Vote16USA and the League of Women Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Bay Area cities are embracing a lower voting age. A San Francisco measure to allow 16- and 17-year-olds the right to vote in city elections was rejected by voters in 2016 and 2020 — both times, the margin of defeat was slim. Youth advocates began launching a third attempt in April, but nothing tangible came of that effort by the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates believe national politics could also play a role in expanding a lowered voting age. President Donald Trump’s second term is motivating many teens who feel democracy itself is at risk, according to Allen. He also noted that youth frustration with national politics is pushing many to look toward their own communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are very excited about what their impact could be on the local level as it relates to a more inclusive democracy,” Allen said. “But I think I would be remiss if I didn’t say that young people are disappointed and are thinking about what the next four years are going to look like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only for them,” he added. “But for their communities and the people that they love and care about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Maximus Simmons cast his ballot in November, he could only fill it out for one election — his Oakland school board representative — because he was among the first 16- and 17-year-olds \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012537/young-people-in-oakland-and-berkeley-are-casting-ballots-for-the-first-time-heres-what-it-looks-like\">allowed to vote in Oakland and Berkeley\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay cities allowed teens to vote in school board elections for the first time last year, following years of youth advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Filling out the ballot is easy once you get it, but actually making sure to go and turn in your ballot, even I struggled with that a little bit,” said Simmons, who also serves as student director on the Oakland school board. “It was a matter of making time to drop it off and also figuring out how to drop it off because a lot of kids are on their parents’ schedule.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simmons said the experience empowered him and his peers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How was youth voter turnout?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1,500 youth voters were registered by Election Day in Berkeley and Oakland, with about a third casting ballots. The numbers are low compared to turnout among adults who voted in the same school board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cities run their school board elections differently. In Oakland, residents select candidates based on the district they live in and only half of the districts are up for an election at any given time. In Berkeley’s at-large system, the candidates with the most votes overall are elected to available seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Youth turnout in Oakland & Berkeley 2024 school board elections\" aria-label=\"Donut Chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-MJZF4\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/MJZF4/7/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"570\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just under 600 young people exercised their right to vote in school board races. Those who did cast ballots had similar vote splits to the general population — except for one race in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified School District 5, which includes the diverse Fruitvale and Jingletown neighborhoods with a large Spanish-speaking population, saw different voting patterns. While adults elected Patrice Berry, youth voters preferred Sasha Ritzie-Hernandez. Both candidates advocated for diversity and equity efforts in the school district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the results in District 5 weren’t close enough to be affected by the youth vote, it was by far the tightest race: Just 885 votes separated Berry from Ritzie-Hernandez.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lessons from 2024\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The historic youth vote was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002068/in-oakland-and-berkeley-16-and-17-year-olds-can-now-vote-for-school-board\">years in the making\u003c/a>. Berkeley passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921973/berkeley-and-oakland-passed-measures-to-let-16-and-17-year-olds-participate-in-school-board-elections-so-why-cant-they-vote-yet\">Measure Y1\u003c/a> in 2016, amending the city charter to allow teens to vote in school board races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, students formed the Oakland Youth Vote Coalition to attempt the same thing with help from the nonprofit Oakland Kids First, led by executive director Lukas Brekke-Miesner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029003\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029003\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00048-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lukas Brekke-Miesner, executive director of Oakland Kids First, at Willard Park in Berkeley, on Wednesday, Feb. 26, 2025. He helped launch youth voting in Oakland back in 2019. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It took another four years after Oakland’s 2020 measure for teens in both cities to vote, meaning most of the original student advocates had aged out of the youth voting category altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always hard to know if something’s high or low when it’s the first time,” Brekke-Miesner said. “Generally, our feeling is overwhelmingly positive in the sense that every young person who voted was a young person who has never been able to vote before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logistical issues with the Alameda County Registrar of Voters delayed the implementation of youth voting, Brekke-Miesner said. He didn’t learn until August 2024 that the systems were ready for the upcoming election, a timeline that significantly impacted turnout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Youth voters also do not appear on voter rolls because they are minors, Brekke-Miesner said, which meant that there was no way to track registration or follow up with potential voters ahead of the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything about our ability to register voters, mobilize voters, educate voters, et cetera, was all condensed to a September, October timeline,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the work, he noted, was led by teens and teachers. At Oakland High School, Simmons said civics teachers would set aside class time to educate students about how to register and fill out a ballot, with a curriculum from the League of Women Voters of Berkeley, Albany and Emeryville — a critical step to foster civic engagement early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029006\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12029006 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00300-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maximus Simmons, of Oakland, is a student director at Oakland Unified and was a first-time youth voter in the 2024 election. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Society is set up for young people to not care about voting,” said Simmons, a junior. “We don’t learn about it in school. We don’t learn about who our political party should be, what each political party means. We’re not taught why voting is important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students in Oakland hosted candidate forums at several high schools, which they have done for the past few elections they couldn’t even vote in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Berkeley High School, Zamahra Winta Clark went from classroom to classroom with a curriculum developed by a school librarian to educate her peers about the registration process. Clark is also a student director on Berkeley’s school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If students were able to vote in the mayoral election, I feel like it would be a way higher percentage of voter turnout for students,” Clark, a senior, said. “The majority of them were confused on not only how the process works, but how this affects them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simmons added that the novelty of youth voting could play a role in limiting turnout since students aren’t familiar with the process yet. Simmons said he expects turnout to increase as it has in the few other cities in the U.S. that allow youth voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nationwide momentum\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Bay Area, cities on the East Coast states of Vermont, Maryland and New Jersey allow youth voting in local elections. More than a dozen states have active campaigns supported by Vote16USA, a national organization that provides resources to local youth vote advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see in places where we’ve lowered the voting age, 16- and 17-year-olds are voting at a much higher rate than those that are 18 and older,” said LaJuan Allen, the director of Vote16USA. “And not only that, but the voting turnout for folks that are 18 and older continued to increase every election cycle that 16- and 17-year-olds were able to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Takoma Park, Maryland, was the first municipality to expand youth voting in 2013. Only 59 young people cast ballots, marking turnout at 44%. By 2020, turnout had risen to 69%, surpassing the general population rate of 54%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said he expects a similar pattern in the Bay Area, especially as more cities in the region expand the right to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Albany is next\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The latest Bay Area city to expand youth voting rights is in neighboring Albany — and it goes a step further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vote16USA helped launch Albany’s youth voting ballot measure last year, which voters passed in November. The measure allows young people to cast ballots in school board races and municipal elections — the broadest expansion of youth voting rights on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029005\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12029005 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00185-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lukas Brekke-Miesner, left, of Oakland, is the executive director of Oakland Kids First, which helped launch youth voting in Oakland back in 2019. Maximus Simmons, of Oakland, is a student director at Oakland Unified and was a first-time youth voter in the 2024 election. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alex Li, a freshman at Georgetown University, was a key organizer in the city’s campaign while attending Albany High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is traditional, and I guess more politically intuitive, to go just for school board because there’s that direct connection,” Li said. “But at the same time, it’s not as if we’re not citizens of the city, and we’re not impacted by what happens in the policymaking through ballot measures or the city council.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it’s unclear how quickly Albany can implement youth voting, Li said Berkeley and Oakland cut through much of the bureaucratic red tape at the registrar’s office. Brennen Brown, Albany’s public information officer, said the city is coordinating with the county to get that done before the next election.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>More Bay Area cities are expected to follow. Students at the Alameda Science and Technology Institute are putting together a campaign with the help of Vote16USA and the League of Women Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all Bay Area cities are embracing a lower voting age. A San Francisco measure to allow 16- and 17-year-olds the right to vote in city elections was rejected by voters in 2016 and 2020 — both times, the margin of defeat was slim. Youth advocates began launching a third attempt in April, but nothing tangible came of that effort by the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates believe national politics could also play a role in expanding a lowered voting age. President Donald Trump’s second term is motivating many teens who feel democracy itself is at risk, according to Allen. He also noted that youth frustration with national politics is pushing many to look toward their own communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are very excited about what their impact could be on the local level as it relates to a more inclusive democracy,” Allen said. “But I think I would be remiss if I didn’t say that young people are disappointed and are thinking about what the next four years are going to look like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not only for them,” he added. “But for their communities and the people that they love and care about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco on Thursday found that the mass firings of probationary employees were likely unlawful, granting some temporary relief to a coalition of labor unions and organizations that has sued to stop the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration’s\u003c/a> massive trimming of the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup ordered the Office of Personnel Management to inform certain federal agencies that it had no authority to order the firings of probationary employees, including the Department of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OPM does not have any authority whatsoever, under any statute in the history of the universe,” to hire or fire any employees but its own, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup handed down the order on a temporary restraining order sought by labor unions and nonprofits in a lawsuit filed by the coalition filed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-employees-firing-lawsuit-trump-probation-unions-4a9384c21e408df85ca17dfac5b9dc93\">filed\u003c/a> by five labor unions and five nonprofit organizations is among multiple lawsuits pushing back on the administration’s efforts to vastly shrink the federal workforce, which Trump has called bloated and sloppy. Thousands of probationary employees \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-federal-workers-layoffs-doge-406752da1614755b8fabe9c94e0c71a8\">have already been fired\u003c/a> and his administration is now \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">aiming at career officials\u003c/a> with civil service protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say the Office of Personnel Management had no authority to terminate the jobs of probationary workers who generally have less than a year on the job. They also say the firings were predicated on a lie of poor performance by the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government say the Office of Personnel Management did not direct the firings, but asked agencies to review and determine whether employees on probation were fit for continued employment. They also say that probationary employees are not guaranteed employment and that only the highest performing and mission-critical employees should be hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are an estimated 200,000 probationary workers — generally employees who have less than a year on the job — across federal agencies. About 15,000 are employed in California, providing services ranging from fire prevention to veterans’ care, the complaint says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027914]Unions have recently struck out with two other federal judges in similar lawsuits attempting to stop the Trump administration’s goal of vastly reducing the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup, who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, has presided over many high-profile cases and is known for his blunt talk. He oversaw the criminal probation of Pacific Gas & Electric and has called the nation’s largest utility a “\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/wildfires-business-fires-crime-california-367cb44acf704920a0c2a72d60890bc5\">continuing menace\u003c/a> to California.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco on Thursday found that the mass firings of probationary employees were likely unlawful, granting some temporary relief to a coalition of labor unions and organizations that has sued to stop the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration’s\u003c/a> massive trimming of the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge William Alsup ordered the Office of Personnel Management to inform certain federal agencies that it had no authority to order the firings of probationary employees, including the Department of Defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“OPM does not have any authority whatsoever, under any statute in the history of the universe,” to hire or fire any employees but its own, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup handed down the order on a temporary restraining order sought by labor unions and nonprofits in a lawsuit filed by the coalition filed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-employees-firing-lawsuit-trump-probation-unions-4a9384c21e408df85ca17dfac5b9dc93\">filed\u003c/a> by five labor unions and five nonprofit organizations is among multiple lawsuits pushing back on the administration’s efforts to vastly shrink the federal workforce, which Trump has called bloated and sloppy. Thousands of probationary employees \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-federal-workers-layoffs-doge-406752da1614755b8fabe9c94e0c71a8\">have already been fired\u003c/a> and his administration is now \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-elon-musk-federal-workers-layoffs-d295d4bb2cdd5023c27d9cb03754e81b\">aiming at career officials\u003c/a> with civil service protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs say the Office of Personnel Management had no authority to terminate the jobs of probationary workers who generally have less than a year on the job. They also say the firings were predicated on a lie of poor performance by the workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the government say the Office of Personnel Management did not direct the firings, but asked agencies to review and determine whether employees on probation were fit for continued employment. They also say that probationary employees are not guaranteed employment and that only the highest performing and mission-critical employees should be hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are an estimated 200,000 probationary workers — generally employees who have less than a year on the job — across federal agencies. About 15,000 are employed in California, providing services ranging from fire prevention to veterans’ care, the complaint says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Unions have recently struck out with two other federal judges in similar lawsuits attempting to stop the Trump administration’s goal of vastly reducing the federal workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alsup, who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, has presided over many high-profile cases and is known for his blunt talk. He oversaw the criminal probation of Pacific Gas & Electric and has called the nation’s largest utility a “\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/wildfires-business-fires-crime-california-367cb44acf704920a0c2a72d60890bc5\">continuing menace\u003c/a> to California.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SF Mayor Lurie Seeks to Reset Tense Ties With Board of Supervisors",
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"headTitle": "SF Mayor Lurie Seeks to Reset Tense Ties With Board of Supervisors | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie pledged on the campaign trail that, as an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12019956/how-daniel-lurie-will-balance-the-need-for-insider-knowledge-with-outsider-perspective-2\">outsider with no government experience\u003c/a>, he could help San Francisco finally break free from the city’s notorious political infighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With fewer than two months in office, supervisors from different sides of the political spectrum say Lurie has so far shown good faith in working across ideological lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has included passing his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025495/luries-fentanyl-response-clears-san-francisco-board-of-supervisors\">first major piece of legislation\u003c/a>, a law giving Lurie expanded authority to cut through red tape on programs and services related to the city’s drug and homelessness challenges. Supervisor Connie Chan expressed hesitation about the extended powers and requested amendments, after which the ordinance passed easily. However, the ordinance lacks specific plans for how Lurie will leverage it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also taken the form of smaller gestures, like stopping by supervisors’ offices regularly to check in and discuss policy. That’s a shift from Lurie’s predecessor, former Mayor London Breed, current and former supervisors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Breed made the decision that it was in her political interest to disagree and fight with the board, while Lurie wants to produce and solve problems with the city and sees it in his interest to work together and find areas where they can compromise and solve problems,” political consultant Jim Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Jackie Fielder, a Democratic socialist who oversees the Mission District, said she and Lurie, a moderate Democrat, have gone on several walks together since they both started their positions in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a pretty good relationship with the mayor and his office. They’re very responsive to my calls,” Fielder said. “I would say we’re off to a good start, and that’s the kind of cooperation I think San Francisco’s have been wanting and certainly what they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024435\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024435\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Supervisor Jackie Fielder speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Tuesday, Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other supervisors said they’ve noticed a shift in alignment on public safety issues. But Breed and the board did \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992130/sf-political-rivals-breed-and-peskin-unite-behind-major-infrastructure-bond\">come to agreement\u003c/a> on a number of issues, such as on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">affordable housing bond\u003c/a> and other business and tax legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good for people to remember that politics is cyclical, and the tables can turn pretty quickly. I’ve seen that happen in the time that I’ve been on the board,” Board President Rafael Mandelman said. “And I do think that the external threat from the Trump administration is also a factor that keeps people trying to work together internally as effectively as we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another notable difference, former Supervisor Aaron Peskin said, is Lurie’s distance from the billionaire-backed political organizing groups that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017551/is-san-francisco-a-bellwether-for-cryptocurrency-influence-on-local-elections\">flooded the city’s election cycle in 2024\u003c/a>, such as GrowSF, Neighbors for a Better San Francisco and TogetherSF. The last of those groups shut down after its preferred candidates and measures were defeated in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the things that really poisoned politics at City Hall was the very aggressive, toxic behavior of some of these tech oligarch groups and some of the billionaires like Gary Tan, who were making really horrible, violent comments,” Peskin said. “They have receded under Lurie, I think in part because Mr. Lurie has really put out a tone that is not tolerant or embracing of this behavior that they exhibited for the last four years that London Breed embraced with open arms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie is listening closely to some of the city’s tech and business elite. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014714/san-francisco-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-taps-openai-founder-transition-team\">OpenAI CEO Sam Altman\u003c/a>, who donated $1 million to President Donald Trump’s inaugural fund, was on Lurie’s transition team. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">Lurie has been quiet on Trump\u003c/a>, raising questions from residents and supervisors concerned about the executive orders targeting immigration crackdowns, transgender identity and public funding.[aside postID=news_12028726 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-13.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, supervisors agreed to pass Lurie’s motion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028726/reformist-sf-police-commissioner-is-ousted-giving-lurie-greater-control-of-oversight\">remove police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone\u003c/a>, a police reform advocate appointed by Breed. The vote passed 9–2, with Supervisors Fielder and Myrna Melgar in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a steadfast advocate for reforms and oversight. His leadership has been smart, principled and moral,” Fielder told KQED. “He represents the kind of principled, uncorrupt, independent governance San Franciscans want, and he should be rewarded for his service, not punished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fielder said she and Lurie will be in opposition on more issues, such as how to fund housing initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayor knows I’m going to be on this side, and he’s going to be over there on a lot of the important issues,” Fielder said. “But we’re very honest about that, and it just makes everything easier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many difficult decisions around the city’s now nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021378/sf-mayor-daniel-lurie-freezes-most-city-hiring-on-day-1-in-office\">$900 million budget shortfall\u003c/a> lie ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a honeymoon, so it likely won’t go on like this forever,” Mandelman said. “But the mayor and his team are trying to keep it going as long as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mayor Daniel Lurie and members of the Board of Supervisors are trying to work across ideological lines to address some of the city’s most pressing problems. ",
