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"content": "\u003cp>C’erah King-Polk was among the first elementary school students to attend Berkley Maynard Academy, or BMA, when the North \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> charter school opened in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school felt like home, and teachers and classmates were like family. King-Polk met her best friend at BMA, still keeps in touch with her fourth-grade teacher, and she later returned to work at BMA as an after-school educator and substitute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You ride with BMA, you die with BMA,” said King-Polk, who worked at BMA until 2024. “I was one of those students who gave my teachers a hard time, but I grew to realize the teachers I had were the ones who really cared about my education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BMA is part of Aspire Public Schools, an organization of California charter schools founded to address inequities in education and prepare underserved students for success. Generations of families were drawn in by the school’s mission of inclusion and support for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beginning in the 2024-25 school year, King-Polk, as well as former staff at the school, say support systems rapidly unraveled. The former employees allege students with Individualized Education Programs — legally binding written documents outlining the services each student with a disability is entitled to — were not receiving sufficient support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said her younger siblings felt the changes too: her sister told her she wasn’t learning in class and her brother, who has an IEP, wasn’t consistently receiving the services he needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057402\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know where the ball was dropped. But I know it was dropped,” King-Polk, 28, said. “There were so many ‘wants’ that nobody really paid attention to the ‘needs.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Javier Cabra Walteros, executive director for Aspire Public Schools in the Bay Area, said students, especially those with IEPs, remain the organization’s top priority. He wrote that while staffing in special education roles is a nationwide challenge, Aspire is “proud of our teammates who commit every day to providing a high-quality, equitable education to all students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 14 former or current educators at BMA who spoke with KQED described a culture on campus where those who raised concerns about students with disabilities were ignored, dismissed or blamed. Some asked not to be named, citing fears of retaliation or jeopardizing future employment, and said that without needed support to learn, students would become disruptive or violent in class, or in some instances, leave their classrooms or the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former assistant principal, who former colleagues described as a strong advocate for students with disabilities, was abruptly terminated midyear in 2024. Months later, a wave of educators decided to leave, finding the working environment unsustainable.[aside postID=news_12053938 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/20230608_ksuzuki_adelanteschool-172_qed.jpg']Now, two former employees — ex-assistant principal Iris Velasco (identified in court filings as Iris Velasco Wilkes) and former teacher Maryann Doudna — are suing Aspire Public Schools. They allege they were retaliated against for raising concerns about support for students with disabilities. They want justice for teachers and students, and say Aspire failed to live up to its mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to do something to still try to advocate for those students even though I wasn’t going to be there to do it as their teacher,” Doudna said. “No kid should have to go through what a lot of these kids went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions regarding the complaints, an Aspire Public Schools spokesperson wrote in an email that the organization “vehemently denies the egregious allegations made by these former employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Aspire Public Schools said in a written statement that the organization could not comment on the specifics of pending litigation. The spokesperson said the California Department of Education found Aspire to be “broadly in compliance” with state and federal laws related to students with disabilities, and that an outside law firm determined all formal complaints alleging discrimination, harassment and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s concerning that NPR is presenting a partial view of this issue based on allegations, some from anonymous sources, that we have proven to be false,” the spokesperson said. “This important topic deserves fair, informed reporting that reflects the full context of how public education and special education policies operate in schools at the systemic level, not assumptions and misconceptions that overlook the complexity of serving every student well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco filed a complaint with the California Department of Education, which records show found the school “in compliance” on five of the seven allegations and “out of compliance” on two.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The school where ‘people wanted to stay’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Until recently, BMA had a reputation as a jewel among Aspire campuses. Velasco became an assistant principal at BMA in 2023, drawn by the school’s strong reputation and long-serving principal, Jay Stack. She believed her experience in special education would be an asset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA is somewhere everyone wanted to be,” Velasco said. “And once you’re there, people wanted to stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the 2023-24 school year, Stack was leaving after nearly two decades with BMA. The community braced for change. But once the hiring process began, former teachers said their perspectives on who should next lead their school were overlooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for Aspire said the organization “maintains a consistent hiring process that aligns with Aspire’s mission and values” and that there are “verifiable examples of where BMA staff provided feedback about the process, and that feedback was incorporated immediately and/or in future hiring processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The principal who was initially hired to replace Stack did not last long: Daron Frazier left the school after allegedly making derogatory social media posts. The posts, reviewed by KQED, include tweets “Why do white people feel the need to speak to me AT ALL” and “White people couldn’t find the mind your got damn business button if that shit was on their forehead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Frazier said BMA employees were not privy to confidential information regarding his separation, and the allegations are false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish the community nothing but the best and I pray for the success of the current leaders of BMA,” Frazier wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Frazier left, Cabra Walteros, executive director of Aspire Public Schools Bay Area, stepped in as BMA’s interim principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said she had concerns early on. She alleges the school began seeing students with more moderate to extensive needs, but lacked staff and resources to provide the legally mandated services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without needed support, students wandered from classrooms or left campus, she said. Velasco recalled finding a kindergarten student who required a one-to-one aide but hadn’t been assigned one, crying in the middle of campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to try to console him, and he just folded and really shut down,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said the health of a school can often be measured by its special education department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our school felt sick,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco alleges that she repeatedly raised concerns with administrators, but was met with hostility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of Aspire campuses in the Bay Area, BMA has the largest Black student population, according to a review of demographic data from Aspire’s website and Ed-Data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA just happens to be our Blackest school, and for them to do wrong by our school with the most Black scholars is just particularly egregious,” Velasco said. “There were conscious choices made. I don’t want that message to get lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire Public Schools spokesperson declined to comment on specifics in pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said Aspire’s regional team meets weekly with BMA to provide coaching for teachers and leaders, as well as targeted support in special education, student services and operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire’s spokesperson also noted that the organization provides extensive data to the California Department of Education, and that Oakland Unified has the authority to review complaints, “ensuring multiple layers of oversight and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protesting an administrator’s firing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October 2024, Velasco filed a complaint with Aspire’s human resources department, alleging whistleblower retaliation for reporting several issues at the school, including alleged violations of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks later, she learned the complaint was deemed unsubstantiated, according to her lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over an hour later, she was terminated, a sequence she alleges was retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of those folks who made the decision to terminate me saw firsthand how much that hurt students. They saw firsthand students crying, the families were asking questions, teachers were asking questions,” Velasco said. “I still cannot fathom that the decision was made to release me when there was clearly such a need for support. I was never told why.”[aside postID=news_12068035 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251205-OUSDVIOLENCEINTERRUPTER-12-BL-KQED.jpg']The day after Velasco’s firing, teachers wore black in protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a huge advocate for special ed students at our school,” said Lili Kuchar, a former reading interventionist at BMA who considers Velasco a whistleblower. “You fire the person who knows what they are doing? It made no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former and current educators said Velasco’s firing left them afraid of speaking out or raising concerns. Students asked about the missing administrator who checked in on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the kids were like, ‘Where is she?’ They thought she died. We’re talking about kids with trauma. She didn’t get to say goodbye to anybody,” Kuchar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said it upholds a comprehensive anti-retaliation policy and anyone who believes they are subject to or have witnessed retaliation is encouraged to report it to the organization’s HR department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As it relates to these claims, an independent law firm conducted an extensive investigation and determined that all formal complaints made to Aspire alleging discrimination, harassment, and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective actions,” an Aspire spokesperson wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The difficult choice to leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doudna, the teacher who is suing Aspire, alleges in her lawsuit that during the 2024-25 school year, she also saw how lapses in IEP support made the campus less safe. One of her students, who she said wasn’t receiving mandated services, began hitting classmates and screaming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you are not feeling safe in your classroom, it’s hard to learn,” Doudna said. “And after a certain point in the year, there had been so much damage done that the support the student did receive — it still wasn’t the full services the student was entitled to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057570\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maryann Doudna outside her home in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She alleges that the more she raised concerns, the less support she received from administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was ignored,” Doudna said. “There would be fights in class. I would reach out to different administrators for support, and no one would come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire spokesperson declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the school year, she felt she could no longer keep students safe and made the painful decision to leave the school she had planned to retire from, a choice many of her colleagues also made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes me sick that the students in our community were not getting what they deserved. That’s why I felt like I had to be such a squeaky wheel,” Doudna said. “My squeaky wheel is no longer there to squeak. And I think that’s what they wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What can we do to make this better?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several former educators who left BMA earlier this school year — and those who work there still — said the climate has continued to deteriorate. Some said that with so many staff leaving, substitutes are filling in the gaps, but without the training or support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, Aspire’s website shows BMA is looking to hire positions including elementary teachers, an instructional aide and a principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One former BMA educator said she left this school year because the job was unsustainable. She said she did not trust administrators to address student behavior or protect teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like nothing I have ever experienced before,” she said. “It was kind of like you were thrown in the woods and you just have to survive.”[aside postID=news_12055955 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250909-BERRYESSAUNIONCLOSURES_03248_TV-KQED.jpg']Parents are noticing the instability. One parent has also complained to Oakland Unified’s Office of Charter Schools this school year, records show, alleging that her daughter has “not received any IEP services since the start of the school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the parent spoke with the principal, she was allegedly informed that the school does not have a Special Education coordinator. The parent believes the lack of a SpEd lead is preventing her daughter from accessing required services,” a summary of the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said its schools are supported either by on-site SPED coordinators or by regional teams responsible for overseeing processes and coordinating services for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander Asefaw pulled his fifth-grade son out of BMA this school year. In previous years, his son returned from BMA animated and excited. The family knew the teachers, and the teachers seemed happy. But Asefaw said much of the familiar staff were gone this year, and his son came home describing fights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asefaw had enough when he said another student threatened his son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like you’re sending your kids to do UFC or wrestling instead of getting an education,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said the turnover has been devastating for her siblings and that the school needs to give teachers and families a reason to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My little sister didn’t even want to go back to BMA this year. Her thing is, ‘Why am I going to go back when I’m not going to learn anything?’” King-Polk said. “I understand there’s a teacher shortage. The school I care about is BMA. So what can we do to make this better?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Former staff at Berkley Maynard Academy allege the school failed to meet the needs of students with disabilities, saying Aspire Public Schools ignored Individualized Education Program requirements, created unsafe classrooms and retaliated against staff who raised concerns.",
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"title": "‘Our School Felt Sick’: Former Staff Allege Turmoil at Berkley Maynard Academy | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>C’erah King-Polk was among the first elementary school students to attend Berkley Maynard Academy, or BMA, when the North \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> charter school opened in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school felt like home, and teachers and classmates were like family. King-Polk met her best friend at BMA, still keeps in touch with her fourth-grade teacher, and she later returned to work at BMA as an after-school educator and substitute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You ride with BMA, you die with BMA,” said King-Polk, who worked at BMA until 2024. “I was one of those students who gave my teachers a hard time, but I grew to realize the teachers I had were the ones who really cared about my education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BMA is part of Aspire Public Schools, an organization of California charter schools founded to address inequities in education and prepare underserved students for success. Generations of families were drawn in by the school’s mission of inclusion and support for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But beginning in the 2024-25 school year, King-Polk, as well as former staff at the school, say support systems rapidly unraveled. The former employees allege students with Individualized Education Programs — legally binding written documents outlining the services each student with a disability is entitled to — were not receiving sufficient support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said her younger siblings felt the changes too: her sister told her she wasn’t learning in class and her brother, who has an IEP, wasn’t consistently receiving the services he needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057402\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057402\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-01_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know where the ball was dropped. But I know it was dropped,” King-Polk, 28, said. “There were so many ‘wants’ that nobody really paid attention to the ‘needs.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Javier Cabra Walteros, executive director for Aspire Public Schools in the Bay Area, said students, especially those with IEPs, remain the organization’s top priority. He wrote that while staffing in special education roles is a nationwide challenge, Aspire is “proud of our teammates who commit every day to providing a high-quality, equitable education to all students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A total of 14 former or current educators at BMA who spoke with KQED described a culture on campus where those who raised concerns about students with disabilities were ignored, dismissed or blamed. Some asked not to be named, citing fears of retaliation or jeopardizing future employment, and said that without needed support to learn, students would become disruptive or violent in class, or in some instances, leave their classrooms or the campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former assistant principal, who former colleagues described as a strong advocate for students with disabilities, was abruptly terminated midyear in 2024. Months later, a wave of educators decided to leave, finding the working environment unsustainable.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, two former employees — ex-assistant principal Iris Velasco (identified in court filings as Iris Velasco Wilkes) and former teacher Maryann Doudna — are suing Aspire Public Schools. They allege they were retaliated against for raising concerns about support for students with disabilities. They want justice for teachers and students, and say Aspire failed to live up to its mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to do something to still try to advocate for those students even though I wasn’t going to be there to do it as their teacher,” Doudna said. “No kid should have to go through what a lot of these kids went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to questions regarding the complaints, an Aspire Public Schools spokesperson wrote in an email that the organization “vehemently denies the egregious allegations made by these former employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Aspire Public Schools said in a written statement that the organization could not comment on the specifics of pending litigation. The spokesperson said the California Department of Education found Aspire to be “broadly in compliance” with state and federal laws related to students with disabilities, and that an outside law firm determined all formal complaints alleging discrimination, harassment and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s concerning that NPR is presenting a partial view of this issue based on allegations, some from anonymous sources, that we have proven to be false,” the spokesperson said. “This important topic deserves fair, informed reporting that reflects the full context of how public education and special education policies operate in schools at the systemic level, not assumptions and misconceptions that overlook the complexity of serving every student well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco filed a complaint with the California Department of Education, which records show found the school “in compliance” on five of the seven allegations and “out of compliance” on two.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The school where ‘people wanted to stay’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Until recently, BMA had a reputation as a jewel among Aspire campuses. Velasco became an assistant principal at BMA in 2023, drawn by the school’s strong reputation and long-serving principal, Jay Stack. She believed her experience in special education would be an asset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA is somewhere everyone wanted to be,” Velasco said. “And once you’re there, people wanted to stay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the 2023-24 school year, Stack was leaving after nearly two decades with BMA. The community braced for change. But once the hiring process began, former teachers said their perspectives on who should next lead their school were overlooked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057571\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057571\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-02-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aspire Berkeley Maynard Academy in Oakland on Sept. 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, a spokesperson for Aspire said the organization “maintains a consistent hiring process that aligns with Aspire’s mission and values” and that there are “verifiable examples of where BMA staff provided feedback about the process, and that feedback was incorporated immediately and/or in future hiring processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The principal who was initially hired to replace Stack did not last long: Daron Frazier left the school after allegedly making derogatory social media posts. The posts, reviewed by KQED, include tweets “Why do white people feel the need to speak to me AT ALL” and “White people couldn’t find the mind your got damn business button if that shit was on their forehead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Frazier said BMA employees were not privy to confidential information regarding his separation, and the allegations are false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish the community nothing but the best and I pray for the success of the current leaders of BMA,” Frazier wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Frazier left, Cabra Walteros, executive director of Aspire Public Schools Bay Area, stepped in as BMA’s interim principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said she had concerns early on. She alleges the school began seeing students with more moderate to extensive needs, but lacked staff and resources to provide the legally mandated services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without needed support, students wandered from classrooms or left campus, she said. Velasco recalled finding a kindergarten student who required a one-to-one aide but hadn’t been assigned one, crying in the middle of campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I went to try to console him, and he just folded and really shut down,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco said the health of a school can often be measured by its special education department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our school felt sick,” Velasco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Velasco alleges that she repeatedly raised concerns with administrators, but was met with hostility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of Aspire campuses in the Bay Area, BMA has the largest Black student population, according to a review of demographic data from Aspire’s website and Ed-Data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BMA just happens to be our Blackest school, and for them to do wrong by our school with the most Black scholars is just particularly egregious,” Velasco said. “There were conscious choices made. I don’t want that message to get lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire Public Schools spokesperson declined to comment on specifics in pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said Aspire’s regional team meets weekly with BMA to provide coaching for teachers and leaders, as well as targeted support in special education, student services and operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire’s spokesperson also noted that the organization provides extensive data to the California Department of Education, and that Oakland Unified has the authority to review complaints, “ensuring multiple layers of oversight and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protesting an administrator’s firing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October 2024, Velasco filed a complaint with Aspire’s human resources department, alleging whistleblower retaliation for reporting several issues at the school, including alleged violations of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks later, she learned the complaint was deemed unsubstantiated, according to her lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over an hour later, she was terminated, a sequence she alleges was retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of those folks who made the decision to terminate me saw firsthand how much that hurt students. They saw firsthand students crying, the families were asking questions, teachers were asking questions,” Velasco said. “I still cannot fathom that the decision was made to release me when there was clearly such a need for support. I was never told why.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The day after Velasco’s firing, teachers wore black in protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was a huge advocate for special ed students at our school,” said Lili Kuchar, a former reading interventionist at BMA who considers Velasco a whistleblower. “You fire the person who knows what they are doing? It made no sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former and current educators said Velasco’s firing left them afraid of speaking out or raising concerns. Students asked about the missing administrator who checked in on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the kids were like, ‘Where is she?’ They thought she died. We’re talking about kids with trauma. She didn’t get to say goodbye to anybody,” Kuchar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said it upholds a comprehensive anti-retaliation policy and anyone who believes they are subject to or have witnessed retaliation is encouraged to report it to the organization’s HR department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As it relates to these claims, an independent law firm conducted an extensive investigation and determined that all formal complaints made to Aspire alleging discrimination, harassment, and retaliation were unsubstantiated and did not recommend any corrective actions,” an Aspire spokesperson wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The difficult choice to leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doudna, the teacher who is suing Aspire, alleges in her lawsuit that during the 2024-25 school year, she also saw how lapses in IEP support made the campus less safe. One of her students, who she said wasn’t receiving mandated services, began hitting classmates and screaming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you are not feeling safe in your classroom, it’s hard to learn,” Doudna said. “And after a certain point in the year, there had been so much damage done that the support the student did receive — it still wasn’t the full services the student was entitled to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12057570\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12057570\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250923-ASPIRE-SAFETY-CONDITIONS-MD-06-KQED-1-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maryann Doudna outside her home in Oakland on Sept. 24, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She alleges that the more she raised concerns, the less support she received from administrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was ignored,” Doudna said. “There would be fights in class. I would reach out to different administrators for support, and no one would come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Aspire spokesperson declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the school year, she felt she could no longer keep students safe and made the painful decision to leave the school she had planned to retire from, a choice many of her colleagues also made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes me sick that the students in our community were not getting what they deserved. That’s why I felt like I had to be such a squeaky wheel,” Doudna said. “My squeaky wheel is no longer there to squeak. And I think that’s what they wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘What can we do to make this better?’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several former educators who left BMA earlier this school year — and those who work there still — said the climate has continued to deteriorate. Some said that with so many staff leaving, substitutes are filling in the gaps, but without the training or support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of January, Aspire’s website shows BMA is looking to hire positions including elementary teachers, an instructional aide and a principal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One former BMA educator said she left this school year because the job was unsustainable. She said she did not trust administrators to address student behavior or protect teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like nothing I have ever experienced before,” she said. “It was kind of like you were thrown in the woods and you just have to survive.