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"title": "En el Condado de Sonoma, padres inmigrantes luchan para recuperar el enlace bilingüe de las escuelas",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986750/sonoma-school-district-cuts-bilingual-liaison-immigrant-families-are-fighting-back\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi única meta en este país es que mis hijos logren llegar a la universidad”, dijo Sandra Cruz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz llegó a Santa Rosa en 2006 con su marido y sus dos hijos. Originarios de la ciudad mexicana de Puerto Vallarta, lo habían dejado todo atrás para empezar de nuevo en el Norte de la Bahía, donde matriculó a sus dos hijos en el Distrito escolar unificado de Oak Grove, que atiende a familias en la zona este de Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de no hablar inglés y trabajar medio tiempo limpiando casas, Cruz quería formar parte de la educación de sus hijos y empezó a trabajar como voluntaria en eventos escolares y excursiones. “Fue como encontrar una familia”, dice, “te abrían cordialmente las puertas en cualquier evento de la escuela aunque no hablábamos su idioma”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De los aproximadamente 800 alumnos matriculados en los dos centros escolares de Oak Grove, alrededor de un tercio son latinos, y muchos de ellos también están aprendiendo inglés como segundo idioma. Cuando sus hijos crecieron y se trasladaron a otro distrito para cursar la preparatoria, Cruz conservó muchas de las amistades que hizo con padres y maestros. Años más tarde, ella y su marido tuvieron un tercer hijo, una niña, supo que quería volver a Oak Grove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su hija pequeña tiene ahora 9 años y cursa tercero de primaria en Oak Grove. Esta vez, Cruz dice que los alumnos hispanoparlantes están aún más atendidos en las aulas, gracias a Ana Castillo-Williams, la enlace bilingüe de tiempo parcial del distrito. Castillo-Williams se encarga de que toda la comunicación con los padres esté disponible tanto en inglés como en español, traduce en las reuniones entre padres y maestros y además ayuda a organizar los eventos multiculturales del distrito, como la celebración del Día de los Niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella se ganó la confianza de las familias, porque hay muchas familias que no se atreven a hacer presencia en las escuelas porque no tienen el idioma”, dijo Cruz. “Trabaja con ellas para que tengan el valor de hacer presencia, que su voz sea escuchada en las escuelas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el 13 de marzo, la junta directiva de Oak Grove \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/13QfcRaf_zQFgwVCBQvkgyvNvZlgrCzh7/view\">votó a favor de recortar las horas de 10 puestos\u003c/a>, eliminando la del enlace bilingüe, ya que el distrito busca cerrar las brechas presupuestarias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desde el anuncio del distrito, Cruz y docenas de otros padres \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/oak-grove-union-spanish-speaking-parents-protest-district-firing-its-only-t/\">han liderado protestas semanales exigiendo que el distrito revierta su decisión\u003c/a>. Han conseguido el apoyo de la comunidad en general, incluido el sindicato de maestros y grupos activistas como North Bay Organizing Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En todos los distritos escolares del Área de la Bahía, los padres inmigrantes han demostrado su capacidad de movilización, con o sin el inglés. En Oakland, los padres que hablan Mam \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855640/how-native-speakers-are-helping-1300-mam-students-in-oakland-through-remote-learning\">se organizaron para ayudar a otras familias indígenas adaptarse a la educación a distancia durante la pandemia\u003c/a>. En San Francisco, los padres de habla cantonesa lideraron los esfuerzos para aprobar la Propuesta N en 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-school-board-non-citizen-voting-upheld-proposition-n-california-court-of-appeal/\">la cual permite a los padres y tutores no ciudadanos votar en las elecciones de la junta escolar\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Oak Grove, las familias argumentan que sin el puesto de enlace bilingüe, la brecha entre los estudiantes latinos y sus compañeros seguirá creciendo. Y los padres dicen que no piensan dar un paso atrás en sus demandas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Lucha por “la justicia del lenguaje”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El 8 de marzo, administradores de Oak Grove tenían prevista su primera reunión desde haber aprobado los recortes de personal. Incluso antes de que comenzara la reunión, decenas de padres ya protestaban frente al gimnasio de Willowside Middle School, donde se reúne el consejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con pancartas en las que se leía “protegamos a nuestro enlace bilingüe” y “justicia del lenguaje”, los padres y miembros de la comunidad coreaban: “¡Amber, escucha, estamos en la lucha!” en referencia a la Superintendente del distrito, Amber Stringfellow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990148 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL.jpg\" alt=\"El patio de una escuela. El espacio es amplio y hay bastantes árboles y lugares para sentarse.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL-160x105.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willowside Middle School en Santa Rosa el martes 14 de mayo de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>En un comunicado, Stringfellow dijo a KQED que la Oficina de Educación del Condado de Sonoma ha ordenado al distrito recortar gastos para igualar la financiación estatal prevista. La publicación The Press Democrat informó por primera vez en febrero de que \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/state-budget-better-than-expected-but-sonoma-county-school-districts-still/\">Oak Grove es uno de los tres distritos en el condado que enfrentan una seria presión financiera\u003c/a> ya que sus reservas están por debajo de los requisitos estatales. Con todos los recortes de personal anunciados en marzo, el distrito espera ahorrar 237 mil 242 dólares, pero los funcionarios siguen buscando más opciones de frenar el gasto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El distrito entiende y se compromete a proporcionar vías de comunicación para nuestra comunidad, incluidos nuestros padres y tutores que no dominan el inglés”, dijo Stringfellow. Añadió que el distrito ofrece pago adicional a otros miembros del personal que son bilingües para que colaboren con los servicios de traducción.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, para algunos maestro, conseguir que otros empleados del distrito asuman el papel de enlace bilingüe no es una solución.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenemos a 13 personas que reciben un pago adicional por asumir estas labores”, dijo la profesora de sexto grado Cari Cardle, quien también es una de las líderes del sindicato de maestros de primaria de Oak Grove Union. “Pero, ¿sabes qué? Esas 13 personas tienen un trabajo. Y no es ser enlace bilingüe. No es ser intérprete”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardle lleva 25 años enseñando en Oak Grove. Sea cual sea el tema, ella dice que lo puede enseñar, pero añade que con el tiempo, la responsabilidad de los maestros en las aulas ha aumentado considerablemente. “La salud mental, la salud física, el aspecto de las redes sociales, todas esas cosas han cambiado este trabajo de manera dramática”, y añade, “esa es la parte que sí es difícil”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero todo esto pasa para establecer relaciones con los alumnos y sus familias, dijo. Esto es especialmente importante para los estudiantes que estan aprendiendo inglés como segundo idioma, que tienen que aprender el material a doble velocidad para ponerse al nivel de sus compañeros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo único que importa en un sistema escolar para el éxito de los estudiantes son los vínculos”, dijo Cardle. “Si no tienes una conexión, no vas a sacar lo mejor del niño”.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Ahí es donde Castillo-Williams ha desempeñado un papel clave como enlace bilingüe, explica Cardle. Cuando ocurría algo en casa, los padres hispanohablantes llamaban al enlace bilingüe, no a los maestros ni a los administradores de la escuela. Varios padres comentaron a KQED que ellos sienten un gran nivel de confianza con Castillo-Williams y sostienen que ella es el único miembro del personal con quien podían hablar cómodamente sobre asuntos familiares delicados. (La propia Castillo-Williams no estaba disponible para hablar con KQED para este reportaje).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Y no sólo se benefician las familias. También los maestros, ya que podemos ayudar a los niños porque tenemos una vía para saber qué está pasando”, dijo Cardle. En su reunión de marzo, más del 90% del sindicato de maestros votó a favor de apoyar la demanda de los padres de recuperar el enlace bilingüe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Cómo se llega a ese niño que no tiene lo que necesita?”. dijo Cardle. “Si tienen hambre, no pueden aprender”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘No nos podemos quedar callados’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Los distritos escolares de California se enfrentan a déficits cada vez mayores. El Distrito escolar unificado de San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978035/sfusd-considers-school-closures-and-mergers-amid-declining-enrollment\">podría sufrir un déficit presupuestario de 100 millones de dólares el año que viene\u003c/a>, y el distrito prevé que el número de alumnos siga disminuyendo a lo largo de la década. Mientras tanto, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-08/thousands-rally-over-expected-cuts-to-l-a-schools-a-rebuke-to-lausds-no-layoff-claims\">el Distrito escolar unificado de Los Ángeles podría registrar un déficit de aproximadamente 1.75 mil millones de dólares el próximo año\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y a pesar de las recientes promesas del gobernador Gavin Newsom de \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/newsom-again-pledges-to-spare-cuts-for-schools-and-community-colleges-but-not-for-csu-and-uc/711722\">proteger el presupuesto para la educación del nivel kinder hasta el bachillerato\u003c/a>, las subvenciones federales que ayudaron a mantener a flote a los distritos escolares durante la pandemia \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/20/1239609135/the-190-billion-in-emergency-funds-given-to-schools-during-the-pandemic-is-endin\">se han agotado\u003c/a>. En muchas reuniones de consejos escolares a lo largo del estado, la pregunta central es, “¿Qué recortar?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el grupo de padres hispanohablantes de Oak Grove afirma que sin el enlace bilingüe, será más difícil para los estudiantes latinos recuperar el aprendizaje perdido durante la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según los \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp-elpac.ets.org/caaspp/DashViewReportSB?ps=true&lstTestYear=2023&lstTestType=B&lstGroup=1&lstSubGroup=1&lstGrade=13&lstSchoolType=A&lstCounty=49&lstDistrict=70839-000&lstSchool=0000000&lstFocus=a\">datos de las pruebas estatales\u003c/a>, aproximadamente el 52% de todos los estudiantes en las escuelas de Oak Grove alcanzaron o superaron los estándares de lengua y literatura en inglés (o ELA por sus siglas en inglés) al final del año escolar 2022-23. En matemáticas, ese número fue del 42%. Entre los estudiantes que se identifican como latinos o hispanos, los números son más bajos: 42% en ELA y 28% en matemáticas. Si bien múltiples estudios han confirmado que los resultados de las pruebas estandarizadas \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/petergreene/2024/02/10/research-shows-what-state-standardized-tests-actually-measure/?sh=352fad7375e5\">rara vez son buenos indicadores del éxito de los estudiantes\u003c/a>, estos datos pueden mejor usarse para identificar las necesidades de los estudiantes.[aside postID=\"news_11986750\" label=\"Lea este reportaje en inglés\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20240514_OAKGROVEUNIONDISTRICTPARENTS-3-KQED-1020x680.jpg\"]“No podemos quedarnos calladas cuando vemos cómo continúan ignorando a nuestra comunidad hispana”, dijo la madre María Gayosso en la reunión del distrito del 8 de marzo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si un grupo de estudiantes tiene dificultades, eso también podría afectar a otros estudiantes, dijo Rhianna Casesa, profesora de la Universidad estatal de California en Sonoma. Su investigación se centra en la educación bilingüe y trabaja con muchos jóvenes maestros que quieren enseñar en las escuelas de Sonoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Desde 2017, el Condado de Sonoma ha pasado por un trauma tras otro, como los incendios forestales, COVID-19, inundaciones”, dijo. “Si no sabes cómo es desde la perspectiva de un niño o desde la perspectiva de un padre, realmente es difícil enseñar de manera apropiada a ese niño en ese salón de clases”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y por eso es tan importante que los padres digan lo que piensan, añade la investigadora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Algo que he visto que ocurre cada vez con mayor frecuencia es que los padres exigen lo que se merecen”, dice. “Los padres se sienten ahora con capacidad para plantear estas exigencias porque, en última instancia, es el dinero de sus impuestos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Oak Grove, el consejo escolar está considerando un proceso para reincorporar puestos una vez que el presupuesto del próximo año esté finalizado en junio. La próxima reunión es el 17 de junio, la cual decenas de padres de familia planean asistir y exigir de nuevo que se recupera la posición del enlace bilingüe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seguirán manifestandose semana tras semana, dice Sandra Cruz. “Creo que lo más importante es la semilla que sembramos en nuestros hijos”, ella agregó. “Los hacemos sentir más fuertes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986750/sonoma-school-district-cuts-bilingual-liaison-immigrant-families-are-fighting-back\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi única meta en este país es que mis hijos logren llegar a la universidad”, dijo Sandra Cruz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cruz llegó a Santa Rosa en 2006 con su marido y sus dos hijos. Originarios de la ciudad mexicana de Puerto Vallarta, lo habían dejado todo atrás para empezar de nuevo en el Norte de la Bahía, donde matriculó a sus dos hijos en el Distrito escolar unificado de Oak Grove, que atiende a familias en la zona este de Santa Rosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pesar de no hablar inglés y trabajar medio tiempo limpiando casas, Cruz quería formar parte de la educación de sus hijos y empezó a trabajar como voluntaria en eventos escolares y excursiones. “Fue como encontrar una familia”, dice, “te abrían cordialmente las puertas en cualquier evento de la escuela aunque no hablábamos su idioma”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>De los aproximadamente 800 alumnos matriculados en los dos centros escolares de Oak Grove, alrededor de un tercio son latinos, y muchos de ellos también están aprendiendo inglés como segundo idioma. Cuando sus hijos crecieron y se trasladaron a otro distrito para cursar la preparatoria, Cruz conservó muchas de las amistades que hizo con padres y maestros. Años más tarde, ella y su marido tuvieron un tercer hijo, una niña, supo que quería volver a Oak Grove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su hija pequeña tiene ahora 9 años y cursa tercero de primaria en Oak Grove. Esta vez, Cruz dice que los alumnos hispanoparlantes están aún más atendidos en las aulas, gracias a Ana Castillo-Williams, la enlace bilingüe de tiempo parcial del distrito. Castillo-Williams se encarga de que toda la comunicación con los padres esté disponible tanto en inglés como en español, traduce en las reuniones entre padres y maestros y además ayuda a organizar los eventos multiculturales del distrito, como la celebración del Día de los Niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella se ganó la confianza de las familias, porque hay muchas familias que no se atreven a hacer presencia en las escuelas porque no tienen el idioma”, dijo Cruz. “Trabaja con ellas para que tengan el valor de hacer presencia, que su voz sea escuchada en las escuelas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el 13 de marzo, la junta directiva de Oak Grove \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/13QfcRaf_zQFgwVCBQvkgyvNvZlgrCzh7/view\">votó a favor de recortar las horas de 10 puestos\u003c/a>, eliminando la del enlace bilingüe, ya que el distrito busca cerrar las brechas presupuestarias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desde el anuncio del distrito, Cruz y docenas de otros padres \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/oak-grove-union-spanish-speaking-parents-protest-district-firing-its-only-t/\">han liderado protestas semanales exigiendo que el distrito revierta su decisión\u003c/a>. Han conseguido el apoyo de la comunidad en general, incluido el sindicato de maestros y grupos activistas como North Bay Organizing Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En todos los distritos escolares del Área de la Bahía, los padres inmigrantes han demostrado su capacidad de movilización, con o sin el inglés. En Oakland, los padres que hablan Mam \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11855640/how-native-speakers-are-helping-1300-mam-students-in-oakland-through-remote-learning\">se organizaron para ayudar a otras familias indígenas adaptarse a la educación a distancia durante la pandemia\u003c/a>. En San Francisco, los padres de habla cantonesa lideraron los esfuerzos para aprobar la Propuesta N en 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/sf-school-board-non-citizen-voting-upheld-proposition-n-california-court-of-appeal/\">la cual permite a los padres y tutores no ciudadanos votar en las elecciones de la junta escolar\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Oak Grove, las familias argumentan que sin el puesto de enlace bilingüe, la brecha entre los estudiantes latinos y sus compañeros seguirá creciendo. Y los padres dicen que no piensan dar un paso atrás en sus demandas.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Lucha por “la justicia del lenguaje”\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>El 8 de marzo, administradores de Oak Grove tenían prevista su primera reunión desde haber aprobado los recortes de personal. Incluso antes de que comenzara la reunión, decenas de padres ya protestaban frente al gimnasio de Willowside Middle School, donde se reúne el consejo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con pancartas en las que se leía “protegamos a nuestro enlace bilingüe” y “justicia del lenguaje”, los padres y miembros de la comunidad coreaban: “¡Amber, escucha, estamos en la lucha!” en referencia a la Superintendente del distrito, Amber Stringfellow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990148\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11990148 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL.jpg\" alt=\"El patio de una escuela. El espacio es amplio y hay bastantes árboles y lugares para sentarse.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL-800x525.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL-1020x669.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/WILLOWSIDE-SCHOOL-160x105.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Willowside Middle School en Santa Rosa el martes 14 de mayo de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>En un comunicado, Stringfellow dijo a KQED que la Oficina de Educación del Condado de Sonoma ha ordenado al distrito recortar gastos para igualar la financiación estatal prevista. La publicación The Press Democrat informó por primera vez en febrero de que \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/state-budget-better-than-expected-but-sonoma-county-school-districts-still/\">Oak Grove es uno de los tres distritos en el condado que enfrentan una seria presión financiera\u003c/a> ya que sus reservas están por debajo de los requisitos estatales. Con todos los recortes de personal anunciados en marzo, el distrito espera ahorrar 237 mil 242 dólares, pero los funcionarios siguen buscando más opciones de frenar el gasto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El distrito entiende y se compromete a proporcionar vías de comunicación para nuestra comunidad, incluidos nuestros padres y tutores que no dominan el inglés”, dijo Stringfellow. Añadió que el distrito ofrece pago adicional a otros miembros del personal que son bilingües para que colaboren con los servicios de traducción.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, para algunos maestro, conseguir que otros empleados del distrito asuman el papel de enlace bilingüe no es una solución.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenemos a 13 personas que reciben un pago adicional por asumir estas labores”, dijo la profesora de sexto grado Cari Cardle, quien también es una de las líderes del sindicato de maestros de primaria de Oak Grove Union. “Pero, ¿sabes qué? Esas 13 personas tienen un trabajo. Y no es ser enlace bilingüe. No es ser intérprete”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardle lleva 25 años enseñando en Oak Grove. Sea cual sea el tema, ella dice que lo puede enseñar, pero añade que con el tiempo, la responsabilidad de los maestros en las aulas ha aumentado considerablemente. “La salud mental, la salud física, el aspecto de las redes sociales, todas esas cosas han cambiado este trabajo de manera dramática”, y añade, “esa es la parte que sí es difícil”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero todo esto pasa para establecer relaciones con los alumnos y sus familias, dijo. Esto es especialmente importante para los estudiantes que estan aprendiendo inglés como segundo idioma, que tienen que aprender el material a doble velocidad para ponerse al nivel de sus compañeros.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo único que importa en un sistema escolar para el éxito de los estudiantes son los vínculos”, dijo Cardle. “Si no tienes una conexión, no vas a sacar lo mejor del niño”.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ahí es donde Castillo-Williams ha desempeñado un papel clave como enlace bilingüe, explica Cardle. Cuando ocurría algo en casa, los padres hispanohablantes llamaban al enlace bilingüe, no a los maestros ni a los administradores de la escuela. Varios padres comentaron a KQED que ellos sienten un gran nivel de confianza con Castillo-Williams y sostienen que ella es el único miembro del personal con quien podían hablar cómodamente sobre asuntos familiares delicados. (La propia Castillo-Williams no estaba disponible para hablar con KQED para este reportaje).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Y no sólo se benefician las familias. También los maestros, ya que podemos ayudar a los niños porque tenemos una vía para saber qué está pasando”, dijo Cardle. En su reunión de marzo, más del 90% del sindicato de maestros votó a favor de apoyar la demanda de los padres de recuperar el enlace bilingüe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Cómo se llega a ese niño que no tiene lo que necesita?”