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"title": "SF Mayor Lurie Seeks to Reset Tense Ties With Board of Supervisors | KQED",
"description": "Mayor Daniel Lurie and members of the Board of Supervisors are trying to work across ideological lines to address some of the city’s most pressing problems. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie pledged on the campaign trail that, as an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12019956/how-daniel-lurie-will-balance-the-need-for-insider-knowledge-with-outsider-perspective-2\">outsider with no government experience\u003c/a>, he could help San Francisco finally break free from the city’s notorious political infighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With fewer than two months in office, supervisors from different sides of the political spectrum say Lurie has so far shown good faith in working across ideological lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has included passing his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025495/luries-fentanyl-response-clears-san-francisco-board-of-supervisors\">first major piece of legislation\u003c/a>, a law giving Lurie expanded authority to cut through red tape on programs and services related to the city’s drug and homelessness challenges. Supervisor Connie Chan expressed hesitation about the extended powers and requested amendments, after which the ordinance passed easily. However, the ordinance lacks specific plans for how Lurie will leverage it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also taken the form of smaller gestures, like stopping by supervisors’ offices regularly to check in and discuss policy. That’s a shift from Lurie’s predecessor, former Mayor London Breed, current and former supervisors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Breed made the decision that it was in her political interest to disagree and fight with the board, while Lurie wants to produce and solve problems with the city and sees it in his interest to work together and find areas where they can compromise and solve problems,” political consultant Jim Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Jackie Fielder, a Democratic socialist who oversees the Mission District, said she and Lurie, a moderate Democrat, have gone on several walks together since they both started their positions in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a pretty good relationship with the mayor and his office. They’re very responsive to my calls,” Fielder said. “I would say we’re off to a good start, and that’s the kind of cooperation I think San Francisco’s have been wanting and certainly what they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024435\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024435\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-30-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Supervisor Jackie Fielder speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Tuesday, Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other supervisors said they’ve noticed a shift in alignment on public safety issues. But Breed and the board did \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992130/sf-political-rivals-breed-and-peskin-unite-behind-major-infrastructure-bond\">come to agreement\u003c/a> on a number of issues, such as on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976959/proposition-a-why-sf-is-asking-voters-for-a-300-million-affordable-housing-bond\">affordable housing bond\u003c/a> and other business and tax legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good for people to remember that politics is cyclical, and the tables can turn pretty quickly. I’ve seen that happen in the time that I’ve been on the board,” Board President Rafael Mandelman said. “And I do think that the external threat from the Trump administration is also a factor that keeps people trying to work together internally as effectively as we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another notable difference, former Supervisor Aaron Peskin said, is Lurie’s distance from the billionaire-backed political organizing groups that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017551/is-san-francisco-a-bellwether-for-cryptocurrency-influence-on-local-elections\">flooded the city’s election cycle in 2024\u003c/a>, such as GrowSF, Neighbors for a Better San Francisco and TogetherSF. The last of those groups shut down after its preferred candidates and measures were defeated in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the things that really poisoned politics at City Hall was the very aggressive, toxic behavior of some of these tech oligarch groups and some of the billionaires like Gary Tan, who were making really horrible, violent comments,” Peskin said. “They have receded under Lurie, I think in part because Mr. Lurie has really put out a tone that is not tolerant or embracing of this behavior that they exhibited for the last four years that London Breed embraced with open arms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie is listening closely to some of the city’s tech and business elite. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014714/san-francisco-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-taps-openai-founder-transition-team\">OpenAI CEO Sam Altman\u003c/a>, who donated $1 million to President Donald Trump’s inaugural fund, was on Lurie’s transition team. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">Lurie has been quiet on Trump\u003c/a>, raising questions from residents and supervisors concerned about the executive orders targeting immigration crackdowns, transgender identity and public funding.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, supervisors agreed to pass Lurie’s motion to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028726/reformist-sf-police-commissioner-is-ousted-giving-lurie-greater-control-of-oversight\">remove police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone\u003c/a>, a police reform advocate appointed by Breed. The vote passed 9–2, with Supervisors Fielder and Myrna Melgar in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a steadfast advocate for reforms and oversight. His leadership has been smart, principled and moral,” Fielder told KQED. “He represents the kind of principled, uncorrupt, independent governance San Franciscans want, and he should be rewarded for his service, not punished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fielder said she and Lurie will be in opposition on more issues, such as how to fund housing initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The mayor knows I’m going to be on this side, and he’s going to be over there on a lot of the important issues,” Fielder said. “But we’re very honest about that, and it just makes everything easier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many difficult decisions around the city’s now nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021378/sf-mayor-daniel-lurie-freezes-most-city-hiring-on-day-1-in-office\">$900 million budget shortfall\u003c/a> lie ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a honeymoon, so it likely won’t go on like this forever,” Mandelman said. “But the mayor and his team are trying to keep it going as long as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "reformist-sf-police-commissioner-is-ousted-giving-lurie-greater-control-of-oversight",
"title": "Reformist SF Police Commissioner Is Ousted, Giving Lurie Greater Control of Oversight",
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"headTitle": "Reformist SF Police Commissioner Is Ousted, Giving Lurie Greater Control of Oversight | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors voted Tuesday to remove progressive police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone, a move that could give \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Mayor Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> greater influence over the commission but also one that some city officials and police reform activists worry will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028306/sf-activists-rally-against-luries-push-remove-outspoken-police-commissioner\">hurt efforts to improve law enforcement accountability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9–2 vote came less than a month after Lurie moved to dismiss the commissioner before the end of his term next year in favor of one the mayor said would be more collaborative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone was twice appointed to the oversight body by former Mayor London Breed, but he publicly clashed with her over public safety policies and exposed her controversial practice of having commission appointees sign undated resignation letters at the start of their terms. Without him as a reliable ally, Breed effectively lost control of the Police Commission, whose seven members include four appointed by the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Carter-Oberstone, Lurie’s office notified him three weeks ago that it would be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025784/lurie-aims-oust-sf-police-commissioner-pushed-reforms-clashed-breed\">seeking his removal\u003c/a> after he made it clear during a previous meeting that he would not resign at the mayor’s request. Lurie has yet to provide a public explanation as to why he should be ousted from the role, the former police commissioner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some have speculated that Lurie is seeking to shore up mayoral control of the Police Commission as part of a bid to replace SFPD Chief Bill Scott, a concern that was brought up by residents during public comment at Tuesday’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the selection of a new police chief, the Police Commission provides the mayor with a list of names to select from. Replacing Carter-Oberstone with a police commissioner who is more aligned with the mayor’s office could allow Lurie greater influence over that list if Scott is fired or resigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Dorsey, a former SFPD spokesperson, said that he didn’t believe Lurie sought Carter-Oberstone’s ouster in preparation for replacing Scott and that Lurie has the right to seek his own appointments as a newly elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, I don’t believe this is about Mr. Carter-Oberstone. I believe it is about what the city charter says about mayoral authority over mayoral appointments,” Dorsey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028382\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of San Francisco Police Commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone attend a rally on the steps of San Francisco City Hall protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Jackie Fielder, who voted against the motion to remove Carter-Oberstone, said during the meeting that while the mayor is allowed to request the removal of a police commissioner, the board is also within its authority to reject the request. Her constituents have expressed a desire for greater police accountability, and Carter-Oberstone’s removal will be to the detriment of police oversight efforts, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a steadfast advocate for reforms and oversight. His leadership has been smart, principled and moral,” Fielder said. “He represents the kind of principled, uncorrupt, independent governance San Franciscans want, and he should be rewarded for his service, not punished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only Supervisor Myrna Melgar joined Fielder in voting against removing Carter-Oberstone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the residents and civil rights advocates who spoke at the meeting pushed back against the motion, urging the board to allow Carter-Oberstone to serve until the end of his term.[aside postID=news_11996060 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2300/12/GettyImages-2168382996-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone “has not only provided critical, unwavering oversight of our city’s armed police force, but he has also fought for SFPD to engage in policing that does not rely on racial bias and police violence,” said Carolyn Goosen, policy director at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office. “We need to ensure that there is strong, independent civilian oversight, and this is what Commissioner Carter-Oberstone exemplifies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goosen praised Carter-Oberstone for his work as an outspoken proponent of police reform and for his effort in spearheading racial justice initiatives in San Francisco, including a commission-initiated policy that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996060/san-francisco-police-are-now-restricted-from-certain-traffic-stops-heres-why\">bans “pretextual” traffic stops\u003c/a> — those for low-level violations that officers use to investigate whether the person was involved in an unrelated crime, often based on little more than speculation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, the Board of Supervisors also confirmed Lurie’s selection of a new police commissioner for a separate seat, former federal prosecutor Wilson Leung. With Carter-Oberstone’s removal, the mayor will also need to nominate another person to the commission, possibly furthering Lurie’s sway over the police oversight board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has taken a dangerous step backward,” said Brian Hofer, executive director of nonprofit Secure Justice, in a statement responding to Carter-Oberstone’s removal. “Commissioner Carter-Oberstone was removed not because he failed in his duties but because he was too effective at holding SFPD accountable. This decision sends a chilling message to anyone who dares to stand up for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">Dana Cronin\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco supervisors voted to remove Max Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission at Mayor Daniel Lurie’s request.",
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"title": "Reformist SF Police Commissioner Is Ousted, Giving Lurie Greater Control of Oversight | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors voted Tuesday to remove progressive police commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone, a move that could give \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Mayor Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> greater influence over the commission but also one that some city officials and police reform activists worry will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028306/sf-activists-rally-against-luries-push-remove-outspoken-police-commissioner\">hurt efforts to improve law enforcement accountability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9–2 vote came less than a month after Lurie moved to dismiss the commissioner before the end of his term next year in favor of one the mayor said would be more collaborative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone was twice appointed to the oversight body by former Mayor London Breed, but he publicly clashed with her over public safety policies and exposed her controversial practice of having commission appointees sign undated resignation letters at the start of their terms. Without him as a reliable ally, Breed effectively lost control of the Police Commission, whose seven members include four appointed by the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Carter-Oberstone, Lurie’s office notified him three weeks ago that it would be \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025784/lurie-aims-oust-sf-police-commissioner-pushed-reforms-clashed-breed\">seeking his removal\u003c/a> after he made it clear during a previous meeting that he would not resign at the mayor’s request. Lurie has yet to provide a public explanation as to why he should be ousted from the role, the former police commissioner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some have speculated that Lurie is seeking to shore up mayoral control of the Police Commission as part of a bid to replace SFPD Chief Bill Scott, a concern that was brought up by residents during public comment at Tuesday’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the selection of a new police chief, the Police Commission provides the mayor with a list of names to select from. Replacing Carter-Oberstone with a police commissioner who is more aligned with the mayor’s office could allow Lurie greater influence over that list if Scott is fired or resigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Matt Dorsey, a former SFPD spokesperson, said that he didn’t believe Lurie sought Carter-Oberstone’s ouster in preparation for replacing Scott and that Lurie has the right to seek his own appointments as a newly elected mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the end of the day, I don’t believe this is about Mr. Carter-Oberstone. I believe it is about what the city charter says about mayoral authority over mayoral appointments,” Dorsey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028382\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028382\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250224-SFPD-POLICE-COMMISSIONER-PROTEST-MD-19_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of San Francisco Police Commissioner Max Carter-Oberstone attend a rally on the steps of San Francisco City Hall protesting Mayor Daniel Lurie’s attempt to remove Carter-Oberstone from the Police Commission on Feb. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Jackie Fielder, who voted against the motion to remove Carter-Oberstone, said during the meeting that while the mayor is allowed to request the removal of a police commissioner, the board is also within its authority to reject the request. Her constituents have expressed a desire for greater police accountability, and Carter-Oberstone’s removal will be to the detriment of police oversight efforts, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Commissioner Carter-Oberstone has been a steadfast advocate for reforms and oversight. His leadership has been smart, principled and moral,” Fielder said. “He represents the kind of principled, uncorrupt, independent governance San Franciscans want, and he should be rewarded for his service, not punished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only Supervisor Myrna Melgar joined Fielder in voting against removing Carter-Oberstone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the residents and civil rights advocates who spoke at the meeting pushed back against the motion, urging the board to allow Carter-Oberstone to serve until the end of his term.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carter-Oberstone “has not only provided critical, unwavering oversight of our city’s armed police force, but he has also fought for SFPD to engage in policing that does not rely on racial bias and police violence,” said Carolyn Goosen, policy director at the San Francisco Public Defender’s Office. “We need to ensure that there is strong, independent civilian oversight, and this is what Commissioner Carter-Oberstone exemplifies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goosen praised Carter-Oberstone for his work as an outspoken proponent of police reform and for his effort in spearheading racial justice initiatives in San Francisco, including a commission-initiated policy that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996060/san-francisco-police-are-now-restricted-from-certain-traffic-stops-heres-why\">bans “pretextual” traffic stops\u003c/a> — those for low-level violations that officers use to investigate whether the person was involved in an unrelated crime, often based on little more than speculation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, the Board of Supervisors also confirmed Lurie’s selection of a new police commissioner for a separate seat, former federal prosecutor Wilson Leung. With Carter-Oberstone’s removal, the mayor will also need to nominate another person to the commission, possibly furthering Lurie’s sway over the police oversight board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has taken a dangerous step backward,” said Brian Hofer, executive director of nonprofit Secure Justice, in a statement responding to Carter-Oberstone’s removal. “Commissioner Carter-Oberstone was removed not because he failed in his duties but because he was too effective at holding SFPD accountable. This decision sends a chilling message to anyone who dares to stand up for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">Dana Cronin\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "this-santa-cruz-congressman-received-more-than-250000-from-a-powerful-pro-israel-lobby",
"title": "This Santa Cruz Congressman Received More Than $250,000 From a Powerful Pro-Israel Lobby",
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"headTitle": "This Santa Cruz Congressman Received More Than $250,000 From a Powerful Pro-Israel Lobby | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>During the 2024 election season, Rep. Jimmy Panetta (D–Santa Cruz) received upward of $250,000 in campaign contributions from pro-Israel groups — far outpacing the amount given to any other congressional representative in the Central or Northern California region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that two-year period, during which the devastating war in Gaza erupted and pro-Israel groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016915/aipac-spent-big-in-the-2024-election-how-did-the-money-show-up-in-californias-congressional-races\">ramped up their political spending\u003c/a>, Panetta — who represents a coastal swath of Santa Cruz and Monterey counties — \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/american-israel-public-affairs-cmte/recipients?id=D000046963&t2-Chamber=House&t2-search=panetta\">was given\u003c/a> $10,000 directly from the PAC affiliated with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986412/aipac-israels-political-enforcer-in-the-u-s\">powerful American Israel Public Affairs Committee \u003c/a>(AIPAC), and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986412/aipac-israels-political-enforcer-in-the-u-s\">more than $243,000\u003c/a> from donors closely linked to the group, \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/american-israel-public-affairs-cmte/recipients?id=D000046963&t2-Chamber=House&t2-search=panetta\">according to Open Secrets\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan political finance tracker. OpenSecrets does not disclose the names of the individual donors, which it defines as “members, employees or owners of the organization, and those individuals’ immediate family members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta was the third-highest recipient of AIPAC-affiliated contributions among congressional incumbents in California, eclipsed only by Rep. Pete Aguilar (D–Redlands), who took in more than half a million dollars, and Rep. Ken Calvert (R–Corona), who received $471,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"AIPAC-affiliated spending on congressional races \" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-nfbaE\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/nfbaE/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"580\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a substantial sum from donors affiliated with a group whose mission is to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aipac.org/about\">strengthen and expand the U.S.-Israel relationship” \u003c/a>has drawn scrutiny from many of Panetta’s constituents in Santa Cruz and some of the other left-leaning areas he represents, where pro-Palestinian protests against Israel — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988039/pro-palestinian-protests-block-uc-santa-cruz-entrances-pushing-classes-back-online\">particularly at UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> — have been commonplace since the conflict began more than 16 months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some pro-Palestinian activists in the district say they’re concerned about the contributions, pointing to the congressman’s \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2024152\">vote last April in support\u003c/a> of sending billions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/8034\">aid to the Israeli military. \u003c/a>They note that such support comes even as his father,\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/defense/4578364-israelis-fire-then-ask-questions-my-experience-former-defense-secretary/\"> Leon Panetta, the former defense secretary and U.S. representative\u003c/a>, has publicly criticized some of Israel’s tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rick Longinotti, a Santa Cruz resident involved with \u003ca href=\"https://panetta-vigil.org/344-2/\">Panetta Vigil\u003c/a>, a nascent group of Panetta’s constituents who oppose his support for Israel, said the congressman’s position on Israel “more closely resembles Republican votes in the House of Representatives,” which he said is out of step with a largely “pro-peace” district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longinotti notes that Panetta was among a group of just 45 Democratic colleagues who joined every House Republican in supporting \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/20257\">a bill to sanction the International Criminal Court (ICC)\u003c/a> in response to arrest warrants it issued for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aipac.org/resources/house-adopts-icc-act\">strongly backed by AIPAC\u003c/a>, passed the House but was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/1/28/us-senate-blocks-bill-sanctioning-icc-over-israeli-arrest-warrants\">ultimately blocked\u003c/a> by Senate Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related coverage\" postID=\"news_11999445,news_11997602,news_12023476\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, the congressman’s campaign staff did not specifically address the contributions but emphasized that Panetta has traveled to Israel on several occasions since the conflict began, “focusing on the release of hostages from Gaza, including six Americans, supporting the defense of our major non-NATO ally, ensuring humanitarian aid to Palestinians, and bringing a lasting peace in the region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement goes on to stress that Panetta “firmly believes that it is his responsibility to learn more about the people and issues of the region,” and the U.S. “must continue to support and stay engaged with our partners so that our shared values are upheld as we continue to work towards a peaceful resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also notes that “countless constituents in his district and numerous people throughout California and the United States have been grateful, appreciative, and supportive” of his efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AIPAC’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/08/07/nx-s1-5066702/why-pro-israel-pacs-are-helping-oust-democrats-in-their-primaries\">role in American politics\u003c/a> has come into greater focus since the attack on southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, in which Hamas-led militants killed more than 1,200 people and took roughly 240 hostages, according to Israeli authorities. In response, Israeli forces have since waged a relentless assault on Gaza, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/07/06/middleeast/palestinians-displaced-gaza-israel-intl/index.html\">displacing almost its entire population\u003c/a> and destroying some \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-war-ceasefire-damage-reconstruction-d120f8a0dc8b728c0d8332046a524a92\">two-thirds of its infrastructure\u003c/a>. As of mid-January, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/19/g-s1-43565/gaza-ceasefire-begins-after-delay\">a temporary ceasefire\u003c/a> went into effect, at least 46,000 residents of the enclave had been killed in the conflict, according to Gaza officials, a tally that many observers say is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/14/health/gaza-death-toll.html\">a substantial underestimate\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The siege galvanized fierce protests throughout the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007970/1-year-later-the-impact-of-oct-7-siege-of-gaza-on-life-in-the-bay-area\">Bay Area and the country \u003c/a>against the war and the\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/biden-blinken-state-department-israel-gaza-human-rights-horrors\"> United States’ substantial aid and support for Israel\u003c/a>. Even with the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-war-news-ceasefire-hostages-02-17-2025-c20c9664938b267354c9ac4812621a1e\">fragile ceasefire still being observed\u003c/a>, many pro-Palestinian activists are continuing to demand that American elected officials be held accountable for supporting Israel, which they say helped to directly facilitate the mass destruction in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Christine Hong, a professor of ethnic studies at UC Santa Cruz, who said she and many other constituents are “appalled” by the contributions Panetta received from AIPAC-affiliated donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028188\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028188 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780.jpg\" alt=\"Protesters stand in front of a banner opposing representatives who support funding for Israel.