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Parents are noticing the instability. One parent has also complained to Oakland Unified’s Office of Charter Schools this school year, records show, alleging that her daughter has “not received any IEP services since the start of the school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the parent spoke with the principal, she was allegedly informed that the school does not have a Special Education coordinator. The parent believes the lack of a SpEd lead is preventing her daughter from accessing required services,” a summary of the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspire said its schools are supported either by on-site SPED coordinators or by regional teams responsible for overseeing processes and coordinating services for students with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander Asefaw pulled his fifth-grade son out of BMA this school year. In previous years, his son returned from BMA animated and excited. The family knew the teachers, and the teachers seemed happy. But Asefaw said much of the familiar staff were gone this year, and his son came home describing fights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asefaw had enough when he said another student threatened his son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of like you’re sending your kids to do UFC or wrestling instead of getting an education,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>King-Polk said the turnover has been devastating for her siblings and that the school needs to give teachers and families a reason to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My little sister didn’t even want to go back to BMA this year. Her thing is, ‘Why am I going to go back when I’m not going to learn anything?’” King-Polk said. “I understand there’s a teacher shortage. The school I care about is BMA. So what can we do to make this better?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Alameda County Considers ICE-Free Zones Amid Trump Immigration Crackdown",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> leaders are set to discuss two proposals on Thursday meant to bolster the county against federal enforcement activity amid the Trump administration’s ongoing immigration crackdown in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals outline steps that county officials can take to prepare employees, residents, nonprofit partners and properties for a possible surge in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the resolutions, which would establish county-owned or county-operated properties as “ICE-free zones,” was inspired by similar moves in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060893/south-bay-leaders-aim-to-create-ice-free-zones\"> Santa Clara County\u003c/a> and in Chicago, according to County Supervisor Nikki Fortunato Bas, the proposal’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunato Bas said she also hopes the county can learn from the experiences of cities like Chicago, along with Portland, Los Angeles and now Minneapolis, that have seen significant influxes of U.S Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and other federal officers over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really trying to take those lessons and look at what’s happening on the ground with the incredible work of our community partners and do our best to ensure we’re as prepared as possible,” Fortunato Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023545\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023545\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County Supervisor Nikki Fortunato Bas speaks during a press conference with leaders from community groups throughout Alameda County in the Fruitvale neighborhood of Oakland on Jan. 22, 2025, to discuss support for immigrant families in the Bay Area after President Donald Trump promised mass deportations. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fortunato Bas said the county had a trial run in October, after President Donald Trump announced that federal officers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061080/federal-border-agents-to-arrive-in-bay-area-as-cities-brace-for-enforcement-surge\">coming to the Bay Area\u003c/a>, prompting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061191/activists-federal-agents-clash-at-coast-guard-base-during-immigration-crackdown\">protests outside of the Coast Guard Base\u003c/a> in Alameda, where the Customs and Border Patrol agents were reportedly going to be stationed. The president ultimately called off the operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resolution to designate ICE-free zones would involve identifying all properties that could potentially be used for immigration enforcement staging, processing or surveillance, then installing signage announcing that the property is restricted from that use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county would also use locked gates and other physical barriers where possible, and would create a procedure requiring county staff to report any attempts by federal officers to use the property for those purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push mirrors similar policies enacted this week in\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-01-13/la-county-ice-free-zones-immigration-enforcement-violence\"> Los Angeles County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/01/14/with-tensions-high-san-jose-enacts-ice-free-zones-on-city-owned-property/\">San José\u003c/a> and comes amid\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/national-security/5687621-quinnipiac-poll-ice-enforcement/\"> heightened opposition\u003c/a> to the presence of immigration enforcement officials in American cities, particularly after an ICE officer fatally shot Renee Good in Minneapolis.[aside postID=news_12069688 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/KernCountyICEDetentionGetty.jpg']“We’re making it very clear that our government resources are really about providing services and protection to the community, not about causing fear or havoc and what we are seeing some of these ICE operations do in other places,” Fortunato Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunato Bas added that officials are exploring authorizing county lawyers to sue the federal government if officers violate the policy, though that provision was not included in the proposal that the committee voted on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second, more sweeping proposal also set to be discussed during Thursday’s meeting would call for the development of a coordinated county-wide response plan in the event of a large-scale federal incursion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the policy, county employees would be trained in proactive measures like learning about their rights, installing signage declaring certain areas as restricted and ensuring they conduct client business in private areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enforcement actions ever take place in county workplaces, employees would also be encouraged to document encounters with federal agents, including video recording where possible — and workers would be directed to report the incidents to the county’s rapid response network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agencies that provide crucial county services would also be directed to find alternative ways to deliver those services that minimize risk to community members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shopping carts are parked around the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Around October, there was a higher level of fear about going to food distribution sites and so we were able — not only with our social services agency but also with our community partners and the food bank — to ramp up very quickly more home delivery,” Fortunato Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods, whose immigration unit represents residents facing removal proceedings, said his office is also preparing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a surge, our office has been on the front lines and will continue to be on the front line of representing people who are being, in so many ways, unfairly persecuted by this administration,” Woods said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed during Thursday’s meeting, the proposals would then move to the full board of supervisors, who could enact them as soon as later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> leaders are set to discuss two proposals on Thursday meant to bolster the county against federal enforcement activity amid the Trump administration’s ongoing immigration crackdown in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals outline steps that county officials can take to prepare employees, residents, nonprofit partners and properties for a possible surge in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the resolutions, which would establish county-owned or county-operated properties as “ICE-free zones,” was inspired by similar moves in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060893/south-bay-leaders-aim-to-create-ice-free-zones\"> Santa Clara County\u003c/a> and in Chicago, according to County Supervisor Nikki Fortunato Bas, the proposal’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunato Bas said she also hopes the county can learn from the experiences of cities like Chicago, along with Portland, Los Angeles and now Minneapolis, that have seen significant influxes of U.S Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and other federal officers over the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really trying to take those lessons and look at what’s happening on the ground with the incredible work of our community partners and do our best to ensure we’re as prepared as possible,” Fortunato Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023545\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023545\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250122-OaklandImmigrants-28-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County Supervisor Nikki Fortunato Bas speaks during a press conference with leaders from community groups throughout Alameda County in the Fruitvale neighborhood of Oakland on Jan. 22, 2025, to discuss support for immigrant families in the Bay Area after President Donald Trump promised mass deportations. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fortunato Bas said the county had a trial run in October, after President Donald Trump announced that federal officers were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061080/federal-border-agents-to-arrive-in-bay-area-as-cities-brace-for-enforcement-surge\">coming to the Bay Area\u003c/a>, prompting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061191/activists-federal-agents-clash-at-coast-guard-base-during-immigration-crackdown\">protests outside of the Coast Guard Base\u003c/a> in Alameda, where the Customs and Border Patrol agents were reportedly going to be stationed. The president ultimately called off the operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resolution to designate ICE-free zones would involve identifying all properties that could potentially be used for immigration enforcement staging, processing or surveillance, then installing signage announcing that the property is restricted from that use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county would also use locked gates and other physical barriers where possible, and would create a procedure requiring county staff to report any attempts by federal officers to use the property for those purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push mirrors similar policies enacted this week in\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2026-01-13/la-county-ice-free-zones-immigration-enforcement-violence\"> Los Angeles County\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/01/14/with-tensions-high-san-jose-enacts-ice-free-zones-on-city-owned-property/\">San José\u003c/a> and comes amid\u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/national-security/5687621-quinnipiac-poll-ice-enforcement/\"> heightened opposition\u003c/a> to the presence of immigration enforcement officials in American cities, particularly after an ICE officer fatally shot Renee Good in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re making it very clear that our government resources are really about providing services and protection to the community, not about causing fear or havoc and what we are seeing some of these ICE operations do in other places,” Fortunato Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fortunato Bas added that officials are exploring authorizing county lawyers to sue the federal government if officers violate the policy, though that provision was not included in the proposal that the committee voted on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A second, more sweeping proposal also set to be discussed during Thursday’s meeting would call for the development of a coordinated county-wide response plan in the event of a large-scale federal incursion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the policy, county employees would be trained in proactive measures like learning about their rights, installing signage declaring certain areas as restricted and ensuring they conduct client business in private areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If enforcement actions ever take place in county workplaces, employees would also be encouraged to document encounters with federal agents, including video recording where possible — and workers would be directed to report the incidents to the county’s rapid response network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agencies that provide crucial county services would also be directed to find alternative ways to deliver those services that minimize risk to community members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12064446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12064446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251113-SNAPDELAYSFEATURE00936_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shopping carts are parked around the Alameda Food Bank on Nov. 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Around October, there was a higher level of fear about going to food distribution sites and so we were able — not only with our social services agency but also with our community partners and the food bank — to ramp up very quickly more home delivery,” Fortunato Bas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods, whose immigration unit represents residents facing removal proceedings, said his office is also preparing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a surge, our office has been on the front lines and will continue to be on the front line of representing people who are being, in so many ways, unfairly persecuted by this administration,” Woods said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed during Thursday’s meeting, the proposals would then move to the full board of supervisors, who could enact them as soon as later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-the-bay-areas-gay-bars-became-a-battleground-for-lgtbq-rights-in-the-1950s",
"title": "How the Bay Area’s Gay Bars Became a Battleground for LGBTQ+ Rights in the 1950s",
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"headTitle": "How the Bay Area’s Gay Bars Became a Battleground for LGBTQ+ Rights in the 1950s | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> has an international reputation as a haven of freedom and culture for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lgbtq\">LGBTQ+\u003c/a> community. And with good reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco elected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11706248/40-years-after-assassinations-assessing-the-legacies-of-harvey-milk-and-george-moscone\">Harvey Milk\u003c/a>, California’s first openly gay public official. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876846/never-take-it-down-the-original-1978-rainbow-flag-returns-to-sf\">the birthplace of the rainbow pride flag\u003c/a>, now a global symbol. The city has also long had an iconic drag queen scene and legendary nightlife with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13930323/san-francisco-gay-bars-history-silver-rail-febes-black-cat\">a long history of bustling gay\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13929998/historic-lesbian-bars-san-francisco-mauds-pegs-front-anns-monas-440-tommy-vasu\">lesbian bars\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Bay Area was not always this way. The LGBTQ+ community had to fight for these freedoms and safe spaces. Often, this fight was against oppressive policing from the state and local government. And some important moments in that fight happened in unexpected places, like Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, whoa, it says this was in Pacifica! Why have I never heard of it?” Bay Curious listener Henry Lie asked. He’d stumbled across mention of a 1956 police raid at a bar called Hazel’s Inn, where nearly a hundred queer folks were arrested. He wanted to know more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Progress and repression of LGBTQ+ rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco,” said Nan Alamilla Boyd, an oral historian at the UC Berkeley’s Bancroft Library. As a longtime researcher of San Francisco’s LGBTQ+ history, Boyd has interviewed dozens of queer individuals who frequented gay bars during this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her interviews uncover stories of the Bay Area’s history, especially the repression queer people faced in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1171\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-1536x899.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The building once housed Hazel’s Inn. This photo was taken in 1966, when the city condemned the building. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of The Pacifica Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these people [I interviewed] witnessed front row seats to [this repressive era], and kept being as out and proud as possible and survived to tell about it,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1951, the California State Board of Equalization revoked the liquor license of the Black Cat Cafe, a popular gay bar, because the establishment was “injurious to public morals.” The Black Cat owner, Sol Stouman, appealed the move to the California Supreme Court. The court ruled in his favor, affirming that the presence of LGBTQ+ people in a bar was allowable, as long as there were no “immoral acts” taking place. The case is known as Stoumen v. Reilly and many historians see it as the first legal victory for the LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts,” Boyd explained. “I know it seems really regressive now, but the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t status that was illegal, it was behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time, LGBTQ+ people had the protected right to gather at bars without facing prosecution for simply being a queer person in public. And so queer nightlife blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were maybe four or five ‘lesbian bars’ in North Beach within walking distance of each other at any point in time between 1948 and 1955,” Boyd said.[aside postID=news_12029551 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250205-WildSideWest-21-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']But just a few years later, the U.S. government started targeting the LGBTQ+ community. Now known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/articles/state-department-gay-employees-outed-fired-lavender-scare\">Lavender Scare\u003c/a>, many of the freedoms enjoyed in the early 50s came under attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work for immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.” And in California, a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control was created in 1955. Known as the ABC, its job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral \u003c/em>codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things really changed in 1955,” Boyd said. The ABC began waging a war against gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency found ways to undermine the protections previously won by the LGBTQ+ community in Stouman v. Reilly. Since “homosexual acts” were still illegal, suddenly the state was very concerned about specific actions taking place in bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a question about what exactly [were] the behaviors that [were] illegal,” Boyd said. “Do you have to see someone having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about dancing close? So, all this stuff then started being hashed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With each enforcement action against queer bar patrons, the ABC expanded the definition of illegal acts. Soon, even dancing with someone of the same sex was punishable. The ABC even collaborated with local law enforcement agencies to conduct undercover surveillance operations that identified and monitored LGBTQ gathering spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe. And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBTQ+ community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars. The community ended up down the coast, where they made Hazel’s Inn their spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Hazel’s Inn raid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Feb. 19, 1956, a group of 35 ABC and San Mateo County Sheriff’s officers stormed into a full and bustling Hazel’s Inn. There were around 200 patrons present in the bar, mostly men, when the sheriff jumped onto the bar and announced, “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety people were arrested that night, including the bar’s owner, Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069461\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2125px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2125\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg 2125w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-2000x2409.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-160x193.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1275x1536.jpg 1275w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1700x2048.jpg 1700w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2125px) 100vw, 2125px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Coverage of the Hazel’s Inn raid from the San Francisco Chronicle in 1956. It was common, at the time, for newspapers to use derogatory language in reference to the LGBTQ community. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle via Newsbank)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn had been under state surveillance for months, and patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents who had been watching them. One by one, agents picked out those they had seen showing queer affection. Most of those arrested faced vagrancy charges. Nikola’s liquor license was quickly revoked for knowingly hosting a hangout for queer people and for serving an underage person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.newspapers.com/article/the-times-20-february-1956-smt-hazels-i/10556199/\">\u003cem>The San Mateo Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> asked Sheriff Earl Whitmore about the raid, he said, “Let it be known that we are not going to tolerate gatherings of homosexuals in the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full extent of the ABC’s operation at Hazel’s Inn became clear as the case was brought before\u003ca href=\"https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=AHSI&u=glbths&id=GALE%7CMDRLJF555849529&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-AHSI&sPage=11&asid=6014d9b9\"> the ABC Board\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ca-court-of-appeal/1810632.html\">court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court documents, Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described the scene at Hazel’s Inn the night of the raid and in the months leading up to it. Strong described how one male patron sat on another man’s lap and how two others were seen holding hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple was seen embracing as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These scenes of queerness would be used in court to justify the revocation of Nikola’s liquor license for being a “resort for sexual perverts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of those arrested that night were cleared of charges, the damage had already been done. Newspapers caught wind of the raid, and patrons were publicly outed, with their names, occupations and home addresses published for all to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were so fearful,” Boyd said. “There were [LGBTQ+ people] who would never go out because they were afraid of getting arrested. And then [their] name would be in the paper and [their] life would be ruined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Hazel’s Inn raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the following 15 years. Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses were all part of a strategy to push LGBTQ+ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Resistance amidst repression\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Looking back at this history of aggressive policing against queer people and their bars, it’s no surprise that queer nightlife continues to be central to the LGBTQ+ community. For many, gay bars were the only spaces they were afforded the freedom to be openly queer. They were also the battlegrounds where civil rights were won and lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fight for LGBTQ+ rights continues. As the federal government uses its power to withhold \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049666/nowhere-else-to-go-sf-families-protest-kaisers-new-limits-on-gender-affirming-care\">gender-affirming healthcare\u003c/a> and to target\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\"> transgender youth in sports\u003c/a>, Boyd said it can be hard to keep hope alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nan Alamilla Boyd, a historian, poses for a portrait at the GLBT Historical Society Archives in San Francisco on Jan. 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The hits [to LGBTQ+ rights] keep coming and in many different ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, her work has taught her that in times of repression, powerful political organizing and cultural innovation can emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the early 1960s, [queer] bartenders and the bar owners had pretty elaborate methods to resist the policing agencies,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They created a resistance movement powerful enough to outlast the government’s efforts to eradicate queer nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t really make cultural innovation illegal because it happens,” Boyd said. “It’s everything, everywhere, all at once. It’s the thing that’s our spirit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s because of that indomitable spirit that the Bay Area looks and feels the way it does today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12063643 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/251008-GirlintheFishbowl-01-BL.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>San Francisco and its surrounding Bay Area have long been known as a gay capital of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all, it’s here, where the first lesbian civil rights group was formed, the Daughters of Bilitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And where Harvey Milk became an iconic gay public official! [tape]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Harvey Milk:\u003c/strong> I will fight to represent my constituents. I will fight to represent the city and county of San Francisco. I will fight to give those people who once walked away hope, so that those people will walk back in. Thank you very much. [clapping]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It was the birthplace of the Gay pride flag. And it’s where city hall is lit up in a rainbow for pride month. This is the Bay Area that our question asker, Henry Lie, knows well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music stops\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie: \u003c/strong>I’m originally from Pacifica…went to high school at Terranova High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry always thought of Pacifica as an extension of San Francisco — it’s just a few miles south, after all. And, there’s not a whole lot that surprises Henry about his hometown. That is until he learned about a moment in Pacifica’s history that left him with a ton of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> We have this museum.. I think I was there and saw like a footnote or something and it just said like, oh yeah, Hazel’s Inn raid where, you know, there was a large gathering of LGBTQ+ identifying people and a bunch of people were arrested, couple of people charged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry had stumbled across a forgotten moment in history — a massive police raid that took place in 1956, part of a crusade to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ominous music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local newspapers documented the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 1: \u003c/strong>San Francisco Examiner: Ninety persons, mostly men, were booked at the San Mateo County jail yesterday after a vice raid on a tavern suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 2: \u003c/strong>San Mateo Times: The raid, according to Sheriff Whitmore, “was to let homosexuals know we’re not going to tolerate their congregation in this county.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 3: \u003c/strong>Redwood City Tribune: Mrs. Nicola, owner of Hazel’s Inn, is charged with operating a resort for sexual deviates. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Big questions began surfacing for Henry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> And I was like, whoa, I’ve never even heard of Hazel’s Inn. This says this was in Pacifica. Why have I never heard of it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So he came to Bay Curious, hoping to find out more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Could you dive deeper into the Hazel’s Inn raid in Pacifica and the effects that it had on the LGBTQ plus community in the greater Bay area in the late 1950s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen-Price and this is Bay Curious. This week, we’re going back to the gay bars of the 1950s to learn about a moment in time when the San Francisco Bay Area was far less welcoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that coming right up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor Break\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>To dig deeper into Bay Area queer history, KQED’s Ana De Almeida Amaral takes us to Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> Pacifica is a beautiful place, with sprawling views of the ocean and stunning beaches. It has that small town feel, complete with a\u003cem> tiny\u003c/em> museum showcasing its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This is our little museum…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Laura Del Rosso was born and raised in Pacifica, and serves as a docent and board member for the Pacifica Coastside Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This whole area around here was full of speakeasies, taverns, restaurants, and brothels during Prohibition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>It seems hard to imagine now, but this small town was once infamous for its nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso: \u003c/strong>Some people think that San Mateo County coast was actually the wettest place in the whole United States, meaning there was more booze here and in Half Moon Bay area than anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>While the historical society has long been aware of the clandestine nightlife during Prohibition, it wasn’t until a few years ago that they started uncovering the history of a hushed queer nightlife scene that took hold right here, in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jazzy music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Hazel’s Inn was a tavern in Sharp Park, now a neighborhood in Pacifica. ^The bar is long gone^, but in 1956 the Pacifica Tribune, described it as a large and homey space, with knick-nacks above a mahogany bar, a shuffle board, a dance floor and a jukebox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn was owned and run by Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> From what we understand then, after she got a divorce she was running the place by herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the place was popular! Sometimes there were up to 500 patrons in a weekend. For a long time it catered mostly to locals and tourists on holiday at the beach, but then in 1955 and 56, the LGBT community made it \u003cem>their\u003c/em> spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> When the gay men started coming from San Francisco, she welcomed them. And she was non-judgmental. However, it’s obvious that somebody was not happy and did contact the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But before we can get to that night — the night of the Hazel’s Inn raid — we have to ask why here? Miles from San Francisco, hidden in a small town, far from any other gay nightlife, why was Hazel’s Inn the place that attracted hundreds of LGBTQ people?