. dijo Cardle. “Si tienen hambre, no pueden aprender”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>‘No nos podemos quedar callados’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Los distritos escolares de California se enfrentan a déficits cada vez mayores. El Distrito escolar unificado de San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978035/sfusd-considers-school-closures-and-mergers-amid-declining-enrollment\">podría sufrir un déficit presupuestario de 100 millones de dólares el año que viene\u003c/a>, y el distrito prevé que el número de alumnos siga disminuyendo a lo largo de la década. Mientras tanto, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-08/thousands-rally-over-expected-cuts-to-l-a-schools-a-rebuke-to-lausds-no-layoff-claims\">el Distrito escolar unificado de Los Ángeles podría registrar un déficit de aproximadamente 1.75 mil millones de dólares el próximo año\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y a pesar de las recientes promesas del gobernador Gavin Newsom de \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/newsom-again-pledges-to-spare-cuts-for-schools-and-community-colleges-but-not-for-csu-and-uc/711722\">proteger el presupuesto para la educación del nivel kinder hasta el bachillerato\u003c/a>, las subvenciones federales que ayudaron a mantener a flote a los distritos escolares durante la pandemia \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/03/20/1239609135/the-190-billion-in-emergency-funds-given-to-schools-during-the-pandemic-is-endin\">se han agotado\u003c/a>. En muchas reuniones de consejos escolares a lo largo del estado, la pregunta central es, “¿Qué recortar?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sin embargo, el grupo de padres hispanohablantes de Oak Grove afirma que sin el enlace bilingüe, será más difícil para los estudiantes latinos recuperar el aprendizaje perdido durante la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según los \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp-elpac.ets.org/caaspp/DashViewReportSB?ps=true&lstTestYear=2023&lstTestType=B&lstGroup=1&lstSubGroup=1&lstGrade=13&lstSchoolType=A&lstCounty=49&lstDistrict=70839-000&lstSchool=0000000&lstFocus=a\">datos de las pruebas estatales\u003c/a>, aproximadamente el 52% de todos los estudiantes en las escuelas de Oak Grove alcanzaron o superaron los estándares de lengua y literatura en inglés (o ELA por sus siglas en inglés) al final del año escolar 2022-23. En matemáticas, ese número fue del 42%. Entre los estudiantes que se identifican como latinos o hispanos, los números son más bajos: 42% en ELA y 28% en matemáticas. Si bien múltiples estudios han confirmado que los resultados de las pruebas estandarizadas \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/petergreene/2024/02/10/research-shows-what-state-standardized-tests-actually-measure/?sh=352fad7375e5\">rara vez son buenos indicadores del éxito de los estudiantes\u003c/a>, estos datos pueden mejor usarse para identificar las necesidades de los estudiantes.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No podemos quedarnos calladas cuando vemos cómo continúan ignorando a nuestra comunidad hispana”, dijo la madre María Gayosso en la reunión del distrito del 8 de marzo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si un grupo de estudiantes tiene dificultades, eso también podría afectar a otros estudiantes, dijo Rhianna Casesa, profesora de la Universidad estatal de California en Sonoma. Su investigación se centra en la educación bilingüe y trabaja con muchos jóvenes maestros que quieren enseñar en las escuelas de Sonoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Desde 2017, el Condado de Sonoma ha pasado por un trauma tras otro, como los incendios forestales, COVID-19, inundaciones”, dijo. “Si no sabes cómo es desde la perspectiva de un niño o desde la perspectiva de un padre, realmente es difícil enseñar de manera apropiada a ese niño en ese salón de clases”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y por eso es tan importante que los padres digan lo que piensan, añade la investigadora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Algo que he visto que ocurre cada vez con mayor frecuencia es que los padres exigen lo que se merecen”, dice. “Los padres se sienten ahora con capacidad para plantear estas exigencias porque, en última instancia, es el dinero de sus impuestos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En Oak Grove, el consejo escolar está considerando un proceso para reincorporar puestos una vez que el presupuesto del próximo año esté finalizado en junio. La próxima reunión es el 17 de junio, la cual decenas de padres de familia planean asistir y exigir de nuevo que se recupera la posición del enlace bilingüe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seguirán manifestandose semana tras semana, dice Sandra Cruz. “Creo que lo más importante es la semilla que sembramos en nuestros hijos”, ella agregó. “Los hacemos sentir más fuertes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Lawsuit Claims Alameda County DA Is Biased Against Asians. How Will It Impact the Recall?",
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"headTitle": "Lawsuit Claims Alameda County DA Is Biased Against Asians. How Will It Impact the Recall? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Patricia Lee, a former public information officer for Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, is suing the county and Price, alleging Price made anti-Asian remarks and fired her in retaliation for speaking up about violations of public transparency laws. The \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1c_nkrX_dIyAhf4HjIzvEdzF74z1c50nX/view?usp=sharing\">lawsuit was filed\u003c/a> Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyscanner.com/2024/03/04/courts/pamela-price-racial-discrimination-whistleblower-retaliation-claims/\">\u003cem>The Berkeley Scanner\u003c/em>\u003c/a> first reported Lee’s allegations in March. The lawsuit builds on previous claims of anti-Asian bias in Price’s administration. Her office denies any anti-Asian bias, but the lawsuit means the narrative likely isn’t going away anytime soon. That’s bad news for Price as she faces a recall election this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The context:\u003c/strong> Price has been criticized by some for her handling of two homicide cases with Asian victims in November 2021. Kevin Nishita, a security guard for a TV news crew, was killed during a robbery, and toddler Jasper Wu was killed by a stray bullet during an alleged gang-related shootout on Interstate 880 in Oakland. When Price took office in January 2023, her deputies removed special circumstances enhancements from both cases, eliminating the possibility of sentences of death or life without parole. The move was consistent with Price’s campaign stance. To some, the change made it seem like Asian victims were less important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Claims of bias from within the office have added fuel to these fears. In a May 2023 letter of resignation, former Deputy DA Rebecca Warren claimed Price’s chief assistant made racist statements about Somoans. Warren also characterized an email from Price regarding Wu’s death as condescending to Chinese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The opposing view:\u003c/strong> Price resubmitted charges for the three defendants in Nishita’s case in February. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/alameda-county-district-attorney-pamela-price-resubmits-charges-against-three-defendants-in-the-kevin-nishita-murder-case/\">press release\u003c/a>, her office highlighted the long sentences — 189, 151 and 78 years, respectively — the defendants would face if convicted of all counts. It was a pivot from her insistence on the campaign trail that long sentences don’t make communities safer — a stance backed by \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/2KJL-SAE8\">U.S. Department of Justice research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that month, Price attended a town hall in Oakland’s Chinatown to meet with residents and listen to their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in the midst of shouting and controversy and people having signs, we’re still having a conversation,” Price said, sitting alongside Trevelyon Jones, Oakland Police Department’s interim assistant chief. “Tell us what the issues are. We’re in the midst of a crisis, and yet we are all working to find solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The big picture:\u003c/strong> The racial dynamics at play here are hard to ignore. There is a long history of tension between Black and Asian communities in America (and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/30/opinion/asian-black-americans-community.html\">long history of solidarity)\u003c/a>. Price is the county’s first Black district attorney, and she took office amidst a surge in anti-Asian hate crimes. Concerns the justice system wasn’t taking the anti-Asian violence seriously enough \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915634/why-high-profile-attacks-on-sfs-asian-communities-rarely-lead-to-hate-crime-charges\">contributed to District Attorney Chesa Boudin’s recall in San Francisco in 2022\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Regardless of the outcome of Lee’s lawsuit, the larger narrative it fits into is something Price will continue to contend with.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next:\u003c/strong> The county and the DA will likely ask the court to dismiss Lee’s case, but if that doesn’t work, they’ll have to decide whether to fight or settle. Settlement would wrap the issue quickly but could imply some admission of guilt, something recall supporters would not let go quietly. Taking the case to trial would drag out the controversy for months, ensuring this narrative would haunt Price throughout her campaign against the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Patricia Lee, a former public information officer for Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, is suing the county and Price, alleging Price made anti-Asian remarks and fired her in retaliation for speaking up about violations of public transparency laws. The \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1c_nkrX_dIyAhf4HjIzvEdzF74z1c50nX/view?usp=sharing\">lawsuit was filed\u003c/a> Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyscanner.com/2024/03/04/courts/pamela-price-racial-discrimination-whistleblower-retaliation-claims/\">\u003cem>The Berkeley Scanner\u003c/em>\u003c/a> first reported Lee’s allegations in March. The lawsuit builds on previous claims of anti-Asian bias in Price’s administration. Her office denies any anti-Asian bias, but the lawsuit means the narrative likely isn’t going away anytime soon. That’s bad news for Price as she faces a recall election this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The context:\u003c/strong> Price has been criticized by some for her handling of two homicide cases with Asian victims in November 2021. Kevin Nishita, a security guard for a TV news crew, was killed during a robbery, and toddler Jasper Wu was killed by a stray bullet during an alleged gang-related shootout on Interstate 880 in Oakland. When Price took office in January 2023, her deputies removed special circumstances enhancements from both cases, eliminating the possibility of sentences of death or life without parole. The move was consistent with Price’s campaign stance. To some, the change made it seem like Asian victims were less important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Claims of bias from within the office have added fuel to these fears. In a May 2023 letter of resignation, former Deputy DA Rebecca Warren claimed Price’s chief assistant made racist statements about Somoans. Warren also characterized an email from Price regarding Wu’s death as condescending to Chinese Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The opposing view:\u003c/strong> Price resubmitted charges for the three defendants in Nishita’s case in February. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/alameda-county-district-attorney-pamela-price-resubmits-charges-against-three-defendants-in-the-kevin-nishita-murder-case/\">press release\u003c/a>, her office highlighted the long sentences — 189, 151 and 78 years, respectively — the defendants would face if convicted of all counts. It was a pivot from her insistence on the campaign trail that long sentences don’t make communities safer — a stance backed by \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/2KJL-SAE8\">U.S. Department of Justice research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later that month, Price attended a town hall in Oakland’s Chinatown to meet with residents and listen to their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in the midst of shouting and controversy and people having signs, we’re still having a conversation,” Price said, sitting alongside Trevelyon Jones, Oakland Police Department’s interim assistant chief. “Tell us what the issues are. We’re in the midst of a crisis, and yet we are all working to find solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The big picture:\u003c/strong> The racial dynamics at play here are hard to ignore. There is a long history of tension between Black and Asian communities in America (and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/30/opinion/asian-black-americans-community.html\">long history of solidarity)\u003c/a>. Price is the county’s first Black district attorney, and she took office amidst a surge in anti-Asian hate crimes. Concerns the justice system wasn’t taking the anti-Asian violence seriously enough \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915634/why-high-profile-attacks-on-sfs-asian-communities-rarely-lead-to-hate-crime-charges\">contributed to District Attorney Chesa Boudin’s recall in San Francisco in 2022\u003c/a>. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Regardless of the outcome of Lee’s lawsuit, the larger narrative it fits into is something Price will continue to contend with.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next:\u003c/strong> The county and the DA will likely ask the court to dismiss Lee’s case, but if that doesn’t work, they’ll have to decide whether to fight or settle. Settlement would wrap the issue quickly but could imply some admission of guilt, something recall supporters would not let go quietly. Taking the case to trial would drag out the controversy for months, ensuring this narrative would haunt Price throughout her campaign against the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Five Bay Area counties could lose a collective $180 million annually if lawmakers pass the governor’s current budget proposal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The money is at the center of an ongoing battle between the state and counties with some of the highest property taxes in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">San Francisco, Marin, San Mateo, Napa and Santa Clara are the only five counties in California that generate more property taxes than their obligations to the Educational Revenue Augmentation Fund, which is used to meet funding mandates for public schools across the state. The leftovers are called “excess ERAF.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For years, the state Department of Finance has said those counties are miscalculating the amount they owe to the fund by omitting kids in charter schools from their daily attendance counts. The state uses those figures to determine how much money it allocates to school districts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The counties thought recent lawsuits had settled the issue in their favor. However, under the governor’s current budget, charter schools would be counted for ERAF funding, which would essentially remove the excess property tax revenue that the counties use in their general funds. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For more than 30 years, these revenues have been directed to fund K–12 schools, but charter schools have been recently left out of the equation,” H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, said. “This proposal would ensure that all local educational agencies receive these funds.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In February, Matthew Hymel, then-Marin County executive, wrote \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/executive/budget-and-priority-setting/legislative-support-and-advocacy/legislative-3\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a letter to state lawmakers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> calling the move unconstitutional, saying it would cost the county $1.1 million per year, affecting some 65 governmental entities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is the latest in a series of attempts by the State Department of Finance (DOF) to take constitutionally protected funds from local governments for State use at the expense of local health and safety programs and services,” Hymel’s statement reads.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More than $47 million is at stake in Santa Clara County, between the county and its cities. County Executive James Williams argues that the governor’s proposal goes against a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/03-04/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sca_4_cfa_20040729_111134_asm_floor.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2004 constitutional amendment\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> passed by voters that precludes state lawmakers from enacting new “ERAF shifts” to take property tax money away from local governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There should be no more grab of local government money, and that’s why we’re urging the legislature to reject this,” Williams said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Michelle Allersma, director of budget and analysis in the San Francisco Controller’s Office, said San Francisco alone risks losing $43 million a year, which it uses to pay for basic services. It began using excess ERAF in the 2016–17 budget year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We’re still kind of pulling ourselves out of the kind of pandemic aftermath,” Allersma said. “We’re still working on building back our local economy, so $43 million is objectively just an incredibly large number for us to backfill.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Williams said the dispute goes back to 1988 when California voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm#:~:text=Generally%2C%20Proposition%2098%20provides%20K,and%20local%20property%20tax%20revenues.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 98\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which guarantees funding for K–14 schools through a combination of money from the state’s general fund and local property taxes, creating ERAF. Property taxes fill those funding buckets first. If the counties don’t supply enough, the state’s general fund fills the rest. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area counties at issue have five of the six highest property taxes per resident in the state. That means their share of the buckets gets filled, and the leftover flows back into the counties to fund other services, like public health and safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The specific change that they’re proposing is to add another bucket: charter schools,” Williams said. “Today, that bucket gets filled by the state general fund. Instead, the Department of Finance wants that bucket to get filled by ERAF.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Department of Finance previously tried to make that change through a directive from the state controller. That ended up with all interested parties in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4193\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2020 report from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> said the five counties were calculating their ERAF “in ways that seem contrary to state law and shift too much property tax revenue from schools to other agencies” to the tune of roughly $170 million per year. They anticipated that the amount would rise every year as property taxes increase.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the time, the Department of Finance said ERAF funding calculations should include charter school daily attendance numbers. In response, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-revenue-and-taxation-code/division-1-property-taxation/part-05-implementation-of-article-xiiia-of-the-california-constitution/chapter-6-allocation-of-property-tax-revenue/article-3-revenue-allocation-shifts-for-education/section-972-modifications-for-certain-fiscal-years\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">state lawmakers compromised\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with the five Bay Area counties, holding them harmless for past years so long as they followed guidance from the state controller. The Legislature passed the 2020–21 budget, assuming counties would meet the higher Proposition 98 guarantee by counting charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sco.ca.gov/Files-ARD-Local/sco_eraf_guidance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the controller’s guidance (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, issued in February 2021, omitted charter schools from the definition of a school district in terms of ERAF funding “because they do not directly receive property tax revenue.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986893,news_11981977,news_11985798\"]\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California School Boards Association (CSBA) objected, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://publications.csba.org/reports/ela/2022-annual-report/school-funding-educational-revenue-augmentation-fund/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">arguing in a lawsuit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> against the state controller that the guidance was unlawful, violating the California constitution’s minimum funding guarantee because charter schools should not be excluded from daily attendance-based funding or minimum property tax funding, with local funding being “passed through” a school district to the charter school. They estimated that nearly $1 billion was lost to excess ERAF at that time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Three of the five counties — Marin, San Francisco and Santa Clara — intervened in the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In June 2022, a judge found the controller’s guidance was within the law. The CSBA appealed, and local governments that use excess ERAF funding closely watched the case, with some even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.milpitas.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3397/FY23-24-Proposed-Budget-20230425-FINAL\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">budgeting for legal bills in the case\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Last July, an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-sch-bds-assn-v-cohen\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appellate court ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the controller’s and counties’ favor, essentially putting the issue to rest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Or so they thought, until the release of the governor’s current budget proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To explicitly address charter schools and their interaction with existing ERAF distribution statutes, the Budget proposes statutory changes to clarify that charter schools are eligible to receive ERAF,” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/BudgetSummary/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the budget states (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the governor’s budget proposes counting charter school kids, the legislative version of the budget doesn’t. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even if the governor’s proposal makes it into the final budget, counties would still have another year before the change takes effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The worst case scenario is that they agree on it, and it goes into effect on July 1, 2025,” Allersma said. “If it goes into effect, it would be at least out one year.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">State lawmakers are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/budget/californias-budget-process/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">required to vote\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the budget by June 15.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Five Bay Area counties could lose a collective $180 million annually if lawmakers pass the governor’s current budget proposal. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The money is at the center of an ongoing battle between the state and counties with some of the highest property taxes in the state. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">San Francisco, Marin, San Mateo, Napa and Santa Clara are the only five counties in California that generate more property taxes than their obligations to the Educational Revenue Augmentation Fund, which is used to meet funding mandates for public schools across the state. The leftovers are called “excess ERAF.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For years, the state Department of Finance has said those counties are miscalculating the amount they owe to the fund by omitting kids in charter schools from their daily attendance counts. The state uses those figures to determine how much money it allocates to school districts. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The counties thought recent lawsuits had settled the issue in their favor. However, under the governor’s current budget, charter schools would be counted for ERAF funding, which would essentially remove the excess property tax revenue that the counties use in their general funds. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“For more than 30 years, these revenues have been directed to fund K–12 schools, but charter schools have been recently left out of the equation,” H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the state Department of Finance, said. “This proposal would ensure that all local educational agencies receive these funds.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In February, Matthew Hymel, then-Marin County executive, wrote \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/executive/budget-and-priority-setting/legislative-support-and-advocacy/legislative-3\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a letter to state lawmakers\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> calling the move unconstitutional, saying it would cost the county $1.1 million per year, affecting some 65 governmental entities.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“This is the latest in a series of attempts by the State Department of Finance (DOF) to take constitutionally protected funds from local governments for State use at the expense of local health and safety programs and services,” Hymel’s statement reads.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More than $47 million is at stake in Santa Clara County, between the county and its cities. County Executive James Williams argues that the governor’s proposal goes against a \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/03-04/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sca_4_cfa_20040729_111134_asm_floor.html\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2004 constitutional amendment\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> passed by voters that precludes state lawmakers from enacting new “ERAF shifts” to take property tax money away from local governments.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“There should be no more grab of local government money, and that’s why we’re urging the legislature to reject this,” Williams said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Michelle Allersma, director of budget and analysis in the San Francisco Controller’s Office, said San Francisco alone risks losing $43 million a year, which it uses to pay for basic services. It began using excess ERAF in the 2016–17 budget year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“We’re still kind of pulling ourselves out of the kind of pandemic aftermath,” Allersma said. “We’re still working on building back our local economy, so $43 million is objectively just an incredibly large number for us to backfill.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Williams said the dispute goes back to 1988 when California voters passed \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm#:~:text=Generally%2C%20Proposition%2098%20provides%20K,and%20local%20property%20tax%20revenues.\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 98\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, which guarantees funding for K–14 schools through a combination of money from the state’s general fund and local property taxes, creating ERAF. Property taxes fill those funding buckets first. If the counties don’t supply enough, the state’s general fund fills the rest. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Bay Area counties at issue have five of the six highest property taxes per resident in the state. That means their share of the buckets gets filled, and the leftover flows back into the counties to fund other services, like public health and safety. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The specific change that they’re proposing is to add another bucket: charter schools,” Williams said. “Today, that bucket gets filled by the state general fund. Instead, the Department of Finance wants that bucket to get filled by ERAF.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Department of Finance previously tried to make that change through a directive from the state controller. That ended up with all interested parties in court. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4193\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">2020 report from the Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> said the five counties were calculating their ERAF “in ways that seem contrary to state law and shift too much property tax revenue from schools to other agencies” to the tune of roughly $170 million per year. They anticipated that the amount would rise every year as property taxes increase.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the time, the Department of Finance said ERAF funding calculations should include charter school daily attendance numbers. In response, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-revenue-and-taxation-code/division-1-property-taxation/part-05-implementation-of-article-xiiia-of-the-california-constitution/chapter-6-allocation-of-property-tax-revenue/article-3-revenue-allocation-shifts-for-education/section-972-modifications-for-certain-fiscal-years\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">state lawmakers compromised\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with the five Bay Area counties, holding them harmless for past years so long as they followed guidance from the state controller. The Legislature passed the 2020–21 budget, assuming counties would meet the higher Proposition 98 guarantee by counting charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sco.ca.gov/Files-ARD-Local/sco_eraf_guidance.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the controller’s guidance (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, issued in February 2021, omitted charter schools from the definition of a school district in terms of ERAF funding “because they do not directly receive property tax revenue.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The California School Boards Association (CSBA) objected, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://publications.csba.org/reports/ela/2022-annual-report/school-funding-educational-revenue-augmentation-fund/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">arguing in a lawsuit\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> against the state controller that the guidance was unlawful, violating the California constitution’s minimum funding guarantee because charter schools should not be excluded from daily attendance-based funding or minimum property tax funding, with local funding being “passed through” a school district to the charter school. They estimated that nearly $1 billion was lost to excess ERAF at that time. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Three of the five counties — Marin, San Francisco and Santa Clara — intervened in the case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In June 2022, a judge found the controller’s guidance was within the law. The CSBA appealed, and local governments that use excess ERAF funding closely watched the case, with some even \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.milpitas.gov/DocumentCenter/View/3397/FY23-24-Proposed-Budget-20230425-FINAL\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">budgeting for legal bills in the case\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Last July, an \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/cal-sch-bds-assn-v-cohen\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">appellate court ruled\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the controller’s and counties’ favor, essentially putting the issue to rest.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Or so they thought, until the release of the governor’s current budget proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“To explicitly address charter schools and their interaction with existing ERAF distribution statutes, the Budget proposes statutory changes to clarify that charter schools are eligible to receive ERAF,” \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2024-25/pdf/BudgetSummary/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the budget states (PDF)\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the governor’s budget proposes counting charter school kids, the legislative version of the budget doesn’t. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even if the governor’s proposal makes it into the final budget, counties would still have another year before the change takes effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“The worst case scenario is that they agree on it, and it goes into effect on July 1, 2025,” Allersma said. “If it goes into effect, it would be at least out one year.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">State lawmakers are \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/budget/californias-budget-process/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">required to vote\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on the budget by June 15.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "which-came-first-the-name-brotherhood-way-or-the-churches-on-it",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ethel Davies answers her door, looking downright spunky in a navy blue suit, pearls and red lipstick. She’s 102 years old and has lived in San Francisco all her life. She’s heading out for dinner with friends soon but invites me in for a chat about her older brother, George Christopher, who was a former mayor of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I found my way to Davies in search of answers to a question asked by Noor Moughamian, an 11-year-old student at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kzv.org/\">KZV Armenian School\u003c/a> on Brotherhood Way. The street, on the southwest side of San Francisco, near Lake Merced and Stonestown Galleria, is a wide boulevard with many houses of worship side by side, including Jewish, Greek Orthodox, Catholic, Armenian and Presbyterian. There are also several schools and community centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noor thinks it’s unusual to see so many churches and schools clumped together. She wants to know which came first, the name Brotherhood Way or the institutions on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Going back to Greektown\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer Noor’s question about how Brotherhood Way got its name, it’s helpful to learn a little more about Davies’ family history and her older brother, George Christopher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family came from Greece in the early 1900s and settled south of Market Street. There were so many Greek businesses and residences in that area that it was often called Greektown back then. It had traditional coffeehouses, restaurants, a Greek language school and the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where I was christened when I was an infant,” said Davies. “So that’s been a continuation for me for 102 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989939\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989939\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies.jpg\" alt=\"Older woman in a navy blue pants suit poses by a fireplace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2089\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-800x870.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-1020x1110.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-160x174.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-1412x1536.jpg 1412w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-1882x2048.jpg 1882w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At 102, Ethel Davies is still going strong. The younger sister of former San Francisco mayor George Christopher, here she poses before heading out to a dinner date with friends. \u003ccite>(Katherine Monahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Davies was born in the U.S., her eldest brother, George, was born back in Greece. Originally called George Christopheles, he later changed the name to George Christopher. When he was 14, their father became sick. So George dropped out of school and went to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took over when my father died, and he made a good life for us,” said Davies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher went into the milk business and worked his way into the middle class. In the 1930s, many Greek families and businesses moved away from Greektown to other neighborhoods. The Christopher family moved out to the southwest side of San Francisco, near Lake Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the area was still pretty undeveloped. What would later become Brotherhood Way was a forested canyon with a creek running into Lake Merced. During the Depression, men employed by the government as part of the New Deal built a road along it called \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=Brotherhood_Way\">Stanley Drive\u003c/a>. It was straight and long and pretty isolated, so for a while, it was a popular drag racing spot for teenagers. At least one car ended up in the lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies remembers when her brother had the idea to turn that road into a community space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wanted it to be a church area where all the different churches could meet and be friendly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After George Christopher became the mayor of San Francisco in 1956, he arranged an auction of the city-owned lands along Stanley Drive. The biggest parcel went to his church — the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church — whose congregation was outgrowing its building south of Market. The rest of the properties went to other religious and community institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faith institutions petitioned the city to change the name of their new address. And in 1958, Stanley Drive became Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>An evolving sense of community\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Brotherhood Way has evolved to reflect people’s changing beliefs and affiliations. The original properties have been subdivided, and new institutions have appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Freemasons bought one of the original parcels and built a lodge on the street. However, as membership has waned over the years, the group now rents its space to a Christian church and two bridge clubs. Several community centers have also opened along Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue.jpg\" alt=\"30 foot cylindrical statue sits on a patch of dirt with housing behind.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2466\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-800x1028.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-1020x1310.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-1196x1536.jpg 1196w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-1595x2048.jpg 1595w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=Beniamino_Bufano_on_Public_Art\">Italian sculptor Benny Bufano created this peace statue\u003c/a>. It originally sat at SFO but now resides on Brotherhood Way. \u003ccite>(Katherine Monahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the most recent additions to the street is a non-denominational Christian congregation called New North Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may believe different doctrines and have different beliefs and core tenets, but my experience has been that we help each other,” said Pastor Rob Hall of the other faith institutions on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall said that in his experience, people in San Francisco don’t go to church as much as they used to — a lot of his parishioners now come from the peninsula — but they’re still a vibrant faith community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of different ethnicities represented here and then we’re also multi-generational,” he said. Beyond the growing number of churches, schools and community organizations on Brotherhood Way, there have been other changes to George Christopher’s original vision as well. A few years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/development-alters-s-f-s-road-of-churches-5243030.php\">a controversial new housing development went \u003c/a>up. Like other parts of San Francisco, this boulevard is bound to evolve with the ever-changing needs of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On the western edge of San Francisco, just south of San Francisco State and Parkmerced, you’ll find a street with the curious name … Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide boulevard has a grassy median with mature trees, but what really makes Brotherhood Way stand out is its residents. Large buildings featuring the Star of David, an Eastern Orthodox cross and a crucifix — all in a row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>[speaking in Armenian] It means my name is Noor; what’s your name?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Noor Moughamian is a 5th grader at the KZV Armenian School, also on Brotherhood Way. They learn in both Armenian and English at her school, and just up the road is a Jewish school and a Catholic school, as well as several houses of worship from different faiths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>I feel like it’s like kind of family, like, community, I feel like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>The schools plan activities together sometimes, and Noor says there’s a feeling of … brotherhood … just like the name. Across the street from the Armenian school, there’s even a little statue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>\u003ci>[Reading]\u003c/i> Dedicated to the brotherhood of man and the ideal and the ideal of peace among all the peoples of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003ci>Brotherhood\u003c/i> seems to be everywhere, and Noor wants to know if that was always the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>I was just wondering if like, were the churches built onto the name of the street? Or was it? Or did they come up with the name and then decide to build churches and schools?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>How did this quiet corner of San Francisco come to be home to so many religious communities? And which came first — Brotherhood Way or the institutions on it? Today’s question was selected by you, our podcast listeners in our monthly public voting round. It comes from Noor, who is 11 years old, but to answer it, we get to chat with one source who is 102! That’s all just ahead on Bay Curious, the show that answers your questions about the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> KQED Reporter Katherine Monahan set out to Brotherhood Way to check out the houses of worship and find the answer to Noor’s question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of chanting\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> In the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church, blue light shines from the stained glass windows and glitters on the gold-painted walls. The parishioners, in suits and dresses, are lining up to receive communion wine from a long, slim spoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all feels suffused with a solemn glory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>More chanting\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>This church has been around for over a century. And so has one of its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>I’m Ethel Davies, and I’m 102.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Davies lives nearby. She answers the door in a navy blue suit, pearls and red lipstick. She doesn’t plan on slowing down anytime soon, so I had to ask: what’s the secret?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>So many people, even my doctor ask me that one. I was a walker. I walked every street in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Davies says her family came from Greece in the early 1900s and settled south of Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>And were there a lot of Greek Orthodox people in San Francisco at that time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies:\u003c/b> There were, there were. Yes. South of Market had Irish and Greek people. It was their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Greektown, as it was called, had traditional coffeehouses and restaurants and a Greek language school. And that was where the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church church used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>In fact, it was on 7th Street in San Francisco at one time. And today, that is a Ukrainian Orthodox church. And that’s where I was christened when I was an infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Davies isn’t just a super impressive centenarian. She had a front-row seat to the development of Brotherhood Way because her brother, George Christopher, was the mayor largely responsible for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>I had a total of two brothers and two sisters, and I was the youngest in the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>And where was George in there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>Number one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>He was born back in Greece as George Christopheles but later changed the name to Christopher. When he was 14, their father became sick. So George dropped out of school and went to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>My brother? He took over when my father died, and he made a good life for us. Yes, yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>George Christopher went into the milk business and worked his way into the middle class, like many of his fellow Greek immigrants. In the 30s, many Greek families and businesses moved away from Greektown to other neighborhoods. The Christopher family moved out to the southwest side of San Francisco near Lake Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the area was still pretty undeveloped. What would later become Brotherhood Way was a forested canyon with a creek running into Lake Merced. Then, men employed by the New Deal built a road along it called Stanley Drive. It was straight and long and pretty isolated, so for a while, it was a popular drag racing spot for teenagers. At least one car ended up in the lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music stops\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies remembers when her brother had the idea to turn that road into a community space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>He wanted it to be a church area where all the different churches could meet and be friendly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>I assume that he had a relationship with the pastor of the Greek church especially?