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters with the group Taxpayers Against Genocide stage a press conference in San Francisco on Feb. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Leon Kunstensaar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[Panetta] listens to one constituency and it is a pro-Israel constituency. It is a hawkish constituency,” Hong said. “He has obligingly implemented AIPAC’s foreign policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong was part of a class-action lawsuit against Panetta and seven other Northern California Democratic leaders, including Reps. Mike Thompson, Jared Huffman, Nancy Pelosi, Kevin Mullin, Anna Eshoo, as well as Sen. Alex Padilla and then-Sen. Laphonza Butler. The suit accused them of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/support-class-action-lawsuit-by-taxpayers-against-genocide?attribution_id=sl:37e8a0f8-f859-4798-a47a-ef5d60005be7&utm_campaign=fp_sharesheet&utm_medium=customer&utm_source=copy_link\">“illegally [using] tax dollars to fund the genocide in Gaza,” \u003c/a>citing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/bureau-of-democracy-human-rights-and-labor/releases/2025/01/leahy-law-fact-sheet\">Leahy law\u003c/a>, a set of statutes that prohibit the U.S. from using funds to provide aid to foreign security forces when there is credible evidence of “gross violations of human rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, a United Nations special committee found Israel’s actions \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/11/un-special-committee-finds-israels-warfare-methods-gaza-consistent-genocide\">“consistent with the characteristics of genocide.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 10, U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria dismissed the case, writing that it \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacermonitor.com/public/case/56242583/DONNELLY_et_al_v_THOMPSON_et_al\">“presents a nonjusticiable political question.”\u003c/a> A similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973881/lawsuit-seeking-to-stop-u-s-aid-to-israel-holds-first-court-hearing-in-oakland\">lawsuit against former President Biden\u003c/a> was also dismissed by an Oakland judge last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma City resident Seth Donnelly, who was part of the most recent lawsuit, said the group — who call themselves Taxpayers Against Genocide — is working with the National Lawyers Guild to bring the case to the United Nations Human Rights Council in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It becomes publicized to the rest of the world,” Donnelly said. “It’s one other level of achieving documentation of our officials’ involvement in genocide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rolla Alaydi, a Pacific Grove resident who lives in Panetta’s district, said it’s concerning that her representative has taken so much money from AIPAC-affiliated groups. Since the war began, Alaydi, who is Palestinian American, has been desperately trying to get her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997602/in-an-oceanside-town-a-woman-fights-for-her-familys-survival-in-gaza\">younger brothers and their families\u003c/a> out of Gaza, some of whom need urgent medical assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alaydi said she had exchanged several emails with a staff member in Panetta’s office to try to expedite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976509/california-palestinian-americans-seek-safety-for-loved-ones-in-gaza\">her request for humanitarian parole\u003c/a> for her family, first contacting his office in late November 2023, according to emails she shared with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997617\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11997617 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waves a Palestinian flag in a park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rolla Alaydi waves a Palestinian flag at Window on the Bay Park in Monterey on June 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Panetta’s office told Alaydi that her case was still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need some help from my representative, from someone in the Congress or someone in a high-rank office to speak on my behalf,” Alaydi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alaydi’s lawyer, Maria Kari, added that elected officials have “great leeway and a large role to play” when it comes to pushing through applications like humanitarian parole and hopes the significant contributions from AIPAC-related groups have not in any way influenced his willingness to help her client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sincerely hope that Rep. Panetta will not be unduly influenced by the AIPAC contributions he receives and that he will act fairly towards his Palestinian American constituents,” Kari said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta’s office declined to speak on the record but told KQED that it has provided Alaydi with assistance and continues to work to resolve her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta’s office also added that Alaydi is among nearly 50 other constituents seeking help with visas and humanitarian requests, a process that can take more than a year to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Alaydi, time is of the essence — particularly in light of President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/7212848/trump-gaza-own/\">recent highly controversial proposals\u003c/a> for the future of Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I pay taxes. I’m a good citizen. I’m a very active member in the community,” Alaydi said. “I’m just asking — look to us as a human, and extend a hand of humanitarian assistance and bring them here for safety. Give them a chance to live.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Democratic Rep. Jimmy Panetta received more than a quarter of a million dollars from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and its affiliated donors during the 2024 election season — stoking serious concern among some of his pro-Palestinian constituents.",
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"title": "This Santa Cruz Congressman Received More Than $250,000 From a Powerful Pro-Israel Lobby | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>During the 2024 election season, Rep. Jimmy Panetta (D–Santa Cruz) received upward of $250,000 in campaign contributions from pro-Israel groups — far outpacing the amount given to any other congressional representative in the Central or Northern California region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During that two-year period, during which the devastating war in Gaza erupted and pro-Israel groups \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016915/aipac-spent-big-in-the-2024-election-how-did-the-money-show-up-in-californias-congressional-races\">ramped up their political spending\u003c/a>, Panetta — who represents a coastal swath of Santa Cruz and Monterey counties — \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/american-israel-public-affairs-cmte/recipients?id=D000046963&t2-Chamber=House&t2-search=panetta\">was given\u003c/a> $10,000 directly from the PAC affiliated with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986412/aipac-israels-political-enforcer-in-the-u-s\">powerful American Israel Public Affairs Committee \u003c/a>(AIPAC), and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986412/aipac-israels-political-enforcer-in-the-u-s\">more than $243,000\u003c/a> from donors closely linked to the group, \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/american-israel-public-affairs-cmte/recipients?id=D000046963&t2-Chamber=House&t2-search=panetta\">according to Open Secrets\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan political finance tracker. OpenSecrets does not disclose the names of the individual donors, which it defines as “members, employees or owners of the organization, and those individuals’ immediate family members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta was the third-highest recipient of AIPAC-affiliated contributions among congressional incumbents in California, eclipsed only by Rep. Pete Aguilar (D–Redlands), who took in more than half a million dollars, and Rep. Ken Calvert (R–Corona), who received $471,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"AIPAC-affiliated spending on congressional races \" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-nfbaE\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/nfbaE/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"580\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such a substantial sum from donors affiliated with a group whose mission is to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aipac.org/about\">strengthen and expand the U.S.-Israel relationship” \u003c/a>has drawn scrutiny from many of Panetta’s constituents in Santa Cruz and some of the other left-leaning areas he represents, where pro-Palestinian protests against Israel — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988039/pro-palestinian-protests-block-uc-santa-cruz-entrances-pushing-classes-back-online\">particularly at UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> — have been commonplace since the conflict began more than 16 months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some pro-Palestinian activists in the district say they’re concerned about the contributions, pointing to the congressman’s \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/2024152\">vote last April in support\u003c/a> of sending billions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/8034\">aid to the Israeli military. \u003c/a>They note that such support comes even as his father,\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/defense/4578364-israelis-fire-then-ask-questions-my-experience-former-defense-secretary/\"> Leon Panetta, the former defense secretary and U.S. representative\u003c/a>, has publicly criticized some of Israel’s tactics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rick Longinotti, a Santa Cruz resident involved with \u003ca href=\"https://panetta-vigil.org/344-2/\">Panetta Vigil\u003c/a>, a nascent group of Panetta’s constituents who oppose his support for Israel, said the congressman’s position on Israel “more closely resembles Republican votes in the House of Representatives,” which he said is out of step with a largely “pro-peace” district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longinotti notes that Panetta was among a group of just 45 Democratic colleagues who joined every House Republican in supporting \u003ca href=\"https://clerk.house.gov/Votes/20257\">a bill to sanction the International Criminal Court (ICC)\u003c/a> in response to arrest warrants it issued for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant over alleged war crimes in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aipac.org/resources/house-adopts-icc-act\">strongly backed by AIPAC\u003c/a>, passed the House but was \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/1/28/us-senate-blocks-bill-sanctioning-icc-over-israeli-arrest-warrants\">ultimately blocked\u003c/a> by Senate Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, the congressman’s campaign staff did not specifically address the contributions but emphasized that Panetta has traveled to Israel on several occasions since the conflict began, “focusing on the release of hostages from Gaza, including six Americans, supporting the defense of our major non-NATO ally, ensuring humanitarian aid to Palestinians, and bringing a lasting peace in the region.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement goes on to stress that Panetta “firmly believes that it is his responsibility to learn more about the people and issues of the region,” and the U.S. “must continue to support and stay engaged with our partners so that our shared values are upheld as we continue to work towards a peaceful resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also notes that “countless constituents in his district and numerous people throughout California and the United States have been grateful, appreciative, and supportive” of his efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AIPAC’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/08/07/nx-s1-5066702/why-pro-israel-pacs-are-helping-oust-democrats-in-their-primaries\">role in American politics\u003c/a> has come into greater focus since the attack on southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, in which Hamas-led militants killed more than 1,200 people and took roughly 240 hostages, according to Israeli authorities. In response, Israeli forces have since waged a relentless assault on Gaza, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2024/07/06/middleeast/palestinians-displaced-gaza-israel-intl/index.html\">displacing almost its entire population\u003c/a> and destroying some \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-war-ceasefire-damage-reconstruction-d120f8a0dc8b728c0d8332046a524a92\">two-thirds of its infrastructure\u003c/a>. As of mid-January, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/19/g-s1-43565/gaza-ceasefire-begins-after-delay\">a temporary ceasefire\u003c/a> went into effect, at least 46,000 residents of the enclave had been killed in the conflict, according to Gaza officials, a tally that many observers say is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/14/health/gaza-death-toll.html\">a substantial underestimate\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The siege galvanized fierce protests throughout the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007970/1-year-later-the-impact-of-oct-7-siege-of-gaza-on-life-in-the-bay-area\">Bay Area and the country \u003c/a>against the war and the\u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/biden-blinken-state-department-israel-gaza-human-rights-horrors\"> United States’ substantial aid and support for Israel\u003c/a>. Even with the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-war-news-ceasefire-hostages-02-17-2025-c20c9664938b267354c9ac4812621a1e\">fragile ceasefire still being observed\u003c/a>, many pro-Palestinian activists are continuing to demand that American elected officials be held accountable for supporting Israel, which they say helped to directly facilitate the mass destruction in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among them is Christine Hong, a professor of ethnic studies at UC Santa Cruz, who said she and many other constituents are “appalled” by the contributions Panetta received from AIPAC-affiliated donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028188\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12028188 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780.jpg\" alt=\"Protesters stand in front of a banner opposing representatives who support funding for Israel.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/014-05025-Z8B_6780-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters with the group Taxpayers Against Genocide stage a press conference in San Francisco on Feb. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Leon Kunstensaar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[Panetta] listens to one constituency and it is a pro-Israel constituency. It is a hawkish constituency,” Hong said. “He has obligingly implemented AIPAC’s foreign policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong was part of a class-action lawsuit against Panetta and seven other Northern California Democratic leaders, including Reps. Mike Thompson, Jared Huffman, Nancy Pelosi, Kevin Mullin, Anna Eshoo, as well as Sen. Alex Padilla and then-Sen. Laphonza Butler. The suit accused them of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gofundme.com/f/support-class-action-lawsuit-by-taxpayers-against-genocide?attribution_id=sl:37e8a0f8-f859-4798-a47a-ef5d60005be7&utm_campaign=fp_sharesheet&utm_medium=customer&utm_source=copy_link\">“illegally [using] tax dollars to fund the genocide in Gaza,” \u003c/a>citing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/bureau-of-democracy-human-rights-and-labor/releases/2025/01/leahy-law-fact-sheet\">Leahy law\u003c/a>, a set of statutes that prohibit the U.S. from using funds to provide aid to foreign security forces when there is credible evidence of “gross violations of human rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, a United Nations special committee found Israel’s actions \u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/11/un-special-committee-finds-israels-warfare-methods-gaza-consistent-genocide\">“consistent with the characteristics of genocide.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Feb. 10, U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria dismissed the case, writing that it \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacermonitor.com/public/case/56242583/DONNELLY_et_al_v_THOMPSON_et_al\">“presents a nonjusticiable political question.”\u003c/a> A similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973881/lawsuit-seeking-to-stop-u-s-aid-to-israel-holds-first-court-hearing-in-oakland\">lawsuit against former President Biden\u003c/a> was also dismissed by an Oakland judge last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma City resident Seth Donnelly, who was part of the most recent lawsuit, said the group — who call themselves Taxpayers Against Genocide — is working with the National Lawyers Guild to bring the case to the United Nations Human Rights Council in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It becomes publicized to the rest of the world,” Donnelly said. “It’s one other level of achieving documentation of our officials’ involvement in genocide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rolla Alaydi, a Pacific Grove resident who lives in Panetta’s district, said it’s concerning that her representative has taken so much money from AIPAC-affiliated groups. Since the war began, Alaydi, who is Palestinian American, has been desperately trying to get her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997602/in-an-oceanside-town-a-woman-fights-for-her-familys-survival-in-gaza\">younger brothers and their families\u003c/a> out of Gaza, some of whom need urgent medical assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alaydi said she had exchanged several emails with a staff member in Panetta’s office to try to expedite \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976509/california-palestinian-americans-seek-safety-for-loved-ones-in-gaza\">her request for humanitarian parole\u003c/a> for her family, first contacting his office in late November 2023, according to emails she shared with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997617\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11997617 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A woman waves a Palestinian flag in a park.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240623_GazaEvacuation_GC-41_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rolla Alaydi waves a Palestinian flag at Window on the Bay Park in Monterey on June 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Panetta’s office told Alaydi that her case was still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I need some help from my representative, from someone in the Congress or someone in a high-rank office to speak on my behalf,” Alaydi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alaydi’s lawyer, Maria Kari, added that elected officials have “great leeway and a large role to play” when it comes to pushing through applications like humanitarian parole and hopes the significant contributions from AIPAC-related groups have not in any way influenced his willingness to help her client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sincerely hope that Rep. Panetta will not be unduly influenced by the AIPAC contributions he receives and that he will act fairly towards his Palestinian American constituents,” Kari said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta’s office declined to speak on the record but told KQED that it has provided Alaydi with assistance and continues to work to resolve her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta’s office also added that Alaydi is among nearly 50 other constituents seeking help with visas and humanitarian requests, a process that can take more than a year to resolve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Alaydi, time is of the essence — particularly in light of President Donald Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/7212848/trump-gaza-own/\">recent highly controversial proposals\u003c/a> for the future of Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I pay taxes. I’m a good citizen. I’m a very active member in the community,” Alaydi said. “I’m just asking — look to us as a human, and extend a hand of humanitarian assistance and bring them here for safety. Give them a chance to live.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump Order Revives Fears of Real Estate Push for San Francisco’s Presidio",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump’s\u003c/a> executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027864/trump-moves-slash-presidio-trust-agency-runs-historic-sf-park\">targeting San Francisco’s Presidio\u003c/a> revived fears that the beloved public land could be eyed for a real estate grab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wouldn’t be the first time San Francisco’s bayside was targeted for upscale development — but, much like a failed proposal to build a coastal North Bay city, this project is unlikely to move forward due to legislation protecting the Presidio and the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Pittsburgh real estate developer Thomas Frouge envisioned the Marin Headlands as a bustling oceanside metropolis — 30,000 residents living in apartment towers and single-family homes nestled into the North Bay hillsides, with an upscale hotel and a mile of shopping overlooking San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plans for “Marincello,” as he called it, were greenlit by the Marin County Board of Supervisors but stalled after a six-year legal battle with environmental groups and federal legislation that established and protected the Golden Gate National Recreation Area in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The statute was passed in response in part to fears that the Marin Headlands and other beautiful areas would get developed and wanting them to stay as public open space,” Dave Owen, a professor at UC Law San Francisco, said in an interview. “It particularly says … the Secretary [of the Interior] shall preserve the recreation area as far as possible in its natural setting and protect it from development and uses which would destroy the scenic beauty and natural character.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028427\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andy Goldsworthy’s Wood Line slithers through the Presidio’s largest grove of eucalyptus trees, attracting hikers, runners photographers and tourists alike. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That statute is embedded in the Presidio Trust Act, which created the federal agency overseeing the national park at San Francisco’s northern tip and sets strict conservation guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Trump called for the Presidio Trust to eliminate its non-statutory operations “to the maximum extent consistent with applicable law,” the 1,500-acre park was quickly reconsidered as a potential site for a futuristic city based on a Trump campaign plan. In March 2023, he proposed hosting a competition to create 10 “freedom cities” on federal land that would jumpstart development and be a “quantum leap in the American standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027864 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DSC_1576_qed-1-1020x676.