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>To answer this question, I went to the archives at the GLBT historical society — where collections documenting the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Trans community are housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, I met Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd. She’s an oral historian with the Bancroft Library at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>I was professor of women and gender studies at San Francisco State for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She’s one of the few people who has researched queer nightlife in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> 1956, 90 persons, mostly men were booked at the San Mateo county jail…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>At the archives we read some of the newspaper clippings about Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> Suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She did a lot of her research back in the 1990s and was able to interview dozens of queer people who lived in the Bay Area in the 1940s and 50s. Most of them have since passed away, so her work and these archives are some of the last links to this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Piano music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the 1940s, San Francisco already had a queer nightlife scene, but at the time it was illegal to be gay. And bars that were caught serving queer people… that was illegal too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> If you were not a legal kind of person, then you couldn’t like buy a drink in a bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But the law changed in 1951— when the Black Cat Cafe, in San Francisco, had its liquor license suspended for serving members of the LGBT community. The owner appealed the decision to the California Supreme court. The case is known as Stouman vs. Riley and it’s a big moment in queer civil rights history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>The court agreed. And the ruling became one of the first civil rights protections for LGBTQ people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the first time, they had the protected right to assemble. Gay men and lesbian women could buy drinks at bars and hang out with other queer friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is as long as there were no homosexual acts taking place that were deemed “illegal or immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many legal decisions, it was a vague but powerful protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> I know it seems really regressive now, right? But the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t Status that was illegal, it was behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And so queer nightlife in the Bay Area blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> In the early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And really iconic gay bars came into the picture. The Black Cat Cafe was running again, Tommy’s Place and Ann’s 440 opened. And these places became sanctuaries for the LGBT community to be \u003cem>together. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There were maybe four or five quote unquote lesbian bars in North Beach in walking distance of each other at any point in time between like, let’s say, 1948 and 1955. So it’s like a really interesting community that evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And this was really important because in the 1950s it was still not super safe to be gay. Many queer folks were closeted by day in order to keep their jobs. But at night…at the bar…there was a freedom that didn’t really exist anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> And it was before the state caught wind of what was happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But then a panic started to take hold in the United States…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Are you a member of the communist conspiracy as of this moment?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>A conservative mindset took hold in American politics and culture — ushering in a time of suspicion and fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Our nation may very well die, and I ask you caused it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And quickly, LGBT people become \u003cu>targets\u003c/u> at the federal, state and local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work, labeling them as having immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in 1955 \u003cem>California\u003c/em> created a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control or the ABC. An agency whose sole job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral\u003c/em> codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And from the moment the department of Alcoholic Beverage control was created a top priority for them was to…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>Shut down the gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And they did this by finding ways around those vague protections won in the Stouman v. Riley case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While queer people were granted the right to assemble, “homosexual acts” were still illegal, so authorities started taking an interest in the specifics of what that meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There’s a question about like, well then what exactly are the behaviors that are illegal? Like, do you have to like see someone, having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about holding hands? What about dancing close? So all this stuff was like, then started being hashed out, you know, this is an illegal act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control started collaborating with a bunch of law enforcement agencies throughout the Bay Area to ferret out people engaged in those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBT community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars, and they ended up down the coast, at Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sound design of a raucous bar scene\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only testimonies about what happened on Feb. 19, 1956, the night that Hazel’s Inn was raided, come from court documents and hearings at the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board. Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described in detail what was happening at the bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, the dance floor was alive, and the bar was filled with around 200 patrons, mostly men. These men wrapped their arms around each other and embraced one another while dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also described how one patron sat on another man’s lap and how two other men held hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple embraced as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It sounds like a scene of queer joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music turns tense\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, 35 law enforcement agents stormed the bar — a mix of San Mateo county sheriff’s officers and ABC agents began arresting people. The sheriff jumped on to the bar and announced:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over:\u003c/strong> “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents. And one by one, agents picked out people they had seen showing queer affection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Boyd says that the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board had been watching Hazel’s Inn for months, gathering evidence and building a case that behavior there was “illegal and immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>They had undercover agents in the bars. And they would go in twos or threes and they would watch each other. And somebody would get an interested person, and then would sort of lead them on, until there was some kind of physical, sexual, or flirtatious engagement that involved touching. It was entrapment. And that was a common and acceptable practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Ninety people were arrested that night at Hazel’s Inn, including Hazel Nikola — the owner. The bar’s liquor license was quickly revoked for being quote “a resort for sexual perverts” and for serving someone underaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mass arrest caught the attention of a variety of civil rights groups, including the ACLU who represented 30 defendants. Most of those arrested were cleared of charges, but the damage had already been done. People were outed in the newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There would be a list of the people and their address and sometimes their occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over: \u003c/strong>The San Mateo Times: Local persons arrested were: Iris Ann Glasgow, 24 years old. Clerk. 1515 James Street, Redwood City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Many of these people were publicly named as “sexual perverts”. That often meant being ostracized or losing their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> People were so fearful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cello music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>As for the bar, Hazel fought the revocation of her liquor license for\u003cem> two years \u003c/em>but the court ultimately sided with the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> I think she was just really bitter about what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the Pacifica Coastside museum, Laura reflected on what the raid did to Hazel Nikola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> She lost her liquor license and things just kind of went downhill for her. You have that information on the thing. And she ended up, she ended closing. She was very, very bitter at the end. She felt like she was really an important part of the community and that they had kind of betrayed her. She left Sharp Park and went to live somewhere else. And never came back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the queer community, the effects were even more devastating. The Hazel’s Inn Raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the next 15 years. (Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses.) It was a strategy to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this aggressive policing and repression, the gay bars never died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Queer patrons, and bartenders, and bar owners found ways to keep going. They found ways to spot surveillance in their bars, they organized and worked to keep the police out of their spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historian Dr. Boyd again:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> My takeaway from history as a historian is that during these times of repression. There’s cultural innovation that happens. You can’t really name it yet, right? But it’s taking shape you know, that there’s something coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>During those years of extreme repression, queer activists were making connections, organizing, and laying the groundwork for the next several decades of activism that would see LGBTQ rights expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has changed a lot since the raid at Hazel’s Inn. But still, a fearless commitment to community and authenticity — the spirit that kept these gay bars alive — lives on here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That was reporter Ana De Almeida Amaral. Featuring the voices of Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, Carly Severn, Christopher Beale and Paul Lancour for archival material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Did you know that Bay Curious listeners help choose which questions we answer on the podcast? Each month we have a new voting round up at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>, with three fascinating questions to choose from. This month…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 1: \u003c/strong>Did the Navy airship America crash land into several houses? What happened to the crew?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 2:\u003c/strong> Why is San Francisco home to so many federal and statewide courts? Why aren’t they in Sacramento or Los Angeles?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 3: \u003c/strong>I want to learn more about San Francisco upzoning and how people feel about it in the Richmond and Sunset districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Cast your vote with one click at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Become a member today at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">kqed.org/donate\u003c/a>. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me Olivia Allen-Price. With extra support from Katie Sprenger, Matt Morales, Tim Olsen, Maha Sanad, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Have a wonderful week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> has an international reputation as a haven of freedom and culture for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lgbtq\">LGBTQ+\u003c/a> community. And with good reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco elected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11706248/40-years-after-assassinations-assessing-the-legacies-of-harvey-milk-and-george-moscone\">Harvey Milk\u003c/a>, California’s first openly gay public official. It’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876846/never-take-it-down-the-original-1978-rainbow-flag-returns-to-sf\">the birthplace of the rainbow pride flag\u003c/a>, now a global symbol. The city has also long had an iconic drag queen scene and legendary nightlife with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13930323/san-francisco-gay-bars-history-silver-rail-febes-black-cat\">a long history of bustling gay\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13929998/historic-lesbian-bars-san-francisco-mauds-pegs-front-anns-monas-440-tommy-vasu\">lesbian bars\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Bay Area was not always this way. The LGBTQ+ community had to fight for these freedoms and safe spaces. Often, this fight was against oppressive policing from the state and local government. And some important moments in that fight happened in unexpected places, like Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, whoa, it says this was in Pacifica! Why have I never heard of it?” Bay Curious listener Henry Lie asked. He’d stumbled across mention of a 1956 police raid at a bar called Hazel’s Inn, where nearly a hundred queer folks were arrested. He wanted to know more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Progress and repression of LGBTQ+ rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco,” said Nan Alamilla Boyd, an oral historian at the UC Berkeley’s Bancroft Library. As a longtime researcher of San Francisco’s LGBTQ+ history, Boyd has interviewed dozens of queer individuals who frequented gay bars during this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her interviews uncover stories of the Bay Area’s history, especially the repression queer people faced in the 1950s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1171\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-160x94.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/HAZEL_S-BUILDING_1966-KQED-1536x899.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The building once housed Hazel’s Inn. This photo was taken in 1966, when the city condemned the building. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of The Pacifica Historical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these people [I interviewed] witnessed front row seats to [this repressive era], and kept being as out and proud as possible and survived to tell about it,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1951, the California State Board of Equalization revoked the liquor license of the Black Cat Cafe, a popular gay bar, because the establishment was “injurious to public morals.” The Black Cat owner, Sol Stouman, appealed the move to the California Supreme Court. The court ruled in his favor, affirming that the presence of LGBTQ+ people in a bar was allowable, as long as there were no “immoral acts” taking place. The case is known as Stoumen v. Reilly and many historians see it as the first legal victory for the LGBTQ+ community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts,” Boyd explained. “I know it seems really regressive now, but the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t status that was illegal, it was behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time, LGBTQ+ people had the protected right to gather at bars without facing prosecution for simply being a queer person in public. And so queer nightlife blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were maybe four or five ‘lesbian bars’ in North Beach within walking distance of each other at any point in time between 1948 and 1955,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But just a few years later, the U.S. government started targeting the LGBTQ+ community. Now known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/articles/state-department-gay-employees-outed-fired-lavender-scare\">Lavender Scare\u003c/a>, many of the freedoms enjoyed in the early 50s came under attack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work for immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.” And in California, a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control was created in 1955. Known as the ABC, its job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral \u003c/em>codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things really changed in 1955,” Boyd said. The ABC began waging a war against gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency found ways to undermine the protections previously won by the LGBTQ+ community in Stouman v. Reilly. Since “homosexual acts” were still illegal, suddenly the state was very concerned about specific actions taking place in bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a question about what exactly [were] the behaviors that [were] illegal,” Boyd said. “Do you have to see someone having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about dancing close? So, all this stuff then started being hashed out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With each enforcement action against queer bar patrons, the ABC expanded the definition of illegal acts. Soon, even dancing with someone of the same sex was punishable. The ABC even collaborated with local law enforcement agencies to conduct undercover surveillance operations that identified and monitored LGBTQ gathering spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe. And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBTQ+ community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars. The community ended up down the coast, where they made Hazel’s Inn their spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Hazel’s Inn raid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the early hours of Feb. 19, 1956, a group of 35 ABC and San Mateo County Sheriff’s officers stormed into a full and bustling Hazel’s Inn. There were around 200 patrons present in the bar, mostly men, when the sheriff jumped onto the bar and announced, “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ninety people were arrested that night, including the bar’s owner, Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069461\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2125px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069461\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2125\" height=\"2560\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-scaled.jpg 2125w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-2000x2409.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-160x193.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1275x1536.jpg 1275w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/San_Francisco_Chronicle__February_20_1956__Hazel_s-Inn-KQED-1-1700x2048.jpg 1700w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2125px) 100vw, 2125px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Coverage of the Hazel’s Inn raid from the San Francisco Chronicle in 1956. It was common, at the time, for newspapers to use derogatory language in reference to the LGBTQ community. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle via Newsbank)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn had been under state surveillance for months, and patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents who had been watching them. One by one, agents picked out those they had seen showing queer affection. Most of those arrested faced vagrancy charges. Nikola’s liquor license was quickly revoked for knowingly hosting a hangout for queer people and for serving an underage person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.newspapers.com/article/the-times-20-february-1956-smt-hazels-i/10556199/\">\u003cem>The San Mateo Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a> asked Sheriff Earl Whitmore about the raid, he said, “Let it be known that we are not going to tolerate gatherings of homosexuals in the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full extent of the ABC’s operation at Hazel’s Inn became clear as the case was brought before\u003ca href=\"https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?p=AHSI&u=glbths&id=GALE%7CMDRLJF555849529&v=2.1&it=r&sid=bookmark-AHSI&sPage=11&asid=6014d9b9\"> the ABC Board\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/ca-court-of-appeal/1810632.html\">court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court documents, Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described the scene at Hazel’s Inn the night of the raid and in the months leading up to it. Strong described how one male patron sat on another man’s lap and how two others were seen holding hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple was seen embracing as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These scenes of queerness would be used in court to justify the revocation of Nikola’s liquor license for being a “resort for sexual perverts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most of those arrested that night were cleared of charges, the damage had already been done. Newspapers caught wind of the raid, and patrons were publicly outed, with their names, occupations and home addresses published for all to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were so fearful,” Boyd said. “There were [LGBTQ+ people] who would never go out because they were afraid of getting arrested. And then [their] name would be in the paper and [their] life would be ruined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Hazel’s Inn raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the following 15 years. Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses were all part of a strategy to push LGBTQ+ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Resistance amidst repression\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Looking back at this history of aggressive policing against queer people and their bars, it’s no surprise that queer nightlife continues to be central to the LGBTQ+ community. For many, gay bars were the only spaces they were afforded the freedom to be openly queer. They were also the battlegrounds where civil rights were won and lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the fight for LGBTQ+ rights continues. As the federal government uses its power to withhold \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049666/nowhere-else-to-go-sf-families-protest-kaisers-new-limits-on-gender-affirming-care\">gender-affirming healthcare\u003c/a> and to target\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047432/us-sues-california-over-its-refusal-to-ban-transgender-athletes-from-girls-sports\"> transgender youth in sports\u003c/a>, Boyd said it can be hard to keep hope alive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068581\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068581\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260102-hazelsinnraid00178_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nan Alamilla Boyd, a historian, poses for a portrait at the GLBT Historical Society Archives in San Francisco on Jan. 2, 2026. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The hits [to LGBTQ+ rights] keep coming and in many different ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, her work has taught her that in times of repression, powerful political organizing and cultural innovation can emerge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the early 1960s, [queer] bartenders and the bar owners had pretty elaborate methods to resist the policing agencies,” Boyd said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They created a resistance movement powerful enough to outlast the government’s efforts to eradicate queer nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t really make cultural innovation illegal because it happens,” Boyd said. “It’s everything, everywhere, all at once. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>San Francisco and its surrounding Bay Area have long been known as a gay capital of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After all, it’s here, where the first lesbian civil rights group was formed, the Daughters of Bilitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And where Harvey Milk became an iconic gay public official! [tape]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Harvey Milk:\u003c/strong> I will fight to represent my constituents. I will fight to represent the city and county of San Francisco. I will fight to give those people who once walked away hope, so that those people will walk back in. Thank you very much. [clapping]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>It was the birthplace of the Gay pride flag. And it’s where city hall is lit up in a rainbow for pride month. This is the Bay Area that our question asker, Henry Lie, knows well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music stops\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie: \u003c/strong>I’m originally from Pacifica…went to high school at Terranova High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry always thought of Pacifica as an extension of San Francisco — it’s just a few miles south, after all. And, there’s not a whole lot that surprises Henry about his hometown. That is until he learned about a moment in Pacifica’s history that left him with a ton of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> We have this museum.. I think I was there and saw like a footnote or something and it just said like, oh yeah, Hazel’s Inn raid where, you know, there was a large gathering of LGBTQ+ identifying people and a bunch of people were arrested, couple of people charged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Henry had stumbled across a forgotten moment in history — a massive police raid that took place in 1956, part of a crusade to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ominous music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local newspapers documented the raid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 1: \u003c/strong>San Francisco Examiner: Ninety persons, mostly men, were booked at the San Mateo County jail yesterday after a vice raid on a tavern suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 2: \u003c/strong>San Mateo Times: The raid, according to Sheriff Whitmore, “was to let homosexuals know we’re not going to tolerate their congregation in this county.” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Voice Over 3: \u003c/strong>Redwood City Tribune: Mrs. Nicola, owner of Hazel’s Inn, is charged with operating a resort for sexual deviates. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Big questions began surfacing for Henry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> And I was like, whoa, I’ve never even heard of Hazel’s Inn. This says this was in Pacifica. Why have I never heard of it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So he came to Bay Curious, hoping to find out more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Could you dive deeper into the Hazel’s Inn raid in Pacifica and the effects that it had on the LGBTQ plus community in the greater Bay area in the late 1950s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen-Price and this is Bay Curious. This week, we’re going back to the gay bars of the 1950s to learn about a moment in time when the San Francisco Bay Area was far less welcoming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All that coming right up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor Break\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>To dig deeper into Bay Area queer history, KQED’s Ana De Almeida Amaral takes us to Pacifica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> Pacifica is a beautiful place, with sprawling views of the ocean and stunning beaches. It has that small town feel, complete with a\u003cem> tiny\u003c/em> museum showcasing its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This is our little museum…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Laura Del Rosso was born and raised in Pacifica, and serves as a docent and board member for the Pacifica Coastside Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> This whole area around here was full of speakeasies, taverns, restaurants, and brothels during Prohibition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>It seems hard to imagine now, but this small town was once infamous for its nightlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso: \u003c/strong>Some people think that San Mateo County coast was actually the wettest place in the whole United States, meaning there was more booze here and in Half Moon Bay area than anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>While the historical society has long been aware of the clandestine nightlife during Prohibition, it wasn’t until a few years ago that they started uncovering the history of a hushed queer nightlife scene that took hold right here, in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jazzy music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Hazel’s Inn was a tavern in Sharp Park, now a neighborhood in Pacifica. ^The bar is long gone^, but in 1956 the Pacifica Tribune, described it as a large and homey space, with knick-nacks above a mahogany bar, a shuffle board, a dance floor and a jukebox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hazel’s Inn was owned and run by Hazel Nikola, a straight woman in her 60s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> From what we understand then, after she got a divorce she was running the place by herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the place was popular! Sometimes there were up to 500 patrons in a weekend. For a long time it catered mostly to locals and tourists on holiday at the beach, but then in 1955 and 56, the LGBT community made it \u003cem>their\u003c/em> spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> When the gay men started coming from San Francisco, she welcomed them. And she was non-judgmental. However, it’s obvious that somebody was not happy and did contact the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But before we can get to that night — the night of the Hazel’s Inn raid — we have to ask why here? Miles from San Francisco, hidden in a small town, far from any other gay nightlife, why was Hazel’s Inn the place that attracted hundreds of LGBTQ people?