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>Father Anthony. Yes, yes. He was a wonderful man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>So after George Christopher became the mayor of San Francisco in 1956, he arranged an auction of the city-owned lands along Stanley Drive. The biggest parcel went to the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church — \u003ci>his church\u003c/i> — which was outgrowing its building south of Market. The rest of the properties went to other religious and community institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>It really makes friends of the various religions, which they’re all the same. We all believe in one thing, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>The faith institutions petitioned the city to change the name of their new address. And in 1958, Stanley Drive became Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>And I think that Brotherhood Way is a wonderful name anyway, don’t you? Brotherhood Way, yeah. I remember when Father Anthony and my brother celebrated when they came across that name. They were so happy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>So the places of worship did come first, and the name followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Davies is stepping out for the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>Oh, I’m going to the yacht club with friends for dinner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>As Davies heads off to her busy social life, I head back to Brotherhood Way to meet another elder, Judge Quentin Kopp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music stops\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp:\u003c/b> I’m a retired San Mateo County Superior Court judge. And before that, I was a California state senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Kopp was also on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, and he knew George Christopher through politics. He meets me in front of the Jewish synagogue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>The building has been here since about 1963.\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>It’s tall and angular, with peaked red and blue stained glass windows. Kopp and his family have been coming here for six decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>In 1964, the first of three children was born. A boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Of the original five buildings constructed on Brotherhood Way, four of them were houses of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape):\u003c/b> It seemed like religious institution, religious institution, religious institution and then the masonic temple, which, in my understanding, is not specifically religious. How does that fit in?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>Masonry was popular. There was more than one lodge in San Francisco.\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Masonry \u003ci>is\u003c/i> certainly a brotherhood — no women are allowed. It’s a worldwide secretive society that, while not religious, promotes fellowship and community service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>Masonry was strong. And, I think that is the origin of giving that property to the Masons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Over the years, Brotherhood Way has evolved to reflect people’s changing beliefs and affiliations. The original properties have been subdivided and new institutions have appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Masonic lodge now rents space to two bridge clubs and a Christian church. Several community centers have opened on the street and an Armenian church,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Babbling sounds of people talking and kids playing\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most recent additions is a non-denominational Christian congregation called New North Church, where the Sunday service has just gotten out. Kids are running around out front, dodging between tables of coffee and pastries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall: \u003c/b>We’re like the new kid on the block. So we’re getting to know our neighbors more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Pastor Rob Hall invites me inside the church, which is shaped like a giant triangle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall: \u003c/b>We know the Armenian Church. We know the the Jewish synagogue. And then we’re also getting to know all the RVs down on Lake Merced. And we, we, we do kind of an outreach where we bring coffee.\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Hall says it’s all about being neighborly and that he likes being near the other faith institutions on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall:\u003c/b> We may believe different doctrines and have different beliefs and core tenets, but my experience has been that we help each other because, you know, San Francisco is not an easy place to be a person of faith, no matter what your faith background is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Hall says people in San Francisco don’t go to church as much as they used to. A lot of his parishioners come from the peninsula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall: \u003c/b>We have a lot of different ethnicities represented here and then we’re also multi-generational. So we have a lot of young families with kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>I called Noor, our question-asker, to see what she thinks about what I found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian:\u003c/b> I mean, I guess I kind of thought that the street came after everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>Yeah. I remember you saying at the beginning. So you were right. You were right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>So, she wasn’t very surprised that the churches came first and then the name Brotherhood Way. But she liked learning about the Christopher family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian: \u003c/b>When the brother stepped in when the father died, I thought that was pretty cool.\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>And she said the story made her think about her school a little differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian: \u003c/b>It kind of shows that like all the other churches and like school, I guess it kind of shows that everyone on Brotherhood Way is more like a community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> That story was brought to us by KQED’s Katherine Monahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The June voting round is up at BayCurious.org. If you haven’t cast your vote yet, mosey on over to check out the options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1: \u003c/b>I want to know more about earthquake cottages in SF. Are there any still around?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2: \u003c/b>What you tell me about Brooks Island, the little sister to Angel Island in the San Francisco Bay? Are hikers allowed? Is there any way to get out there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3: \u003c/b>What is the San Francisco Columbarium? I read that once, maybe while it was being restored, people’s remains were stored in the basement of the Coliseum theater on Clement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian:\u003c/b> Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> This episode was edited by Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Produced by me, Christopher Beale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>And me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Xorje Olivares:\u003c/strong> Additional support from Xorje Olivares…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Everyone saying their own names: … \u003c/b>Tamuna Chkareuli, Bianca Taylor, Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Cesar Saldana, Maha Sanad, Xorje Olivares, Holly Kernan …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>And the whole KQED family. If you’ve been enjoying Bay Curious, please leave us a rating or a review. They help other people find our show, and honestly, they make our reporters feel super good about the work they’re doing. Thanks so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Have a great week!\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ethel Davies answers her door, looking downright spunky in a navy blue suit, pearls and red lipstick. She’s 102 years old and has lived in San Francisco all her life. She’s heading out for dinner with friends soon but invites me in for a chat about her older brother, George Christopher, who was a former mayor of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I found my way to Davies in search of answers to a question asked by Noor Moughamian, an 11-year-old student at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kzv.org/\">KZV Armenian School\u003c/a> on Brotherhood Way. The street, on the southwest side of San Francisco, near Lake Merced and Stonestown Galleria, is a wide boulevard with many houses of worship side by side, including Jewish, Greek Orthodox, Catholic, Armenian and Presbyterian. There are also several schools and community centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noor thinks it’s unusual to see so many churches and schools clumped together. She wants to know which came first, the name Brotherhood Way or the institutions on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Going back to Greektown\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer Noor’s question about how Brotherhood Way got its name, it’s helpful to learn a little more about Davies’ family history and her older brother, George Christopher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family came from Greece in the early 1900s and settled south of Market Street. There were so many Greek businesses and residences in that area that it was often called Greektown back then. It had traditional coffeehouses, restaurants, a Greek language school and the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s where I was christened when I was an infant,” said Davies. “So that’s been a continuation for me for 102 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989939\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989939\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies.jpg\" alt=\"Older woman in a navy blue pants suit poses by a fireplace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2089\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-800x870.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-1020x1110.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-160x174.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-1412x1536.jpg 1412w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/EthelDavies-1882x2048.jpg 1882w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At 102, Ethel Davies is still going strong. The younger sister of former San Francisco mayor George Christopher, here she poses before heading out to a dinner date with friends. \u003ccite>(Katherine Monahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Davies was born in the U.S., her eldest brother, George, was born back in Greece. Originally called George Christopheles, he later changed the name to George Christopher. When he was 14, their father became sick. So George dropped out of school and went to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He took over when my father died, and he made a good life for us,” said Davies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher went into the milk business and worked his way into the middle class. In the 1930s, many Greek families and businesses moved away from Greektown to other neighborhoods. The Christopher family moved out to the southwest side of San Francisco, near Lake Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the area was still pretty undeveloped. What would later become Brotherhood Way was a forested canyon with a creek running into Lake Merced. During the Depression, men employed by the government as part of the New Deal built a road along it called \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=Brotherhood_Way\">Stanley Drive\u003c/a>. It was straight and long and pretty isolated, so for a while, it was a popular drag racing spot for teenagers. At least one car ended up in the lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies remembers when her brother had the idea to turn that road into a community space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wanted it to be a church area where all the different churches could meet and be friendly,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After George Christopher became the mayor of San Francisco in 1956, he arranged an auction of the city-owned lands along Stanley Drive. The biggest parcel went to his church — the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church — whose congregation was outgrowing its building south of Market. The rest of the properties went to other religious and community institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faith institutions petitioned the city to change the name of their new address. And in 1958, Stanley Drive became Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>An evolving sense of community\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the years, Brotherhood Way has evolved to reflect people’s changing beliefs and affiliations. The original properties have been subdivided, and new institutions have appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Freemasons bought one of the original parcels and built a lodge on the street. However, as membership has waned over the years, the group now rents its space to a Christian church and two bridge clubs. Several community centers have also opened along Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue.jpg\" alt=\"30 foot cylindrical statue sits on a patch of dirt with housing behind.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"2466\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-800x1028.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-1020x1310.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-1196x1536.jpg 1196w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Peace-statue-1595x2048.jpg 1595w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=Beniamino_Bufano_on_Public_Art\">Italian sculptor Benny Bufano created this peace statue\u003c/a>. It originally sat at SFO but now resides on Brotherhood Way. \u003ccite>(Katherine Monahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One of the most recent additions to the street is a non-denominational Christian congregation called New North Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may believe different doctrines and have different beliefs and core tenets, but my experience has been that we help each other,” said Pastor Rob Hall of the other faith institutions on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hall said that in his experience, people in San Francisco don’t go to church as much as they used to — a lot of his parishioners now come from the peninsula — but they’re still a vibrant faith community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of different ethnicities represented here and then we’re also multi-generational,” he said. Beyond the growing number of churches, schools and community organizations on Brotherhood Way, there have been other changes to George Christopher’s original vision as well. A few years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/development-alters-s-f-s-road-of-churches-5243030.php\">a controversial new housing development went \u003c/a>up. Like other parts of San Francisco, this boulevard is bound to evolve with the ever-changing needs of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>On the western edge of San Francisco, just south of San Francisco State and Parkmerced, you’ll find a street with the curious name … Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wide boulevard has a grassy median with mature trees, but what really makes Brotherhood Way stand out is its residents. Large buildings featuring the Star of David, an Eastern Orthodox cross and a crucifix — all in a row.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>[speaking in Armenian] It means my name is Noor; what’s your name?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>Noor Moughamian is a 5th grader at the KZV Armenian School, also on Brotherhood Way. They learn in both Armenian and English at her school, and just up the road is a Jewish school and a Catholic school, as well as several houses of worship from different faiths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>I feel like it’s like kind of family, like, community, I feel like?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>The schools plan activities together sometimes, and Noor says there’s a feeling of … brotherhood … just like the name. Across the street from the Armenian school, there’s even a little statue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>\u003ci>[Reading]\u003c/i> Dedicated to the brotherhood of man and the ideal and the ideal of peace among all the peoples of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003ci>Brotherhood\u003c/i> seems to be everywhere, and Noor wants to know if that was always the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian\u003c/b>\u003cb>: \u003c/b>I was just wondering if like, were the churches built onto the name of the street? Or was it? Or did they come up with the name and then decide to build churches and schools?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Bay Curious theme music starts\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/i>\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>How did this quiet corner of San Francisco come to be home to so many religious communities? And which came first — Brotherhood Way or the institutions on it? Today’s question was selected by you, our podcast listeners in our monthly public voting round. It comes from Noor, who is 11 years old, but to answer it, we get to chat with one source who is 102! That’s all just ahead on Bay Curious, the show that answers your questions about the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> KQED Reporter Katherine Monahan set out to Brotherhood Way to check out the houses of worship and find the answer to Noor’s question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sounds of chanting\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> In the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church, blue light shines from the stained glass windows and glitters on the gold-painted walls. The parishioners, in suits and dresses, are lining up to receive communion wine from a long, slim spoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all feels suffused with a solemn glory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>More chanting\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>This church has been around for over a century. And so has one of its members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>I’m Ethel Davies, and I’m 102.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Davies lives nearby. She answers the door in a navy blue suit, pearls and red lipstick. She doesn’t plan on slowing down anytime soon, so I had to ask: what’s the secret?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>So many people, even my doctor ask me that one. I was a walker. I walked every street in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Davies says her family came from Greece in the early 1900s and settled south of Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>And were there a lot of Greek Orthodox people in San Francisco at that time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies:\u003c/b> There were, there were. Yes. South of Market had Irish and Greek people. It was their neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Greektown, as it was called, had traditional coffeehouses and restaurants and a Greek language school. And that was where the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church church used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>In fact, it was on 7th Street in San Francisco at one time. And today, that is a Ukrainian Orthodox church. And that’s where I was christened when I was an infant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Davies isn’t just a super impressive centenarian. She had a front-row seat to the development of Brotherhood Way because her brother, George Christopher, was the mayor largely responsible for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>I had a total of two brothers and two sisters, and I was the youngest in the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>And where was George in there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>Number one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>He was born back in Greece as George Christopheles but later changed the name to Christopher. When he was 14, their father became sick. So George dropped out of school and went to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>My brother? He took over when my father died, and he made a good life for us. Yes, yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>George Christopher went into the milk business and worked his way into the middle class, like many of his fellow Greek immigrants. In the 30s, many Greek families and businesses moved away from Greektown to other neighborhoods. The Christopher family moved out to the southwest side of San Francisco near Lake Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the area was still pretty undeveloped. What would later become Brotherhood Way was a forested canyon with a creek running into Lake Merced. Then, men employed by the New Deal built a road along it called Stanley Drive. It was straight and long and pretty isolated, so for a while, it was a popular drag racing spot for teenagers. At least one car ended up in the lake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music stops\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davies remembers when her brother had the idea to turn that road into a community space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>He wanted it to be a church area where all the different churches could meet and be friendly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>I assume that he had a relationship with the pastor of the Greek church especially?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>Father Anthony. Yes, yes. He was a wonderful man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>So after George Christopher became the mayor of San Francisco in 1956, he arranged an auction of the city-owned lands along Stanley Drive. The biggest parcel went to the Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church — \u003ci>his church\u003c/i> — which was outgrowing its building south of Market. The rest of the properties went to other religious and community institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>It really makes friends of the various religions, which they’re all the same. We all believe in one thing, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>The faith institutions petitioned the city to change the name of their new address. And in 1958, Stanley Drive became Brotherhood Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>And I think that Brotherhood Way is a wonderful name anyway, don’t you? Brotherhood Way, yeah. I remember when Father Anthony and my brother celebrated when they came across that name. They were so happy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>So the places of worship did come first, and the name followed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Davies is stepping out for the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ethel Davies: \u003c/b>Oh, I’m going to the yacht club with friends for dinner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>As Davies heads off to her busy social life, I head back to Brotherhood Way to meet another elder, Judge Quentin Kopp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music stops\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp:\u003c/b> I’m a retired San Mateo County Superior Court judge. And before that, I was a California state senator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Kopp was also on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, and he knew George Christopher through politics. He meets me in front of the Jewish synagogue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>The building has been here since about 1963.