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Mark Lutter and Jeffrey Mason of the Charter Cities Institute, an organization that advocates for independent cities with new governance systems, published an article in \u003cem>Palladium\u003c/em> magazine calling on the president to start work on the “Presidio Freedom City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump and Congress have the opportunity to turn the 1,500-acre Presidio into a Freedom City and compete with mismanaged San Francisco,” Lutter \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MarkLutter/status/1892293775860408804\">posted on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the order was signed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists and tech entrepreneurs have promoted it as a hub for AI and crypto headquarters, but legislators say the law protecting the space was designed to prevent such an “attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [Presidio Trust Act] was written by all of us in a very careful way,” former Rep. Barbara Boxer said Monday on KQED’s\u003cem> Forum\u003c/em>. “We understood the jewel that this is, we understood the commercial value of this, and we understood that there might be people now and way into the future that might want to get their hands on it and make it a personal investment instead of a public investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law passed in 1996 includes two key provisions that make it nearly impossible for Trump — or anyone — to change the park’s footprint without changing the law, according to Owen. One is the inclusion of the Presidio in the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, which stopped the coast of the North Bay from becoming Marincello and “protects the Presidio from development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lawn of the Main Parade Ground in front of the Walt Disney Museum in the Presidio of San Francisco, California, on March 13, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Presidio Trust Act also has a specific provision that limits the minimal development within the park to the “replacement of existing structures of similar size in existing areas of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way that you could reconcile creating Shenzhen, China, with that provision,” Owen told KQED. “You can’t even reconcile that provision with building a new office building in what’s currently a meadow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Trump will be able to make any changes to the Trust’s operations remains unclear. The agency first has to submit a report to the Department of Budget and Management detailing its operations and defending its statutory backing in the next two weeks. It has said all its functions are based in the law, and it will continue business as usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Trump could try to target the seven-member board that oversees the Trust. The president appoints six members, and while the law doesn’t explicitly give the president the power to remove any of the board members before their four-year terms are up, Owen said that so far, the Trump administration’s position has been to act as though it has removal authority of any executive branch official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, though, the courts will decide. Owen said they have not interpreted the Constitution as granting broad removal powers. He added that even if Trump replaced board members, they would still be bound by the Presidio Trust Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The board is still going to have the same statutory mandate, which includes not developing in areas that aren’t already developed and acting in accordance with the mission of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area and its governing law,” he told KQED in an interview. “And so if the proposal is to do things like perhaps change, the amount of revenue brought in from leases or the maintenance schedules for the buildings, yeah, stuff like that can change. But there’s no authority to fundamentally change the way that the Presidio is managed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump’s\u003c/a> executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027864/trump-moves-slash-presidio-trust-agency-runs-historic-sf-park\">targeting San Francisco’s Presidio\u003c/a> revived fears that the beloved public land could be eyed for a real estate grab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wouldn’t be the first time San Francisco’s bayside was targeted for upscale development — but, much like a failed proposal to build a coastal North Bay city, this project is unlikely to move forward due to legislation protecting the Presidio and the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Pittsburgh real estate developer Thomas Frouge envisioned the Marin Headlands as a bustling oceanside metropolis — 30,000 residents living in apartment towers and single-family homes nestled into the North Bay hillsides, with an upscale hotel and a mile of shopping overlooking San Francisco Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plans for “Marincello,” as he called it, were greenlit by the Marin County Board of Supervisors but stalled after a six-year legal battle with environmental groups and federal legislation that established and protected the Golden Gate National Recreation Area in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The statute was passed in response in part to fears that the Marin Headlands and other beautiful areas would get developed and wanting them to stay as public open space,” Dave Owen, a professor at UC Law San Francisco, said in an interview. “It particularly says … the Secretary [of the Interior] shall preserve the recreation area as far as possible in its natural setting and protect it from development and uses which would destroy the scenic beauty and natural character.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028427\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028427\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/eucalyptusgrove6_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andy Goldsworthy’s Wood Line slithers through the Presidio’s largest grove of eucalyptus trees, attracting hikers, runners photographers and tourists alike. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That statute is embedded in the Presidio Trust Act, which created the federal agency overseeing the national park at San Francisco’s northern tip and sets strict conservation guidelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Trump called for the Presidio Trust to eliminate its non-statutory operations “to the maximum extent consistent with applicable law,” the 1,500-acre park was quickly reconsidered as a potential site for a futuristic city based on a Trump campaign plan. In March 2023, he proposed hosting a competition to create 10 “freedom cities” on federal land that would jumpstart development and be a “quantum leap in the American standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Mark Lutter and Jeffrey Mason of the Charter Cities Institute, an organization that advocates for independent cities with new governance systems, published an article in \u003cem>Palladium\u003c/em> magazine calling on the president to start work on the “Presidio Freedom City.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump and Congress have the opportunity to turn the 1,500-acre Presidio into a Freedom City and compete with mismanaged San Francisco,” Lutter \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MarkLutter/status/1892293775860408804\">posted on social media platform X\u003c/a> after the order was signed last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Venture capitalists and tech entrepreneurs have promoted it as a hub for AI and crypto headquarters, but legislators say the law protecting the space was designed to prevent such an “attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [Presidio Trust Act] was written by all of us in a very careful way,” former Rep. Barbara Boxer said Monday on KQED’s\u003cem> Forum\u003c/em>. “We understood the jewel that this is, we understood the commercial value of this, and we understood that there might be people now and way into the future that might want to get their hands on it and make it a personal investment instead of a public investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law passed in 1996 includes two key provisions that make it nearly impossible for Trump — or anyone — to change the park’s footprint without changing the law, according to Owen. One is the inclusion of the Presidio in the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, which stopped the coast of the North Bay from becoming Marincello and “protects the Presidio from development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027868\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/015_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7090_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The lawn of the Main Parade Ground in front of the Walt Disney Museum in the Presidio of San Francisco, California, on March 13, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Presidio Trust Act also has a specific provision that limits the minimal development within the park to the “replacement of existing structures of similar size in existing areas of development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way that you could reconcile creating Shenzhen, China, with that provision,” Owen told KQED. “You can’t even reconcile that provision with building a new office building in what’s currently a meadow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether Trump will be able to make any changes to the Trust’s operations remains unclear. The agency first has to submit a report to the Department of Budget and Management detailing its operations and defending its statutory backing in the next two weeks. It has said all its functions are based in the law, and it will continue business as usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Trump could try to target the seven-member board that oversees the Trust. The president appoints six members, and while the law doesn’t explicitly give the president the power to remove any of the board members before their four-year terms are up, Owen said that so far, the Trump administration’s position has been to act as though it has removal authority of any executive branch official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, though, the courts will decide. Owen said they have not interpreted the Constitution as granting broad removal powers. He added that even if Trump replaced board members, they would still be bound by the Presidio Trust Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The board is still going to have the same statutory mandate, which includes not developing in areas that aren’t already developed and acting in accordance with the mission of the Golden Gate National Recreation Area and its governing law,” he told KQED in an interview. “And so if the proposal is to do things like perhaps change, the amount of revenue brought in from leases or the maintenance schedules for the buildings, yeah, stuff like that can change. But there’s no authority to fundamentally change the way that the Presidio is managed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n his first month back in the White House, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump and his allies\u003c/a> have intervened in almost every corner of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Trump has sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026245/can-trump-actually-change-federal-funding-rules-through-executive-orders\">freeze billions of dollars in federal funding\u003c/a> through executive orders, billionaire Elon Musk — who \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/doge-elon-musk-leadership-administrator/\">by all appearances has been tasked with leading the informal “Department of Government Efficiency”\u003c/a> — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5304220/irs-job-cuts-doge-tax-season\">overseen thousands of layoffs at different government offices\u003c/a>. And newly appointed agency heads are scrubbing away federal initiatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/6-ways-trumps-executive-orders-are-targeting-transgender-people\">related to transgender people\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/unleashing-american-energy/\">climate justice\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-dei-education-diversity-equity-inclusion-20cf8a2941f4f35e0b5b0e07c6347ebb\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> (DEI).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Democrat-led states and civil rights groups are pushing back against these sweeping moves by suing the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many of these lawsuits, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024387/california-22-other-states-sue-to-block-trumps-federal-funding-freeze\">are ruling against Trump\u003c/a>, arguing that his plans go against the Constitution of the United States — the 237-year-old document that establishes how the American government works and lays out the relationship between the president, Congress and the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several federal judges, for example, have already frozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">Trump’s executive order that would end birthright citizenship\u003c/a> for children born in the U.S. to parents without a permanent immigration status on the grounds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">it defies the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘constitutional crisis’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House has responded to unfavorable court decisions by attacking the authority of judges. “If a judge tried to tell a general how to conduct a military operation, that would be illegal,” Vice President J.D. Vance \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JDVance/status/1888607143030391287\">said on social media platform X\u003c/a> earlier this month. “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Trump himself has gone even further: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law,” Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1890831570535055759/\">posted on social media\u003c/a>, referencing a quote frequently attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12024082]U.S. history is full of instances where one branch of government disagrees with another. However, both historians and legal experts note that when these disagreements happen, the branches do not question — or defy — the others’ authority. As the White House doubles down on its anti-court rhetoric, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/02/10/what-is-constitutional-crisis/\">more news outlets\u003c/a> and constitutional scholars have started to use the term “constitutional crisis” to emphasize the seriousness of the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this term actually mean? And what could happen in the coming weeks and months if the White House potentially defies the judicial branch altogether?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Constitution allows the courts to challenge the other branches\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1787, dozens of men, including George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, gathered in Philadelphia \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/founding-fathers\">to design a new system of government for the United States\u003c/a>, then barely four years old with a \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro.5-2/ALDE_00000049/\">weak central government that was struggling to respond to the nation’s problems\u003c/a>. One question they faced was: how do you create a central government that possessed enough authority but could not abuse its power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their solution was \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/duel-hamilton-and-us-constitution/\">splitting the power of the central government between three branches\u003c/a>: the executive, legislative and judicial. Each branch has tools to preserve its own authority and limit the actions of the other two, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/branches-of-government\">system of checks and balances\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition,” future president James Madison (or Hamilton) said in a \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">1788 essay\u003c/a> explaining the system of checks and balances. “It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A president can veto legislation from Congress; Congress can impeach and remove a president; a president can appoint judges; and Congress can remove them. But how would the judiciary, led by the Supreme Court, check the other two branches?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the framers called the judiciary the weakest branch because it wouldn’t be able to enforce its decisions other than through institutional respect for it,” said Bernadette Meyler, a professor at Stanford Law School who specializes in constitutional law and history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, soon after the Constitution was adopted as the “\u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-6/\">supreme Law of the Land\u003c/a>,” the Supreme Court soon began to flex its muscles. In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/marbury-v-madison\">1803 case\u003c/a>, the court affirmed — for the very first time — its power to review acts of Congress and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/cases-that-shaped-the-federal-courts/marbury-v-madison\">strike down those acts it finds to be unconstitutional\u003c/a>. And in the 200 years since then, Congress has respected the court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/constitutional.aspx\">judicial review process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 911px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg\" alt=\"The front of the Supreme Court building with a blue sky in the background.\" width=\"911\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg 911w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 911px) 100vw, 911px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Supreme Court on Jan. 31, 2017, in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 20th Century, the court also began to check the president. In 1952, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for President Harry Truman to seize private steel mills for the Korean War effort, and despite disagreeing with the decision, Truman obeyed the court. Decades later, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/anniversary-of-united-states-v-nixon\">the Supreme Court successfully ordered President Richard Nixon\u003c/a> to hand over tapes of conversations with his associates, who were accused of being involved in the Watergate scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Supreme Court has no military or budget at its command, why do the other branches listen to it? Its authority comes from historical precedent, said Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the School of Law at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout American history, presidents — Democrats and Republicans — adhered to court orders even when they disagreed with them,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the president abandons this precedent and instead disobeys the courts, it would put the U.S. in completely uncharted territory, Chemerinsky said. “Then we really have a constitutional crisis unlike what we’ve seen before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could happen if a president defies the courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A month into Trump’s second term, no case against his administration has been heard by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, federal judges at the lower levels of the judiciary have already pushed back against the White House. Besides freezing Trump’s birthright citizenship order, judges across the country have halted orders that would have ended federal funding to medical institutions \u003ca href=\"https://www.atg.wa.gov/news/news-releases/wa-judge-temporarily-halts-unconstitutional-trump-order-targeting-gender#:~:text=WA%20judge%20temporarily%20halts%20unconstitutional%20Trump%20order%20targeting%20gender%20affirming%20care%20for%20youth,-FOR%20IMMEDIATE%20RELEASE&text=SEATTLE%20%E2%80%94%20A%20federal%20judge%20today,institutions%20providing%20gender%2Daffirming%20care.\">providing gender-affirming care for transgender youth\u003c/a>, rejected the White House’s plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/science/science-news/trump-administration-sued-22-states-funding-cuts-research-projects-rcna191529\">freeze millions of dollars for scientific research\u003c/a> and prevented the administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/14/nx-s1-5297870/cfpb-doge-trump-musk-federal-workforce\">firing officials at certain independent agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026245]But what can the courts do if the White House, which insists its authority is being unfairly limited, ultimately disobeys their rulings? Then, the courts could “hold the government officials who carry out the president’s policies in contempt of court,” Chemerinsky said, adding that \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf\">it’s unlikely for a sitting president to be held in contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two different types of punishments for disobeying a court: \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-754-criminal-versus-civil-contempt\">civil contempt and criminal contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In civil contempt, someone is fined or put in jail until they comply with the court order,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal contempt, however, is a punishment \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-728-criminal-contempt\">that can also include either jail time or hefty fines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president can pardon someone who has been convicted of criminal contempt but not civil contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The contempt power can theoretically be used to put [executive officials] in jail until they comply,” said Pamela Karlan, who teaches at Stanford Law School and helps lead the institution’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic. “If it comes to that, we are going to be beyond the constitutional crisis. At that point, our government is falling apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts also have the power to order “remedies,” Stanford Law’s Meyler said, actions to make up for the harm or unlawful action someone has experienced. One common example of this is when a judge finds that an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/wrongful-termination\">was wrongfully terminated by their employer\u003c/a>, the court can either order that the employee get their job back or receive compensation for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the court held that a removal of a particular officer was unconstitutional, there might be some way in which the courts, through their equitable power of crafting remedies, could have some effect,” Meyler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Trump has been able to enact his plans so far — even when legal experts say they’re unlawful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Trump’s inauguration, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">spoke to multiple legal experts\u003c/a> to ask if his campaign promise to end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants would go against established law. All of them said yes and went as far as to say that doing so would violate the Constitution and decades of judicial precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump still went ahead and, on his first day back in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order limiting birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump enacts executive orders that go against established law or longstanding judicial decisions, Meyler said his ultimate intention could be to reopen these policy questions through court decisions. In other situations, she said, the White House may be getting its way for now — dismissing thousands of federal employees, for example — because the courts simply move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a gap in time between when the executive fails to comply with law and when the court’s finally adjudicated,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also important to remember that in certain instances, the courts may actually side with Trump — even if their decisions run contrary to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are counting on the courts to jump in and save us from this person that we elected, and our Constitution just may not be up to the task of doing that,” said Jodi Short, professor at UC Law San Francisco, who focuses on constitutional law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028420\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People participate in a protest against the Trump administration’s mass firing of government workers and civil servants in front of the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on Presidents’ Day, Feb. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Dominic Gwinn / Middle East Images via AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another reason Trump is able to further his agenda so quickly and forcefully in his first month: Congress, where Trump-friendly Republicans control both the House and the Senate, has so far shown little interest in reining in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the nation’s history, Congress has used a variety of tools — legislation, censures (a formal condemnation of an official) and even impeachment — to stop presidents who have acted against established law. But so far into this administration, Republican Congressional leaders have not utilized these tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the consequences of a constitutional crisis could look like\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Chemerinsky, Trump’s threats against the courts signal the president’s belief that he is ultimately above the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of the rule of law is that no one, not even the president, is above the law,” he said. But if the president doesn’t have to comply with the Constitution, federal laws and court orders, “then he’s truly above and outside the law,” said Chemerinsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We call a ruler like that a dictator,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='donald-trump']When the framers of the Constitution headed back home from Philadelphia in 1787, many promised the public that the purpose of the document \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">was to prevent one branch of government from reaching unlimited power\u003c/a>. Ultimately, the Constitution is a promise from the government to the American people of how it will behave and “envisions a system where our elected officials are also supposed to be acting within the bounds of the law,” UC Law’s Short said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the government works, it often works in ways that are invisible,” she said, providing an example of how Americans expect to receive clean water when they turn on their taps. “That’s occurring because of layers and layers of government regulation, but you never think about it until it doesn’t work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its search for government “waste,” the Trump administration has fired thousands of highly trained career officials who had direct roles in ensuring the safety of the public, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/faa-firings-trump-doge-safety-airlines-27390c6a7aac58063652302df5a243d3\">inspectors at the Federal Aviation Administration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/02/17/nx-s1-5300052/federal-employees-layoffs-cdc-nih-fda\">researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5301150/trump-federal-employees-fired-veteran-food-agriculture\">pest control experts at the Department of Agriculture\u003c/a>, among many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People love to focus on the way that the government intrudes into their lives in negative ways, but the government supports our ability to exist in a highly developed and privileged society,” Short said. “[When] the agencies supporting all of that get gutted and politicized, I think it’s a huge threat to our everyday standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n his first month back in the White House, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump and his allies\u003c/a> have intervened in almost every corner of the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Trump has sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026245/can-trump-actually-change-federal-funding-rules-through-executive-orders\">freeze billions of dollars in federal funding\u003c/a> through executive orders, billionaire Elon Musk — who \u003ca href=\"https://www.wired.com/story/doge-elon-musk-leadership-administrator/\">by all appearances has been tasked with leading the informal “Department of Government Efficiency”\u003c/a> — has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5304220/irs-job-cuts-doge-tax-season\">overseen thousands of layoffs at different government offices\u003c/a>. And newly appointed agency heads are scrubbing away federal initiatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/6-ways-trumps-executive-orders-are-targeting-transgender-people\">related to transgender people\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/unleashing-american-energy/\">climate justice\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-dei-education-diversity-equity-inclusion-20cf8a2941f4f35e0b5b0e07c6347ebb\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> (DEI).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Democrat-led states and civil rights groups are pushing back against these sweeping moves by suing the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many of these lawsuits, the courts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024387/california-22-other-states-sue-to-block-trumps-federal-funding-freeze\">are ruling against Trump\u003c/a>, arguing that his plans go against the Constitution of the United States — the 237-year-old document that establishes how the American government works and lays out the relationship between the president, Congress and the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several federal judges, for example, have already frozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">Trump’s executive order that would end birthright citizenship\u003c/a> for children born in the U.S. to parents without a permanent immigration status on the grounds that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">it defies the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘constitutional crisis’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The White House has responded to unfavorable court decisions by attacking the authority of judges. “If a judge tried to tell a general how to conduct a military operation, that would be illegal,” Vice President J.D. Vance \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JDVance/status/1888607143030391287\">said on social media platform X\u003c/a> earlier this month. “Judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Trump himself has gone even further: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law,” Trump \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1890831570535055759/\">posted on social media\u003c/a>, referencing a quote frequently attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>U.S. history is full of instances where one branch of government disagrees with another. However, both historians and legal experts note that when these disagreements happen, the branches do not question — or defy — the others’ authority. As the White House doubles down on its anti-court rhetoric, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/02/10/what-is-constitutional-crisis/\">more news outlets\u003c/a> and constitutional scholars have started to use the term “constitutional crisis” to emphasize the seriousness of the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this term actually mean? And what could happen in the coming weeks and months if the White House potentially defies the judicial branch altogether?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Constitution allows the courts to challenge the other branches\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 1787, dozens of men, including George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, gathered in Philadelphia \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/founding-fathers\">to design a new system of government for the United States\u003c/a>, then barely four years old with a \u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro.5-2/ALDE_00000049/\">weak central government that was struggling to respond to the nation’s problems\u003c/a>. One question they faced was: how do you create a central government that possessed enough authority but could not abuse its power?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their solution was \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/duel-hamilton-and-us-constitution/\">splitting the power of the central government between three branches\u003c/a>: the executive, legislative and judicial. Each branch has tools to preserve its own authority and limit the actions of the other two, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/branches-of-government\">system of checks and balances\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition,” future president James Madison (or Hamilton) said in a \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">1788 essay\u003c/a> explaining the system of checks and balances. “It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A president can veto legislation from Congress; Congress can impeach and remove a president; a president can appoint judges; and Congress can remove them. But how would the judiciary, led by the Supreme Court, check the other two branches?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the framers called the judiciary the weakest branch because it wouldn’t be able to enforce its decisions other than through institutional respect for it,” said Bernadette Meyler, a professor at Stanford Law School who specializes in constitutional law and history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, soon after the Constitution was adopted as the “\u003ca href=\"https://constitution.congress.gov/constitution/article-6/\">supreme Law of the Land\u003c/a>,” the Supreme Court soon began to flex its muscles. In an \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/marbury-v-madison\">1803 case\u003c/a>, the court affirmed — for the very first time — its power to review acts of Congress and \u003ca href=\"https://www.fjc.gov/history/cases/cases-that-shaped-the-federal-courts/marbury-v-madison\">strike down those acts it finds to be unconstitutional\u003c/a>. And in the 200 years since then, Congress has respected the court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/about/constitutional.aspx\">judicial review process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11969070\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 911px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11969070\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg\" alt=\"The front of the Supreme Court building with a blue sky in the background.\" width=\"911\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3.jpg 911w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/gettyimages-633210786-2-f2e67f6bee591088d738d2789ce8b8f23182b4e3-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 911px) 100vw, 911px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of the U.S. Supreme Court on Jan. 31, 2017, in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Drew Angerer/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 20th Century, the court also began to check the president. In 1952, the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for President Harry Truman to seize private steel mills for the Korean War effort, and despite disagreeing with the decision, Truman obeyed the court. Decades later, \u003ca href=\"https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/anniversary-of-united-states-v-nixon\">the Supreme Court successfully ordered President Richard Nixon\u003c/a> to hand over tapes of conversations with his associates, who were accused of being involved in the Watergate scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the Supreme Court has no military or budget at its command, why do the other branches listen to it? Its authority comes from historical precedent, said Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the School of Law at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Throughout American history, presidents — Democrats and Republicans — adhered to court orders even when they disagreed with them,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the president abandons this precedent and instead disobeys the courts, it would put the U.S. in completely uncharted territory, Chemerinsky said. “Then we really have a constitutional crisis unlike what we’ve seen before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What could happen if a president defies the courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A month into Trump’s second term, no case against his administration has been heard by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, federal judges at the lower levels of the judiciary have already pushed back against the White House. Besides freezing Trump’s birthright citizenship order, judges across the country have halted orders that would have ended federal funding to medical institutions \u003ca href=\"https://www.atg.wa.gov/news/news-releases/wa-judge-temporarily-halts-unconstitutional-trump-order-targeting-gender#:~:text=WA%20judge%20temporarily%20halts%20unconstitutional%20Trump%20order%20targeting%20gender%20affirming%20care%20for%20youth,-FOR%20IMMEDIATE%20RELEASE&text=SEATTLE%20%E2%80%94%20A%20federal%20judge%20today,institutions%20providing%20gender%2Daffirming%20care.\">providing gender-affirming care for transgender youth\u003c/a>, rejected the White House’s plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/science/science-news/trump-administration-sued-22-states-funding-cuts-research-projects-rcna191529\">freeze millions of dollars for scientific research\u003c/a> and prevented the administration from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/14/nx-s1-5297870/cfpb-doge-trump-musk-federal-workforce\">firing officials at certain independent agencies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But what can the courts do if the White House, which insists its authority is being unfairly limited, ultimately disobeys their rulings? Then, the courts could “hold the government officials who carry out the president’s policies in contempt of court,” Chemerinsky said, adding that \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-939_e2pg.pdf\">it’s unlikely for a sitting president to be held in contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two different types of punishments for disobeying a court: \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-754-criminal-versus-civil-contempt\">civil contempt and criminal contempt\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In civil contempt, someone is fined or put in jail until they comply with the court order,” Chemerinsky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Criminal contempt, however, is a punishment \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/archives/jm/criminal-resource-manual-728-criminal-contempt\">that can also include either jail time or hefty fines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president can pardon someone who has been convicted of criminal contempt but not civil contempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The contempt power can theoretically be used to put [executive officials] in jail until they comply,” said Pamela Karlan, who teaches at Stanford Law School and helps lead the institution’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic. “If it comes to that, we are going to be beyond the constitutional crisis. At that point, our government is falling apart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The courts also have the power to order “remedies,” Stanford Law’s Meyler said, actions to make up for the harm or unlawful action someone has experienced. One common example of this is when a judge finds that an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/wrongful-termination\">was wrongfully terminated by their employer\u003c/a>, the court can either order that the employee get their job back or receive compensation for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the court held that a removal of a particular officer was unconstitutional, there might be some way in which the courts, through their equitable power of crafting remedies, could have some effect,” Meyler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Trump has been able to enact his plans so far — even when legal experts say they’re unlawful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ahead of Trump’s inauguration, KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015449/a-129-year-old-san-francisco-lawsuit-could-stop-trump-from-ending-birthright-citizenship\">spoke to multiple legal experts\u003c/a> to ask if his campaign promise to end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants would go against established law. All of them said yes and went as far as to say that doing so would violate the Constitution and decades of judicial precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Trump still went ahead and, on his first day back in office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">signed an executive order limiting birthright citizenship\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump enacts executive orders that go against established law or longstanding judicial decisions, Meyler said his ultimate intention could be to reopen these policy questions through court decisions. In other situations, she said, the White House may be getting its way for now — dismissing thousands of federal employees, for example — because the courts simply move slowly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a gap in time between when the executive fails to comply with law and when the court’s finally adjudicated,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also important to remember that in certain instances, the courts may actually side with Trump — even if their decisions run contrary to public opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are counting on the courts to jump in and save us from this person that we elected, and our Constitution just may not be up to the task of doing that,” said Jodi Short, professor at UC Law San Francisco, who focuses on constitutional law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028420\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028420\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2199641030-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People participate in a protest against the Trump administration’s mass firing of government workers and civil servants in front of the Capitol building in Washington D.C. on Presidents’ Day, Feb. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Dominic Gwinn / Middle East Images via AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another reason Trump is able to further his agenda so quickly and forcefully in his first month: Congress, where Trump-friendly Republicans control both the House and the Senate, has so far shown little interest in reining in the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the nation’s history, Congress has used a variety of tools — legislation, censures (a formal condemnation of an official) and even impeachment — to stop presidents who have acted against established law. But so far into this administration, Republican Congressional leaders have not utilized these tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What the consequences of a constitutional crisis could look like\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For Chemerinsky, Trump’s threats against the courts signal the president’s belief that he is ultimately above the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The core of the rule of law is that no one, not even the president, is above the law,” he said. But if the president doesn’t have to comply with the Constitution, federal laws and court orders, “then he’s truly above and outside the law,” said Chemerinsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We call a ruler like that a dictator,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When the framers of the Constitution headed back home from Philadelphia in 1787, many promised the public that the purpose of the document \u003ca href=\"https://guides.loc.gov/federalist-papers/text-51-60\">was to prevent one branch of government from reaching unlimited power\u003c/a>. Ultimately, the Constitution is a promise from the government to the American people of how it will behave and “envisions a system where our elected officials are also supposed to be acting within the bounds of the law,” UC Law’s Short said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the government works, it often works in ways that are invisible,” she said, providing an example of how Americans expect to receive clean water when they turn on their taps. “That’s occurring because of layers and layers of government regulation, but you never think about it until it doesn’t work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its search for government “waste,” the Trump administration has fired thousands of highly trained career officials who had direct roles in ensuring the safety of the public, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/faa-firings-trump-doge-safety-airlines-27390c6a7aac58063652302df5a243d3\">inspectors at the Federal Aviation Administration\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/02/17/nx-s1-5300052/federal-employees-layoffs-cdc-nih-fda\">researchers at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/20/nx-s1-5301150/trump-federal-employees-fired-veteran-food-agriculture\">pest control experts at the Department of Agriculture\u003c/a>, among many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People love to focus on the way that the government intrudes into their lives in negative ways, but the government supports our ability to exist in a highly developed and privileged society,” Short said. “[When] the agencies supporting all of that get gutted and politicized, I think it’s a huge threat to our everyday standard of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "ICE Arrest Left Bay Area Man Hospitalized and Struggling to Breathe, Attorney Says",
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"headTitle": "ICE Arrest Left Bay Area Man Hospitalized and Struggling to Breathe, Attorney Says | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, March 4\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for a South Bay man arrested by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration-customs-and-enforcement\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a> last week said that the officers were violent and aggressive with him and violated his constitutional rights, however the agency has challenged much of that narrative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulises Peña Lopez, a Sunnyvale resident, was arrested by ICE outside his home on Friday morning, according to his attorney, Elena Hodges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When officers approached Peña Lopez, he was in his car and requested to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">see a warrant and speak with an attorney\u003c/a>, Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And in response, ICE bashed in his car window and dragged him out,” Hodges said. Peña Lopez suffered a panic attack and was taken by ambulance to a hospital in Mountain View.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the violent arrest and failure to show a warrant marked only the beginning of a series of concerning actions from the immigration agency. When she was eventually able to speak with Peña Lopez at the hospital, she said ICE agents refused to leave the room so they could speak privately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez’s family alleges that he was mistreated in the hospital and that they were not allowed to see him for more than 24 hours after his arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They shackled him to his bed, prevented him from contacting his family, and kept him isolated from his loved ones,” the family \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DGb7CE_STDA/?img_index=1\">said in a statement\u003c/a> on Sunday afternoon. “He shared that the ICE agents beat him up in an alley after taking him from the house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson said Thursday evening that Peña Lopez was not following commands from officers who could not see inside his car’s tinted windows, and they struck it three times until it cracked. Peña Lopez was not dragged from the car, ICE said, but rather “exited his vehicle unassisted and was fully cooperative as arresting officers took him into custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson also said the allegation that Peña Lopez was beaten by officers is “absolutely inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez was not shown a warrant while being arrested, ICE acknowledged, though the spokesperson claims it was not shown because shortly after exiting the car, Peña Lopez began experiencing a medical event and needed aid from the officers, followed by the paramedics. Once at the hospital, officers didn’t allow family or an attorney to visit with him until it was clear he was medically stable, ICE said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family said that Peña Lopez has health conditions, including a blood clot, heart issues, a spinal disorder and knee injuries, and that he collapsed and struggled to breathe after the arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not just an arrest; it was an assault on his dignity, his health, and his rights,” the statement said. “This violent act against him has left our entire family and community heartbroken and enraged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027607 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-184795463-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has yet to produce records about his case, Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This feels really indicative of an environment politically that is empowering ICE to act with even more impunity, even more recklessness and cruelty than we’re accustomed to,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson said Peña Lopez was previously deported from the U.S. in 2013, illegally re-entered at some point after that, and was targeted for arrest because of his criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez was previously convicted of disregarding safety and evading police in November 2016 in San Luis Obispo County, as well as assault with a deadly weapon with force in March 2020 in Santa Clara County, ICE said. He was also convicted of a DUI in September 2020 in Santa Clara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez has a wife and a 3-year-old daughter and has lived in Sunnyvale for about 13 years, his family and attorney said. Hodges said information about his immigration status or the reason he was arrested isn’t clear yet due to the lack of records from ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want a full investigation of what happened to him that day,” said Jesus Ruiz, an organizer with the Rapid Response Network of Santa Clara County. “We are reaching out to local congresspeople to get the support to launch an investigation of what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday night, Peña Lopez was released from the hospital and was transferred overnight to the Golden State Annex Detention Center in McFarland, in the Central Valley, Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday, Peña Lopez had another panic attack at the facility and was taken to a hospital, but he wasn’t told which one, Hodges said he told his family. After returning to the detention facility on Sunday night, he was denied access to medications and was not fed, Hodges said, adding that she and the family are worried about his health and well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want justice for Ulises, and we will fight to ensure that no one else has to endure such brutality,” his family’s statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community members and supporters read the family’s statement at a vigil at the Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Sunday for Jocelynn Rojo Carranza. The 11-year-old girl in Texas died by suicide this month after classmates had bullied her and threatened to call ICE to deport her parents, according to her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole narrative that this new administration is painting on the undocumented community, it carries consequences,” said Ruiz, the Rapid Response Network organizer, adding that it trickles down “to those enforcing immigration law and feeling that they can treat the undocumented community as less than humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/calam\">\u003cem>Christopher Alam\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include a more detailed response from ICE than was available at the time of original publication.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Ulises Peña Lopez, a Santa Clara County resident, was unlawfully and violently detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers, according to his attorney, family and advocates.