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>To answer this question, I went to the archives at the GLBT historical society — where collections documenting the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Trans community are housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, I met Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd. She’s an oral historian with the Bancroft Library at UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>I was professor of women and gender studies at San Francisco State for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She’s one of the few people who has researched queer nightlife in the 1950’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> 1956, 90 persons, mostly men were booked at the San Mateo county jail…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>At the archives we read some of the newspaper clippings about Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> Suspected of being a gathering place for sex deviates…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>She did a lot of her research back in the 1990s and was able to interview dozens of queer people who lived in the Bay Area in the 1940s and 50s. Most of them have since passed away, so her work and these archives are some of the last links to this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Piano music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the 1940s, San Francisco already had a queer nightlife scene, but at the time it was illegal to be gay. And bars that were caught serving queer people… that was illegal too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> If you were not a legal kind of person, then you couldn’t like buy a drink in a bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But the law changed in 1951— when the Black Cat Cafe, in San Francisco, had its liquor license suspended for serving members of the LGBT community. The owner appealed the decision to the California Supreme court. The case is known as Stouman vs. Riley and it’s a big moment in queer civil rights history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> The argument was that it’s not illegal to be a homosexual, it’s illegal to do homosexual acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>The court agreed. And the ruling became one of the first civil rights protections for LGBTQ people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the first time, they had the protected right to assemble. Gay men and lesbian women could buy drinks at bars and hang out with other queer friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is as long as there were no homosexual acts taking place that were deemed “illegal or immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many legal decisions, it was a vague but powerful protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> I know it seems really regressive now, right? But the decision was liberating because the conclusion was that it wasn’t Status that was illegal, it was behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And so queer nightlife in the Bay Area blossomed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> In the early 1950s, I would say it was the heyday of gay nightlife in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And really iconic gay bars came into the picture. The Black Cat Cafe was running again, Tommy’s Place and Ann’s 440 opened. And these places became sanctuaries for the LGBT community to be \u003cem>together. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There were maybe four or five quote unquote lesbian bars in North Beach in walking distance of each other at any point in time between like, let’s say, 1948 and 1955. So it’s like a really interesting community that evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And this was really important because in the 1950s it was still not super safe to be gay. Many queer folks were closeted by day in order to keep their jobs. But at night…at the bar…there was a freedom that didn’t really exist anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> And it was before the state caught wind of what was happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>But then a panic started to take hold in the United States…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Are you a member of the communist conspiracy as of this moment?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>A conservative mindset took hold in American politics and culture — ushering in a time of suspicion and fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Senator McCarthy archival tape:\u003c/strong> Our nation may very well die, and I ask you caused it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And quickly, LGBT people become \u003cu>targets\u003c/u> at the federal, state and local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Eisenhower signed an executive order in 1953 banning gay people from federal work, labeling them as having immoral conduct and “sexual perversion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, in 1955 \u003cem>California\u003c/em> created a new state agency called the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control or the ABC. An agency whose sole job was to ensure that licensed bars abided by legal and \u003cem>moral\u003c/em> codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And from the moment the department of Alcoholic Beverage control was created a top priority for them was to…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>Shut down the gay bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And they did this by finding ways around those vague protections won in the Stouman v. Riley case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While queer people were granted the right to assemble, “homosexual acts” were still illegal, so authorities started taking an interest in the specifics of what that meant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There’s a question about like, well then what exactly are the behaviors that are illegal? Like, do you have to like see someone, having sex in the bar? Or is it kissing? What about fondling? What about sitting on a lap? What about holding hands? What about dancing close? So all this stuff was like, then started being hashed out, you know, this is an illegal act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>And the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control started collaborating with a bunch of law enforcement agencies throughout the Bay Area to ferret out people engaged in those acts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1955, the gay bars in San Francisco were getting less and less safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as harassment and policing increased, the LGBT community began looking for new places to gather outside of San Francisco, away from well-known gay bars, and they ended up down the coast, at Hazel’s Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sound design of a raucous bar scene\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only testimonies about what happened on Feb. 19, 1956, the night that Hazel’s Inn was raided, come from court documents and hearings at the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board. Laurence E. Strong, an ABC agent, described in detail what was happening at the bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That night, the dance floor was alive, and the bar was filled with around 200 patrons, mostly men. These men wrapped their arms around each other and embraced one another while dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also described how one patron sat on another man’s lap and how two other men held hands. In the corner of the bar, a couple embraced as one nestled his head into the other’s shoulder. Some men pinched each other’s butts and fondled each other while dancing. Women danced close together with other women. Men were seen powdering their faces and women wore slacks and sports coats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It sounds like a scene of queer joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music turns tense\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, 35 law enforcement agents stormed the bar — a mix of San Mateo county sheriff’s officers and ABC agents began arresting people. The sheriff jumped on to the bar and announced:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over:\u003c/strong> “This is a raid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Patrons were forced to walk past a line of agents. And one by one, agents picked out people they had seen showing queer affection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Boyd says that the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board had been watching Hazel’s Inn for months, gathering evidence and building a case that behavior there was “illegal and immoral.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd: \u003c/strong>They had undercover agents in the bars. And they would go in twos or threes and they would watch each other. And somebody would get an interested person, and then would sort of lead them on, until there was some kind of physical, sexual, or flirtatious engagement that involved touching. It was entrapment. And that was a common and acceptable practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Ninety people were arrested that night at Hazel’s Inn, including Hazel Nikola — the owner. The bar’s liquor license was quickly revoked for being quote “a resort for sexual perverts” and for serving someone underaged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mass arrest caught the attention of a variety of civil rights groups, including the ACLU who represented 30 defendants. Most of those arrested were cleared of charges, but the damage had already been done. People were outed in the newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> There would be a list of the people and their address and sometimes their occupation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice over: \u003c/strong>The San Mateo Times: Local persons arrested were: Iris Ann Glasgow, 24 years old. Clerk. 1515 James Street, Redwood City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Many of these people were publicly named as “sexual perverts”. That often meant being ostracized or losing their job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> People were so fearful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cello music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>As for the bar, Hazel fought the revocation of her liquor license for\u003cem> two years \u003c/em>but the court ultimately sided with the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> I think she was just really bitter about what happened here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music ends\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Back in the Pacifica Coastside museum, Laura reflected on what the raid did to Hazel Nikola.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Del Rosso:\u003c/strong> She lost her liquor license and things just kind of went downhill for her. You have that information on the thing. And she ended up, she ended closing. She was very, very bitter at the end. She felt like she was really an important part of the community and that they had kind of betrayed her. She left Sharp Park and went to live somewhere else. And never came back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>For the queer community, the effects were even more devastating. The Hazel’s Inn Raid became a playbook for the state to target the queer community over the next 15 years. (Surveillance, raids, and the revocation of liquor licenses.) It was a strategy to push LGBTQ people out of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it didn’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite this aggressive policing and repression, the gay bars never died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Queer patrons, and bartenders, and bar owners found ways to keep going. They found ways to spot surveillance in their bars, they organized and worked to keep the police out of their spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historian Dr. Boyd again:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Dr. Nan Alamilla Boyd:\u003c/strong> My takeaway from history as a historian is that during these times of repression. There’s cultural innovation that happens. You can’t really name it yet, right? But it’s taking shape you know, that there’s something coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>During those years of extreme repression, queer activists were making connections, organizing, and laying the groundwork for the next several decades of activism that would see LGBTQ rights expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area has changed a lot since the raid at Hazel’s Inn. But still, a fearless commitment to community and authenticity — the spirit that kept these gay bars alive — lives on here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>That was reporter Ana De Almeida Amaral. Featuring the voices of Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, Carly Severn, Christopher Beale and Paul Lancour for archival material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Did you know that Bay Curious listeners help choose which questions we answer on the podcast? Each month we have a new voting round up at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>, with three fascinating questions to choose from. This month…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 1: \u003c/strong>Did the Navy airship America crash land into several houses? What happened to the crew?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 2:\u003c/strong> Why is San Francisco home to so many federal and statewide courts? Why aren’t they in Sacramento or Los Angeles?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Question 3: \u003c/strong>I want to learn more about San Francisco upzoning and how people feel about it in the Richmond and Sunset districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Cast your vote with one click at \u003ca href=\"http://baycurious.org\">BayCurious.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Henry Lie:\u003c/strong> Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Become a member today at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">kqed.org/donate\u003c/a>. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Beale and me Olivia Allen-Price. With extra support from Katie Sprenger, Matt Morales, Tim Olsen, Maha Sanad, Jen Chien, Ethan Toven-Lindsey and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Have a wonderful week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"slug": "attorney-general-rob-bonta-says-if-trump-ends-sanctuary-city-funding-he-will-lose",
"title": "Attorney General Rob Bonta Says if Trump Ends Sanctuary City Funding, He Will Lose",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> announced this week that he plans to withhold funding from cities and states that have “sanctuary” immigration policies beginning next month, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> and Bay Area cities are promising to take legal action should payments stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Bay Area prosecutors said Wednesday that California has repeatedly won legal battles to block similar threats by the president during both of his administrations, and would do so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless repeat offender president who has lost on this issue multiple times already and will lose again,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made the threat on Tuesday amid escalating immigration crackdowns in Democrat-led cities, where three people have been shot by federal officials this month. In an address to the Detroit Economic Club, he said that beginning Feb. 1, his administration would withhold all payments to sanctuary cities and their states, which he said “protect criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more payments will be made by the federal government to states for their corrupt criminal protection centers known as sanctuary cities,” he reiterated in a post on social media on Wednesday. “All they do is breed crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The announcement echoes a pair of executive orders from last January, which said that the administration would take action to ensure that jurisdictions with sanctuary policies do not receive federal funding. A memorandum by Attorney General Pam Bondi in February reiterated that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037376/sf-santa-clara-counties-ask-us-court-halt-trumps-sanctuary-city-funding-freeze\">granted a preliminary injunction \u003c/a>halting those orders, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053486/judge-blocks-trump-from-cutting-money-to-la-chicago-and-bay-area-cities-over-sanctuary-policies\">extended in August\u003c/a> and expanded to more than 30 cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge in 2017 ruled that a similar Trump executive order was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title#:~:text=Sullivan/Getty%20Images-,Protesters%20stand%20arm%2Din%2Darm%20as%20they%20block%20an%20entrance,cooperate%20with%20federal%20immigration%20authorities.&text=The%20Trump%20administration%20cannot%20withhold,the%20previous%20ones%2C%20is%20permanent.\">unduly coercive\u003c/a>” and violated the separation of powers, and permanently blocked him from withholding funds over cities’ sanctuary policies.[aside postID=news_12069540 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260113-BROOKE-JENKINS-ON-PB-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg']“Federal courts have held a number of times that our sanctuary policies are lawful,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office is party to the suit filed earlier this year. “This administration has repeatedly tried to withhold funding or impose illegal funding conditions on our city and many others. We’ve already taken legal action to protect our federal funding, and we’re going to continue to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the move feels like an attempt by the president to distract from “horrific actions” in Minneapolis, where 37-year-old Renee Good was shot and killed by an ICE agent earlier this month while acting as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069104/bay-area-immigrant-defense-groups-report-surge-in-support-after-minneapolis-ice-killing\">legal observer for immigrants\u003c/a> in the city, according to Minnesota’s Attorney General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Kristi Noem, meanwhile, has said Good was carrying out actions that amounted to an “act of domestic terrorism” before she was shot, and Trump has made false claims about the events that led up to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two others were shot by Border Patrol agents in Portland, Oregon, the following day, on Jan. 8, during an attempt to pull over their vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu and Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, both said that whether the cities launch further legal action will depend on whether Trump follows through on this week’s threats, and in what form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Santa Clara County doesn’t use “sanctuary” language specifically, it also has policies that assert its right not to use local resources to aid federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are certainly going to ensure that we’re enforcing the injunctions that we have in place, and that we will continue as a county … to litigate our constitutional rights not to cooperate with the federal government and their immigration enforcement campaign,” LoPresti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee called Trump’s announcement an attempt to “bully” sanctuary cities, and said that threats from Washington would not be effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the Trump administration begin withholding funds next month, Bonta said, the state is prepared to take legal action “within minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the arguments, we have the briefs, we have a legal strategy,” he said. “We just need to see how his general statements manifest into a specific action — what funding to what city for what issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it’ll be nothing, but we’re not counting on that. We believe he’s gonna do something, and whatever it is, we’ll be ready,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">President Donald Trump\u003c/a> announced this week that he plans to withhold funding from cities and states that have “sanctuary” immigration policies beginning next month, Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/rob-bonta\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a> and Bay Area cities are promising to take legal action should payments stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Bay Area prosecutors said Wednesday that California has repeatedly won legal battles to block similar threats by the president during both of his administrations, and would do so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a lawless repeat offender president who has lost on this issue multiple times already and will lose again,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump made the threat on Tuesday amid escalating immigration crackdowns in Democrat-led cities, where three people have been shot by federal officials this month. In an address to the Detroit Economic Club, he said that beginning Feb. 1, his administration would withhold all payments to sanctuary cities and their states, which he said “protect criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No more payments will be made by the federal government to states for their corrupt criminal protection centers known as sanctuary cities,” he reiterated in a post on social media on Wednesday. “All they do is breed crime and violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The announcement echoes a pair of executive orders from last January, which said that the administration would take action to ensure that jurisdictions with sanctuary policies do not receive federal funding. A memorandum by Attorney General Pam Bondi in February reiterated that sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A San Francisco federal judge in April \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037376/sf-santa-clara-counties-ask-us-court-halt-trumps-sanctuary-city-funding-freeze\">granted a preliminary injunction \u003c/a>halting those orders, which was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12053486/judge-blocks-trump-from-cutting-money-to-la-chicago-and-bay-area-cities-over-sanctuary-policies\">extended in August\u003c/a> and expanded to more than 30 cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same judge in 2017 ruled that a similar Trump executive order was “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/11/21/565678707/enter-title#:~:text=Sullivan/Getty%20Images-,Protesters%20stand%20arm%2Din%2Darm%20as%20they%20block%20an%20entrance,cooperate%20with%20federal%20immigration%20authorities.&text=The%20Trump%20administration%20cannot%20withhold,the%20previous%20ones%2C%20is%20permanent.\">unduly coercive\u003c/a>” and violated the separation of powers, and permanently blocked him from withholding funds over cities’ sanctuary policies.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Federal courts have held a number of times that our sanctuary policies are lawful,” said San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, whose office is party to the suit filed earlier this year. “This administration has repeatedly tried to withhold funding or impose illegal funding conditions on our city and many others. We’ve already taken legal action to protect our federal funding, and we’re going to continue to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the move feels like an attempt by the president to distract from “horrific actions” in Minneapolis, where 37-year-old Renee Good was shot and killed by an ICE agent earlier this month while acting as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069104/bay-area-immigrant-defense-groups-report-surge-in-support-after-minneapolis-ice-killing\">legal observer for immigrants\u003c/a> in the city, according to Minnesota’s Attorney General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Kristi Noem, meanwhile, has said Good was carrying out actions that amounted to an “act of domestic terrorism” before she was shot, and Trump has made false claims about the events that led up to the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two others were shot by Border Patrol agents in Portland, Oregon, the following day, on Jan. 8, during an attempt to pull over their vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/250128-SFImmigration-05-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference with elected and public safety officials and labor leaders in front of City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 28, 2025, to reaffirm San Francisco’s commitment to being a Sanctuary City. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu and Tony LoPresti, county counsel for Santa Clara County, both said that whether the cities launch further legal action will depend on whether Trump follows through on this week’s threats, and in what form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Santa Clara County doesn’t use “sanctuary” language specifically, it also has policies that assert its right not to use local resources to aid federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are certainly going to ensure that we’re enforcing the injunctions that we have in place, and that we will continue as a county … to litigate our constitutional rights not to cooperate with the federal government and their immigration enforcement campaign,” LoPresti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Barbara Lee called Trump’s announcement an attempt to “bully” sanctuary cities, and said that threats from Washington would not be effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the Trump administration begin withholding funds next month, Bonta said, the state is prepared to take legal action “within minutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got the arguments, we have the briefs, we have a legal strategy,” he said. “We just need to see how his general statements manifest into a specific action — what funding to what city for what issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe it’ll be nothing, but we’re not counting on that. We believe he’s gonna do something, and whatever it is, we’ll be ready,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/tychehendricks\">\u003cem>Tyche Hendricks\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Automated speed cameras began issuing $0 citations as warnings to speeding drivers in 18 locations across \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> on Wednesday, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the next 60 days, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12065601/oakland-begins-installing-speed-cameras-in-18-locations-with-tickets-coming-in-march\">35 speed cameras\u003c/a> — two at each of the 18 locations, except on Seventh Street at Broadway, which is a one-way street and will have only one camera — will issue warnings to drivers who travel 11 miles an hour or more over the speed limit. By mid-March, drivers in Oakland caught speeding at camera locations will receive fines starting at $50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is now the second city in the state to make good on \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB645\">AB 645\u003c/a>, a 2023 state bill that authorized six cities in the state to pilot the cameras for five years in a bid to slow speeding drivers and make streets safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras are located along high-injury corridors, the 6% of Oakland streets that account for 60% of severe and fatal collisions. City officials said every week, two Oaklanders are killed or seriously injured in a traffic collision and that these crashes disproportionately impact people of color, seniors, children and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco, the first city to implement the pilot, has reported dramatic reductions in speeding drivers at 33 automated speed camera locations since the cameras first went online last March, according to an initial \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/our-speed-cameras-are-working-initial-evaluation-shows-drivers-are-slowing-down\">evaluation by the SFMTA\u003c/a>. That study of 15 camera locations in the city showed an average 72% reduction in speeding vehicles 6 months after the cameras were first installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"OakDOT: Proposed Speed Safety Camera Locations\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"“san-jose”\" src=\"https://oakgis.maps.arcgis.com/apps/instant/basic/index.html?appid=b683cfc6bb1040498714103744ba91f0\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"650\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Spies, a co-organizer with Traffic Violence Rapid Response, a pedestrian safety organization based in Oakland, told KQED he supports the automated speed cameras, but said the most effective way to reduce vehicle speeds is to redesign streets to make them slower and safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We don’t want to see any city use automated speed cameras as an excuse not to proceed as quickly and as forcefully as possible with making streets safer through infrastructural change,” Spies said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spies added that he believes automated speed enforcement removes bias that may be present when a police officer conducts a traffic stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We don’t want to see that kind of enforcement continue because it leads to all sorts of really problematic outcomes,” Spies said.[aside postID=news_12065712 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251202-OAKSPEEDCAMERAS-02-BL-KQED.jpg']Oakland contracted Verra Mobility, an Arizona-based smart transportation company, to administer the program. AB 645 sets in place several privacy protections, including that the camera footage may be retained only for five days if no violation is issued, or 60 days if a violation is issued, and that the Oakland Department of Transportation will collect it and may not be shared or used for any other purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spies said he believes privacy concerns with the speed cameras have been adequately addressed, as opposed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067461/oakland-council-expands-flock-license-plate-reader-network-despite-privacy-concerns\">recent controversy in Oakland\u003c/a>, when federal agencies gained access to data collected by automated license plate readers operated by Flock Safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials said notifications of violations will be mailed to the registered owner of a speeding vehicle within two weeks of the violation. Citation amounts vary by how fast a driver is speeding, with the maximum fine capped at $500 for driving 100 miles per hour or more over the speed limit. The program offers discounted citations for people who are on public benefits or are low-income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 645 also authorized the cities of San José, Glendale, Long Beach, and Los Angeles to implement automated speed camera programs, but those cities have yet to install the cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Automated speed cameras began issuing $0 citations as warnings to speeding drivers in 18 locations across \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> on Wednesday, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the next 60 days, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12065601/oakland-begins-installing-speed-cameras-in-18-locations-with-tickets-coming-in-march\">35 speed cameras\u003c/a> — two at each of the 18 locations, except on Seventh Street at Broadway, which is a one-way street and will have only one camera — will issue warnings to drivers who travel 11 miles an hour or more over the speed limit. By mid-March, drivers in Oakland caught speeding at camera locations will receive fines starting at $50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland is now the second city in the state to make good on \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB645\">AB 645\u003c/a>, a 2023 state bill that authorized six cities in the state to pilot the cameras for five years in a bid to slow speeding drivers and make streets safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cameras are located along high-injury corridors, the 6% of Oakland streets that account for 60% of severe and fatal collisions. City officials said every week, two Oaklanders are killed or seriously injured in a traffic collision and that these crashes disproportionately impact people of color, seniors, children and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco, the first city to implement the pilot, has reported dramatic reductions in speeding drivers at 33 automated speed camera locations since the cameras first went online last March, according to an initial \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfmta.com/blog/our-speed-cameras-are-working-initial-evaluation-shows-drivers-are-slowing-down\">evaluation by the SFMTA\u003c/a>. That study of 15 camera locations in the city showed an average 72% reduction in speeding vehicles 6 months after the cameras were first installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"OakDOT: Proposed Speed Safety Camera Locations\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"“san-jose”\" src=\"https://oakgis.maps.arcgis.com/apps/instant/basic/index.html?appid=b683cfc6bb1040498714103744ba91f0\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"650\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>George Spies, a co-organizer with Traffic Violence Rapid Response, a pedestrian safety organization based in Oakland, told KQED he supports the automated speed cameras, but said the most effective way to reduce vehicle speeds is to redesign streets to make them slower and safer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We don’t want to see any city use automated speed cameras as an excuse not to proceed as quickly and as forcefully as possible with making streets safer through infrastructural change,” Spies said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spies added that he believes automated speed enforcement removes bias that may be present when a police officer conducts a traffic stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ We don’t want to see that kind of enforcement continue because it leads to all sorts of really problematic outcomes,” Spies said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Oakland contracted Verra Mobility, an Arizona-based smart transportation company, to administer the program. AB 645 sets in place several privacy protections, including that the camera footage may be retained only for five days if no violation is issued, or 60 days if a violation is issued, and that the Oakland Department of Transportation will collect it and may not be shared or used for any other purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spies said he believes privacy concerns with the speed cameras have been adequately addressed, as opposed to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12067461/oakland-council-expands-flock-license-plate-reader-network-despite-privacy-concerns\">recent controversy in Oakland\u003c/a>, when federal agencies gained access to data collected by automated license plate readers operated by Flock Safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials said notifications of violations will be mailed to the registered owner of a speeding vehicle within two weeks of the violation. Citation amounts vary by how fast a driver is speeding, with the maximum fine capped at $500 for driving 100 miles per hour or more over the speed limit. The program offers discounted citations for people who are on public benefits or are low-income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 645 also authorized the cities of San José, Glendale, Long Beach, and Los Angeles to implement automated speed camera programs, but those cities have yet to install the cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last-minute efforts to place \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069100/sunset-supervisor-reveals-draft-ballot-measure-to-put-cars-back-on-the-great-highway\">another Great Highway ballot measure\u003c/a> before San Francisco voters in June 2026 have been defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Alan Wong, who represents the Sunset District, has been leading the charge to give voters another chance to weigh in on whether cars should be allowed back on the Great Highway on weekdays. The deadline to submit the measure was Tuesday at 5 p.m., and he was shy the support of just one supervisor to reach the threshold needed to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we did not receive the four signatures necessary to put a ballot measure to reopen the Great Highway on the ballot, I am proud of the overwhelming community support behind this measure,” Wong said Tuesday evening after the deadline. “While the measure will not move forward at this time, it is clear from continued community engagement that a compromise approach remains important.