\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>It’s tall and angular, with peaked red and blue stained glass windows. Kopp and his family have been coming here for six decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>In 1964, the first of three children was born. A boy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Of the original five buildings constructed on Brotherhood Way, four of them were houses of worship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape):\u003c/b> It seemed like religious institution, religious institution, religious institution and then the masonic temple, which, in my understanding, is not specifically religious. How does that fit in?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>Masonry was popular. There was more than one lodge in San Francisco.\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Masonry \u003ci>is\u003c/i> certainly a brotherhood — no women are allowed. It’s a worldwide secretive society that, while not religious, promotes fellowship and community service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Quentin Kopp: \u003c/b>Masonry was strong. And, I think that is the origin of giving that property to the Masons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Over the years, Brotherhood Way has evolved to reflect people’s changing beliefs and affiliations. The original properties have been subdivided and new institutions have appeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Masonic lodge now rents space to two bridge clubs and a Christian church. Several community centers have opened on the street and an Armenian church,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Babbling sounds of people talking and kids playing\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the most recent additions is a non-denominational Christian congregation called New North Church, where the Sunday service has just gotten out. Kids are running around out front, dodging between tables of coffee and pastries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall: \u003c/b>We’re like the new kid on the block. So we’re getting to know our neighbors more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan:\u003c/b> Pastor Rob Hall invites me inside the church, which is shaped like a giant triangle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall: \u003c/b>We know the Armenian Church. We know the the Jewish synagogue. And then we’re also getting to know all the RVs down on Lake Merced. And we, we, we do kind of an outreach where we bring coffee.\u003cb> \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Hall says it’s all about being neighborly and that he likes being near the other faith institutions on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall:\u003c/b> We may believe different doctrines and have different beliefs and core tenets, but my experience has been that we help each other because, you know, San Francisco is not an easy place to be a person of faith, no matter what your faith background is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>Hall says people in San Francisco don’t go to church as much as they used to. A lot of his parishioners come from the peninsula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Rob Hall: \u003c/b>We have a lot of different ethnicities represented here and then we’re also multi-generational. So we have a lot of young families with kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>I called Noor, our question-asker, to see what she thinks about what I found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian:\u003c/b> I mean, I guess I kind of thought that the street came after everything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan (in tape): \u003c/b>Yeah. I remember you saying at the beginning. So you were right. You were right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>So, she wasn’t very surprised that the churches came first and then the name Brotherhood Way. But she liked learning about the Christopher family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian: \u003c/b>When the brother stepped in when the father died, I thought that was pretty cool.\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katherine Monahan: \u003c/b>And she said the story made her think about her school a little differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian: \u003c/b>It kind of shows that like all the other churches and like school, I guess it kind of shows that everyone on Brotherhood Way is more like a community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> That story was brought to us by KQED’s Katherine Monahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The June voting round is up at BayCurious.org. If you haven’t cast your vote yet, mosey on over to check out the options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 1: \u003c/b>I want to know more about earthquake cottages in SF. Are there any still around?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 2: \u003c/b>What you tell me about Brooks Island, the little sister to Angel Island in the San Francisco Bay? Are hikers allowed? Is there any way to get out there?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Voice 3: \u003c/b>What is the San Francisco Columbarium? I read that once, maybe while it was being restored, people’s remains were stored in the basement of the Coliseum theater on Clement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Noor Moughamian:\u003c/b> Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> This episode was edited by Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Christopher Beale: \u003c/b>Produced by me, Christopher Beale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>And me, Olivia Allen-Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Xorje Olivares:\u003c/strong> Additional support from Xorje Olivares…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Everyone saying their own names: … \u003c/b>Tamuna Chkareuli, Bianca Taylor, Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Cesar Saldana, Maha Sanad, Xorje Olivares, Holly Kernan …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>And the whole KQED family. If you’ve been enjoying Bay Curious, please leave us a rating or a review. They help other people find our show, and honestly, they make our reporters feel super good about the work they’re doing. Thanks so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Olivia Allen-Price. Have a great week!\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>As the campaign to recall Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao celebrated submitting signatures to put a recall on the ballot, the Oakland agency tasked with enforcing campaign finance laws is investigating how the campaign handles donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland United to Recall Sheng Thao, or OUST, submitted 41,530 signatures to the city clerk on Wednesday. Election officials will now review the signatures to verify at least 24,644 — the number required to qualify for an election — match registered Oakland voters. It’s unclear if the recall will qualify and, if so, when an election would be scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUST blames Thao for several issues, including the loss of the Oakland A’s, the city \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/05/07/audit-oakland-police-retail-theft-prevention-grant-sheng-thao/\">missing out on a major grant to combat retail theft\u003c/a> and the delay in hiring a police chief. There’s also lingering resentment from Thao’s decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961636/report-recommends-oakland-mayor-consider-reinstating-former-police-chief-leronne-armstrong\">fire former police chief LeRonne Armstrong\u003c/a> in February 2023. After a yearlong search, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980455/oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-appoints-floyd-mitchell-as-new-police-chief\">Floyd Mitchell was hired in March\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, I fight to create a better, safer Oakland,” Thao said in a statement. “Regardless of the naysayers or negativity, I will continue that fight because the progress we are making makes it all worth it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not be distracted by the politics of out-of-town billionaires or special interests, and I will continue to work every day for Oakland’s interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Oakland’s Public Ethics Commission opened an investigation into OUST. The commission requested information from OUST but declined to disclose the details of the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon Russell, the PEC’s enforcement chief, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandca.nextrequest.com/documents/34627485\">filed a complaint\u003c/a> alleging OUST is using Foundational Oakland Unites, a recently formed nonprofit and political action committee, to hide the source of some donations in violation of campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the complaint, Russell highlighted an \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandca.nextrequest.com/documents/34627482\">email sent by OUST\u003c/a> to its mailing list soliciting donations and offering to keep their source private — an offer that, if carried out, would violate campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also pointed to a $215,000 donation from Foundational Oakland Unites to OUST. The timing of payment, arriving right when the campaign filed its paperwork, indicated that the campaign knew of the donations pending arrival, according to Russell. State laws prohibit coordination between PACs and political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his complaint, Russell said four people work for both the OUST and Foundational Oakland Unites, including Seneca Scott, who is also the founder of Foundational Oakland Unites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged scheme Russell outlined in his complaint is reminiscent of the so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/feb/12/san-francisco-tech-billionaires-political-influence\">gray-money network\u003c/a>” being used in San Francisco by tech billionaires and venture capitalists hoping to shift the city’s progressive policies to the right, as reported by the Guardian in February. The PEC complaint boosts claims by critics who believe the effort to recall Thao is taking cues from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/san-francisco-election-progressives-18699100.php\">moderate political movement gaining traction in San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='sheng-thao']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Brenda Harbin-Forte, OUST principal officer and a former Alameda County Superior Court judge, told KQED the campaign will not comply with records requests from the commission. She said campaign attorneys have sent a letter to the commission challenging the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a nothing-burger,” she added. “OUST will not be intimidated by a politically motivated investigation by the Oakland PEC.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott, who has made churlish comments about his political opponents in public and online, told KQED he believes Thao is using the PEC to target political opponents, adding that she is also the subject of PEC complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve accomplished a lot to make it this far, but the job is not done until this incompetent, dishonest mayor is outside of this building and can no longer do harm to this city,” Scott, who ran against Thao in 2022, said outside City Hall on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to open an investigation into OUST’s finances was made by Russell and Nicolas Heidorn, the PEC’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell confirmed to KQED that Thao is the subject of five investigations stemming from complaints made between 2020 and 2023. Only one — an allegation that Thao inappropriately used city resources as a city council member to support her run for mayor — is active. The other four are on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Item-8-2023-May-PEC-Enforcement-Report.pdf\">2023 enforcement report (PDF)\u003c/a>, Russell wrote that the PEC puts some investigations on hold because it receives more complaints than its investigators can handle at once. Staff chose which investigations to put on hold based on their evaluation of how much the alleged violation impacts the public, how much evidence is available and how much time investigators have already put into the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PEC investigation of OUST adds to a growing list of legal troubles nonprofits connected to Scott face. In May, the California Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/05/16/rob-bonta-neighbors-together-oakland-seneca-scott/\">issued a cease and desist order\u003c/a> to Neighbors Together Oakland, a nonprofit founded by Scott, for not filing with the state as a nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> Because of erroneous information, the Public Ethics Commission’s decision-making process for opening an investigation into OUST’s finances was mischaracterized in an earlier version of the article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the campaign to recall Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao celebrated submitting signatures to put a recall on the ballot, the Oakland agency tasked with enforcing campaign finance laws is investigating how the campaign handles donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland United to Recall Sheng Thao, or OUST, submitted 41,530 signatures to the city clerk on Wednesday. Election officials will now review the signatures to verify at least 24,644 — the number required to qualify for an election — match registered Oakland voters. It’s unclear if the recall will qualify and, if so, when an election would be scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUST blames Thao for several issues, including the loss of the Oakland A’s, the city \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/05/07/audit-oakland-police-retail-theft-prevention-grant-sheng-thao/\">missing out on a major grant to combat retail theft\u003c/a> and the delay in hiring a police chief. There’s also lingering resentment from Thao’s decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961636/report-recommends-oakland-mayor-consider-reinstating-former-police-chief-leronne-armstrong\">fire former police chief LeRonne Armstrong\u003c/a> in February 2023. After a yearlong search, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980455/oakland-mayor-sheng-thao-appoints-floyd-mitchell-as-new-police-chief\">Floyd Mitchell was hired in March\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day, I fight to create a better, safer Oakland,” Thao said in a statement. “Regardless of the naysayers or negativity, I will continue that fight because the progress we are making makes it all worth it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not be distracted by the politics of out-of-town billionaires or special interests, and I will continue to work every day for Oakland’s interests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Oakland’s Public Ethics Commission opened an investigation into OUST. The commission requested information from OUST but declined to disclose the details of the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon Russell, the PEC’s enforcement chief, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandca.nextrequest.com/documents/34627485\">filed a complaint\u003c/a> alleging OUST is using Foundational Oakland Unites, a recently formed nonprofit and political action committee, to hide the source of some donations in violation of campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the complaint, Russell highlighted an \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandca.nextrequest.com/documents/34627482\">email sent by OUST\u003c/a> to its mailing list soliciting donations and offering to keep their source private — an offer that, if carried out, would violate campaign finance reporting laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also pointed to a $215,000 donation from Foundational Oakland Unites to OUST. The timing of payment, arriving right when the campaign filed its paperwork, indicated that the campaign knew of the donations pending arrival, according to Russell. State laws prohibit coordination between PACs and political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his complaint, Russell said four people work for both the OUST and Foundational Oakland Unites, including Seneca Scott, who is also the founder of Foundational Oakland Unites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged scheme Russell outlined in his complaint is reminiscent of the so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/feb/12/san-francisco-tech-billionaires-political-influence\">gray-money network\u003c/a>” being used in San Francisco by tech billionaires and venture capitalists hoping to shift the city’s progressive policies to the right, as reported by the Guardian in February. The PEC complaint boosts claims by critics who believe the effort to recall Thao is taking cues from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/san-francisco-election-progressives-18699100.php\">moderate political movement gaining traction in San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Brenda Harbin-Forte, OUST principal officer and a former Alameda County Superior Court judge, told KQED the campaign will not comply with records requests from the commission. She said campaign attorneys have sent a letter to the commission challenging the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a nothing-burger,” she added. “OUST will not be intimidated by a politically motivated investigation by the Oakland PEC.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott, who has made churlish comments about his political opponents in public and online, told KQED he believes Thao is using the PEC to target political opponents, adding that she is also the subject of PEC complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve accomplished a lot to make it this far, but the job is not done until this incompetent, dishonest mayor is outside of this building and can no longer do harm to this city,” Scott, who ran against Thao in 2022, said outside City Hall on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to open an investigation into OUST’s finances was made by Russell and Nicolas Heidorn, the PEC’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell confirmed to KQED that Thao is the subject of five investigations stemming from complaints made between 2020 and 2023. Only one — an allegation that Thao inappropriately used city resources as a city council member to support her run for mayor — is active. The other four are on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Item-8-2023-May-PEC-Enforcement-Report.pdf\">2023 enforcement report (PDF)\u003c/a>, Russell wrote that the PEC puts some investigations on hold because it receives more complaints than its investigators can handle at once. Staff chose which investigations to put on hold based on their evaluation of how much the alleged violation impacts the public, how much evidence is available and how much time investigators have already put into the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PEC investigation of OUST adds to a growing list of legal troubles nonprofits connected to Scott face. In May, the California Department of Justice \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/05/16/rob-bonta-neighbors-together-oakland-seneca-scott/\">issued a cease and desist order\u003c/a> to Neighbors Together Oakland, a nonprofit founded by Scott, for not filing with the state as a nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> Because of erroneous information, the Public Ethics Commission’s decision-making process for opening an investigation into OUST’s finances was mischaracterized in an earlier version of the article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Breed’s $15.9 Billion SF Budget Plan Adds Money for Police, Other City Workers",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s proposed $15.9 billion budget includes new funding for police and other city workers, alternative revenue sources, and cuts to close what was projected to be a $789 million two-year deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal released Friday comes at a precarious political time for Breed as she fends off challengers in the November election. The election gave city unions leverage to ask for better wages even as revenues continue declining. In December, Breed had asked city departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-budget-deficit-breed-cuts-next-year-18551808.php\">to make 10% cuts\u003c/a> to stave off the budget shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this budget, we made the tough decisions to close our deficit and those are never easy, but we also made the right decision to invest in critical city services our residents expect and deserve,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget spans two years: $15.9 billion for fiscal year 2024–25 and $15.5 billion for fiscal year 2025–26, pending approval by the Board of Supervisors. The board’s Budget and Appropriations Committee will hold hearings to review Breed’s proposal and to hear from community members. The budget deadline is Aug. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the San Francisco Police Department, Breed proposed an increase of 7.75% for entry-level and existing salaries, new incentive packages to entice entry-level and mid-career officers to join amid a staffing shortage, and retention increases for existing officers to stem retirements and transfers. The proposal also includes new funding for SFPD surveillance cameras and related data collection, enacted partly due to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978236/propositions-e-and-f-in-san-francisco-appear-headed-for-victory\">expansion of police surveillance powers\u003c/a> with the passage of Proposition E on the March ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has reached amicable outcomes with most of the city’s 30-plus unions, dodging the potential for messy strikes that would’ve become the focal point of her reelection campaign. The new labor agreements provide wage increases of at least 13% over the next three years, increasing wage funding by $100 million past what the mayor had budgeted for last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paying for those increases was managed through budget maneuvers that may push off steeper cuts to later years. Supervisor Connie Chan, chair of the supervisors’ budget committee, said Breed isn’t spending tax dollars wisely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am extremely concerned by the wasteful spending and inefficiencies we have seen, particularly in the past few months, in our city contract and departmental spending,” Chan wrote in a statement. “My task is clear. We must comb through the Mayor’s proposed budget and advance a budget that prioritizes all San Franciscans — not just the demands of the wealthy few.