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated Tuesday, March 4\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for a South Bay man arrested by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration-customs-and-enforcement\">Immigration and Customs Enforcement\u003c/a> last week said that the officers were violent and aggressive with him and violated his constitutional rights, however the agency has challenged much of that narrative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulises Peña Lopez, a Sunnyvale resident, was arrested by ICE outside his home on Friday morning, according to his attorney, Elena Hodges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When officers approached Peña Lopez, he was in his car and requested to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">see a warrant and speak with an attorney\u003c/a>, Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And in response, ICE bashed in his car window and dragged him out,” Hodges said. Peña Lopez suffered a panic attack and was taken by ambulance to a hospital in Mountain View.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the violent arrest and failure to show a warrant marked only the beginning of a series of concerning actions from the immigration agency. When she was eventually able to speak with Peña Lopez at the hospital, she said ICE agents refused to leave the room so they could speak privately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez’s family alleges that he was mistreated in the hospital and that they were not allowed to see him for more than 24 hours after his arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They shackled him to his bed, prevented him from contacting his family, and kept him isolated from his loved ones,” the family \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DGb7CE_STDA/?img_index=1\">said in a statement\u003c/a> on Sunday afternoon. “He shared that the ICE agents beat him up in an alley after taking him from the house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson said Thursday evening that Peña Lopez was not following commands from officers who could not see inside his car’s tinted windows, and they struck it three times until it cracked. Peña Lopez was not dragged from the car, ICE said, but rather “exited his vehicle unassisted and was fully cooperative as arresting officers took him into custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson also said the allegation that Peña Lopez was beaten by officers is “absolutely inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez was not shown a warrant while being arrested, ICE acknowledged, though the spokesperson claims it was not shown because shortly after exiting the car, Peña Lopez began experiencing a medical event and needed aid from the officers, followed by the paramedics. Once at the hospital, officers didn’t allow family or an attorney to visit with him until it was clear he was medically stable, ICE said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family said that Peña Lopez has health conditions, including a blood clot, heart issues, a spinal disorder and knee injuries, and that he collapsed and struggled to breathe after the arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was not just an arrest; it was an assault on his dignity, his health, and his rights,” the statement said. “This violent act against him has left our entire family and community heartbroken and enraged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has yet to produce records about his case, Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This feels really indicative of an environment politically that is empowering ICE to act with even more impunity, even more recklessness and cruelty than we’re accustomed to,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An ICE spokesperson said Peña Lopez was previously deported from the U.S. in 2013, illegally re-entered at some point after that, and was targeted for arrest because of his criminal record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez was previously convicted of disregarding safety and evading police in November 2016 in San Luis Obispo County, as well as assault with a deadly weapon with force in March 2020 in Santa Clara County, ICE said. He was also convicted of a DUI in September 2020 in Santa Clara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peña Lopez has a wife and a 3-year-old daughter and has lived in Sunnyvale for about 13 years, his family and attorney said. Hodges said information about his immigration status or the reason he was arrested isn’t clear yet due to the lack of records from ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want a full investigation of what happened to him that day,” said Jesus Ruiz, an organizer with the Rapid Response Network of Santa Clara County. “We are reaching out to local congresspeople to get the support to launch an investigation of what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday night, Peña Lopez was released from the hospital and was transferred overnight to the Golden State Annex Detention Center in McFarland, in the Central Valley, Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday, Peña Lopez had another panic attack at the facility and was taken to a hospital, but he wasn’t told which one, Hodges said he told his family. After returning to the detention facility on Sunday night, he was denied access to medications and was not fed, Hodges said, adding that she and the family are worried about his health and well-being.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want justice for Ulises, and we will fight to ensure that no one else has to endure such brutality,” his family’s statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community members and supporters read the family’s statement at a vigil at the Mexican Heritage Plaza in East San José on Sunday for Jocelynn Rojo Carranza. The 11-year-old girl in Texas died by suicide this month after classmates had bullied her and threatened to call ICE to deport her parents, according to her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole narrative that this new administration is painting on the undocumented community, it carries consequences,” said Ruiz, the Rapid Response Network organizer, adding that it trickles down “to those enforcing immigration law and feeling that they can treat the undocumented community as less than humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/calam\">\u003cem>Christopher Alam\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include a more detailed response from ICE than was available at the time of original publication.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a>’s new district attorney begins to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024972/how-alameda-countys-next-district-attorney-wants-shape-office\">reshape the office\u003c/a> in her first days on the job, former lead prosecutor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> sat down with KQED to discuss the obstacles she faced during last year’s recall election and the concerns she has for the county’s future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017506/these-maps-show-where-pamela-price-lost-the-most-support-from-voters-in-the-recall-election\">was recalled\u003c/a> less than two years into her term, facing criticism for what some residents said was her office’s ineffectual response to rising crime rates in cities such as Oakland. As a progressive prosecutor, she was vocal about pursuing alternatives to mass incarceration and reforming the county’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many residents are hopeful that District Attorney Ursula Jones Dickson, a former judge, will do more than her predecessor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024575/alameda-countys-new-da-says-people-are-a-little-tired-of-nothing-happening\">to improve public safety\u003c/a>, there are some who are concerned that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013987/after-voter-backlash-whats-next-for-the-criminal-justice-reform-movement\">criminal justice reform movement\u003c/a> will be set back, especially as Jones Dickson begins reversing some of Price’s directives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public will have to wait and see how it works out,” Price told KQED. “We have to wait and see what the new district attorney is able to accomplish, but she certainly will have the foundation of all the things that we were able to do over the last two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the policies Price implemented was a charging directive that requires prosecutors to get supervisory approval before pursuing sentence enhancements, especially for juveniles. The policy was meant to improve accountability and transparency on the part of prosecutors, Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson rescinded that and several other Price directives on Wednesday, including one that established stricter guidelines for prosecutors seeking to charge minors in adult court. It was one of Jones Dickson’s first official acts after being \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027507/jones-dickson-takes-office-as-alameda-county-da-vows-to-prioritize-victims\">sworn in last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027665\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027665\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Ursula Jones Dickson speaks during her swearing-in ceremony at the County Administration Building in Oakland on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Price argued that her policies allowed supervisors to check the validity of a particular charge or sentence request, making it less likely to be thrown out due to accusations of discrimination in a challenge under the California Racial Justice Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a conviction is tainted by racial bias, it has to be overturned,” Price said. Jones Dickson “doesn’t have to take my policy, but you need to have a policy. Otherwise, public safety is definitely at risk because people can be let go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods called the policy reversal troubling, saying that it could allow a prosecutor with minimal experience to charge young people as adults without any oversight, potentially resulting in more Black and Brown children entering the adult system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12022612 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the nonprofit Prosecutors Alliance Action, said she hopes that Jones Dickson will consider other measures to ensure that prosecutors are judicious with sentence enhancements. Data shows that harsher sentences do little to reduce crime rates, DeBerry said, adding that the office needs to be innovative if it wants to effectively address public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting more people in jail for longer periods of time is not the answer, she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Jones Dickson said during her campaign that she is not opposed to finding alternatives to incarceration and to pushing for reform efforts, those initiatives will not be her primary concern as district attorney. She has repeatedly emphasized that her first commitment is to support victims of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are effective ways to do both, Price countered, pushing back on the idea that her office didn’t do enough for victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of victims’ advocates in the district attorney’s office increased by 35% during her tenure, Price said. Her office also made significant headway in addressing a backlog of victim compensation applications that existed prior to her election and in reorganizing support systems for victims and witnesses, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008946\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008946\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at a press conference on Oct. 10, 2024, at Everett & Jones Barbeque in Oakland’s Jack London Square. The event was part of Price’s anti-recall campaign. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My office certainly did a great deal of work and created tremendous advances for victims in this county,” Price said. She added that she had plans to do more before her term was cut short by the recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every district attorney needs time to adjust to the role and to figure out what problems there are in the office, Price said, calling the public outcry that she faced so soon after starting her term a disservice to her administration and to the county. When it comes to addressing a backlog of cases and figuring out how to best work with prosecutors and other agents in the system, it takes time to find the proper footing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price plans to discuss the issues facing Alameda County — including those that will need to be addressed by the new district attorney — on a new podcast she is launching Tuesday titled “Pamela Price Unfiltered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she is unsure of what Alameda County’s future looks like. But whether or not it swings in a more conservative direction on crime and public safety, Price noted that Jones Dickson will need to figure out how to reconcile her approach to justice with what’s demanded of her by different groups — including the law enforcement unions that recommended her for the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a>’s new district attorney begins to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024972/how-alameda-countys-next-district-attorney-wants-shape-office\">reshape the office\u003c/a> in her first days on the job, former lead prosecutor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/pamela-price\">Pamela Price\u003c/a> sat down with KQED to discuss the obstacles she faced during last year’s recall election and the concerns she has for the county’s future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017506/these-maps-show-where-pamela-price-lost-the-most-support-from-voters-in-the-recall-election\">was recalled\u003c/a> less than two years into her term, facing criticism for what some residents said was her office’s ineffectual response to rising crime rates in cities such as Oakland. As a progressive prosecutor, she was vocal about pursuing alternatives to mass incarceration and reforming the county’s justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While many residents are hopeful that District Attorney Ursula Jones Dickson, a former judge, will do more than her predecessor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024575/alameda-countys-new-da-says-people-are-a-little-tired-of-nothing-happening\">to improve public safety\u003c/a>, there are some who are concerned that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013987/after-voter-backlash-whats-next-for-the-criminal-justice-reform-movement\">criminal justice reform movement\u003c/a> will be set back, especially as Jones Dickson begins reversing some of Price’s directives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The public will have to wait and see how it works out,” Price told KQED. “We have to wait and see what the new district attorney is able to accomplish, but she certainly will have the foundation of all the things that we were able to do over the last two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the policies Price implemented was a charging directive that requires prosecutors to get supervisory approval before pursuing sentence enhancements, especially for juveniles. The policy was meant to improve accountability and transparency on the part of prosecutors, Price said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones Dickson rescinded that and several other Price directives on Wednesday, including one that established stricter guidelines for prosecutors seeking to charge minors in adult court. It was one of Jones Dickson’s first official acts after being \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027507/jones-dickson-takes-office-as-alameda-county-da-vows-to-prioritize-victims\">sworn in last week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027665\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027665\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-AlCoDASwornIn-30-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Ursula Jones Dickson speaks during her swearing-in ceremony at the County Administration Building in Oakland on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Price argued that her policies allowed supervisors to check the validity of a particular charge or sentence request, making it less likely to be thrown out due to accusations of discrimination in a challenge under the California Racial Justice Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a conviction is tainted by racial bias, it has to be overturned,” Price said. Jones Dickson “doesn’t have to take my policy, but you need to have a policy. Otherwise, public safety is definitely at risk because people can be let go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods called the policy reversal troubling, saying that it could allow a prosecutor with minimal experience to charge young people as adults without any oversight, potentially resulting in more Black and Brown children entering the adult system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cristine Soto DeBerry, executive director of the nonprofit Prosecutors Alliance Action, said she hopes that Jones Dickson will consider other measures to ensure that prosecutors are judicious with sentence enhancements. Data shows that harsher sentences do little to reduce crime rates, DeBerry said, adding that the office needs to be innovative if it wants to effectively address public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Putting more people in jail for longer periods of time is not the answer, she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Jones Dickson said during her campaign that she is not opposed to finding alternatives to incarceration and to pushing for reform efforts, those initiatives will not be her primary concern as district attorney. She has repeatedly emphasized that her first commitment is to support victims of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are effective ways to do both, Price countered, pushing back on the idea that her office didn’t do enough for victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of victims’ advocates in the district attorney’s office increased by 35% during her tenure, Price said. Her office also made significant headway in addressing a backlog of victim compensation applications that existed prior to her election and in reorganizing support systems for victims and witnesses, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008946\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008946\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/PamelaPriceAntiRecall1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at a press conference on Oct. 10, 2024, at Everett & Jones Barbeque in Oakland’s Jack London Square. The event was part of Price’s anti-recall campaign. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“My office certainly did a great deal of work and created tremendous advances for victims in this county,” Price said. She added that she had plans to do more before her term was cut short by the recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every district attorney needs time to adjust to the role and to figure out what problems there are in the office, Price said, calling the public outcry that she faced so soon after starting her term a disservice to her administration and to the county. When it comes to addressing a backlog of cases and figuring out how to best work with prosecutors and other agents in the system, it takes time to find the proper footing, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price plans to discuss the issues facing Alameda County — including those that will need to be addressed by the new district attorney — on a new podcast she is launching Tuesday titled “Pamela Price Unfiltered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she is unsure of what Alameda County’s future looks like. But whether or not it swings in a more conservative direction on crime and public safety, Price noted that Jones Dickson will need to figure out how to reconcile her approach to justice with what’s demanded of her by different groups — including the law enforcement unions that recommended her for the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco’s sanctuary policies have been contested repeatedly since they were first enacted in the 1980s following an immigration raid at a Mission District dance club that left dozens of people detained for hours — some U.S. citizens. So what can the history of challenges against the city’s sanctuary policies tell us about President Donald Trump’s threats to it today?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1834114881&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:57] I wonder if you could take us back to the 1980s before San Francisco was a sanctuary city. What was going on in the U .S. and abroad at that time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] So in the 1980s, there was a number of Central American countries, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, who were wrapped up in civil wars. A lot of people were fleeing to the United States and seeking refugee status. The Reagan administration, Ronald Reagan was in the White House at the time, refused to recognize these folks as asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:45] Was the city then at the time like openly collaborating with federal immigration agents like all the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:53] You know, it was normal for federal immigration officials to show up at the county jail, ask to just look through the records of who was there. From what I’ve talked to folks who were in the sheriff’s department and around during that time, it sounds like there was sort of this open door policy into the jails. And then there was a moment in 1989 that really sort of changed the entire dynamic here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:17] And that turning point moment was this immigration raid that happened at a dance club in the Mission known as Club Elegante. What was Club Elegante?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:28] So this was like a Latin dance club in the Mission. It was a super popular spot for folks to go on the weekends and blow off steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:36] You know, you get your paycheck on Friday and you want to go, you know, have a little fun or whatever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] Tom Amiano was a longtime politician in San Francisco, and I spoke to him about what was going on in San Francisco in the 1980s, back in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] It was really a place where I think a lot of people were undocumented, you know, especially people maybe associated with the day laborers. And when it happened, you could hear the sirens and the activity, but one one really didn’t know what was it, you know, what was what was really happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:17] There was a joint raid between the federal government and local police in which they essentially came into this club on a busy weekend night and took, I think, most everyone there into custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:03:31] Our police, they went in there and they roughed up a lot of people. And I think they busted some people who were citizens. You know, it was obvious that this was a big snafu that should have never happened. And I think it was what ignited that sleeping giant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:50] So it was a really huge moment in the city, and it was something that people were very much aware of. It made a lot of headlines and sparked a lot of anger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:00] I mean, I can’t even imagine something like that happening today in San Francisco. That would just be insane. And I guess how did we go from this raid at Club Elegante to city leaders starting to to really talk seriously about the sanctuary policies and what was their rationale at the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:29] Some of them actually came out of law enforcement. Like the police themselves were saying, hey, if we’re being deputized to essentially do the job of the federal government, we are undermining our ability to build trust with these immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:04:46] There were demands made on the mayor. And what are you going to do? What is the solution?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:51] When this Club Elegante raid happened and there was such huge outcry and fear in the immigrant community, it really created a lot of political momentum and pressure on City Hall and on the police chief, Frank Jordan, to figure out a way to kind of thread this needle. Because it’s not just about someone who’s undocumented being scared to come to the police, although certainly it’s that. But if you are a citizen or a legal resident, but your neighbor is not, or your uncle or your spouse, like a crime happens to you, are you going to be willing to go to the police if you know that they might actually call federal immigration enforcement? And so by the end of that year, they had written and passed the sanctuary policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:42] What exactly do San Francisco’s first sanctuary policies look like? And I guess what was passed as a result of this raid?