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond Supervisor Connie Chan, who is currently running for California’s 11th Congressional seat, announced she would back Wong’s measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supervisor Cheyenne Chen also signed on to Supervisor Wong’s ballot measure just before the Tuesday deadline. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“San Francisco residents who are unable to use public transit need safe and predictable road access for their daily commutes,” Chen said in a statement. “The compromise allows community members to get to and from their appointments, school, and work, while also maintaining a public open space on the weekends.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Shamann Walton, who had previously said he could support such a ballot measure, did not sign on. Walton, whose aide Natalie Gee is running for District 4 supervisor, said he still supports a “compromise from the community” for opening the Great Highway, according to \u003ci>Mission Local\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight over the Great Highway has been a fraught issue in District 4 for years now. In 2020, the city closed a 2-mile stretch of the road to cars to allow for more social distancing and recreation during the COVID-19 pandemic. Then in 2022, voters elected to keep the road closed to cars on weekends and allow them on weekdays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069188\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 4 Supervisor Alan Wong speaks during a press conference about the Great Highway at City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2026. A map behind him highlights traffic incidents in the Sunset District from 2024 and 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In November 2024, voters citywide passed Proposition K, which permanently closed the upper portion of the Great Highway to cars to make way for a beachside park, called Sunset Dunes, which opened in April 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the park say it’s brought increased foot traffic to local businesses and created an outdoor venue for events, cycling and strolling, art exhibits and a skate park. Others point to how the Great Highway is in need of an environmental overhaul already due to climate change, and note that the lower portion of the road is already closed due to coastal erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This was the last gasp of an anti-park crusade that San Franciscans have rejected at every turn,” said Lucas Lux, a Sunset resident and president of Friends of Sunset Dunes. “San Franciscans have made a decision and the park is here to stay. The park belongs to all San Franciscans regardless of how they voted on it, so we invite our neighbors to join us in planning the next phase of our shared oceanfront park.”\u003c/span>[aside postID=news_12069100 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-08-BL_qed.jpg']Despite Proposition K’s success citywide, voters who live closest to the park in the Sunset largely voted against removing cars from the Great Highway. Mayor Daniel Lurie appointed Wong in December to represent the Sunset after District 4 voters recalled their former supervisor, Joel Engardio, largely over his support of Proposition K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m glad that the vast majority of supervisors realized putting Sunset Dunes back on the ballot would be a distracting political wedge issue when we need to focus on issues like affordability and everything else that has the world on fire right now,” Engardio said Tuesday evening. “Fighting over a park and a road is not going to help anyone when the park is popular and traffic is fine.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong, who was born and raised in the neighborhood, said he voted against Proposition K and supports reopening the Great Highway to cars during weekdays and keeping it closed as a park on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Let me be clear––the reason why we don’t have the four signatures is because of politics. The measure had community support,” Wong said. “This was a straightforward measure––it would have rescinded Proposition K and restored the Great Highway compromise.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all businesses have felt a boost from the road closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our restaurant is right on 19th Avenue, and we have seen fewer customers because traffic is so backed up and parking is harder to access,” said Susan Wang, owner of Guilin Rice Noodles House, in a press release from Supervisor Wong’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who want cars back on the westside thoroughfare, including Wong, said Proposition K has led to increased traffic in the area and has made commuting hours a headache. A study from the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority found minimal impact, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When that access was removed, those trips didn’t go away. Traffic was redirected onto neighborhood streets and already busy corridors, changing what everyday life looks like for families, seniors and small businesses across the Sunset,” Wong said. “I need to listen to my constituents and prioritize daily commutes to work, school and essential services over weekday recreational use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/aaliahmad\"> Ayah Ali-Ahmad\u003c/a> contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Supervisor Alan Wong, who is leading the charge to put cars back on the Great Highway, needed one more supervisor to support his plan. \r\n",
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"title": "Great Highway Ballot Measure Proposal Officially Doomed for June Election | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last-minute efforts to place \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069100/sunset-supervisor-reveals-draft-ballot-measure-to-put-cars-back-on-the-great-highway\">another Great Highway ballot measure\u003c/a> before San Francisco voters in June 2026 have been defeated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Alan Wong, who represents the Sunset District, has been leading the charge to give voters another chance to weigh in on whether cars should be allowed back on the Great Highway on weekdays. The deadline to submit the measure was Tuesday at 5 p.m., and he was shy the support of just one supervisor to reach the threshold needed to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“While we did not receive the four signatures necessary to put a ballot measure to reopen the Great Highway on the ballot, I am proud of the overwhelming community support behind this measure,” Wong said Tuesday evening after the deadline. “While the measure will not move forward at this time, it is clear from continued community engagement that a compromise approach remains important.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond Supervisor Connie Chan, who is currently running for California’s 11th Congressional seat, announced she would back Wong’s measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Supervisor Cheyenne Chen also signed on to Supervisor Wong’s ballot measure just before the Tuesday deadline. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“San Francisco residents who are unable to use public transit need safe and predictable road access for their daily commutes,” Chen said in a statement. “The compromise allows community members to get to and from their appointments, school, and work, while also maintaining a public open space on the weekends.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Shamann Walton, who had previously said he could support such a ballot measure, did not sign on. Walton, whose aide Natalie Gee is running for District 4 supervisor, said he still supports a “compromise from the community” for opening the Great Highway, according to \u003ci>Mission Local\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fight over the Great Highway has been a fraught issue in District 4 for years now. In 2020, the city closed a 2-mile stretch of the road to cars to allow for more social distancing and recreation during the COVID-19 pandemic. Then in 2022, voters elected to keep the road closed to cars on weekends and allow them on weekdays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069188\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260108-AlanWongGreatHighway-09-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 4 Supervisor Alan Wong speaks during a press conference about the Great Highway at City Hall in San Francisco on Jan. 8, 2026. A map behind him highlights traffic incidents in the Sunset District from 2024 and 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In November 2024, voters citywide passed Proposition K, which permanently closed the upper portion of the Great Highway to cars to make way for a beachside park, called Sunset Dunes, which opened in April 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the park say it’s brought increased foot traffic to local businesses and created an outdoor venue for events, cycling and strolling, art exhibits and a skate park. Others point to how the Great Highway is in need of an environmental overhaul already due to climate change, and note that the lower portion of the road is already closed due to coastal erosion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This was the last gasp of an anti-park crusade that San Franciscans have rejected at every turn,” said Lucas Lux, a Sunset resident and president of Friends of Sunset Dunes. “San Franciscans have made a decision and the park is here to stay. The park belongs to all San Franciscans regardless of how they voted on it, so we invite our neighbors to join us in planning the next phase of our shared oceanfront park.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite Proposition K’s success citywide, voters who live closest to the park in the Sunset largely voted against removing cars from the Great Highway. Mayor Daniel Lurie appointed Wong in December to represent the Sunset after District 4 voters recalled their former supervisor, Joel Engardio, largely over his support of Proposition K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I’m glad that the vast majority of supervisors realized putting Sunset Dunes back on the ballot would be a distracting political wedge issue when we need to focus on issues like affordability and everything else that has the world on fire right now,” Engardio said Tuesday evening. “Fighting over a park and a road is not going to help anyone when the park is popular and traffic is fine.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong, who was born and raised in the neighborhood, said he voted against Proposition K and supports reopening the Great Highway to cars during weekdays and keeping it closed as a park on weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Let me be clear––the reason why we don’t have the four signatures is because of politics. The measure had community support,” Wong said. “This was a straightforward measure––it would have rescinded Proposition K and restored the Great Highway compromise.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all businesses have felt a boost from the road closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our restaurant is right on 19th Avenue, and we have seen fewer customers because traffic is so backed up and parking is harder to access,” said Susan Wang, owner of Guilin Rice Noodles House, in a press release from Supervisor Wong’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others who want cars back on the westside thoroughfare, including Wong, said Proposition K has led to increased traffic in the area and has made commuting hours a headache. A study from the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Authority found minimal impact, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When that access was removed, those trips didn’t go away. Traffic was redirected onto neighborhood streets and already busy corridors, changing what everyday life looks like for families, seniors and small businesses across the Sunset,” Wong said. “I need to listen to my constituents and prioritize daily commutes to work, school and essential services over weekday recreational use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/aaliahmad\"> Ayah Ali-Ahmad\u003c/a> contributed to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "iconic-often-reviled-sf-fountain-is-down-to-its-last-chance-to-stave-off-removal",
"title": "Iconic, Often Reviled SF Fountain Is Down to Its Last Chance to Stave Off Removal",
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"headTitle": "Iconic, Often Reviled SF Fountain Is Down to Its Last Chance to Stave Off Removal | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco could begin dismantling one of its most controversial public art pieces as soon as next month, unless the Board of Supervisors grants a request by supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055275/this-fountain-looms-over-sfs-skateboarding-scene-a-growing-few-are-trying-to-save-it\">the Vaillancourt Fountain\u003c/a> to halt its emergency removal on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hulking concrete structure, built in 1971 in the shadow of the towering Embarcadero Freeway, has sustained major corrosion and degradation that makes it an imminent safety risk and exempts it from the full California Environmental Quality Act review process, according to the city. In November, the city’s Arts Commission gave the Recreation and Parks Department the go-ahead for an expedited removal of the fountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a coalition of art historians, landscape architects and skateboarders are down to perhaps their last chance to keep the fountain in place. They are asking supervisors to require the review process before disassembly can move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel that as a significant work of landscape architecture and art that is eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places, it should be subject to the California Environmental Quality Act,” said Charles Birnbaum, founder of the nonprofit Cultural Landscape Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a reason why people go through a process to assess and evaluate the historic significance of a place, so we don’t make a knee-jerk reaction. To me, this is no different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The battle over the 710-ton jumble of blocky concrete tubes, which has been compared to the excrements of a robot dog and “dynamited debris,” comes amid a plan to transform Embarcadero Plaza and nearby Sue Bierman Park into a grassy waterfront park. In 2024, San Francisco’s parks department announced it would partner with real estate developer Boston Properties (BXP) and Downtown SF Partnership on the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vaillancourt Fountain in the Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Sept. 8, 2025. The 40-foot concrete fountain was designed by artist Armand Vaillancourt and installed in 1971. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City officials said at the time that the redevelopment would foster connectivity and community engagement, but Vaillancourt’s supporters worry that the current plans, which don’t include the fountain, abandon the history of the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fountain’s rushing waters initially served to drown out the sound of cars on the nearby Embarcadero Freeway. Though the freeway came down after it was destroyed in the Loma Prieta earthquake in 1989, and the fountain itself has run dry periodically over time, it served as the backdrop of numerous protests, a free outdoor U2 concert, and countless photos and videos by street skateboarders in the 1980s and ’90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has always been a destination for everything from happenings to public protests,” said Birnbaum, who called the fountain and brick-lined Embarcadero Plaza significant emblems of modernist architecture and San Francisco’s social and cultural history. “The fountain was the magnetic icon that invited engagement and participation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been pushback since redevelopment plans were announced in 2024, but tensions have intensified in recent months after the city was granted its emergency exemption from the California Environmental Quality Act process.[aside postID=news_12055275 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250910-VAILLANCOURT-FOUNTAIN-REMOVAL-MD-01-KQED.jpg']In November, Recreation and Parks project manager Eoanna Goodwin told the city’s Arts Commission, which is made up of working art professionals appointed by the mayor and oversees the fountain, that one of the massive arms of the fountain had failed and was bearing weight it was not intended to support. The department put up fencing and mesh screening to prohibit access, she said, but that had been repeatedly breached and could be dangerous to residents and visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a sustainable, long-term solution,” Goodwin told the commission. “Disassembly and secure storage are the appropriate next steps and safe path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An engineering firm contracted to assess the fountain last year \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c806e5734c4e2faa1db54c9/t/68a80fea9a2a9f2b6e2a55e2/1755844586236/20250602+Vaillancourt+Fountain+Conditions+Assessment+Final.pdf\">found widespread corrosion\u003c/a> of the structural steel and concrete, and the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=15053519&GUID=B66F97F1-DCD9-4C7A-8B4D-55CBF170D2BA\">Planning Department wrote in October\u003c/a> that parts of the structure could be at risk of “progressive or localized collapse” under its own weight, environmental loading or seismic activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the fountain’s supporters say that degradation isn’t new. According to Birnbaum, the city has failed to do necessary maintenance work or invest in programming to keep the fountain and surrounding space a vibrant community hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been involved in this site for a decade now, and it was clear the path that this was heading,” he told KQED. “The situation we find ourselves in is not an unexpected occurrence. It’s a predictable result of years of neglect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vaillancourt Fountain in the Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Sept. 8, 2025. The 40-foot concrete fountain was designed by artist Armand Vaillancourt and installed in 1971. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The appeal to the Board of Supervisors, filed by modernist conservation nonprofit Docomomo and supported by Birnbaum’s organization, alleges that parks officials invoked the emergency exemption not to mitigate an imminent risk but to avoid the long and often cumbersome CEQA process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The administrative record paints a clear picture: the [Recreation and Parks] Department decided to remove the Vaillancourt Fountain in late 2024 to make way for a pre-planned park renovation,” it reads. “Funding was secured for project management along with the explicitly declared strategy to use the removal of the fountain to “avoid an EIR [Environmental Impact Report].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the appeal, the Planning Department granted the emergency exemption in November, shortly after it determined that the Vaillancourt Fountain was eligible for the National Register of Historic Places, triggering CEQA protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a reason why these procedures are in place,” Birnbaum said. “There’s a reason why people go through a process to assess and evaluate the historic significance of a place, so we don’t make a knee-jerk reaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some city officials and the Recreation and Parks Department, on the other hand, said that the space isn’t being used to its full potential and that the fountain hasn’t operated as it was designed to for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027567 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 3 Supervisor Danny Sauter speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a lot of folks who have fond memories of a fountain, but maybe they have memories that are connected to when the fountain was there with the Embarcadero Freeway or when the fountain was newer and working fully and in better shape,” said Supervisor Danny Sauter, who represents the area. “If you’ve lived in the neighborhood 10, 20, 30 years, you have that memory. I would say some of the newer residents frankly don’t have as much of a connection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, he said, it seems like the groups fighting for the fountain to be maintained are those with an interest in architectural history, not neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see that same passion and attachment to it from nearby residents, for example, and neighborhood groups in the Barbary Coast and then into the adjoining neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Board of Supervisors does not grant Docomomo’s request and allows the removal of the fountain to go forward, Recreation and Parks could begin disassembly as soon as February. The department said it plans to store the fountain’s pieces in a secure location, where it could further assess its damage and possible repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But arts commissioners, and fountain fans, are wary of any path to restoration. Goodwin estimated that the construction to return the fountain to working condition could cost at least $29 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that once it’s removed, it opens the door to never coming back,” Arts Commissioner Patrick Carney said at the November meeting. “If it is temporarily removed without a plan and funds in place beforehand to possibly restore it or move it, then its fate may be sealed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco could begin dismantling the Vaillancourt Fountain in Embarcadero Plaza as soon as next month, unless the Board of Supervisors grants a request to halt its expedited removal.",
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"title": "Iconic, Often Reviled SF Fountain Is Down to Its Last Chance to Stave Off Removal | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco could begin dismantling one of its most controversial public art pieces as soon as next month, unless the Board of Supervisors grants a request by supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055275/this-fountain-looms-over-sfs-skateboarding-scene-a-growing-few-are-trying-to-save-it\">the Vaillancourt Fountain\u003c/a> to halt its emergency removal on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hulking concrete structure, built in 1971 in the shadow of the towering Embarcadero Freeway, has sustained major corrosion and degradation that makes it an imminent safety risk and exempts it from the full California Environmental Quality Act review process, according to the city. In November, the city’s Arts Commission gave the Recreation and Parks Department the go-ahead for an expedited removal of the fountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a coalition of art historians, landscape architects and skateboarders are down to perhaps their last chance to keep the fountain in place. They are asking supervisors to require the review process before disassembly can move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel that as a significant work of landscape architecture and art that is eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic Places, it should be subject to the California Environmental Quality Act,” said Charles Birnbaum, founder of the nonprofit Cultural Landscape Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a reason why people go through a process to assess and evaluate the historic significance of a place, so we don’t make a knee-jerk reaction. To me, this is no different.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The battle over the 710-ton jumble of blocky concrete tubes, which has been compared to the excrements of a robot dog and “dynamited debris,” comes amid a plan to transform Embarcadero Plaza and nearby Sue Bierman Park into a grassy waterfront park. In 2024, San Francisco’s parks department announced it would partner with real estate developer Boston Properties (BXP) and Downtown SF Partnership on the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-07-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vaillancourt Fountain in the Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Sept. 8, 2025. The 40-foot concrete fountain was designed by artist Armand Vaillancourt and installed in 1971. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City officials said at the time that the redevelopment would foster connectivity and community engagement, but Vaillancourt’s supporters worry that the current plans, which don’t include the fountain, abandon the history of the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fountain’s rushing waters initially served to drown out the sound of cars on the nearby Embarcadero Freeway. Though the freeway came down after it was destroyed in the Loma Prieta earthquake in 1989, and the fountain itself has run dry periodically over time, it served as the backdrop of numerous protests, a free outdoor U2 concert, and countless photos and videos by street skateboarders in the 1980s and ’90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has always been a destination for everything from happenings to public protests,” said Birnbaum, who called the fountain and brick-lined Embarcadero Plaza significant emblems of modernist architecture and San Francisco’s social and cultural history. “The fountain was the magnetic icon that invited engagement and participation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been pushback since redevelopment plans were announced in 2024, but tensions have intensified in recent months after the city was granted its emergency exemption from the California Environmental Quality Act process.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In November, Recreation and Parks project manager Eoanna Goodwin told the city’s Arts Commission, which is made up of working art professionals appointed by the mayor and oversees the fountain, that one of the massive arms of the fountain had failed and was bearing weight it was not intended to support. The department put up fencing and mesh screening to prohibit access, she said, but that had been repeatedly breached and could be dangerous to residents and visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a sustainable, long-term solution,” Goodwin told the commission. “Disassembly and secure storage are the appropriate next steps and safe path forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An engineering firm contracted to assess the fountain last year \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5c806e5734c4e2faa1db54c9/t/68a80fea9a2a9f2b6e2a55e2/1755844586236/20250602+Vaillancourt+Fountain+Conditions+Assessment+Final.pdf\">found widespread corrosion\u003c/a> of the structural steel and concrete, and the \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=15053519&GUID=B66F97F1-DCD9-4C7A-8B4D-55CBF170D2BA\">Planning Department wrote in October\u003c/a> that parts of the structure could be at risk of “progressive or localized collapse” under its own weight, environmental loading or seismic activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the fountain’s supporters say that degradation isn’t new. According to Birnbaum, the city has failed to do necessary maintenance work or invest in programming to keep the fountain and surrounding space a vibrant community hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been involved in this site for a decade now, and it was clear the path that this was heading,” he told KQED. “The situation we find ourselves in is not an unexpected occurrence. It’s a predictable result of years of neglect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250908-VAILLANCOURTFOUNTAINREMOVAL-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Vaillancourt Fountain in the Embarcadero Plaza in San Francisco on Sept. 8, 2025. The 40-foot concrete fountain was designed by artist Armand Vaillancourt and installed in 1971. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The appeal to the Board of Supervisors, filed by modernist conservation nonprofit Docomomo and supported by Birnbaum’s organization, alleges that parks officials invoked the emergency exemption not to mitigate an imminent risk but to avoid the long and often cumbersome CEQA process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The administrative record paints a clear picture: the [Recreation and Parks] Department decided to remove the Vaillancourt Fountain in late 2024 to make way for a pre-planned park renovation,” it reads. “Funding was secured for project management along with the explicitly declared strategy to use the removal of the fountain to “avoid an EIR [Environmental Impact Report].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the appeal, the Planning Department granted the emergency exemption in November, shortly after it determined that the Vaillancourt Fountain was eligible for the National Register of Historic Places, triggering CEQA protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a reason why these procedures are in place,” Birnbaum said. “There’s a reason why people go through a process to assess and evaluate the historic significance of a place, so we don’t make a knee-jerk reaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some city officials and the Recreation and Parks Department, on the other hand, said that the space isn’t being used to its full potential and that the fountain hasn’t operated as it was designed to for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027567\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027567 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 3 Supervisor Danny Sauter speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a lot of folks who have fond memories of a fountain, but maybe they have memories that are connected to when the fountain was there with the Embarcadero Freeway or when the fountain was newer and working fully and in better shape,” said Supervisor Danny Sauter, who represents the area. “If you’ve lived in the neighborhood 10, 20, 30 years, you have that memory. I would say some of the newer residents frankly don’t have as much of a connection.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, he said, it seems like the groups fighting for the fountain to be maintained are those with an interest in architectural history, not neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see that same passion and attachment to it from nearby residents, for example, and neighborhood groups in the Barbary Coast and then into the adjoining neighborhoods,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Board of Supervisors does not grant Docomomo’s request and allows the removal of the fountain to go forward, Recreation and Parks could begin disassembly as soon as February. The department said it plans to store the fountain’s pieces in a secure location, where it could further assess its damage and possible repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But arts commissioners, and fountain fans, are wary of any path to restoration. Goodwin estimated that the construction to return the fountain to working condition could cost at least $29 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My fear is that once it’s removed, it opens the door to never coming back,” Arts Commissioner Patrick Carney said at the November meeting. “If it is temporarily removed without a plan and funds in place beforehand to possibly restore it or move it, then its fate may be sealed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "scott-wiener-pivots-after-congressional-forum-israel-has-committed-genocide-in-gaza",