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='london-breed']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of the funding gap has been closed by various funding source shifts and leveraging “significant one-time revenue sources,” including $51 million from the city’s reserve and $68 million in funds from ballot measures — like the Families First Fund, or Hotel Tax for the Arts Fund — to prevent cutting programs in some departments, according to the mayor’s budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s critics have already seized on her use of short-term funding sources to stave off future budget deficits, including mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie, the Levi Strauss heir and nonprofit CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public safety and public health must be a priority every day, and not just when a conference is in town or during an election year,” Lurie said in a statement. “City hall insiders used one-time funding sources and wasted a decade of boom years. That’s what happens when budgets are designed around political allegiances rather than achieving outcomes for San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has seen its tax revenue plummet as businesses bail from the downtown core driven, in part, by a shift to remote work. The tech sector has abandoned offices quicker than other industries, prompting officials to bemoan the city’s overreliance on tech businesses for its tax base. Inflation-related cost increases and rising health insurance costs also contributed to the shortfall, according to the mayor’s budget proposal. City projections show the deficit growing to more than $1.3 billion in the next five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Underlying trends of slow revenue growth were unchanged” since the deficit was first identified in 2023, the proposal reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, nonprofits across San Francisco have rallied at City Hall’s steps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985465/youth-and-nonprofits-rally-against-cuts-to-sf-family-support-programs\">to demand no cuts to the services they provide\u003c/a> to the LGBTQ community, families, young adults and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joyce Lam, acting co-director of the Chinese Progressive Association, said a preliminary review of the budget shows cuts to some nonprofits providing services to monolingual communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed in how the mayor is framing outreach and education as non-essential; we believe those are actually the lifelines for many of our most vulnerable working families and non-English speaking immigrants to understand their rights and tools to defend themselves,” Lam said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the Board of Supervisors said they hadn’t had enough time to review the mayor’s proposal to ensure that those cuts would indeed take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai, a candidate for mayor, said the mayor’s budget will face a rocky time at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the mayor’s proposed budget is just empty words and numbers—crafted without real collaboration or input from the Board or impacted communities,” he said. “It fails to fully restore crucial cuts to children and family services and harms communities still struggling the most post-COVID by slashing workforce training initiatives. Her budget is out of touch with working families, and there’s no way it will pass as is.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s proposed $15.9 billion budget includes new funding for police and other city workers, alternative revenue sources, and cuts to close what was projected to be a $789 million two-year deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal released Friday comes at a precarious political time for Breed as she fends off challengers in the November election. The election gave city unions leverage to ask for better wages even as revenues continue declining. In December, Breed had asked city departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-budget-deficit-breed-cuts-next-year-18551808.php\">to make 10% cuts\u003c/a> to stave off the budget shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this budget, we made the tough decisions to close our deficit and those are never easy, but we also made the right decision to invest in critical city services our residents expect and deserve,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget spans two years: $15.9 billion for fiscal year 2024–25 and $15.5 billion for fiscal year 2025–26, pending approval by the Board of Supervisors. The board’s Budget and Appropriations Committee will hold hearings to review Breed’s proposal and to hear from community members. The budget deadline is Aug. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the San Francisco Police Department, Breed proposed an increase of 7.75% for entry-level and existing salaries, new incentive packages to entice entry-level and mid-career officers to join amid a staffing shortage, and retention increases for existing officers to stem retirements and transfers. The proposal also includes new funding for SFPD surveillance cameras and related data collection, enacted partly due to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978236/propositions-e-and-f-in-san-francisco-appear-headed-for-victory\">expansion of police surveillance powers\u003c/a> with the passage of Proposition E on the March ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has reached amicable outcomes with most of the city’s 30-plus unions, dodging the potential for messy strikes that would’ve become the focal point of her reelection campaign. The new labor agreements provide wage increases of at least 13% over the next three years, increasing wage funding by $100 million past what the mayor had budgeted for last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paying for those increases was managed through budget maneuvers that may push off steeper cuts to later years. Supervisor Connie Chan, chair of the supervisors’ budget committee, said Breed isn’t spending tax dollars wisely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am extremely concerned by the wasteful spending and inefficiencies we have seen, particularly in the past few months, in our city contract and departmental spending,” Chan wrote in a statement. “My task is clear. We must comb through the Mayor’s proposed budget and advance a budget that prioritizes all San Franciscans — not just the demands of the wealthy few.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of the funding gap has been closed by various funding source shifts and leveraging “significant one-time revenue sources,” including $51 million from the city’s reserve and $68 million in funds from ballot measures — like the Families First Fund, or Hotel Tax for the Arts Fund — to prevent cutting programs in some departments, according to the mayor’s budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s critics have already seized on her use of short-term funding sources to stave off future budget deficits, including mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie, the Levi Strauss heir and nonprofit CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public safety and public health must be a priority every day, and not just when a conference is in town or during an election year,” Lurie said in a statement. “City hall insiders used one-time funding sources and wasted a decade of boom years. That’s what happens when budgets are designed around political allegiances rather than achieving outcomes for San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has seen its tax revenue plummet as businesses bail from the downtown core driven, in part, by a shift to remote work. The tech sector has abandoned offices quicker than other industries, prompting officials to bemoan the city’s overreliance on tech businesses for its tax base. Inflation-related cost increases and rising health insurance costs also contributed to the shortfall, according to the mayor’s budget proposal. City projections show the deficit growing to more than $1.3 billion in the next five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Underlying trends of slow revenue growth were unchanged” since the deficit was first identified in 2023, the proposal reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, nonprofits across San Francisco have rallied at City Hall’s steps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985465/youth-and-nonprofits-rally-against-cuts-to-sf-family-support-programs\">to demand no cuts to the services they provide\u003c/a> to the LGBTQ community, families, young adults and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joyce Lam, acting co-director of the Chinese Progressive Association, said a preliminary review of the budget shows cuts to some nonprofits providing services to monolingual communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed in how the mayor is framing outreach and education as non-essential; we believe those are actually the lifelines for many of our most vulnerable working families and non-English speaking immigrants to understand their rights and tools to defend themselves,” Lam said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the Board of Supervisors said they hadn’t had enough time to review the mayor’s proposal to ensure that those cuts would indeed take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai, a candidate for mayor, said the mayor’s budget will face a rocky time at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the mayor’s proposed budget is just empty words and numbers—crafted without real collaboration or input from the Board or impacted communities,” he said. “It fails to fully restore crucial cuts to children and family services and harms communities still struggling the most post-COVID by slashing workforce training initiatives. Her budget is out of touch with working families, and there’s no way it will pass as is.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "alameda-county-sheriffs-office-and-district-attorney-take-to-facebook-to-air-charging-dispute",
"title": "Alameda County Sheriff's Office and District Attorney Take to Facebook to Air Charging Dispute",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 7 p.m. Monday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A heated dispute over the decision by the Alameda County district attorney’s office to forgo criminal charges in a stabbing case has spun out into an unusually public spat between two of the county’s top law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the conflict is a federal parole violation hearing set to be heard Monday morning in San Francisco. The defendant, Hayward resident Robert Barroca, 59, was convicted in 2005 for making methamphetamine and being in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County sheriff’s officials identified Barroca as a suspect in a January stabbing that took place in Hayward’s Meek Estate Park, the sheriff’s department said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=854665116705613&set=a.256424806529650\">a May 30 Facebook post\u003c/a>. An Alameda County Superior Court judge issued an arrest warrant for Barroca, and on May 16, he was arrested by sheriff’s deputies, who presented the case to the district’s attorney’s office for charging, according to the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the DA declined to charge, the sheriff’s office said deputies reported Barroca’s alleged involvement in the stabbing to Barroca’s federal parole agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department’s Facebook post about the case garnered more than a hundred comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price, whose critics have accused her of not pursuing criminal cases aggressively enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time we have pointed out that the DA did not charge something,” a sheriff’s spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/alameda-county-sheriff-seeks-help-from-feds-after-da-declines-to-file-charges/\">told KRON4\u003c/a>. “It’s been more consistent. This is not a war on the DA’s office; this is us being honest with the public, with our community, about what’s happening,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Monday morning, Haaziq Madyun, a spokesperson for the DA’s office, said he couldn’t explain the decision not to charge Barroca because Price, who could provide that information, is away from the office at least through the end of the week, following the recent death of her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The matter was reviewed by a veteran charging deputy attorney, who advised ACSO to present the case to our federal law enforcement partners,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='pamela-price']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although KRON4 reported that Madyun said the DA’s office had reached out to federal authorities, Madyun later told KQED that the statement was incorrect and clarified it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=768694235446601&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> on Friday, Price’s campaign against the recall suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA’s office declined to prosecute but conspicuously left that information out of its Facebook post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign’s post invited Alameda County Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez to call Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A call seems like an appropriate first step from one professional Alameda County law enforcement official to another,” the post said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be fair, if the ACSO wants to make social media posts highlighting when cases are not charged, the community should demand that the ACSO create social media posts every time the DAO does charge on cases presented by the Sheriff’s Office,” the post continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday afternoon, Lt. Tya Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office, said the office regularly posts on social media about the outcomes of department investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May, the sheriff’s office posted five times on its Facebook page about arrests, including the post about Barroca. Three mentioned the DA’s office charging the suspect, and the fourth, regarding a series of arrests made during an operation targeting a sideshow, didn’t mention whether charges were brought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the DA brings charges we say that, and when they don’t we say that,” Modeste said, adding that the sheriff’s office never goes into why a case was or was not charged by the DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Barroca’s case, Modeste said the DA declined to bring charges because the victim was not entirely certain Barroca was the person who stabbed them. On a 10-point scale, the victim ranked their certainty at an 8 or 9, according to Modeste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madyun said the dispute, and the comments on the sheriff’s Facebook post, point to a larger issue: Most of the DA’s work happens outside of public view, and when one case gets highlighted, it’s easy for the public to think that case is representative of all of the DA’s work when it might not be, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions to charge or not charge are made everyday by DA’s across the country. Individual cases are not posted on [Facebook] everyday,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County District Attorney’s 2023 annual report, charging rates under Price have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">remained relatively consistent\u003c/a> with those of her predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. The office reports it took action on 11,977 cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A Facebook post by the sheriff’s office about the case garnered more than 100 comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price. Price’s anti-recall campaign suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA declined to prosecute.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 7 p.m. Monday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A heated dispute over the decision by the Alameda County district attorney’s office to forgo criminal charges in a stabbing case has spun out into an unusually public spat between two of the county’s top law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the conflict is a federal parole violation hearing set to be heard Monday morning in San Francisco. The defendant, Hayward resident Robert Barroca, 59, was convicted in 2005 for making methamphetamine and being in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County sheriff’s officials identified Barroca as a suspect in a January stabbing that took place in Hayward’s Meek Estate Park, the sheriff’s department said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=854665116705613&set=a.256424806529650\">a May 30 Facebook post\u003c/a>. An Alameda County Superior Court judge issued an arrest warrant for Barroca, and on May 16, he was arrested by sheriff’s deputies, who presented the case to the district’s attorney’s office for charging, according to the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the DA declined to charge, the sheriff’s office said deputies reported Barroca’s alleged involvement in the stabbing to Barroca’s federal parole agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department’s Facebook post about the case garnered more than a hundred comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price, whose critics have accused her of not pursuing criminal cases aggressively enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time we have pointed out that the DA did not charge something,” a sheriff’s spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/alameda-county-sheriff-seeks-help-from-feds-after-da-declines-to-file-charges/\">told KRON4\u003c/a>. “It’s been more consistent. This is not a war on the DA’s office; this is us being honest with the public, with our community, about what’s happening,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Monday morning, Haaziq Madyun, a spokesperson for the DA’s office, said he couldn’t explain the decision not to charge Barroca because Price, who could provide that information, is away from the office at least through the end of the week, following the recent death of her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The matter was reviewed by a veteran charging deputy attorney, who advised ACSO to present the case to our federal law enforcement partners,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although KRON4 reported that Madyun said the DA’s office had reached out to federal authorities, Madyun later told KQED that the statement was incorrect and clarified it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=768694235446601&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> on Friday, Price’s campaign against the recall suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA’s office declined to prosecute but conspicuously left that information out of its Facebook post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign’s post invited Alameda County Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez to call Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A call seems like an appropriate first step from one professional Alameda County law enforcement official to another,” the post said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be fair, if the ACSO wants to make social media posts highlighting when cases are not charged, the community should demand that the ACSO create social media posts every time the DAO does charge on cases presented by the Sheriff’s Office,” the post continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday afternoon, Lt. Tya Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office, said the office regularly posts on social media about the outcomes of department investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May, the sheriff’s office posted five times on its Facebook page about arrests, including the post about Barroca. Three mentioned the DA’s office charging the suspect, and the fourth, regarding a series of arrests made during an operation targeting a sideshow, didn’t mention whether charges were brought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the DA brings charges we say that, and when they don’t we say that,” Modeste said, adding that the sheriff’s office never goes into why a case was or was not charged by the DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Barroca’s case, Modeste said the DA declined to bring charges because the victim was not entirely certain Barroca was the person who stabbed them. On a 10-point scale, the victim ranked their certainty at an 8 or 9, according to Modeste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madyun said the dispute, and the comments on the sheriff’s Facebook post, point to a larger issue: Most of the DA’s work happens outside of public view, and when one case gets highlighted, it’s easy for the public to think that case is representative of all of the DA’s work when it might not be, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions to charge or not charge are made everyday by DA’s across the country. Individual cases are not posted on [Facebook] everyday,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County District Attorney’s 2023 annual report, charging rates under Price have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">remained relatively consistent\u003c/a> with those of her predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. The office reports it took action on 11,977 cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten U.S. lawmakers are calling for a full investigation into the way the federal government abruptly shut down Federal Correctional Institution (FCI) Dublin last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for an investigation comes as the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) faces nearly 60 lawsuits, including a class action lawsuit, over sexual assault and retaliation by officers against women incarcerated at the low-security facility. Nearly 600 women who were housed at FCI Dublin before its recent closure have since transferred to facilities across the country, sending many hundreds of miles away from their families and attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s outrageous,” Congressman Mark DeSaulnier, who represents the district FCI Dublin is based, told KQED. “This is an endemic cultural problem in the Bureau of Prisons. … We’re going to look at the whole damn department and we will get to the bottom of how a federal agency behaves the way it does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to the House Judiciary Committee and the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, the 10 lawmakers are requesting hearings on how the prison closure was conducted, along with past reports of abuse at FCI Dublin and increased oversight across BOP facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have heard from former inmates who were recently released, family of inmates who have since been transferred from FCI Dublin, and advocates — all of whom have told us about shocking abuses that took place during the mass inmate transfers,” the letter reads. “This level of disregard for human dignity cannot be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 5, U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers appointed Special Master Wendy Still to oversee FCI Dublin’s compliance with federal law, such as the Prison Rape Elimination Act and other constitutional requirements. It is the first oversight position of its kind in BOP history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, BOP responded by completely shutting down FCI Dublin, which has been embroiled in sexual assault allegations for decades. Since then, several women have alleged rampant mistreatment throughout the transfer process, including lack of access to bathrooms and medications, as well as hostile and abusive behavior from guards at their new facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that (BOP) would basically blow off a judge and the court system and have such disrespect tells me that this is a much larger problem,” DeSaulnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent series of scandals first started unraveling following an investigation by the\u003cem> Associated Press\u003c/em> in 2021. It revealed a culture of abuse and cover-ups that had persisted for years at the low-security federal women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight former FCI Dublin correctional officers, including the former warden and chaplain, have been convicted and charged, and seven have been sentenced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (CA-10) along with Congresswoman Judy Chu (CA-28), Congresswoman Anna Eshoo (CA-16), Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (TX-18), Congresswoman Sydney Kamlager-Dove (CA-37), Congresswoman Barbara Lee (CA-12), Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren (CA-18), Congressman Adam Schiff (CA-30), Congressman Bobby Scott (VA-03) and Congressman Eric Swalwell (CA-14) all signed on to the letter sent Friday.