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Yeah, the original sanctuary ordinance was really straightforward. It basically just said city employees may not use city funds or resources to help federal immigration enforcement. We won’t stand in the way because that would be illegal, but we’re not going to participate in immigration actions as a local police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:20] It’s sort of interesting to think of sanctuary policies being really a result of pushes by local law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:06:28] But I do think when you have people in law enforcement, I mean, who are part of, let’s be real, that political system and they’re hearing the same thing and they’re seeing the impact on their ability to investigate and solve crimes, which is the main sort of core function of a local police department. You know, I think often there are disagreements around the nuance and details of these things. But I think that over the years, there has been a fair amount of support within police agencies for these sorts of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:20] I mean, for I guess as long as I’ve lived now, San Francisco has always been a sanctuary city, but has there always been support for this policy or these policies in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:33] Yeah, I mean, it’s interesting. I was not here in the 1990s, but that was an era where there was a lot of sort of backlash to immigration in California, right? This was an era when Prop 187 was passed statewide, which sought to take any public resources and benefits away from folks without legal status. But it really wasn’t until the 2000s that we saw some really high profile criminal cases that kind of brought the sanctuary policy back into the forefront in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:08:12] The first one was a really tragic triple murder. A man and his two sons were driving in San Francisco in June of 2008, and they were shot by a man who turned out was a gang member and an undocumented immigrant, and it was a case of mistaken identity. This was the first real example in recent years that we saw the right really seize on these policies and really go after San Francisco. The widow of the man, Tony Bologna, who died, you know, went on Fox News and was on Laura Ingraham talking about this. They really made a connection between these sanctuary policies and this murder because the accused shooter, Edwin Ramos, had been convicted of two violent felonies when he was a juvenile. The federal government knew exactly who this person was, Edwin Ramos. He had applied for legal status, so he was in their system. They knew where he lived and what he was doing. And there’s evidence that shows that they had actively sort of chosen not to deport him because they were trying to build a bigger gang case against him and other folks. But because under the current policy at the time, there was like no mechanism to hand over youths to immigration officials, it really sort of focused attention on the sanctuary policy, and at the time, now Governor Gavin Newsom was the mayor here in San Francisco, and ended up in a lot of pressure to try to figure out kind of how to answer this political firestorm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:06] Right. And he did respond to that pressure by actually making some changes to San Francisco sanctuary policy at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:10:16] Yeah. And what we saw at the time was a sort of, I think maybe what some might argue, I don’t know, maybe even the governor was like maybe an overcorrection. He essentially kind of unilaterally, as the head official in the city, changed the policy so that any undocumented kid merely accused of a felony was handed over to immigration officials. And that in itself caused sort of a backlash. Within a year, the city turned over more than 100 young people to immigration and customs enforcement. And eventually, a year later, the board of supervisors came back to table and amended the city law to say, look, we’re not going to just turn people over who have been accused of felonies and are undocumented young people. So much of the attention, if you were here at the time, was focused on Newsom and Democrats and their policies. And very little attention was given to the mistakes that were, quite frankly, pretty obviously made by immigration officials. If you’re going to say, like, we could have, would have, should have, I don’t think you can only blame the city policies. I think you have to look at the actions of the feds as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:23] Right. Although that’s that’s what usually happens is that it’s the local measures that get all the attention. Right. And I feel like another big case that really put San Francisco’s sanctuary policies in the spotlight again was, and I remember this case very vividly, the 2015 fatal shooting of Kate Steinle, which I just remember being just like all over national news at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:52] Yeah. And that, again, was a horribly tragic event. This is a young woman, 32 years old, walking along the San Francisco waterfront on Embarcadero Pier and she is shot. The case was very complicated. The accused killer, Juan Francisco Lopez Sanchez, had stolen the gun used in this case from a federal park ranger who had left it unsecured in his car. Lopez Sanchez maintained throughout the entire trial it was an accidental firing of the gun. But, you know, at the core of this, again, was these questions over why he was still in the U .S. He had been deported five times before this. The shooting occurred right after he got out of San Francisco County jail. And again, that’s what a lot of folks seized on, especially critics of the sanctuary policy. Why didn’t San Francisco hand over this known felon to immigration officials?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:51] So, Marisa, I mean, it’s pretty clear San Francisco’s sanctuary status has been challenged repeatedly since the 1980s. And of course, we’re talking about this now because we’re in another one of those moments with President Donald Trump, you know, really challenging California sanctuary status and the sanctuary statuses of other municipalities and states. Tell me a little bit more about what that current fight looks like now\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:13:20] The first time Trump was president, his administration went after sanctuary cities threatening to withhold funding from them. They have essentially dusted off almost identical language and issued a series of executive orders and memos out of D .C. that seek to do exactly what they tried to do the first time, which is essentially say either drop these policies, help us with immigration enforcement, or we’re going to cut off federal funds. And so San Francisco and Santa Clara, along with some other jurisdictions around the nation, have sued. And I think, you know, we’re going to see this really play out in court. The city feels very strongly that they have the Constitution and the law on their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:06] It’s not clear from the executive order what they mean by a sanctuary city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:14:11] What David Chiu, the city attorney, says is that they are illegally asserting a right and commandeering local law enforcement for something that is not the city’s job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:23] One of the aspects of our lawsuit points out that you have to be clear when you lay out rules and it violates due process if you don’t have clarity. My hope is they would look at facts and the studies that show that building trust with communities help to reduce crime, to improve public safety. That is what this is about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:46] This is not the first time San Francisco is facing a challenge of its sanctuary status and policies. But why do you think that looking back at this long history and even the origins of San Francisco sanctuary policy is so important?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:15:04] I think it’s important to sort of know where we came from and to understand that a lot of these debates have been going on for decades, that they’re not new to this moment. You know, we tend to see these pendulum swings around public opinion on issues like immigration and criminal justice. It’s important to understand that, you know, there’s a reason cities like this did this, not something that David Chiu really underscored that, you know, the role of San Francisco Police Department or the Sheriff’s Department is to keep this community safe. And to them, that includes everyone in the community.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"headline": "SF’s History With Sanctuary Laws Brings Renewed Challenges Under Trump",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco’s sanctuary policies have been contested repeatedly since they were first enacted in the 1980s following an immigration raid at a Mission District dance club that left dozens of people detained for hours — some U.S. citizens. So what can the history of challenges against the city’s sanctuary policies tell us about President Donald Trump’s threats to it today?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC1834114881&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:00:57] I wonder if you could take us back to the 1980s before San Francisco was a sanctuary city. What was going on in the U .S. and abroad at that time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] So in the 1980s, there was a number of Central American countries, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, who were wrapped up in civil wars. A lot of people were fleeing to the United States and seeking refugee status. The Reagan administration, Ronald Reagan was in the White House at the time, refused to recognize these folks as asylum seekers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:01:45] Was the city then at the time like openly collaborating with federal immigration agents like all the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:01:53] You know, it was normal for federal immigration officials to show up at the county jail, ask to just look through the records of who was there. From what I’ve talked to folks who were in the sheriff’s department and around during that time, it sounds like there was sort of this open door policy into the jails. And then there was a moment in 1989 that really sort of changed the entire dynamic here in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:02:17] And that turning point moment was this immigration raid that happened at a dance club in the Mission known as Club Elegante. What was Club Elegante?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:28] So this was like a Latin dance club in the Mission. It was a super popular spot for folks to go on the weekends and blow off steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:36] You know, you get your paycheck on Friday and you want to go, you know, have a little fun or whatever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:02:43] Tom Amiano was a longtime politician in San Francisco, and I spoke to him about what was going on in San Francisco in the 1980s, back in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:02:53] It was really a place where I think a lot of people were undocumented, you know, especially people maybe associated with the day laborers. And when it happened, you could hear the sirens and the activity, but one one really didn’t know what was it, you know, what was what was really happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:17] There was a joint raid between the federal government and local police in which they essentially came into this club on a busy weekend night and took, I think, most everyone there into custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:03:31] Our police, they went in there and they roughed up a lot of people. And I think they busted some people who were citizens. You know, it was obvious that this was a big snafu that should have never happened. And I think it was what ignited that sleeping giant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:03:50] So it was a really huge moment in the city, and it was something that people were very much aware of. It made a lot of headlines and sparked a lot of anger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:04:00] I mean, I can’t even imagine something like that happening today in San Francisco. That would just be insane. And I guess how did we go from this raid at Club Elegante to city leaders starting to to really talk seriously about the sanctuary policies and what was their rationale at the time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:29] Some of them actually came out of law enforcement. Like the police themselves were saying, hey, if we’re being deputized to essentially do the job of the federal government, we are undermining our ability to build trust with these immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Tom Ammiano \u003c/strong>[00:04:46] There were demands made on the mayor. And what are you going to do? What is the solution?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:04:51] When this Club Elegante raid happened and there was such huge outcry and fear in the immigrant community, it really created a lot of political momentum and pressure on City Hall and on the police chief, Frank Jordan, to figure out a way to kind of thread this needle. Because it’s not just about someone who’s undocumented being scared to come to the police, although certainly it’s that. But if you are a citizen or a legal resident, but your neighbor is not, or your uncle or your spouse, like a crime happens to you, are you going to be willing to go to the police if you know that they might actually call federal immigration enforcement? And so by the end of that year, they had written and passed the sanctuary policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:05:42] What exactly do San Francisco’s first sanctuary policies look like? And I guess what was passed as a result of this raid?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:05:51] Yeah, the original sanctuary ordinance was really straightforward. It basically just said city employees may not use city funds or resources to help federal immigration enforcement. We won’t stand in the way because that would be illegal, but we’re not going to participate in immigration actions as a local police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:06:20] It’s sort of interesting to think of sanctuary policies being really a result of pushes by local law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:06:28] But I do think when you have people in law enforcement, I mean, who are part of, let’s be real, that political system and they’re hearing the same thing and they’re seeing the impact on their ability to investigate and solve crimes, which is the main sort of core function of a local police department. You know, I think often there are disagreements around the nuance and details of these things. But I think that over the years, there has been a fair amount of support within police agencies for these sorts of things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:07:20] I mean, for I guess as long as I’ve lived now, San Francisco has always been a sanctuary city, but has there always been support for this policy or these policies in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:07:33] Yeah, I mean, it’s interesting. I was not here in the 1990s, but that was an era where there was a lot of sort of backlash to immigration in California, right? This was an era when Prop 187 was passed statewide, which sought to take any public resources and benefits away from folks without legal status. But it really wasn’t until the 2000s that we saw some really high profile criminal cases that kind of brought the sanctuary policy back into the forefront in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:08:12] The first one was a really tragic triple murder. A man and his two sons were driving in San Francisco in June of 2008, and they were shot by a man who turned out was a gang member and an undocumented immigrant, and it was a case of mistaken identity. This was the first real example in recent years that we saw the right really seize on these policies and really go after San Francisco. The widow of the man, Tony Bologna, who died, you know, went on Fox News and was on Laura Ingraham talking about this. They really made a connection between these sanctuary policies and this murder because the accused shooter, Edwin Ramos, had been convicted of two violent felonies when he was a juvenile. The federal government knew exactly who this person was, Edwin Ramos. He had applied for legal status, so he was in their system. They knew where he lived and what he was doing. And there’s evidence that shows that they had actively sort of chosen not to deport him because they were trying to build a bigger gang case against him and other folks. But because under the current policy at the time, there was like no mechanism to hand over youths to immigration officials, it really sort of focused attention on the sanctuary policy, and at the time, now Governor Gavin Newsom was the mayor here in San Francisco, and ended up in a lot of pressure to try to figure out kind of how to answer this political firestorm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:10:06] Right. And he did respond to that pressure by actually making some changes to San Francisco sanctuary policy at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:10:16] Yeah. And what we saw at the time was a sort of, I think maybe what some might argue, I don’t know, maybe even the governor was like maybe an overcorrection. He essentially kind of unilaterally, as the head official in the city, changed the policy so that any undocumented kid merely accused of a felony was handed over to immigration officials. And that in itself caused sort of a backlash. Within a year, the city turned over more than 100 young people to immigration and customs enforcement. And eventually, a year later, the board of supervisors came back to table and amended the city law to say, look, we’re not going to just turn people over who have been accused of felonies and are undocumented young people. So much of the attention, if you were here at the time, was focused on Newsom and Democrats and their policies. And very little attention was given to the mistakes that were, quite frankly, pretty obviously made by immigration officials. If you’re going to say, like, we could have, would have, should have, I don’t think you can only blame the city policies. I think you have to look at the actions of the feds as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:11:23] Right. Although that’s that’s what usually happens is that it’s the local measures that get all the attention. Right. And I feel like another big case that really put San Francisco’s sanctuary policies in the spotlight again was, and I remember this case very vividly, the 2015 fatal shooting of Kate Steinle, which I just remember being just like all over national news at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:11:52] Yeah. And that, again, was a horribly tragic event. This is a young woman, 32 years old, walking along the San Francisco waterfront on Embarcadero Pier and she is shot. The case was very complicated. The accused killer, Juan Francisco Lopez Sanchez, had stolen the gun used in this case from a federal park ranger who had left it unsecured in his car. Lopez Sanchez maintained throughout the entire trial it was an accidental firing of the gun. But, you know, at the core of this, again, was these questions over why he was still in the U .S. He had been deported five times before this. The shooting occurred right after he got out of San Francisco County jail. And again, that’s what a lot of folks seized on, especially critics of the sanctuary policy. Why didn’t San Francisco hand over this known felon to immigration officials?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:12:51] So, Marisa, I mean, it’s pretty clear San Francisco’s sanctuary status has been challenged repeatedly since the 1980s. And of course, we’re talking about this now because we’re in another one of those moments with President Donald Trump, you know, really challenging California sanctuary status and the sanctuary statuses of other municipalities and states. Tell me a little bit more about what that current fight looks like now\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:13:20] The first time Trump was president, his administration went after sanctuary cities threatening to withhold funding from them. They have essentially dusted off almost identical language and issued a series of executive orders and memos out of D .C. that seek to do exactly what they tried to do the first time, which is essentially say either drop these policies, help us with immigration enforcement, or we’re going to cut off federal funds. And so San Francisco and Santa Clara, along with some other jurisdictions around the nation, have sued. And I think, you know, we’re going to see this really play out in court. The city feels very strongly that they have the Constitution and the law on their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:06] It’s not clear from the executive order what they mean by a sanctuary city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:14:11] What David Chiu, the city attorney, says is that they are illegally asserting a right and commandeering local law enforcement for something that is not the city’s job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>David Chiu \u003c/strong>[00:14:23] One of the aspects of our lawsuit points out that you have to be clear when you lay out rules and it violates due process if you don’t have clarity. My hope is they would look at facts and the studies that show that building trust with communities help to reduce crime, to improve public safety. That is what this is about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra \u003c/strong>[00:14:46] This is not the first time San Francisco is facing a challenge of its sanctuary status and policies. But why do you think that looking back at this long history and even the origins of San Francisco sanctuary policy is so important?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Marisa Lagos \u003c/strong>[00:15:04] I think it’s important to sort of know where we came from and to understand that a lot of these debates have been going on for decades, that they’re not new to this moment. You know, we tend to see these pendulum swings around public opinion on issues like immigration and criminal justice. It’s important to understand that, you know, there’s a reason cities like this did this, not something that David Chiu really underscored that, you know, the role of San Francisco Police Department or the Sheriff’s Department is to keep this community safe. And to them, that includes everyone in the community.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "afraid-to-go-to-school-immigrant-families-in-the-salinas-valley-are-gripped-by-fear",
"title": "‘Afraid to Go to School’: Immigrant Families in the Salinas Valley Are Gripped by Fear",
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"headTitle": "‘Afraid to Go to School’: Immigrant Families in the Salinas Valley Are Gripped by Fear | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea esta historia en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2025/02/con-temor-de-ir-a-la-escuela-el-miedo-se-apodera-de-las-familias-inmigrantes-en-la-zona-central-de-california/\">Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., a mother of three in Salinas, is extra careful when she takes her kids to school. She switches up her routes, leaves at different times, and is always on the lookout for immigration agents, especially during pick-ups and drop-offs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s threat of mass deportations is never far from her mind, but it’s not her own welfare she’s concerned about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not worried about going back to Mexico. I’m afraid of being separated from my kids,” said E., who asked not to be identified because she and her husband’s immigration status puts them at risk of being deported. “My worst fear is that my 6-year-old will end up in a camp. … I don’t know what I would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although there have been few, if any, reports of immigration arrests at or near schools recently, E. and countless other parents are gripped with fear that if they go to the store, work or school, they’ll never see their families again. The fear stems from Trump’s heated anti-immigrant rhetoric, as well as his recent removal of schools, hospitals, courts and other “sensitive locations” as safe zones for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, known as “the salad bowl of the world” for its rich agricultural fields, fear is everywhere. Although there have been no raids since the inauguration, rumors about ICE sweeps abound. At schools, there’s a heightened sense of awareness. Office staff know to ask immigration agents for judicial warrants and to immediately alert the superintendent. Volunteers walk students home from school, so parents don’t have to risk going outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an immigrant city, and just the threat is enough to scare people,” said Mary Duan, spokesperson for Salinas City Elementary School District. “The specter of deportation is driving people underground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas has one of the highest concentrations of immigrants in California. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sandiegocitycalifornia,tularecitycalifornia,fresnocitycalifornia,mercedcitycalifornia,salinascitycalifornia/PST045223\">more than a third of the population\u003c/a> was born in another country, according to the U.S. Census, and more than 80% are Latino. Immigrants have been a part of Salinas for generations, and nearly everyone is related to someone who was foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s attendance has dropped steadily the past few months. In August, about 95% of the district’s 8,200 students showed up for class every day, but by mid-January the number had dropped to just over 91%, according to district data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Historic farming community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The birthplace of John Steinbeck and the setting for his classic, \u003cem>East of Eden\u003c/em>, Salinas has long been a working-class farming community. It sits at the northern end of the Salinas Valley, flanked by mountains to the east and west, with ocean breezes wafting in from Monterey Bay ensuring mild temperatures almost year-round — perfect conditions for growing lettuce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vegetable fields — tidy, bright green rows of lettuce, broccoli, spinach and other crops — stretch miles across the valley, from the outskirts of town to the foothills of the nearby Gabilan and Sierra de Salinas ranges. Packing plants and nurseries dot the edges of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools have always played a central role in Salinas. But in the past few months, that role has expanded, as schools have reassured parents, provided information and comforted anxious children. The district has trained office staff to ask for judicial — not administrative — warrants from immigration agents if they come on campus. It’s considering expanding its virtual academies, like those that operated during COVID, for children whose parents feel safer keeping them home. And it’s been taking extra steps to make students feel welcome and safe on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our schools to be places of joy, connection and belonging,” said Superintendent Rebecca Andrade. “The unknown is what causes anxiety. So we try to stay focused on our role, which is educating and supporting students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From the onion fields to the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It helps that many teachers, counselors and other school staff grew up in the area and themselves come from undocumented families. They know what it’s like to pick lettuce on chilly August mornings, hear the cries of “la migra” when immigration agents are nearby, and live with the constant knowledge that friends or family members could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar Ramos, a second grade teacher at Sherwood Elementary, came from Jalisco, Mexico to Hollister, about 30 miles northwest of Salinas, when he was 4 years old with his family. By the time he was 8, he was picking onions and garlic with his family, working 10-hour days throughout the summers. He remembers when, in the 1980s, his babysitter was arrested at the labor camp where his family lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a knock at the door, and they just took her. There was no warning,” Ramos recalled. “I was 6 years old. I never saw her again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His own parents were never arrested, but he knows all too well the fear children experience when they think they might not see their parents again. In his classroom, the topic comes up daily, despite his efforts to keep his students focused on schoolwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028080\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Oscar Ramos in his classroom at Sherwood Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I read them stories, they’d make random comments about their pets or their friends or what they’re doing this weekend,” Ramos said. “Now, they talk about ICE. ‘My parents said we can’t go to Walmart because that’s where they’ll pick you up.’ ‘I got sick but we couldn’t go to the hospital because immigration might be there.’ There’s just so much fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although immigration raids have always been part of life in Salinas, “this time feels different,” Ramos said. “The mood seems more hateful, unpredictable. How far will (Trump) go? How far will he push the limits? Will he send us back? Put us in giant prisons? Separate families? It seems like he doesn’t care. We see it and we feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unpredictability has left even those with legal status on edge. Stories abound about citizens being caught in immigration sweeps and detained or sent to Mexico. People worry about losing their visas, or about loved ones getting wrongfully arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I could lose everything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cecilia, 28, came to the U.S. from Mexico at age 2, with her mother and sister. She has legal status through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and works in a family resource center for immigrants. When she can afford to, she takes classes at Hartnell Community College in hopes of earning a degree in accounting or business. With a knack for math, she hopes to someday work in a payroll office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone in her family has visas, but she now worries that those could be taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never used to carry my DACA papers, but since the election I always do,” said Cecilia, who asked that her full name not be used because she fears her DACA status may be revoked. “If I lose my visa, I would lose my job, I could lose everything. I know other people have it way worse, but it’s still scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Campus counselor Ismael Del Real points at posters showing a range of emotions. Right: The Calming Room in the counselor’s office at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ismael Del Real, a counselor at Los Padres Elementary School, is busy these days. There’s a steady stream of students who visit the “calming corner” in his office, seeking a moment’s escape from their anxiety. He tells them to take deep breaths, count to 10, draw, squeeze a stress ball, talk about their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But mostly, he just listens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about having the perfect words, because there’s nothing perfect about any of this,” said Del Real, who grew up in Salinas and whose parents are immigrants from Mexico. “I just try to be there for them. I tell them, ‘You’re right, this is scary, and it makes sense to feel anxious.’”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='immigration']Every day, teachers ask each of the school’s 680 students to pick an emoji to describe their mood. Until recently, nearly all the children picked “happy.” Now, an increasing number pick “sad” or “angry.” Del Real visits with these students personally and tries to offer comfort and coping strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it’s parents who show up at his office, located in a tidy portable next to the school garden. The walls are adorned with inspirational slogans in Spanish, such as “\u003cem>No hay mal que bien no venga\u003c/em>,” or “Every cloud has a silver lining,” and the furniture is a cheerful bright blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advises them to keep a supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red cards\u003c/a> that outline their rights to immigration officials, go to community events to get reliable information about what’s happening and what resources are available, and have a plan. Decide who will pick up the children if the parent is arrested, and give the school that person’s phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the fear of deportation has brought families together, and motivated them to speak out — even anonymously. During a recent protest, more than 200 parents at Los Padres kept their children home from school as a show of solidarity. And they are quick to help each other and support those who need assistance, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two students walk to class at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine what these parents are going through. These are humble people who work hard, and they just want what’s best for their kids,” Del Real said. “I just want them to have a sense of peace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Help for families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Los Padres, well over half of the students are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Vice Principal Christina Perez, who grew up in Salinas, knows exactly the hardships those families face. Her parents were immigrants from Michoacan, Mexico, and her father, who didn’t have legal status in the U.S., was deported several times when Perez was a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all schools in the district, Los Padres offers a slew of resources for immigrant families. The district operates four centers for families to get food, clothing and other supplies, counseling, referrals for legal advice and other needs. Nearly 4,000 families visit the centers annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez adds a personal touch, reaching out directly to parents who are worried about being separated from their children. Her message is that the school will do everything in its power to protect students and ensure they feel safe and comfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can imagine what these families are going through. It’s ugly to live in that fear. You’re afraid to go to work, afraid to go to school, you wonder how you’ll support your family,” she said. “That was my family, years ago. You think things are going to get better, but here we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., the Salinas mother of three, said she tries to protect her children from the news, but they overhear snippets and know that their parents are at risk. Her husband supports the family by working at a nursery, and she worries about their livelihood if he gets detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing the best I can,” she said. “But right now it feels hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Threats of deportation have caused anxiety among immigrants, but schools in the Salinas Valley are helping comfort children and easing parents’ fears.",
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"title": "‘Afraid to Go to School’: Immigrant Families in the Salinas Valley Are Gripped by Fear | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Lea esta historia en \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/calmatters-en-espanol/2025/02/con-temor-de-ir-a-la-escuela-el-miedo-se-apodera-de-las-familias-inmigrantes-en-la-zona-central-de-california/\">Español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., a mother of three in Salinas, is extra careful when she takes her kids to school. She switches up her routes, leaves at different times, and is always on the lookout for immigration agents, especially during pick-ups and drop-offs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s threat of mass deportations is never far from her mind, but it’s not her own welfare she’s concerned about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not worried about going back to Mexico. I’m afraid of being separated from my kids,” said E., who asked not to be identified because she and her husband’s immigration status puts them at risk of being deported. “My worst fear is that my 6-year-old will end up in a camp. … I don’t know what I would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although there have been few, if any, reports of immigration arrests at or near schools recently, E. and countless other parents are gripped with fear that if they go to the store, work or school, they’ll never see their families again. The fear stems from Trump’s heated anti-immigrant rhetoric, as well as his recent removal of schools, hospitals, courts and other “sensitive locations” as safe zones for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Salinas, known as “the salad bowl of the world” for its rich agricultural fields, fear is everywhere. Although there have been no raids since the inauguration, rumors about ICE sweeps abound. At schools, there’s a heightened sense of awareness. Office staff know to ask immigration agents for judicial warrants and to immediately alert the superintendent. Volunteers walk students home from school, so parents don’t have to risk going outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an immigrant city, and just the threat is enough to scare people,” said Mary Duan, spokesperson for Salinas City Elementary School District. “The specter of deportation is driving people underground.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salinas has one of the highest concentrations of immigrants in California. In 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/sandiegocitycalifornia,tularecitycalifornia,fresnocitycalifornia,mercedcitycalifornia,salinascitycalifornia/PST045223\">more than a third of the population\u003c/a> was born in another country, according to the U.S. Census, and more than 80% are Latino. Immigrants have been a part of Salinas for generations, and nearly everyone is related to someone who was foreign-born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s attendance has dropped steadily the past few months. In August, about 95% of the district’s 8,200 students showed up for class every day, but by mid-January the number had dropped to just over 91%, according to district data.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Historic farming community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The birthplace of John Steinbeck and the setting for his classic, \u003cem>East of Eden\u003c/em>, Salinas has long been a working-class farming community. It sits at the northern end of the Salinas Valley, flanked by mountains to the east and west, with ocean breezes wafting in from Monterey Bay ensuring mild temperatures almost year-round — perfect conditions for growing lettuce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028078\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_34-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person drives a tractor through a field of crops on farmland near Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vegetable fields — tidy, bright green rows of lettuce, broccoli, spinach and other crops — stretch miles across the valley, from the outskirts of town to the foothills of the nearby Gabilan and Sierra de Salinas ranges. Packing plants and nurseries dot the edges of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools have always played a central role in Salinas. But in the past few months, that role has expanded, as schools have reassured parents, provided information and comforted anxious children. The district has trained office staff to ask for judicial — not administrative — warrants from immigration agents if they come on campus. It’s considering expanding its virtual academies, like those that operated during COVID, for children whose parents feel safer keeping them home. And it’s been taking extra steps to make students feel welcome and safe on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our schools to be places of joy, connection and belonging,” said Superintendent Rebecca Andrade. “The unknown is what causes anxiety. So we try to stay focused on our role, which is educating and supporting students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>From the onion fields to the classroom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It helps that many teachers, counselors and other school staff grew up in the area and themselves come from undocumented families. They know what it’s like to pick lettuce on chilly August mornings, hear the cries of “la migra” when immigration agents are nearby, and live with the constant knowledge that friends or family members could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oscar Ramos, a second grade teacher at Sherwood Elementary, came from Jalisco, Mexico to Hollister, about 30 miles northwest of Salinas, when he was 4 years old with his family. By the time he was 8, he was picking onions and garlic with his family, working 10-hour days throughout the summers. He remembers when, in the 1980s, his babysitter was arrested at the labor camp where his family lived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a knock at the door, and they just took her. There was no warning,” Ramos recalled. “I was 6 years old. I never saw her again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His own parents were never arrested, but he knows all too well the fear children experience when they think they might not see their parents again. In his classroom, the topic comes up daily, despite his efforts to keep his students focused on schoolwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028080\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028080\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_21-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teacher Oscar Ramos in his classroom at Sherwood Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When I read them stories, they’d make random comments about their pets or their friends or what they’re doing this weekend,” Ramos said. “Now, they talk about ICE. ‘My parents said we can’t go to Walmart because that’s where they’ll pick you up.’ ‘I got sick but we couldn’t go to the hospital because immigration might be there.’ There’s just so much fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although immigration raids have always been part of life in Salinas, “this time feels different,” Ramos said. “The mood seems more hateful, unpredictable. How far will (Trump) go? How far will he push the limits? Will he send us back? Put us in giant prisons? Separate families? It seems like he doesn’t care. We see it and we feel it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unpredictability has left even those with legal status on edge. Stories abound about citizens being caught in immigration sweeps and detained or sent to Mexico. People worry about losing their visas, or about loved ones getting wrongfully arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I could lose everything’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cecilia, 28, came to the U.S. from Mexico at age 2, with her mother and sister. She has legal status through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and works in a family resource center for immigrants. When she can afford to, she takes classes at Hartnell Community College in hopes of earning a degree in accounting or business. With a knack for math, she hopes to someday work in a payroll office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone in her family has visas, but she now worries that those could be taken away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never used to carry my DACA papers, but since the election I always do,” said Cecilia, who asked that her full name not be used because she fears her DACA status may be revoked. “If I lose my visa, I would lose my job, I could lose everything. I know other people have it way worse, but it’s still scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028081\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Campus counselor Ismael Del Real points at posters showing a range of emotions. Right: The Calming Room in the counselor’s office at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ismael Del Real, a counselor at Los Padres Elementary School, is busy these days. There’s a steady stream of students who visit the “calming corner” in his office, seeking a moment’s escape from their anxiety. He tells them to take deep breaths, count to 10, draw, squeeze a stress ball, talk about their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But mostly, he just listens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about having the perfect words, because there’s nothing perfect about any of this,” said Del Real, who grew up in Salinas and whose parents are immigrants from Mexico. “I just try to be there for them. I tell them, ‘You’re right, this is scary, and it makes sense to feel anxious.’”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Every day, teachers ask each of the school’s 680 students to pick an emoji to describe their mood. Until recently, nearly all the children picked “happy.” Now, an increasing number pick “sad” or “angry.” Del Real visits with these students personally and tries to offer comfort and coping strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, it’s parents who show up at his office, located in a tidy portable next to the school garden. The walls are adorned with inspirational slogans in Spanish, such as “\u003cem>No hay mal que bien no venga\u003c/em>,” or “Every cloud has a silver lining,” and the furniture is a cheerful bright blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He advises them to keep a supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red cards\u003c/a> that outline their rights to immigration officials, go to community events to get reliable information about what’s happening and what resources are available, and have a plan. Decide who will pick up the children if the parent is arrested, and give the school that person’s phone number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, the fear of deportation has brought families together, and motivated them to speak out — even anonymously. During a recent protest, more than 200 parents at Los Padres kept their children home from school as a show of solidarity. And they are quick to help each other and support those who need assistance, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12028082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12028082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/021125-ICE-Schools-Salinas-LV_13-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two students walk to class at Los Padres Elementary School in Salinas on Feb. 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I can’t imagine what these parents are going through. These are humble people who work hard, and they just want what’s best for their kids,” Del Real said. “I just want them to have a sense of peace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Help for families\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Los Padres, well over half of the students are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Vice Principal Christina Perez, who grew up in Salinas, knows exactly the hardships those families face. Her parents were immigrants from Michoacan, Mexico, and her father, who didn’t have legal status in the U.S., was deported several times when Perez was a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like all schools in the district, Los Padres offers a slew of resources for immigrant families. The district operates four centers for families to get food, clothing and other supplies, counseling, referrals for legal advice and other needs. Nearly 4,000 families visit the centers annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perez adds a personal touch, reaching out directly to parents who are worried about being separated from their children. Her message is that the school will do everything in its power to protect students and ensure they feel safe and comfortable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can imagine what these families are going through. It’s ugly to live in that fear. You’re afraid to go to work, afraid to go to school, you wonder how you’ll support your family,” she said. “That was my family, years ago. You think things are going to get better, but here we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E., the Salinas mother of three, said she tries to protect her children from the news, but they overhear snippets and know that their parents are at risk. Her husband supports the family by working at a nursery, and she worries about their livelihood if he gets detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m doing the best I can,” she said. “But right now it feels hopeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of LGBTQ organizations across the U.S. have united to sue the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump administration\u003c/a>. Led by the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, the lawsuit was filed Thursday in response to three executive orders targeting transgender people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026891/california-lawmakers-push-protect-free-hiv-prevention-amid-legal-threats\">HIV funding\u003c/a>, and diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since being inaugurated one month ago, President Donald Trump has rolled out dozens of executive orders that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026447/judge-blocks-trump-plan-cut-research-funding-after-california-other-states-sue\">cities and states have challenged\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit follows the termination of federal funding for organizations that serve transgender people and engage in “equity-related” work. It argues that the executive orders “pose an existential threat to transgender people and the organizations that respect their existence” and should be “declared unconstitutional and blocked from implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The executive orders prevent nonprofits from providing programs and services such as HIV treatment, homelessness prevention, sexual and reproductive health screenings and other resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four of the nine organizations in the coalition of queer and HIV-focused organizations are based in California. Dr. Tyler TerMeer, CEO of the San Francisco AIDS Foundation, said the organization has been ordered to scrub mention of transgender and non-binary people from their website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12020619 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/Sally-Gearhart-courtesy-of-Deborah-Craig.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had to watch in real time as the current administration has weaponized federal funding to try and force us into compliance with policies that have seeked to erase transgender people,” TerMeer said. “This lawsuit is about more than just policy. It’s about survival for the people we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that the executive orders are in violation of the First, Fifth and 14th amendments by restricting freedom of expression, due process and equal protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lambda Legal, the firm representing the coalition lawsuit, has battled head-to-head with Trump in the past, suing in 2020 over DEI policies that prohibited contractors from conducting workplace training addressing the existence of structural racism and sexism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was because of Lambda Legal’s history in standing up for queer and diverse communities that made the San Francisco Aids Foundation select the firm. However, the foundation’s board members debated the decision to pursue the lawsuit due to the risk of counter-litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board decided that the fight was worth the risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in for a fight, but what I keep trying to remind the people around me — if we remain grounded in our values and remind ourselves that those values are not for sale, the mission of the org is not up for negotiation,” TerMeer said. “We can’t be silenced, and our community can’t be erased just to satisfy the hateful political agenda ahead of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had to watch in real time as the current administration has weaponized federal funding to try and force us into compliance with policies that have seeked to erase transgender people,” TerMeer said. “This lawsuit is about more than just policy. It’s about survival for the people we serve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argues that the executive orders are in violation of the First, Fifth and 14th amendments by restricting freedom of expression, due process and equal protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lambda Legal, the firm representing the coalition lawsuit, has battled head-to-head with Trump in the past, suing in 2020 over DEI policies that prohibited contractors from conducting workplace training addressing the existence of structural racism and sexism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was because of Lambda Legal’s history in standing up for queer and diverse communities that made the San Francisco Aids Foundation select the firm. However, the foundation’s board members debated the decision to pursue the lawsuit due to the risk of counter-litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board decided that the fight was worth the risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in for a fight, but what I keep trying to remind the people around me — if we remain grounded in our values and remind ourselves that those values are not for sale, the mission of the org is not up for negotiation,” TerMeer said. “We can’t be silenced, and our community can’t be erased just to satisfy the hateful political agenda ahead of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
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"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
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