"title": "Scott Wiener Pivots After Congressional Forum: ‘Israel Has Committed Genocide in Gaza’",
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"headTitle": "Scott Wiener Pivots After Congressional Forum: ‘Israel Has Committed Genocide in Gaza’ | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/scott-wiener\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, who for years has refrained from calling Israel’s attacks on Gaza a genocide, has now changed his position as he hits the campaign trail for California’s 11th Congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve stopped short of calling it genocide, but I can’t anymore,” Wiener, who is Jewish, said in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/2010464312792404192?s=20\">post on the social media platform X on Sunday evening\u003c/a>. “To me, the Israeli government has tried to destroy Gaza and to push Palestinians out and that qualifies as genocide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Democratic lawmaker’s shift comes less than a week after his appearance in a debate between candidates vying to fill Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s seat after she retires early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a lightning-question round, Wiener and the other two leading candidates, San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan and former tech engineer Saikat Chakrabarti, were asked to respond “yes” or “no” to whether they think Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan and Chakrabarti said yes. Wiener did not answer the question, prompting boos and jeers from live audience members and scathing comments in online chat rooms following the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener pointed directly to the debate in a video he posted online on Sunday, explaining his position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener, and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For those of you who saw the debate clip from last week, I want to clarify that I do believe Israel has committed genocide in Gaza,” he said. “For many Jews, associating the word genocide with the Jewish state of Israel is deeply painful and frankly traumatic. But despite that pain and that trauma, we all have eyes, and we see the absolute devastation and catastrophic death toll in Gaza inflicted by the Israeli government. And we all have ears, and we hear the genocidal statements by certain senior members of the Israeli government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener previously has used phrases like “total destruction,” and “catastrophic levels of death” and “moral stain” to describe Israel’s actions in Gaza. By invoking genocide, he joins progressive members in Congress such as Sen. Bernie Sanders and Sen. Rebecca Balint of Vermont. The vast majority of Jewish congressional leaders have not referred to Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2025, an independent United Nations commission concluded that Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Since the conflict escalated on Oct. 7, 2023, nearly 64,000 Palestinians have died, according to the World Health Organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason why it took me time to use the word genocide is because it is so fraught and raw in the Jewish community because of the Holocaust,” Wiener told KQED. “I see the devastation in Gaza, I see the settler violence and land grabs in the West Bank. I see the devastation of Palestinian communities. And for me as a Jew, Israel is important. To see the Israeli government engage in that level of destruction in Gaza, it is painful to see, and it’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents challenging Wiener for Pelosi’s seat criticized his shift in position after the debate, calling the timing suspect.[aside postID=news_12069366 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/RobBontaTrumpGetty.jpg']“At the debate, Scott Wiener refused to call Israel’s indiscriminate killing of women and children in Gaza a genocide,” Julie Edwards, a spokesperson for Chan’s campaign, said in an email. “People getting killed didn’t move him, but boos at a forum did. This is about politics, not principle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti, who previously served as chief of staff for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and worked on Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign, said the issue is about “moral clarity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Genocide shouldn’t be something you say yes or no to based on the reporter you are talking to or how your poll numbers look,” he posted on X after Wiener’s statement on Sunday. “Thousands of real people have died and continue to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three candidates in last week’s debate shared similar positions on many issues. They all support Medicare for All, believe San Francisco needs more housing, and want stronger protections for immigrants and LGBTQ people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the foreign policy question about Israel and Gaza marked a clear contrast between the candidates and painted Wiener as an outlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had to take steps on this, otherwise it was going to be an issue that would haunt him,” said Democratic political consultant Jim Ross, who has worked on several San Francisco campaigns. He added that the senator’s response may not draw many new voters toward Wiener, but it could “inoculate” against a potential campaign crisis. “I think it is an issue that probably will stick around, but with less impact, for the next eight months, 10 months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069065\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wiener’s decision to go further with his language on Israel has sparked criticism from Jewish groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The diminishment and weaponization of the term ‘genocide’ in this context has been deeply painful for our community, given our own historical experiences with the Holocaust,” reads a joint statement from five Jewish groups, including the San Francisco-based Jewish Community Relations Council. “All too often, those harboring antisemitic views have used the war to justify their hatred of our community… Framing this conflict in reductionist and inflammatory terms fuels further hostility toward our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The groups said their statement was not intended to support or oppose any candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pro-Palestinian advocacy group Arab Resource and Organizing Center (AROC) Action said Wiener’s statement marks a positive step.[aside postID=news_12069239 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/12/DISASTER-DAYS-PART-3-photo-2-1-1020x724.jpg']“It’s better late than never for any politician, including Scott Wiener, to finally acknowledge what people of conscience and every major human rights organization has said, that the state of Israel is guilty of committing genocide,” said Mohamed Shehk, organizing director for AROC Action. “Unfortunately, it’s clear that Wiener only made this acknowledgement when it was politically convenient for him after realizing how unpopular support for Israel’s genocide is in this moment,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shehk said he hopes to see more tangible expressions of support moving forward, such as Wiener backing legislation in Congress to stop the U.S. from providing weapons to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener does not support offensive arms sales to a government that’s “not committed to peace and democracy,” he said, adding that Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, “is absolutely not committed to peace and democracy. I’m not going to support U.S. funding for the destruction of Palestinian communities. I have been very, very clear about that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shehk also pointed to a California bill Wiener sponsored, AB 715, which Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law in October 2025, that aims to combat antisemitism in public schools. But critics such as the California Teachers Association say it also stifles free speech and censors topics around Gaza and Palestinians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There must be accountability moving forward for his ongoing legacy of attacking pro-Palestinian activism and speech despite his recent appellation,” Shehk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, who said he’s received support from some Jewish groups as well for his statement, is now walking a tightrope trying to appeal to voters and potential constituents with a range of views on a sensitive topic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a tough thing and certainly not something I was going to do as part of a yes-no game show-style lightning round,” Wiener said. “But ultimately, I thought about it, I talked to a lot of different people and I realized that the words I had been using to describe the destruction in Gaza were equivalent to genocide and ultimately I decided it was appropriate to call it that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>State Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/scott-wiener\">Scott Wiener\u003c/a>, who for years has refrained from calling Israel’s attacks on Gaza a genocide, has now changed his position as he hits the campaign trail for California’s 11th Congressional seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve stopped short of calling it genocide, but I can’t anymore,” Wiener, who is Jewish, said in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/2010464312792404192?s=20\">post on the social media platform X on Sunday evening\u003c/a>. “To me, the Israeli government has tried to destroy Gaza and to push Palestinians out and that qualifies as genocide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Democratic lawmaker’s shift comes less than a week after his appearance in a debate between candidates vying to fill Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s seat after she retires early next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a lightning-question round, Wiener and the other two leading candidates, San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan and former tech engineer Saikat Chakrabarti, were asked to respond “yes” or “no” to whether they think Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan and Chakrabarti said yes. Wiener did not answer the question, prompting boos and jeers from live audience members and scathing comments in online chat rooms following the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener pointed directly to the debate in a video he posted online on Sunday, explaining his position.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069066\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069066\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-25-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener, and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“For those of you who saw the debate clip from last week, I want to clarify that I do believe Israel has committed genocide in Gaza,” he said. “For many Jews, associating the word genocide with the Jewish state of Israel is deeply painful and frankly traumatic. But despite that pain and that trauma, we all have eyes, and we see the absolute devastation and catastrophic death toll in Gaza inflicted by the Israeli government. And we all have ears, and we hear the genocidal statements by certain senior members of the Israeli government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener previously has used phrases like “total destruction,” and “catastrophic levels of death” and “moral stain” to describe Israel’s actions in Gaza. By invoking genocide, he joins progressive members in Congress such as Sen. Bernie Sanders and Sen. Rebecca Balint of Vermont. The vast majority of Jewish congressional leaders have not referred to Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2025, an independent United Nations commission concluded that Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Since the conflict escalated on Oct. 7, 2023, nearly 64,000 Palestinians have died, according to the World Health Organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason why it took me time to use the word genocide is because it is so fraught and raw in the Jewish community because of the Holocaust,” Wiener told KQED. “I see the devastation in Gaza, I see the settler violence and land grabs in the West Bank. I see the devastation of Palestinian communities. And for me as a Jew, Israel is important. To see the Israeli government engage in that level of destruction in Gaza, it is painful to see, and it’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents challenging Wiener for Pelosi’s seat criticized his shift in position after the debate, calling the timing suspect.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“At the debate, Scott Wiener refused to call Israel’s indiscriminate killing of women and children in Gaza a genocide,” Julie Edwards, a spokesperson for Chan’s campaign, said in an email. “People getting killed didn’t move him, but boos at a forum did. This is about politics, not principle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chakrabarti, who previously served as chief of staff for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and worked on Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign, said the issue is about “moral clarity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Genocide shouldn’t be something you say yes or no to based on the reporter you are talking to or how your poll numbers look,” he posted on X after Wiener’s statement on Sunday. “Thousands of real people have died and continue to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three candidates in last week’s debate shared similar positions on many issues. They all support Medicare for All, believe San Francisco needs more housing, and want stronger protections for immigrants and LGBTQ people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the foreign policy question about Israel and Gaza marked a clear contrast between the candidates and painted Wiener as an outlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had to take steps on this, otherwise it was going to be an issue that would haunt him,” said Democratic political consultant Jim Ross, who has worked on several San Francisco campaigns. He added that the senator’s response may not draw many new voters toward Wiener, but it could “inoculate” against a potential campaign crisis. “I think it is an issue that probably will stick around, but with less impact, for the next eight months, 10 months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069065\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-SFCongressionalCandidateForum-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates running for California’s 11th Congressional District, (from left) Saikat Chakrabarti, state Sen. Scott Wiener and San Francisco Supervisor Connie Chan, take part in a forum at UC Law San Francisco on Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Wiener’s decision to go further with his language on Israel has sparked criticism from Jewish groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The diminishment and weaponization of the term ‘genocide’ in this context has been deeply painful for our community, given our own historical experiences with the Holocaust,” reads a joint statement from five Jewish groups, including the San Francisco-based Jewish Community Relations Council. “All too often, those harboring antisemitic views have used the war to justify their hatred of our community… Framing this conflict in reductionist and inflammatory terms fuels further hostility toward our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The groups said their statement was not intended to support or oppose any candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pro-Palestinian advocacy group Arab Resource and Organizing Center (AROC) Action said Wiener’s statement marks a positive step.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s better late than never for any politician, including Scott Wiener, to finally acknowledge what people of conscience and every major human rights organization has said, that the state of Israel is guilty of committing genocide,” said Mohamed Shehk, organizing director for AROC Action. “Unfortunately, it’s clear that Wiener only made this acknowledgement when it was politically convenient for him after realizing how unpopular support for Israel’s genocide is in this moment,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shehk said he hopes to see more tangible expressions of support moving forward, such as Wiener backing legislation in Congress to stop the U.S. from providing weapons to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener does not support offensive arms sales to a government that’s “not committed to peace and democracy,” he said, adding that Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, “is absolutely not committed to peace and democracy. I’m not going to support U.S. funding for the destruction of Palestinian communities. I have been very, very clear about that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shehk also pointed to a California bill Wiener sponsored, AB 715, which Gov. Gavin Newsom signed into law in October 2025, that aims to combat antisemitism in public schools. But critics such as the California Teachers Association say it also stifles free speech and censors topics around Gaza and Palestinians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There must be accountability moving forward for his ongoing legacy of attacking pro-Palestinian activism and speech despite his recent appellation,” Shehk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, who said he’s received support from some Jewish groups as well for his statement, is now walking a tightrope trying to appeal to voters and potential constituents with a range of views on a sensitive topic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a tough thing and certainly not something I was going to do as part of a yes-no game show-style lightning round,” Wiener said. “But ultimately, I thought about it, I talked to a lot of different people and I realized that the words I had been using to describe the destruction in Gaza were equivalent to genocide and ultimately I decided it was appropriate to call it that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco residents are furious with Pacific Gas & Electric after nearly one third of the city was hit by a series of power outages over the holiday season. This public outrage has also revived calls for the city — or even the state — to take over the investor-owned utility.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9963352964&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ci>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/i>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] I’m Alan Montecillo, in for Erika Cruz Guevara, and welcome to The Bay, local news to keep you rooted. A few weeks ago during the holiday season, San Francisco was hit with a series of power outages. Businesses lost customers during the busiest weekend of the year, restaurants had to throw out food, and some people didn’t get their power back for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Susan Molthen \u003c/strong>[00:00:27] It’s terrible, I have a restaurant and I had a party of over 15-16 people last night and I had to call them all to cancel. This is my livelihood and I can’t, I can’ open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Desi Valdez \u003c/strong>[00:00:40] Haven’t been able to do anything I needed to do. So I’ve just been sitting around in the dark, trying to find motivation, but it’s hard when there’s nothing to turn on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:00:51] San Francisco residents, especially on the city’s west side, are furious with PG&E. And all this chaos has some people wondering whether it’s time for the city to go even further and take over the investor-owned utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Wiener \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] It’s time for us to move forward, for San Francisco to be able to break away from PG&E to form our own public utility. We’ve got to get this done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:01:17] Today, what it would take for San Francisco to break up with PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:01:26] On December 20th, there was a fire at a substation, like a power substation PG&E in Soma, Mission and Eighth Streets, which led to power outages for roughly a third of San Francisco customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:01:42] Laura Klivans is a climate reporter for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:01:47] The neighborhoods that were most affected were Richmond, sort of the west side, Presidio, parts of the sunset. We even saw some of the Fillmore, some of Hayes Valley, some parts of downtown. For different people, it lasted for different time periods. So if you talk to somebody in the Richmond, they really got it the worst. They got it for sustained periods of time, some up to two or three days, and then multiple outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:02:15] I remember that first one that lasted for some residents 48 hours maybe, and there were several more after that, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:02:23] Yeah, there were several others after that, not lasting as long. PG&E attempted to fix and restore power. They put in these diesel generators in the Richmond district, which were extremely loud and residents didn’t like those either. And then the impacts on people were significant. A lot of people lost the stuff in their fridge. There was all sorts of regular nuisances. And for businesses too, it was a holiday week, a lot of people were going out to restaurants and stuff and they were losing all their produce or fish or whatever it might be. PG&E has offered to give people money for this stuff, 200 bucks for residents on your credit on your next bill and 2,500 for businesses and you could apply for even more. But for some people, it’s more than just like a nuisance and an inconvenience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kai Spencer-Martin \u003c/strong>[00:03:15] I’m in a wheelchair. I’m gonna power wheelchair. I wouldn’t be able to charge my chair. I wouldn’t be able get out of my building or into my building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:03:24] I talked to San Francisco residents, including Kai Spencer Martin, about this latest power loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kai Spencer-Martin \u003c/strong>[00:03:29] If the power went out, I wouldn’t be able to go out and buy new groceries because my groceries went bad. We’d go hungry. My family. And it’s not just me. It’s me, my husband, my teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:03:40] Luckily, she said the lights all around her building went out and hers didn’t. And she found out later that they have a backup generator in her building. So she was really lucky. But she’s an example of like how it’s more than just an inconvenience, right? Like it’s just more than eating a weird meal and trying to keep your fridge closed. She also has medications that need to be refrigerated, uses a nebulizer for asthma, and her husband uses a CPAP machine for sleeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kai Spencer-Martin \u003c/strong>[00:04:08] I have other friends that have disabilities that live in some of the downtown SROs that were out of power, um, for days, some of them just went hungry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] How much anger were you seeing, and are still seeing, as a result of this power outage and the ones that came after?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:04:34] Yeah, I mean, I think many people are familiar with how people already feel about PG&E. And if you look at like any Reddit forum about this power outage, it’s just like full of livid people, understandably, and people saying, how is this our one choice? People are upset for how much they’re paying for this power that isn’t very reliable. And all of this anger has led for calls for the city to take over PG&e.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Wiener \u003c/strong>[00:05:07] PG&E is too large. It’s not adequately maintaining its infrastructure as we saw this weekend yet again with the substation that caught on fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:05:17] State Senator Scott Wiener, he has just recently in the last few days introduced legislation that would make it easier for cities to break away from PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Wiener \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] When giant corporations put profits over the public interest, it is time for us to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:05:36] And then we have other local officials supporting it, like San Francisco Supervisor Matt Dorsey. Why is that the solution that many people are thinking about now? Because PG&E is an investor-owned utility, which means it is motivated by profit in part, because they have investors and they need to offer them a return to make it worth them investing in the company. If PG&e were public, it would not have that motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:06:03] Is the idea that a takeover would lead to cheaper and better?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:06:11] That’s the idea, yeah. So if you look at some other examples, there are some places that have public power and they are paying way lower rates than people who have PG&E. And also, by having local control, you have more control of the grid that’s in front of you and the priorities in your smaller area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:06:33] So how does this happen exactly? Can San Francisco just make PG&E an offer? I mean, is PG&e even for sale in San Francisco or anywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:06:42] PG&E is not for sale, and they are not interested in selling all their infrastructure in San Francisco, but through a process called eminent domain, it could be possible. And what this would mean would be that San Francisco, it’s within their purview to take private property for public use as long as it pays fair compensation. So it would mean buying the part of the grid that PG&E owns and also paying for the cost of separating that out. We would need to have regulators involved. The California Public Utilities Commission would be involved. This would likely involve a variety of lawsuits because PG&E isn’t interested in this, we’d also need some sort of environmental review. If this all happened and the city and county of San Francisco was able to take over all of these poles and wires that currently belong to PG&E, then you need to staff the organization and run the organization. And I don’t know, who knows how to do that? Former PG&e workers. Maybe you find a whole bunch of new people. There’s just a lot that goes into this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:08:05] When Sacramento took over its utility and lessons for the rest of us. That’s coming up after the break. Are there examples of other California cities doing this that we can point to? That would be instructive here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:08:30] So, in 1923, Sacramento residents were really fed up with PG&E. They were fed up high rates and poor service, does that sound familiar? So they voted overwhelmingly, 87%, to establish what is called SMUD, the Sacramento Municipal Utility District, which is a public utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:08:53] In 1923, Sacramento residents voted to establish SMUD, and voters finally approved a $12 million bond to do that in 1934.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:09:05] So I spoke to Mohit Chhabra. He’s an analyst at the Natural Resources Defense Council. He focuses on energy and economics and climate about how this played out in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:09:16] And then it took them 23 years after that to start serving customers as SMUD. Because there were legal battles. PG&E challenged Sacramento’s eminent domain claim in state and federal courts. And you have to figure out exactly how much you need to pay to buy them out and so on. And it took 23 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:09:40] There were operational challenges. SMUD inherited aging infrastructure, poorly maintained infrastructure. They had trouble recruiting workers. They actually had their prices increase around the 70s and 80s. And then now, here we are today, and SMUD is actually doing very well. Their prices are way cheaper than PG&E’s. People seem more happy with it, but it’s taken quite some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:10:12] Are the gains from owning the utility public, worth the amount of money, time and effort that San Francisco would spend to buy out a section of PG&E and start running its own public utility? That’s the key question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:10:38] I mean, I can’t imagine if you’re PG&E right now and you’re seeing all of this anger towards you and you are seeing talk of taking over, buying out your infrastructure in San Francisco. I can imagine they’re thrilled about the idea of this. What has PG&e said about this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:10:55] Right. So I reached out to PG&E. They provided me with a statement. You know, they don’t intend to give away or sell their infrastructure in San Francisco. They want to continue to serve San Francisco They also bring up that San Francisco offered to buy PG&Es electric grid in San Francisco in 2019. But that is still in process. And they have said that San Francisco has failed to sort of provide a bunch of things that. Are needed to move forward with that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:11:28] So we’ve established that taking over PG&E would be very expensive. It would take a lot of time. Um, but if San Francisco was able to do this, what could that mean for the rest of the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] There could be a lot of impacts on our neighbors. So for one, if San Francisco opts out of PG&E, prices for the rest of Californians will likely increase. And that’s because some of the more expensive parts of the system and what we’re spending on right now is protecting against wildfires, paying for past wildfires protecting against future ones. And those areas that we need to work on are in more fire prone areas, that’s not San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:12:12] Someone needs to pay for the shared part of the grid. If different parts of the state start doing that, and it’s likely going to be the wealthier cities, it’s the less wealthy cities that are left footing the bill for the grid\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:12:26] This is something Mohit Chhabra has thought a lot about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:12:29] The wealthiest cities can buy themselves out. They have the densest grid. They stand to gain the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:12:38] We’d also be removing this source of income for these programs that help offset the cost of PG&E. So about 30% of PG and E customers get reduced bills through programs like one’s called CARE. But that comes from subsidization from everybody paying in. And so if you’re taking off like a wealthier city, then again, those costs are gonna be distributed throughout the rest of the customers that aren’t part of that public power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:13:14] All this said, Laura, the argument, right, is that if we take over PG&E, we can have more affordable power, more reliable power that isn’t beholden to increasing profits for investors. Do we know whether public power is better?