[aside postID=news_11984115,news_11979936]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several U.S. senators and members of Congress also sent letters to BOP Director Colette Peters and Attorney General Merrick Garland demanding accountability for past crimes and answers to outstanding questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Committee investigations and hearings would allow Congress to address past and current issues and hear directly from decision makers in BOP and the Department of Justice about their plans for this facility, including how the closure was planned and executed and their efforts to ensure this sinister culture of abuse is not replicated in other BOP facilities,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ten U.S. lawmakers are calling for a full investigation into the way the federal government abruptly shut down Federal Correctional Institution (FCI) Dublin last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for an investigation comes as the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) faces nearly 60 lawsuits, including a class action lawsuit, over sexual assault and retaliation by officers against women incarcerated at the low-security facility. Nearly 600 women who were housed at FCI Dublin before its recent closure have since transferred to facilities across the country, sending many hundreds of miles away from their families and attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s outrageous,” Congressman Mark DeSaulnier, who represents the district FCI Dublin is based, told KQED. “This is an endemic cultural problem in the Bureau of Prisons. … We’re going to look at the whole damn department and we will get to the bottom of how a federal agency behaves the way it does.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter to the House Judiciary Committee and the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, the 10 lawmakers are requesting hearings on how the prison closure was conducted, along with past reports of abuse at FCI Dublin and increased oversight across BOP facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have heard from former inmates who were recently released, family of inmates who have since been transferred from FCI Dublin, and advocates — all of whom have told us about shocking abuses that took place during the mass inmate transfers,” the letter reads. “This level of disregard for human dignity cannot be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On April 5, U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers appointed Special Master Wendy Still to oversee FCI Dublin’s compliance with federal law, such as the Prison Rape Elimination Act and other constitutional requirements. It is the first oversight position of its kind in BOP history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, BOP responded by completely shutting down FCI Dublin, which has been embroiled in sexual assault allegations for decades. Since then, several women have alleged rampant mistreatment throughout the transfer process, including lack of access to bathrooms and medications, as well as hostile and abusive behavior from guards at their new facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that (BOP) would basically blow off a judge and the court system and have such disrespect tells me that this is a much larger problem,” DeSaulnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent series of scandals first started unraveling following an investigation by the\u003cem> Associated Press\u003c/em> in 2021. It revealed a culture of abuse and cover-ups that had persisted for years at the low-security federal women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight former FCI Dublin correctional officers, including the former warden and chaplain, have been convicted and charged, and seven have been sentenced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (CA-10) along with Congresswoman Judy Chu (CA-28), Congresswoman Anna Eshoo (CA-16), Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (TX-18), Congresswoman Sydney Kamlager-Dove (CA-37), Congresswoman Barbara Lee (CA-12), Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren (CA-18), Congressman Adam Schiff (CA-30), Congressman Bobby Scott (VA-03) and Congressman Eric Swalwell (CA-14) all signed on to the letter sent Friday.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several U.S. senators and members of Congress also sent letters to BOP Director Colette Peters and Attorney General Merrick Garland demanding accountability for past crimes and answers to outstanding questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Committee investigations and hearings would allow Congress to address past and current issues and hear directly from decision makers in BOP and the Department of Justice about their plans for this facility, including how the closure was planned and executed and their efforts to ensure this sinister culture of abuse is not replicated in other BOP facilities,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated, 2:25 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED, one of the nation’s largest public media organizations, announced Thursday it’s laying off 19 people as part of an 8% overall reduction in staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Michael Isip said the company is eliminating 34 positions. In addition to the employees being laid off, 11 accepted an early retirement or voluntary departure offer and four vacant positions will not be filled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isip also said KQED would sunset its arts and culture podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/rightnowish\">\u003cem>Rightnowish\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Other budget reductions include eliminating on-air television pledge drives beginning in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff cuts were organization-wide, Isip said, impacting television and radio broadcasting operations, membership, live events, audience intelligence, corporate sponsorship development, human resources, digital video and podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our top objective was to protect our public service,” Isip said. “Then we looked at the impact on operations, and then we wanted to minimize the scale of any layoffs that we needed to make for staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altogether, Isip said the budget reductions are expected to save the company $4.5 million in annual expenses. KQED is running an $8 million deficit in fiscal year 2024, which ends September 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The station’s most recent on-air pledge drive generated $500,000 more than its $1.1 million target. However, Isip said that alone wasn’t sufficient to reverse the trajectory of sustained expenses outpacing projected revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget cuts would enable the media outlet to “rightsize” its deficit, Isip said. He said the company anticipates reaching a balanced budget by fiscal 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, what we’re focused on is the next couple of years,” he said. “We found permanent savings. … and based on our revenue projections, the deficit should continue to decrease over the next three years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many cuts announced was a decision to shift KQED’s television master control to a centralized hub service called CentralCast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union representing KQED master control employees who face layoffs, the National Association of Broadcast Employees and Technicians, is challenging that move as a violation of its contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The transfer of this work done by our engineering members for well over six decades would decimate our engineering bargaining unit,” Carrie Biggs-Adams, president of NABET Local 51, \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/3ab100a1201/0cd39cfa-f46f-4dc0-9724-b466932037dc.pdf\">wrote in a letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to KQED management earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molly Lacob, KQED’s deputy general counsel, said the company is “aware of their challenge, and we look forward to working with them on a resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for the other employee union at KQED — the Screen Actors Guild-American Federation of Television and Radio Artists — did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11987176,news_11832855 label='Related Coverage']Peter Cavagnaro, a KQED spokesperson, said nine of the employees to be laid off have worked for the organization for fewer than six years. The other 10 had worked for the company for seven or more years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jrodriguez\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/a>, a politics reporter at KQED and board president of the Society of Professional Journalists’ Northern California chapter, confirmed Wednesday that he was one of the 11 employees who accepted a buyout, which he said was an opportunity to reflect on his 12-year tenure in journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Different people have different levels of stamina for [the job],” he said. “The pace has gotten me to the point where I just needed a little time to rest, and that might mean a month or two. That might mean a year. Who knows?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fitzgerald Rodriguez first became engaged in journalism in middle school when he was named co-editor of the school paper, the Penguin Press. His father had recently died, and he said he was struggling in school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But seeing a purpose behind learning, seeing a purpose behind writing, seeing a purpose behind meeting people in your community really gave me a purpose in school,” Fitzgerald Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rightnowish\u003c/em> host \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ogpenn\">Pendarvis Harshaw\u003c/a> said he will continue to work for KQED within its arts department. At least one other member of the show’s three-person team will be laid off. The show’s last episode will be on July 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The podcast has won several awards, including the 2021 Black Podcast Award for \u003ca href=\"https://blackpodawards.com/our-nominees-and-winners/category-winners/our-best-filmtv-podcast-award-winners/\">Best Film and Television Podcast and\u003c/a> the 2020 Black Podcast Award for \u003ca href=\"https://blackpodawards.com/our-nominees-and-winners/category-winners/our-best-culture-podcast-award-winners/#:~:text=2020%20Winner%20Best%20Culture%20Podcast,the%20place%20we%20call%20home.\">Best Culture Podcast\u003c/a>, and in 2023, it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/kqed_kqed-is-proud-to-announce-that-two-of-our-activity-7113219820174643200-HQ1q/?trk=public_profile_like_view\">named a finalist\u003c/a> in the 2nd Annual Signal Awards’ Individual Episodes category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harshaw began the show in 2019, transforming what was then a photo series on Twitter into a radio show, which later morphed into a podcast. Last fall, he and the team launched a special series, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13934874/hyphy-kids-got-trauma\">\u003cem>Hyphy Kids Got Trauma\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, an introspective examination of a Bay Area youth culture that swelled into a national hip-hop phenomenon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it prompted people to interact with KQED, and by extension, public media, in ways they hadn’t previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People really engaged with me and said that they felt seen and heard about the pain that they experienced during the hyphy movement,” Harshaw said. “We talk about diversifying public media. That is part of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_13934874]But Harshaw said the deep reporting that went into the series wasn’t always possible to sustain with a weekly show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy to convince people — young folks of color, young Black folks — to listen to your public media station,” Harshaw said. “It’s difficult to bring people into a place where they feel like they’ve been told not to go for so long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts, said the show’s audience numbers have seen “an overall downward trend.” The decision to end it is “not a judgment on the quality of the show, or of the capacity or talents of the team that makes it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about making strategic decisions during a time of financial distress,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether canceling \u003cem>Rightnowish\u003c/em> reflected a retreat from KQED’s commitment to representing diverse voices, Isip defended the decision. He pointed to the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/12194/kqed-acquires-the-snap-judgment-and-spooked-podcasts\">$1.9 million acquisition last year\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://snapjudgment.org/\">\u003cem>Snap Judgment\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which produces the podcasts \u003cem>Snap Judgment\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Spooked\u003c/em>, as evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, we’re investing in productions that will drive audience and growth,” Isip said, “and [Rightnowish] wasn’t hitting our goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to drive digital growth, Isip said the company recently launched the KQED Studios Fund, a $10 million initiative to grow podcasts and online video production that will focus on “stories and programs rooted in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As KQED looks for ways to monetize its digital content, Isip said the local news outlet is entering “uncharted territory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re still serving our broadcast audiences, which gives us some financial stability, and that gives us a time to experiment and expand into these digital platforms,” Isip said. “It’s not an all-or-nothing proposition for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other budget cuts include automating overnight radio master control, reducing the maximum amount of paid time off employees can build up and shrinking daytime security staffing by one officer. The company will also not renew its leases for its satellite office and signage in downtown San José, a decision Isip said would not impact the outlet’s South Bay news coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget reductions come as the station has completed a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/campaign21/463/c21-new-horizons\">$140 million expansion, which \u003c/a>included a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/11576/kqed-plan-for-opening\">$94 million renovation of its headquarters\u003c/a> in San Francisco and a $45 million investment in its programming and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second round of layoffs within four years. The public media nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832855/kqed-announces-layoffs-blames-coronavirus-pandemic-for-budget-shortfall\">laid off 20 employees in 2020\u003c/a> amid a decline in corporate sponsorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s staff cuts announced Thursday were the latest to hit public media outlets across the country. On Wednesday, GBH in Boston \u003ca href=\"https://www.wgbh.org/news/local/2024-05-22/gbh-cuts-staff-and-programming\">announced it would lay off 31 employees\u003c/a>. That follows similar news from \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbez.org/stories/chicago-public-media-lays-off-14-staffers/451b3f28-338c-45bc-98c2-742a7106ecf2\">WBEZ in Chicago\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://current.org/2024/03/american-public-media-restructures-apm-studios-eliminates-positions/\">American Public Media\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/news/2024/04/24/wbur-cuts-buyouts-layoffs-jobs-boston-media\">WBUR\u003c/a> in Boston, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/business/story/2024-05-09/laist-layoffs-buyouts-scpr\">KPCC\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/story/2024-01-10/kcrw-greater-la-podcast-ending-steve-chiotakis-buyouts-staffing\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Southern California and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpr.org/2024/03/11/colorado-public-radios-ceo-explains-why-the-company-is-laying-off-15-people/\">Colorado Public Radio\u003c/a>, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/style/media/2024/02/23/wamu-layoffs-dcist-shutdown/\">others\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and written by KQED senior editor Erin Baldassari and edited by KQED’s Dan Brekke. Under KQED’s standard practices for reporting on itself, no member of KQED management or its news executives reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated, 2:25 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED, one of the nation’s largest public media organizations, announced Thursday it’s laying off 19 people as part of an 8% overall reduction in staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Michael Isip said the company is eliminating 34 positions. In addition to the employees being laid off, 11 accepted an early retirement or voluntary departure offer and four vacant positions will not be filled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isip also said KQED would sunset its arts and culture podcast, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/rightnowish\">\u003cem>Rightnowish\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Other budget reductions include eliminating on-air television pledge drives beginning in October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The staff cuts were organization-wide, Isip said, impacting television and radio broadcasting operations, membership, live events, audience intelligence, corporate sponsorship development, human resources, digital video and podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our top objective was to protect our public service,” Isip said. “Then we looked at the impact on operations, and then we wanted to minimize the scale of any layoffs that we needed to make for staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Altogether, Isip said the budget reductions are expected to save the company $4.5 million in annual expenses. KQED is running an $8 million deficit in fiscal year 2024, which ends September 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The station’s most recent on-air pledge drive generated $500,000 more than its $1.1 million target. However, Isip said that alone wasn’t sufficient to reverse the trajectory of sustained expenses outpacing projected revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget cuts would enable the media outlet to “rightsize” its deficit, Isip said. He said the company anticipates reaching a balanced budget by fiscal 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, what we’re focused on is the next couple of years,” he said. “We found permanent savings. … and based on our revenue projections, the deficit should continue to decrease over the next three years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the many cuts announced was a decision to shift KQED’s television master control to a centralized hub service called CentralCast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union representing KQED master control employees who face layoffs, the National Association of Broadcast Employees and Technicians, is challenging that move as a violation of its contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The transfer of this work done by our engineering members for well over six decades would decimate our engineering bargaining unit,” Carrie Biggs-Adams, president of NABET Local 51, \u003ca href=\"https://files.constantcontact.com/3ab100a1201/0cd39cfa-f46f-4dc0-9724-b466932037dc.pdf\">wrote in a letter (PDF)\u003c/a> to KQED management earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Molly Lacob, KQED’s deputy general counsel, said the company is “aware of their challenge, and we look forward to working with them on a resolution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for the other employee union at KQED — the Screen Actors Guild-American Federation of Television and Radio Artists — did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Peter Cavagnaro, a KQED spokesperson, said nine of the employees to be laid off have worked for the organization for fewer than six years. The other 10 had worked for the company for seven or more years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jrodriguez\">Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez\u003c/a>, a politics reporter at KQED and board president of the Society of Professional Journalists’ Northern California chapter, confirmed Wednesday that he was one of the 11 employees who accepted a buyout, which he said was an opportunity to reflect on his 12-year tenure in journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Different people have different levels of stamina for [the job],” he said. “The pace has gotten me to the point where I just needed a little time to rest, and that might mean a month or two. That might mean a year. Who knows?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fitzgerald Rodriguez first became engaged in journalism in middle school when he was named co-editor of the school paper, the Penguin Press. His father had recently died, and he said he was struggling in school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But seeing a purpose behind learning, seeing a purpose behind writing, seeing a purpose behind meeting people in your community really gave me a purpose in school,” Fitzgerald Rodriguez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rightnowish\u003c/em> host \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ogpenn\">Pendarvis Harshaw\u003c/a> said he will continue to work for KQED within its arts department. At least one other member of the show’s three-person team will be laid off. The show’s last episode will be on July 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The podcast has won several awards, including the 2021 Black Podcast Award for \u003ca href=\"https://blackpodawards.com/our-nominees-and-winners/category-winners/our-best-filmtv-podcast-award-winners/\">Best Film and Television Podcast and\u003c/a> the 2020 Black Podcast Award for \u003ca href=\"https://blackpodawards.com/our-nominees-and-winners/category-winners/our-best-culture-podcast-award-winners/#:~:text=2020%20Winner%20Best%20Culture%20Podcast,the%20place%20we%20call%20home.