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:13:28] So it’s really a mixed bag. It’s like, if you look at SMUD, it’s like works really well. And then if you at Puerto Rico, it hasn’t worked really well, so it just, it depends on implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:13:43] Whether or not San Francisco or even the state of California can take over PG&E, there is this public anger, like now. So where does this, you know, public pressure, where does this anger go in the meantime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:14:00] Yeah. So this anger, you know, even if it doesn’t lead to a public power takeover and, you know, San Francisco power or whatever we would call it, it can go somewhere. This all this public pressure and this intensified scrutiny on the power grid in places where we don’t have wildfire could actually be useful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Toney \u003c/strong>[00:14:19] Maybe it will take a credible campaign to wake up PG&E to what they need to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:14:29] I spoke to Mark Toney, he’s the executive director of the Utility Reform Network. And while his organization doesn’t take a position on local campaigns to create public power entities and believes, you know, communities, this is in your purview to do, he brought up the point that it could increase accountability for PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Toney \u003c/strong>[00:14:50] I don’t want to discourage this campaign, public power campaign, and I’ll tell you why. Because if there is a real threat that they may lose the franchise, maybe that will provide the motivation to do a better job, to bring the rates down, to increase the of their facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:15:15] At least these calls and this pressure might turn PG&E’s attention or the attention of other people who hold them accountable to infrastructure in San Francisco. So you know, maybe public power doesn’t happen, but maybe PG&E prioritizes San Francisco’s infrastructure more than they have.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">San Francisco residents are furious with Pacific Gas & Electric after nearly one third of the city was hit by a series of power outages over the holiday season. This public outrage has also revived calls for the city — or even the state — to take over the investor-owned utility.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC9963352964&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ci>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/i>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:00:00] I’m Alan Montecillo, in for Erika Cruz Guevara, and welcome to The Bay, local news to keep you rooted. A few weeks ago during the holiday season, San Francisco was hit with a series of power outages. Businesses lost customers during the busiest weekend of the year, restaurants had to throw out food, and some people didn’t get their power back for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Susan Molthen \u003c/strong>[00:00:27] It’s terrible, I have a restaurant and I had a party of over 15-16 people last night and I had to call them all to cancel. This is my livelihood and I can’t, I can’ open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Desi Valdez \u003c/strong>[00:00:40] Haven’t been able to do anything I needed to do. So I’ve just been sitting around in the dark, trying to find motivation, but it’s hard when there’s nothing to turn on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:00:51] San Francisco residents, especially on the city’s west side, are furious with PG&E. And all this chaos has some people wondering whether it’s time for the city to go even further and take over the investor-owned utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Wiener \u003c/strong>[00:01:07] It’s time for us to move forward, for San Francisco to be able to break away from PG&E to form our own public utility. We’ve got to get this done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:01:17] Today, what it would take for San Francisco to break up with PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:01:26] On December 20th, there was a fire at a substation, like a power substation PG&E in Soma, Mission and Eighth Streets, which led to power outages for roughly a third of San Francisco customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:01:42] Laura Klivans is a climate reporter for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:01:47] The neighborhoods that were most affected were Richmond, sort of the west side, Presidio, parts of the sunset. We even saw some of the Fillmore, some of Hayes Valley, some parts of downtown. For different people, it lasted for different time periods. So if you talk to somebody in the Richmond, they really got it the worst. They got it for sustained periods of time, some up to two or three days, and then multiple outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:02:15] I remember that first one that lasted for some residents 48 hours maybe, and there were several more after that, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:02:23] Yeah, there were several others after that, not lasting as long. PG&E attempted to fix and restore power. They put in these diesel generators in the Richmond district, which were extremely loud and residents didn’t like those either. And then the impacts on people were significant. A lot of people lost the stuff in their fridge. There was all sorts of regular nuisances. And for businesses too, it was a holiday week, a lot of people were going out to restaurants and stuff and they were losing all their produce or fish or whatever it might be. PG&E has offered to give people money for this stuff, 200 bucks for residents on your credit on your next bill and 2,500 for businesses and you could apply for even more. But for some people, it’s more than just like a nuisance and an inconvenience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kai Spencer-Martin \u003c/strong>[00:03:15] I’m in a wheelchair. I’m gonna power wheelchair. I wouldn’t be able to charge my chair. I wouldn’t be able get out of my building or into my building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:03:24] I talked to San Francisco residents, including Kai Spencer Martin, about this latest power loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kai Spencer-Martin \u003c/strong>[00:03:29] If the power went out, I wouldn’t be able to go out and buy new groceries because my groceries went bad. We’d go hungry. My family. And it’s not just me. It’s me, my husband, my teenage son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:03:40] Luckily, she said the lights all around her building went out and hers didn’t. And she found out later that they have a backup generator in her building. So she was really lucky. But she’s an example of like how it’s more than just an inconvenience, right? Like it’s just more than eating a weird meal and trying to keep your fridge closed. She also has medications that need to be refrigerated, uses a nebulizer for asthma, and her husband uses a CPAP machine for sleeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kai Spencer-Martin \u003c/strong>[00:04:08] I have other friends that have disabilities that live in some of the downtown SROs that were out of power, um, for days, some of them just went hungry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:04:25] How much anger were you seeing, and are still seeing, as a result of this power outage and the ones that came after?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:04:34] Yeah, I mean, I think many people are familiar with how people already feel about PG&E. And if you look at like any Reddit forum about this power outage, it’s just like full of livid people, understandably, and people saying, how is this our one choice? People are upset for how much they’re paying for this power that isn’t very reliable. And all of this anger has led for calls for the city to take over PG&e.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Wiener \u003c/strong>[00:05:07] PG&E is too large. It’s not adequately maintaining its infrastructure as we saw this weekend yet again with the substation that caught on fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:05:17] State Senator Scott Wiener, he has just recently in the last few days introduced legislation that would make it easier for cities to break away from PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Scott Wiener \u003c/strong>[00:05:29] When giant corporations put profits over the public interest, it is time for us to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:05:36] And then we have other local officials supporting it, like San Francisco Supervisor Matt Dorsey. Why is that the solution that many people are thinking about now? Because PG&E is an investor-owned utility, which means it is motivated by profit in part, because they have investors and they need to offer them a return to make it worth them investing in the company. If PG&e were public, it would not have that motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:06:03] Is the idea that a takeover would lead to cheaper and better?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:06:11] That’s the idea, yeah. So if you look at some other examples, there are some places that have public power and they are paying way lower rates than people who have PG&E. And also, by having local control, you have more control of the grid that’s in front of you and the priorities in your smaller area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:06:33] So how does this happen exactly? Can San Francisco just make PG&E an offer? I mean, is PG&e even for sale in San Francisco or anywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:06:42] PG&E is not for sale, and they are not interested in selling all their infrastructure in San Francisco, but through a process called eminent domain, it could be possible. And what this would mean would be that San Francisco, it’s within their purview to take private property for public use as long as it pays fair compensation. So it would mean buying the part of the grid that PG&E owns and also paying for the cost of separating that out. We would need to have regulators involved. The California Public Utilities Commission would be involved. This would likely involve a variety of lawsuits because PG&E isn’t interested in this, we’d also need some sort of environmental review. If this all happened and the city and county of San Francisco was able to take over all of these poles and wires that currently belong to PG&E, then you need to staff the organization and run the organization. And I don’t know, who knows how to do that? Former PG&e workers. Maybe you find a whole bunch of new people. There’s just a lot that goes into this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:08:05] When Sacramento took over its utility and lessons for the rest of us. That’s coming up after the break. Are there examples of other California cities doing this that we can point to? That would be instructive here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:08:30] So, in 1923, Sacramento residents were really fed up with PG&E. They were fed up high rates and poor service, does that sound familiar? So they voted overwhelmingly, 87%, to establish what is called SMUD, the Sacramento Municipal Utility District, which is a public utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:08:53] In 1923, Sacramento residents voted to establish SMUD, and voters finally approved a $12 million bond to do that in 1934.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:09:05] So I spoke to Mohit Chhabra. He’s an analyst at the Natural Resources Defense Council. He focuses on energy and economics and climate about how this played out in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:09:16] And then it took them 23 years after that to start serving customers as SMUD. Because there were legal battles. PG&E challenged Sacramento’s eminent domain claim in state and federal courts. And you have to figure out exactly how much you need to pay to buy them out and so on. And it took 23 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:09:40] There were operational challenges. SMUD inherited aging infrastructure, poorly maintained infrastructure. They had trouble recruiting workers. They actually had their prices increase around the 70s and 80s. And then now, here we are today, and SMUD is actually doing very well. Their prices are way cheaper than PG&E’s. People seem more happy with it, but it’s taken quite some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:10:12] Are the gains from owning the utility public, worth the amount of money, time and effort that San Francisco would spend to buy out a section of PG&E and start running its own public utility? That’s the key question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:10:38] I mean, I can’t imagine if you’re PG&E right now and you’re seeing all of this anger towards you and you are seeing talk of taking over, buying out your infrastructure in San Francisco. I can imagine they’re thrilled about the idea of this. What has PG&e said about this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:10:55] Right. So I reached out to PG&E. They provided me with a statement. You know, they don’t intend to give away or sell their infrastructure in San Francisco. They want to continue to serve San Francisco They also bring up that San Francisco offered to buy PG&Es electric grid in San Francisco in 2019. But that is still in process. And they have said that San Francisco has failed to sort of provide a bunch of things that. Are needed to move forward with that process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:11:28] So we’ve established that taking over PG&E would be very expensive. It would take a lot of time. Um, but if San Francisco was able to do this, what could that mean for the rest of the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:11:41] There could be a lot of impacts on our neighbors. So for one, if San Francisco opts out of PG&E, prices for the rest of Californians will likely increase. And that’s because some of the more expensive parts of the system and what we’re spending on right now is protecting against wildfires, paying for past wildfires protecting against future ones. And those areas that we need to work on are in more fire prone areas, that’s not San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:12:12] Someone needs to pay for the shared part of the grid. If different parts of the state start doing that, and it’s likely going to be the wealthier cities, it’s the less wealthy cities that are left footing the bill for the grid\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:12:26] This is something Mohit Chhabra has thought a lot about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mohit Chhabra \u003c/strong>[00:12:29] The wealthiest cities can buy themselves out. They have the densest grid. They stand to gain the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:12:38] We’d also be removing this source of income for these programs that help offset the cost of PG&E. So about 30% of PG and E customers get reduced bills through programs like one’s called CARE. But that comes from subsidization from everybody paying in. And so if you’re taking off like a wealthier city, then again, those costs are gonna be distributed throughout the rest of the customers that aren’t part of that public power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:13:14] All this said, Laura, the argument, right, is that if we take over PG&E, we can have more affordable power, more reliable power that isn’t beholden to increasing profits for investors. Do we know whether public power is better?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:13:28] So it’s really a mixed bag. It’s like, if you look at SMUD, it’s like works really well. And then if you at Puerto Rico, it hasn’t worked really well, so it just, it depends on implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo \u003c/strong>[00:13:43] Whether or not San Francisco or even the state of California can take over PG&E, there is this public anger, like now. So where does this, you know, public pressure, where does this anger go in the meantime?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:14:00] Yeah. So this anger, you know, even if it doesn’t lead to a public power takeover and, you know, San Francisco power or whatever we would call it, it can go somewhere. This all this public pressure and this intensified scrutiny on the power grid in places where we don’t have wildfire could actually be useful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Toney \u003c/strong>[00:14:19] Maybe it will take a credible campaign to wake up PG&E to what they need to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Laura Klivans \u003c/strong>[00:14:29] I spoke to Mark Toney, he’s the executive director of the Utility Reform Network. And while his organization doesn’t take a position on local campaigns to create public power entities and believes, you know, communities, this is in your purview to do, he brought up the point that it could increase accountability for PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Toney \u003c/strong>[00:14:50] I don’t want to discourage this campaign, public power campaign, and I’ll tell you why. Because if there is a real threat that they may lose the franchise, maybe that will provide the motivation to do a better job, to bring the rates down, to increase the of their facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Bay Area lawmaker said conditions at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054544/californias-newest-immigration-facility-is-also-its-biggest-is-it-operating-legally\">newest immigration jail\u003c/a> in California amounted to “a violation of human rights” after an oversight visit this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Ro Khanna described what he called the “systemic neglect” of more than 900 people currently held at the California City Detention Facility, a private prison in the Mojave Desert, which opened in late August under a contract with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re treating these people like animals, not like human beings … It’s an embarrassment for the country,” he told KQED. “Whatever you think about the consequences for people who are undocumented, we should all agree that you treat people with dignity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s visit comes at a time when ICE is locking up more people than ever in its history — roughly 69,000 as of late December — as the Trump administration continues its massive ramp-up in immigration enforcement as part of an aggressive campaign to deport millions of non-citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have raised alarms over poor conditions in ICE detention as the number of in-custody deaths\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/04/ice-2025-deaths-timeline\"> surged\u003c/a> to its highest level in more than 20 years, with 32 people dying in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress has a legal right to inspect immigration detention centers, even unannounced. But over the past year, ICE has repeatedly denied access to politicians who have tried to exercise their power of oversight. Last July, several House \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasobserver.org/dems-congress-ice-detention-oversight-lawsuit/\">Democrats sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration after ICE issued a policy requiring seven days advance notice to schedule a visit. Last month, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/12/17/ice-lawmaker-visits-policy-ruling-00695801\">blocked \u003c/a>that policy while the case unfolded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069262\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069262\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/G9_jv3KW0AMIDK3_a.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/G9_jv3KW0AMIDK3_a.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/G9_jv3KW0AMIDK3_a-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">South Bay Democrat Rep. Ro Khanna and his staff member, Yvonne Inciarte, stand outside of the ICE California City Detention Center on Jan. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Ro Khanna's office)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s visit to the California City facility was pre-arranged. His office first reached out to ICE on Dec. 4 to set up the visit, which took place Jan. 5, a staff member said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna said he and an aide spent about three hours there, and took an official tour of the facility — which is set to become ICE’s largest in the state, with capacity for nearly 2,600 detainees. Khanna was reportedly told there were 1,428 detainees, including 215 women. The most recently available ICE data available, from Dec. 26, shows 922 detainees — although that number could have increased over the past two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmaker said he also had two group sessions where he was able to talk with 47 detained people who had signed up to meet him. No prison staff was present in the meetings, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During the tour, [the warden and other prison officials] were showing us they were going by the book, and they took standards really seriously,” he said. “Then when we met the detainees, I was just floored.”[aside postID=news_12068663 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260105-VenezuelaCalifornia-06-BL_qed.jpg']Khanna said he spoke with a man who said he had blood in his urine and was still waiting for medical care after seven days. He said people described rocks in their food, undrinkable water, punishing lockdowns four times a day and no-contact visits with family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really dehumanizing, and many of them were in tears,” he said. “Some of them had been in this country for over a decade, paying taxes, and they’re just shocked that they had been sent to this facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna said he was particularly alarmed by the lack of medical care. On the day he visited, he said, he saw only one doctor handling a clinic waiting room filled with roughly 40 patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CoreCivic, the company that owns and operates the facility, said the safety and health of people in its custody is its top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility employs licensed health care providers, who “[take] seriously their role and responsibility to provide high-quality healthcare, available 24/7, to the individuals in our care,” said CoreCivic public affairs director Ryan Gustin, in a statement emailed to KQED. “Our health services teams follow both CoreCivic’s standards for medical care and the standards set forth by our government partners. All individuals have daily access to sign up for medical care, including mental health services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin added that the company’s immigration facilities are closely monitored by ICE and required to undergo regular reviews and audits “to ensure an appropriate standard of living and care for all detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center in California City, California, in June 2025. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to repeated requests for comment. But information the agency is legally required to make public indicates that, as of Dec. 26, 2025, the most recent inspection of the California City facility took place “pre-occupancy,” with another inspection due at an unspecified date in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state-authorized \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">inspection was conducted\u003c/a> in September by Disability Rights California, a nonprofit watchdog organization with \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/publications/summary-of-disability-rights-californias-authority-under-state-and-federal-law\">investigative powers\u003c/a> under state and federal law to protect the rights of people with physical, developmental and psychiatric disabilities. The group found that conditions at the detention center were dangerous for disabled people and that health care access was broadly lacking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, immigrant rights organizations filed a lawsuit alleging that CoreCivic began operating the ICE facility without first obtaining state and local permits. Then, in November, detainees at the facility\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/11/ice-california-city-detainee-lawsuit/\"> sued\u003c/a>, alleging the place is polluted by sewage leaks and insect infestations, and that detainees can’t get proper medical attention for life-threatening conditions.[aside postID=news_12069104 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty.jpg']Last month, the California Attorney General’s office sent out its own inspection team, as mandated under state law, and then \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">issued \u003c/a>a sharply worded letter to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, calling out “dangerous and inadequate living conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta said the facility had “opened prematurely and was not prepared to handle the needs of the incoming population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s $130 million two-year contract with CoreCivic for the California City facility — formerly used as a state prison but vacant since 2023 — was enabled by Congress’s passage last summer of a budget bill that included $170 billion for President Donald Trump’s immigration enforcement priorities — including $45 billion specifically for detention facilities. Analysts estimate the money could allow for as many as 116,000 detention beds. By comparison, ICE held about 39,000 people in the final days of the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna said he decided to see the inside of the facility for himself after residents in his Santa Clara County district expressed concern for loved ones who were held there. The lawmaker said he wants more of Congress to visit detention centers and hold ICE accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think more members need to go in,” he said. “Get access to these facilities and talk to the detainees. And then we need to tell their stories. That’s our job in oversight. I did it because my constituents faced it, and I’m really glad I did and horrified to see what I discovered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Bay Area lawmaker said conditions at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12054544/californias-newest-immigration-facility-is-also-its-biggest-is-it-operating-legally\">newest immigration jail\u003c/a> in California amounted to “a violation of human rights” after an oversight visit this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Ro Khanna described what he called the “systemic neglect” of more than 900 people currently held at the California City Detention Facility, a private prison in the Mojave Desert, which opened in late August under a contract with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re treating these people like animals, not like human beings … It’s an embarrassment for the country,” he told KQED. “Whatever you think about the consequences for people who are undocumented, we should all agree that you treat people with dignity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s visit comes at a time when ICE is locking up more people than ever in its history — roughly 69,000 as of late December — as the Trump administration continues its massive ramp-up in immigration enforcement as part of an aggressive campaign to deport millions of non-citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates have raised alarms over poor conditions in ICE detention as the number of in-custody deaths\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/04/ice-2025-deaths-timeline\"> surged\u003c/a> to its highest level in more than 20 years, with 32 people dying in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress has a legal right to inspect immigration detention centers, even unannounced. But over the past year, ICE has repeatedly denied access to politicians who have tried to exercise their power of oversight. Last July, several House \u003ca href=\"https://www.texasobserver.org/dems-congress-ice-detention-oversight-lawsuit/\">Democrats sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration after ICE issued a policy requiring seven days advance notice to schedule a visit. Last month, a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2025/12/17/ice-lawmaker-visits-policy-ruling-00695801\">blocked \u003c/a>that policy while the case unfolded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069262\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069262\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/G9_jv3KW0AMIDK3_a.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"1000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/G9_jv3KW0AMIDK3_a.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/G9_jv3KW0AMIDK3_a-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">South Bay Democrat Rep. Ro Khanna and his staff member, Yvonne Inciarte, stand outside of the ICE California City Detention Center on Jan. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Ro Khanna's office)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s visit to the California City facility was pre-arranged. His office first reached out to ICE on Dec. 4 to set up the visit, which took place Jan. 5, a staff member said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna said he and an aide spent about three hours there, and took an official tour of the facility — which is set to become ICE’s largest in the state, with capacity for nearly 2,600 detainees. Khanna was reportedly told there were 1,428 detainees, including 215 women. The most recently available ICE data available, from Dec. 26, shows 922 detainees — although that number could have increased over the past two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmaker said he also had two group sessions where he was able to talk with 47 detained people who had signed up to meet him. No prison staff was present in the meetings, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During the tour, [the warden and other prison officials] were showing us they were going by the book, and they took standards really seriously,” he said. “Then when we met the detainees, I was just floored.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Khanna said he spoke with a man who said he had blood in his urine and was still waiting for medical care after seven days. He said people described rocks in their food, undrinkable water, punishing lockdowns four times a day and no-contact visits with family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really dehumanizing, and many of them were in tears,” he said. “Some of them had been in this country for over a decade, paying taxes, and they’re just shocked that they had been sent to this facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna said he was particularly alarmed by the lack of medical care. On the day he visited, he said, he saw only one doctor handling a clinic waiting room filled with roughly 40 patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CoreCivic, the company that owns and operates the facility, said the safety and health of people in its custody is its top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The facility employs licensed health care providers, who “[take] seriously their role and responsibility to provide high-quality healthcare, available 24/7, to the individuals in our care,” said CoreCivic public affairs director Ryan Gustin, in a statement emailed to KQED. “Our health services teams follow both CoreCivic’s standards for medical care and the standards set forth by our government partners. All individuals have daily access to sign up for medical care, including mental health services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gustin added that the company’s immigration facilities are closely monitored by ICE and required to undergo regular reviews and audits “to ensure an appropriate standard of living and care for all detainees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12054617\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12054617\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/CoreCivicKQED3-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CoreCivic Inc. California City Immigration Processing Center in California City, California, in June 2025. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to repeated requests for comment. But information the agency is legally required to make public indicates that, as of Dec. 26, 2025, the most recent inspection of the California City facility took place “pre-occupancy,” with another inspection due at an unspecified date in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state-authorized \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">inspection was conducted\u003c/a> in September by Disability Rights California, a nonprofit watchdog organization with \u003ca href=\"https://www.disabilityrightsca.org/publications/summary-of-disability-rights-californias-authority-under-state-and-federal-law\">investigative powers\u003c/a> under state and federal law to protect the rights of people with physical, developmental and psychiatric disabilities. The group found that conditions at the detention center were dangerous for disabled people and that health care access was broadly lacking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October, immigrant rights organizations filed a lawsuit alleging that CoreCivic began operating the ICE facility without first obtaining state and local permits. Then, in November, detainees at the facility\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/11/ice-california-city-detainee-lawsuit/\"> sued\u003c/a>, alleging the place is polluted by sewage leaks and insect infestations, and that detainees can’t get proper medical attention for life-threatening conditions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last month, the California Attorney General’s office sent out its own inspection team, as mandated under state law, and then \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">issued \u003c/a>a sharply worded letter to Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, calling out “dangerous and inadequate living conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta said the facility had “opened prematurely and was not prepared to handle the needs of the incoming population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE’s $130 million two-year contract with CoreCivic for the California City facility — formerly used as a state prison but vacant since 2023 — was enabled by Congress’s passage last summer of a budget bill that included $170 billion for President Donald Trump’s immigration enforcement priorities — including $45 billion specifically for detention facilities. Analysts estimate the money could allow for as many as 116,000 detention beds. By comparison, ICE held about 39,000 people in the final days of the Biden administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna said he decided to see the inside of the facility for himself after residents in his Santa Clara County district expressed concern for loved ones who were held there. The lawmaker said he wants more of Congress to visit detention centers and hold ICE accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think more members need to go in,” he said. “Get access to these facilities and talk to the detainees. And then we need to tell their stories. That’s our job in oversight. I did it because my constituents faced it, and I’m really glad I did and horrified to see what I discovered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A judge on Friday temporarily blocked the Trump administration from \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068953/trump-pauses-funding-to-child-care-calworks-in-california-over-alleged-fraud\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">freezing more than $10 billion\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in child care and welfare funding for California and four other states led by Democratic governors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The decision came a day after the states sued to stop the administration’s decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/press-room/hhs-freezes-child-care-family-assistance-grants-five-states-fraud-concerns.html\">freeze three funds\u003c/a> — \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the Child Care and Development Fund, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and the Social Services Block Grant \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">—\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> which provide cash assistance, child care subsidies and other social services to lower-income households. About $5 billion of those funds go to California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Attorney General Rob Bonta, along with the top lawyers for New York, Minnesota, Illinois and Colorado argued that freezing the money would jeopardize some of their states’ most critical anti-poverty programs and that they were already experiencing delays in accessing it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The federal Administration for Children and Families told the states on Tuesday it would restrict access to these funds because it “has reason to believe” the money was fraudulently going to noncitizens. The department gave the states two weeks to submit documentation, like attendance records at child care programs, to justify their spending before they can access the money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The funding freeze stems from a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/01/nx-s1-5661705/trump-administration-freezes-child-care-funds-in-minnesota-after-claims-of-fraud\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">video from a conservative influencer \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">claiming without evidence that child care centers operated by Somali residents in Minnesota committed fraud. The allegation prompted the ACF to suggest \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://acf.gov/media/press/2026/hhs-close-biden-era-loophole-child-care\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">tightening rules around how federal child care funds get distributed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, like paying child care programs based on attendance instead of enrollment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is about nothing more than a president seeking to punish democratic-led states that have taken a stand against his bluster, his bullying, and his blatant and brazen lawlessness,” Bonta said Friday. “This is about a president and administration crying fraud without even attempting to provide any proof to back up the claims.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The temporary restraining order also blocks the Trump administration’s request for documents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">California uses the funds to provide temporary cash assistance to families in need, and to support foster care and child welfare services. The state also uses the Child Care and Development fund to provide subsidized child care for lower-income families.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A judge on Friday temporarily blocked the Trump administration from \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12068953/trump-pauses-funding-to-child-care-calworks-in-california-over-alleged-fraud\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">freezing more than $10 billion\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in child care and welfare funding for California and four other states led by Democratic governors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The decision came a day after the states sued to stop the administration’s decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/press-room/hhs-freezes-child-care-family-assistance-grants-five-states-fraud-concerns.html\">freeze three funds\u003c/a> — \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the Child Care and Development Fund, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and the Social Services Block Grant \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">—\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> which provide cash assistance, child care subsidies and other social services to lower-income households. About $5 billion of those funds go to California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Attorney General Rob Bonta, along with the top lawyers for New York, Minnesota, Illinois and Colorado argued that freezing the money would jeopardize some of their states’ most critical anti-poverty programs and that they were already experiencing delays in accessing it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The federal Administration for Children and Families told the states on Tuesday it would restrict access to these funds because it “has reason to believe” the money was fraudulently going to noncitizens. The department gave the states two weeks to submit documentation, like attendance records at child care programs, to justify their spending before they can access the money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The funding freeze stems from a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2026/01/01/nx-s1-5661705/trump-administration-freezes-child-care-funds-in-minnesota-after-claims-of-fraud\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">video from a conservative influencer \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">claiming without evidence that child care centers operated by Somali residents in Minnesota committed fraud. The allegation prompted the ACF to suggest \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://acf.gov/media/press/2026/hhs-close-biden-era-loophole-child-care\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">tightening rules around how federal child care funds get distributed\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, like paying child care programs based on attendance instead of enrollment. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is about nothing more than a president seeking to punish democratic-led states that have taken a stand against his bluster, his bullying, and his blatant and brazen lawlessness,” Bonta said Friday. “This is about a president and administration crying fraud without even attempting to provide any proof to back up the claims.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The temporary restraining order also blocks the Trump administration’s request for documents. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">California uses the funds to provide temporary cash assistance to families in need, and to support foster care and child welfare services. The state also uses the Child Care and Development fund to provide subsidized child care for lower-income families.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Local rapid response networks are reporting an increased interest in volunteer training after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">Immigration\u003c/a> and Customs Enforcement officer fatally shot a Minneapolis woman on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within 48 hours of the shooting of Renee Nicole Good, 37, officials with the North Bay Rapid Response Network said 30 individuals reached out to request legal observer training — the biggest surge they’ve seen since the last presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local and Minnesota state leaders said Good was on the scene as a legal observer or a volunteer who monitors law enforcement operations during intensifying protests against ICE enforcement in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angel Ibarra, a co-director of the Alameda County Immigration Legal and Education Partnership, which serves as Alameda’s rapid response network, said the East Bay organization has similarly received a flood of messages expressing interest in volunteer training. The networks provide resources for immigrant communities, including confirming immigration enforcement activity in real time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just speaks to the resilience of our communities and how willing they are to put themselves out there to support and be allies,” Ibarra said. “We are already updating our trainings to include stronger guidance on situational awareness, legal observation, de-escalation and how volunteers can protect one another when they’re out in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engels Garcia, a steering committee member for the Rapid Response Network in Santa Clara, said the network is also updating its training and procedures, adding that the group is committed to continuing its work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1433\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2-1536x1101.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters take part in a vigil for Renee Nicole Good at Fruitvale Plaza in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is intimidation not only to our legal observers and to the Rapid Response Network, but to the community in general, and we’re not going to be intimidated,” Garcia said. “Regardless of what transpired, no one should lose their life from recording ICE activity in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ibarra said Alameda’s rapid response network is also hearing from current volunteers in response to the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what we do, this is our bread and butter,” Ibarra said. “The fact that now, you need to take this extra level of precaution to make sure that folks are being not just effective but safe in the face of federal law enforcement is something that, you know, we didn’t expect originally, but we are in that sad reality now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within 36 hours of the high-profile killing, local advocates held a handful of marches and vigils across the Bay Area — and organizers said more are coming this weekend.[aside postID=news_11821950 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS64575_022_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1020x680.jpg']Demonstrations are already planned for Saturday in several cities, including Dublin, Livermore, Concord and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The night of the shooting, a group gathered outside of ICE offices in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw what was happening in Minneapolis, and we said we couldn’t wait another day to actually get our voices out there and the community’s voices out there,” Adam Sheehan, an event producer with Indivisible SF, a group behind last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060511/massive-no-kings-crowds-return-to-bay-area-streets-rebuking-trump\">No Kings protest\u003c/a>, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible SF is also organizing a protest on Saturday, with other Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilize.us/?tag_ids=29132\">chapters\u003c/a> holding their own demonstrations and vigils.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheehan criticized the federal response to the shooting, citing comments made by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, who initially described Good’s actions in the moments leading up to her death as domestic terrorism. Noem also accused Good of attempting to weaponize her vehicle against agents on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Noem] came out in the cowboy hat and said it was domestic terrorism, trying to run over an officer, and then the footage came out and didn’t speak to that at all,” Sheehan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday after the shooting, Noem said immigration officers were “carrying out lawful operations” in Minneapolis, and protesters gathered around an ICE vehicle that was stuck in the snow that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12069309 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem speaks at a news conference on Jan. 7, 2026, in Brownsville, Texas. Secretary Noem announced that the federal government would be deploying 500 miles of water barriers in the Rio Grande River. \u003ccite>(Michael Gonzalez/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Law enforcement were attempting to push out this vehicle … when a mob of agitators that were harassing them all day began blocking them in, shouting and impeding law enforcement operations,” Noem said, referring to Good’s vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/video/us/100000010631041/minneapolis-ice-shooting-video.html\">Footage\u003c/a> from multiple angles sourced by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> shows Good in a car nearby as officers begin advancing towards her maroon SUV. Good, the driver, appeared to try to turn right to leave the scene, but can first be seen appearing to wave the cars by, indicating for them to pass in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when she was approached by immigration officers and ordered to exit the vehicle. Footage shows Good back the car up, then turn as if to evade the officers. As she began to pull forward, one officer fired three shots into the vehicle, shooting Good in the head. The FBI is currently investigating the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day later, Customs and Border Patrol agents also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kgou.org/2026-01-09/border-patrol-shooting-in-portland-raises-questions-about-law-enforcement-training\">shot and wounded two people\u003c/a> in Portland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a completely unconscionable and lawless act — the murder of an innocent woman who was doing nothing illegal, simply legally observing ICE actions in Minneapolis,” Sanika Mahajan, an organizer with the Party for Socialism and Liberation, one of the groups behind another San Francisco demonstration the night of Good’s death, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rev. Deborah Lee is the co-executive director of the Interfaith Movement for Human Integrity, a group that has organized recent protests against ICE actions and holds vigils outside of San Francisco ICE offices multiple times per week. Lee said the news of Good’s death was devastating and noted that it’s not the first time ICE has employed violence against people observing or protesting immigration enforcement activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1341\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3-1536x1030.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters take part in a vigil for Renee Nicole Good at Fruitvale Plaza Park in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even here in Oakland, right? They shot a pepper ball right into the face of one of our faith colleagues,” Lee said, referring to an October protest against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">potential ICE-enforcement escalation\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, where a federal agent shot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061191/activists-federal-agents-clash-at-coast-guard-base-during-immigration-crackdown\">San Mateo pastor Jorge Bautista\u003c/a> in the face with some kind of pepper powder \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2025/10/23/live-report-cbp-staging-area-coast-guard-island-oakland-alameda/\">at point-blank range.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said this moment is also an opportunity to remember other deaths resulting from ICE actions, like Jaime Alanís, a farmworker in Ventura who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047860/california-farmworker-dies-after-falling-from-greenhouse-roof-during-ice-raid\">fell off a greenhouse roof \u003c/a>during an ICE raid in July and died of his injuries a day later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>2025 was also the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/10/23/nx-s1-5538090/ice-detention-custody-immigration-arrest-enforcement-dhs-trump\">deadliest\u003c/a> year for people in ICE custody in more than 20 years. A total of \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/04/ice-2025-deaths-timeline\">32 people\u003c/a> died in ICE custody last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limei Chen, an activist with the interfaith movement, regularly participates in those vigils. Last month, Chen, Lee and dozens of others were handcuffed and cited after they chained themselves to the doors of those offices to demand an end to ICE detentions of people showing up for court hearings or mandated check-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our main goal is to let the folks there who are there for their ICE check-ins know that they are not alone. We are there. We are witnessing, and we are supporting them,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen said they were still processing the news of Good’s death and what it means for people like them who regularly encounter federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was having this conversation with my mom about the action that we did a few weeks back, and she said to me, ‘I don’t want you to die.’ And I was thinking, well, that wouldn’t happen in the U.S.,” Chen said. “I’m sitting with my mom’s words. I’m sitting with the recent news. And I’m not quite sure how that might change my calculus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Local rapid response networks are reporting an increased interest in volunteer training after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">Immigration\u003c/a> and Customs Enforcement officer fatally shot a Minneapolis woman on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within 48 hours of the shooting of Renee Nicole Good, 37, officials with the North Bay Rapid Response Network said 30 individuals reached out to request legal observer training — the biggest surge they’ve seen since the last presidential election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local and Minnesota state leaders said Good was on the scene as a legal observer or a volunteer who monitors law enforcement operations during intensifying protests against ICE enforcement in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angel Ibarra, a co-director of the Alameda County Immigration Legal and Education Partnership, which serves as Alameda’s rapid response network, said the East Bay organization has similarly received a flood of messages expressing interest in volunteer training. The networks provide resources for immigrant communities, including confirming immigration enforcement activity in real time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just speaks to the resilience of our communities and how willing they are to put themselves out there to support and be allies,” Ibarra said. “We are already updating our trainings to include stronger guidance on situational awareness, legal observation, de-escalation and how volunteers can protect one another when they’re out in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engels Garcia, a steering committee member for the Rapid Response Network in Santa Clara, said the network is also updating its training and procedures, adding that the group is committed to continuing its work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1433\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty2-1536x1101.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters take part in a vigil for Renee Nicole Good at Fruitvale Plaza in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We know that this is intimidation not only to our legal observers and to the Rapid Response Network, but to the community in general, and we’re not going to be intimidated,” Garcia said. “Regardless of what transpired, no one should lose their life from recording ICE activity in our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ibarra said Alameda’s rapid response network is also hearing from current volunteers in response to the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what we do, this is our bread and butter,” Ibarra said. “The fact that now, you need to take this extra level of precaution to make sure that folks are being not just effective but safe in the face of federal law enforcement is something that, you know, we didn’t expect originally, but we are in that sad reality now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within 36 hours of the high-profile killing, local advocates held a handful of marches and vigils across the Bay Area — and organizers said more are coming this weekend.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Demonstrations are already planned for Saturday in several cities, including Dublin, Livermore, Concord and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The night of the shooting, a group gathered outside of ICE offices in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw what was happening in Minneapolis, and we said we couldn’t wait another day to actually get our voices out there and the community’s voices out there,” Adam Sheehan, an event producer with Indivisible SF, a group behind last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060511/massive-no-kings-crowds-return-to-bay-area-streets-rebuking-trump\">No Kings protest\u003c/a>, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible SF is also organizing a protest on Saturday, with other Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilize.us/?tag_ids=29132\">chapters\u003c/a> holding their own demonstrations and vigils.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheehan criticized the federal response to the shooting, citing comments made by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, who initially described Good’s actions in the moments leading up to her death as domestic terrorism. Noem also accused Good of attempting to weaponize her vehicle against agents on the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Noem] came out in the cowboy hat and said it was domestic terrorism, trying to run over an officer, and then the footage came out and didn’t speak to that at all,” Sheehan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Wednesday after the shooting, Noem said immigration officers were “carrying out lawful operations” in Minneapolis, and protesters gathered around an ICE vehicle that was stuck in the snow that morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069309\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12069309 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/KristiNoemGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem speaks at a news conference on Jan. 7, 2026, in Brownsville, Texas. Secretary Noem announced that the federal government would be deploying 500 miles of water barriers in the Rio Grande River. \u003ccite>(Michael Gonzalez/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Law enforcement were attempting to push out this vehicle … when a mob of agitators that were harassing them all day began blocking them in, shouting and impeding law enforcement operations,” Noem said, referring to Good’s vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/video/us/100000010631041/minneapolis-ice-shooting-video.html\">Footage\u003c/a> from multiple angles sourced by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> shows Good in a car nearby as officers begin advancing towards her maroon SUV. Good, the driver, appeared to try to turn right to leave the scene, but can first be seen appearing to wave the cars by, indicating for them to pass in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when she was approached by immigration officers and ordered to exit the vehicle. Footage shows Good back the car up, then turn as if to evade the officers. As she began to pull forward, one officer fired three shots into the vehicle, shooting Good in the head. The FBI is currently investigating the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day later, Customs and Border Patrol agents also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kgou.org/2026-01-09/border-patrol-shooting-in-portland-raises-questions-about-law-enforcement-training\">shot and wounded two people\u003c/a> in Portland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a completely unconscionable and lawless act — the murder of an innocent woman who was doing nothing illegal, simply legally observing ICE actions in Minneapolis,” Sanika Mahajan, an organizer with the Party for Socialism and Liberation, one of the groups behind another San Francisco demonstration the night of Good’s death, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rev. Deborah Lee is the co-executive director of the Interfaith Movement for Human Integrity, a group that has organized recent protests against ICE actions and holds vigils outside of San Francisco ICE offices multiple times per week. Lee said the news of Good’s death was devastating and noted that it’s not the first time ICE has employed violence against people observing or protesting immigration enforcement activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12069308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12069308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1341\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/ReneeGoodProtestOaklandGetty3-1536x1030.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters take part in a vigil for Renee Nicole Good at Fruitvale Plaza Park in Oakland, California, on Wednesday, Jan. 7, 2026. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even here in Oakland, right? They shot a pepper ball right into the face of one of our faith colleagues,” Lee said, referring to an October protest against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061545/bay-area-spared-from-federal-immigration-enforcement-surge-officials-say\">potential ICE-enforcement escalation\u003c/a> in the Bay Area, where a federal agent shot \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061191/activists-federal-agents-clash-at-coast-guard-base-during-immigration-crackdown\">San Mateo pastor Jorge Bautista\u003c/a> in the face with some kind of pepper powder \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2025/10/23/live-report-cbp-staging-area-coast-guard-island-oakland-alameda/\">at point-blank range.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee said this moment is also an opportunity to remember other deaths resulting from ICE actions, like Jaime Alanís, a farmworker in Ventura who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047860/california-farmworker-dies-after-falling-from-greenhouse-roof-during-ice-raid\">fell off a greenhouse roof \u003c/a>during an ICE raid in July and died of his injuries a day later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>2025 was also the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/10/23/nx-s1-5538090/ice-detention-custody-immigration-arrest-enforcement-dhs-trump\">deadliest\u003c/a> year for people in ICE custody in more than 20 years. A total of \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/ng-interactive/2026/jan/04/ice-2025-deaths-timeline\">32 people\u003c/a> died in ICE custody last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limei Chen, an activist with the interfaith movement, regularly participates in those vigils. Last month, Chen, Lee and dozens of others were handcuffed and cited after they chained themselves to the doors of those offices to demand an end to ICE detentions of people showing up for court hearings or mandated check-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our main goal is to let the folks there who are there for their ICE check-ins know that they are not alone. We are there. We are witnessing, and we are supporting them,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen said they were still processing the news of Good’s death and what it means for people like them who regularly encounter federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was having this conversation with my mom about the action that we did a few weeks back, and she said to me, ‘I don’t want you to die.’ And I was thinking, well, that wouldn’t happen in the U.S.,” Chen said. “I’m sitting with my mom’s words. I’m sitting with the recent news. And I’m not quite sure how that might change my calculus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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