\">Best Culture Podcast\u003c/a>, and in 2023, it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.linkedin.com/posts/kqed_kqed-is-proud-to-announce-that-two-of-our-activity-7113219820174643200-HQ1q/?trk=public_profile_like_view\">named a finalist\u003c/a> in the 2nd Annual Signal Awards’ Individual Episodes category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harshaw began the show in 2019, transforming what was then a photo series on Twitter into a radio show, which later morphed into a podcast. Last fall, he and the team launched a special series, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13934874/hyphy-kids-got-trauma\">\u003cem>Hyphy Kids Got Trauma\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, an introspective examination of a Bay Area youth culture that swelled into a national hip-hop phenomenon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it prompted people to interact with KQED, and by extension, public media, in ways they hadn’t previously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People really engaged with me and said that they felt seen and heard about the pain that they experienced during the hyphy movement,” Harshaw said. “We talk about diversifying public media. That is part of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Harshaw said the deep reporting that went into the series wasn’t always possible to sustain with a weekly show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not easy to convince people — young folks of color, young Black folks — to listen to your public media station,” Harshaw said. “It’s difficult to bring people into a place where they feel like they’ve been told not to go for so long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Chien, KQED’s director of podcasts, said the show’s audience numbers have seen “an overall downward trend.” The decision to end it is “not a judgment on the quality of the show, or of the capacity or talents of the team that makes it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about making strategic decisions during a time of financial distress,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether canceling \u003cem>Rightnowish\u003c/em> reflected a retreat from KQED’s commitment to representing diverse voices, Isip defended the decision. He pointed to the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/12194/kqed-acquires-the-snap-judgment-and-spooked-podcasts\">$1.9 million acquisition last year\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://snapjudgment.org/\">\u003cem>Snap Judgment\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which produces the podcasts \u003cem>Snap Judgment\u003c/em> and \u003cem>Spooked\u003c/em>, as evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is, we’re investing in productions that will drive audience and growth,” Isip said, “and [Rightnowish] wasn’t hitting our goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to drive digital growth, Isip said the company recently launched the KQED Studios Fund, a $10 million initiative to grow podcasts and online video production that will focus on “stories and programs rooted in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As KQED looks for ways to monetize its digital content, Isip said the local news outlet is entering “uncharted territory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re still serving our broadcast audiences, which gives us some financial stability, and that gives us a time to experiment and expand into these digital platforms,” Isip said. “It’s not an all-or-nothing proposition for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other budget cuts include automating overnight radio master control, reducing the maximum amount of paid time off employees can build up and shrinking daytime security staffing by one officer. The company will also not renew its leases for its satellite office and signage in downtown San José, a decision Isip said would not impact the outlet’s South Bay news coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget reductions come as the station has completed a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/campaign21/463/c21-new-horizons\">$140 million expansion, which \u003c/a>included a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/11576/kqed-plan-for-opening\">$94 million renovation of its headquarters\u003c/a> in San Francisco and a $45 million investment in its programming and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second round of layoffs within four years. The public media nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832855/kqed-announces-layoffs-blames-coronavirus-pandemic-for-budget-shortfall\">laid off 20 employees in 2020\u003c/a> amid a decline in corporate sponsorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s staff cuts announced Thursday were the latest to hit public media outlets across the country. On Wednesday, GBH in Boston \u003ca href=\"https://www.wgbh.org/news/local/2024-05-22/gbh-cuts-staff-and-programming\">announced it would lay off 31 employees\u003c/a>. That follows similar news from \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbez.org/stories/chicago-public-media-lays-off-14-staffers/451b3f28-338c-45bc-98c2-742a7106ecf2\">WBEZ in Chicago\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://current.org/2024/03/american-public-media-restructures-apm-studios-eliminates-positions/\">American Public Media\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/news/2024/04/24/wbur-cuts-buyouts-layoffs-jobs-boston-media\">WBUR\u003c/a> in Boston, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/business/story/2024-05-09/laist-layoffs-buyouts-scpr\">KPCC\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/story/2024-01-10/kcrw-greater-la-podcast-ending-steve-chiotakis-buyouts-staffing\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Southern California and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpr.org/2024/03/11/colorado-public-radios-ceo-explains-why-the-company-is-laying-off-15-people/\">Colorado Public Radio\u003c/a>, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/style/media/2024/02/23/wamu-layoffs-dcist-shutdown/\">others\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and written by KQED senior editor Erin Baldassari and edited by KQED’s Dan Brekke. Under KQED’s standard practices for reporting on itself, no member of KQED management or its news executives reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "4 Progressives Go Head to Head in Heated Race for Berkeley City Council Seat",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four progressive candidates, all with a few years to two decades of experience in public service, are vying for Berkeley’s District 4 City Council seat next week after Councilmember Kate Harrison announced her resignation from the seat in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soli Alpert, Elana Auerbach, Ruben Hernandez Story and Igor Tregub are registered for the race set for May 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 4 includes Berkeley’s downtown district and several blocks of residential streets between Oxford Way and Sacramento Street. The L-shaped district has a population of about 15,700 residents as of the 2020 U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four candidates are using the city’s generous public financing program, which allows them to each receive a 6-to-1 match on donations to their campaign, up to $60. (So if someone donates $60 to a candidate, that candidate receives $360 in public matching funds. The city will contribute a maximum of $49,000 per candidate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules have resulted in fairly significant war chests for all four candidates. As of the week before the election, Hernandez Story led the pack with $49,000 in matching funds from the city, followed by Auerbach’s $41,994, Alpert’s $40,050 and Tregub’s $37,728, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/PubFi%20Tracking%20-%202024%20Special%20Election%20%28MAY%29_2.pdf\">according to city public finance records\u003c/a>. And that’s not including the individual campaign donations that triggered those matching funds from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates spoke with \u003cem>Bay City News\u003c/em> about their positions on the issues they see as most important to their community.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Harrison’s resignation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harrison announced her resignation during a Jan. 30 City Council meeting, citing dysfunction in the city’s bureaucracy, among other local issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley’s processes are broken, and I cannot in good conscience continue to serve on this body,” Harrison said during her resignation speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability and transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like Harrison, the district’s candidates expressed concerns about the city of Berkeley’s functionality. Alpert, Tregub, and Auerbach listed transparency and accountability for the City Council and management among their top five concerns for this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve seen a really big problem with the culture of City Hall, both from the City Council and senior management, that basically views the public and public processes as a distraction from their more enlightened work, rather than as like the fundamental job of the city,” said Alpert, who served as Harrison’s campaign manager for the Berkeley mayoral race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert is the current vice chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board and has worked as a legislative assistant in Berkeley since before earning his undergraduate degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Alpert and Auerbach, if elected, Tregub plans to prioritize having a transparent, accountable, participatory process around Berkeley’s city governance and management to ensure that the city’s government is fulfilling the will of its citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub served on Berkeley’s Rent Board, Zoning Adjustments Board, and its Environment and Climate Commission and is currently the chair of a local Sierra Club chapter. His professional background centers around green energy and, more recently, consulting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [could] be darn sure that the budgets that we approve as a city are truly a reflection of our holistic community values because we [would] have heard from as many members of the community as we could,” Tregub said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mass surveillance and public safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former councilmember Harrison’s resignation was announced during a council discussion of the potential of implementing mass surveillance technology in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is considering adding six new general surveillance cameras across the city, although the two-year pilot program for existing license plate cameras hasn’t yet been completed, meaning full data on the effectiveness of cameras on crime isn’t yet available.[aside tag=\"berkeley-city-council\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]Auerbach stressed her confusion of a pilot program’s purpose if its data will not be available in the consideration of a more permanent program. Auerbach previously served on Berkeley’s Tenants Union and volunteers at the group Berkeley Copwatch; her professional background is in finance and mediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Tregub both voiced support for the program as a potential solution to a rise in property crimes in the area in recent years. Hernandez Story currently works as Berkeley District 2 councilmember Terry Taplin’s chief of staff and previously worked for former Richmond Mayor Tom Butt for four years. He worked in the Ohio Legislature as a college student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates want to focus on reducing what they see as the core causes of crime. They identified unaffordable housing, homelessness and mental health crises as major contributors to public safety concerns in their district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates endorsed the expansion of Berkeley’s Specialized Care Unit, a non-police response force for residents experiencing mental health crises, to a 24/7 service and ending outsourcing of the program. Auerbach is one of several Berkeley residents who contributed to establishing the Specialized Care Unit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert, Tregub and Auerbach all listed non-police response to non-criminal crises in the city as a potential solution to slow response times and understaffing issues within the Berkeley Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert and Auerbach both see corporate-owned housing projects — both for-profit and non-profit — as one of the major obstacles to affordable housing in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every tenant deserves rights, but these big venture capital, corporate owners are much more committed to trying to squeeze things dry,” Alpert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley allows housing developers to avoid installing mandatory affordable housing units by contributing to an in-lieu affordable housing fund in its place. Auerbach wants to see an end to this loophole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is detrimental to bridging the divides of class and race that permeate our city,” Auerbach said. “And not only that, but it also doesn’t create actual affordable housing, so we need to mandate that developers build those units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez sees building starter homes — like duplexes and triplexes — alongside other housing as a potential solution to part of the housing crisis, while Tregub pointed more toward apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Revitalizing downtown and supporting small businesses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert said that landlords pricing small businesses out of their stores is the primary cause of vacant storefronts throughout Berkeley’s Downtown district and called for a commercial vacancy tax—much like the residential vacancy tax already imposed—to encourage commercial landlords to rent out their spaces at rates affordable to local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Auerbach both want to encourage pop-up events, performances and businesses downtown to revitalize the area. Hernandez Story also suggested shutting down the portion of Center Street that is often closed for events to be used as a permanent pedestrian plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub wants a sustainable fund to support small businesses and a streamlined permitting process to cut through red tape for business owners, while Auerbach thinks the city should invest in low- and no-interest loans for small businesses in the area, investing in a future return in sales taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All candidates pointed to making the downtown area a more enjoyable public space to revitalize it economically. They pointed to recent installations of wooden benches at bus stops by community members as evidence of the lack of public spaces and seating throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should not be in the community’s wheelbarrow,” Hernandez Story said. “They should be able to enjoy public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four progressive candidates, all with a few years to two decades of experience in public service, are vying for Berkeley’s District 4 City Council seat next week after Councilmember Kate Harrison announced her resignation from the seat in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soli Alpert, Elana Auerbach, Ruben Hernandez Story and Igor Tregub are registered for the race set for May 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 4 includes Berkeley’s downtown district and several blocks of residential streets between Oxford Way and Sacramento Street. The L-shaped district has a population of about 15,700 residents as of the 2020 U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four candidates are using the city’s generous public financing program, which allows them to each receive a 6-to-1 match on donations to their campaign, up to $60. (So if someone donates $60 to a candidate, that candidate receives $360 in public matching funds. The city will contribute a maximum of $49,000 per candidate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules have resulted in fairly significant war chests for all four candidates. As of the week before the election, Hernandez Story led the pack with $49,000 in matching funds from the city, followed by Auerbach’s $41,994, Alpert’s $40,050 and Tregub’s $37,728, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/PubFi%20Tracking%20-%202024%20Special%20Election%20%28MAY%29_2.pdf\">according to city public finance records\u003c/a>. And that’s not including the individual campaign donations that triggered those matching funds from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates spoke with \u003cem>Bay City News\u003c/em> about their positions on the issues they see as most important to their community.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Harrison’s resignation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harrison announced her resignation during a Jan. 30 City Council meeting, citing dysfunction in the city’s bureaucracy, among other local issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley’s processes are broken, and I cannot in good conscience continue to serve on this body,” Harrison said during her resignation speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability and transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like Harrison, the district’s candidates expressed concerns about the city of Berkeley’s functionality. Alpert, Tregub, and Auerbach listed transparency and accountability for the City Council and management among their top five concerns for this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve seen a really big problem with the culture of City Hall, both from the City Council and senior management, that basically views the public and public processes as a distraction from their more enlightened work, rather than as like the fundamental job of the city,” said Alpert, who served as Harrison’s campaign manager for the Berkeley mayoral race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert is the current vice chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board and has worked as a legislative assistant in Berkeley since before earning his undergraduate degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Alpert and Auerbach, if elected, Tregub plans to prioritize having a transparent, accountable, participatory process around Berkeley’s city governance and management to ensure that the city’s government is fulfilling the will of its citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub served on Berkeley’s Rent Board, Zoning Adjustments Board, and its Environment and Climate Commission and is currently the chair of a local Sierra Club chapter. His professional background centers around green energy and, more recently, consulting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [could] be darn sure that the budgets that we approve as a city are truly a reflection of our holistic community values because we [would] have heard from as many members of the community as we could,” Tregub said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mass surveillance and public safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former councilmember Harrison’s resignation was announced during a council discussion of the potential of implementing mass surveillance technology in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is considering adding six new general surveillance cameras across the city, although the two-year pilot program for existing license plate cameras hasn’t yet been completed, meaning full data on the effectiveness of cameras on crime isn’t yet available.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Auerbach stressed her confusion of a pilot program’s purpose if its data will not be available in the consideration of a more permanent program. Auerbach previously served on Berkeley’s Tenants Union and volunteers at the group Berkeley Copwatch; her professional background is in finance and mediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Tregub both voiced support for the program as a potential solution to a rise in property crimes in the area in recent years. Hernandez Story currently works as Berkeley District 2 councilmember Terry Taplin’s chief of staff and previously worked for former Richmond Mayor Tom Butt for four years. He worked in the Ohio Legislature as a college student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates want to focus on reducing what they see as the core causes of crime. They identified unaffordable housing, homelessness and mental health crises as major contributors to public safety concerns in their district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates endorsed the expansion of Berkeley’s Specialized Care Unit, a non-police response force for residents experiencing mental health crises, to a 24/7 service and ending outsourcing of the program. Auerbach is one of several Berkeley residents who contributed to establishing the Specialized Care Unit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert, Tregub and Auerbach all listed non-police response to non-criminal crises in the city as a potential solution to slow response times and understaffing issues within the Berkeley Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert and Auerbach both see corporate-owned housing projects — both for-profit and non-profit — as one of the major obstacles to affordable housing in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every tenant deserves rights, but these big venture capital, corporate owners are much more committed to trying to squeeze things dry,” Alpert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley allows housing developers to avoid installing mandatory affordable housing units by contributing to an in-lieu affordable housing fund in its place. Auerbach wants to see an end to this loophole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is detrimental to bridging the divides of class and race that permeate our city,” Auerbach said. “And not only that, but it also doesn’t create actual affordable housing, so we need to mandate that developers build those units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez sees building starter homes — like duplexes and triplexes — alongside other housing as a potential solution to part of the housing crisis, while Tregub pointed more toward apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Revitalizing downtown and supporting small businesses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert said that landlords pricing small businesses out of their stores is the primary cause of vacant storefronts throughout Berkeley’s Downtown district and called for a commercial vacancy tax—much like the residential vacancy tax already imposed—to encourage commercial landlords to rent out their spaces at rates affordable to local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Auerbach both want to encourage pop-up events, performances and businesses downtown to revitalize the area. Hernandez Story also suggested shutting down the portion of Center Street that is often closed for events to be used as a permanent pedestrian plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub wants a sustainable fund to support small businesses and a streamlined permitting process to cut through red tape for business owners, while Auerbach thinks the city should invest in low- and no-interest loans for small businesses in the area, investing in a future return in sales taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All candidates pointed to making the downtown area a more enjoyable public space to revitalize it economically. They pointed to recent installations of wooden benches at bus stops by community members as evidence of the lack of public spaces and seating throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should not be in the community’s wheelbarrow,” Hernandez Story said. “They should be able to enjoy public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:15 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, KQED is expected to announce it will lay off as many as 25 employees as part of its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832855/kqed-announces-layoffs-blames-coronavirus-pandemic-for-budget-shortfall\">second round of staff cuts\u003c/a> within four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The layoffs follow voluntary departure offers that at least nine employees accepted and will be coupled with yet-to-be-announced reductions in discretionary spending and services, according to KQED President and CEO Michael Isip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simply put, the cuts are the result of rapidly rising costs, especially in the area of salaries and benefits, at the same time that revenue from individuals, corporate sponsors and other sources has declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s painful,” he said. “The people of KQED are what make this organization so special. And when you lose colleagues, it not only impacts your day-to-day work, but it impacts overall morale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED says it currently employs 387 people, including 15 on limited-term contracts. Counting temporary workers and interns, the total is 525.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Underlying the decision to shrink its workforce are factors unique to KQED and some common to public media outlets across the country. KQED’s layoff announcement follows similar news from \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbez.org/stories/chicago-public-media-lays-off-14-staffers/451b3f28-338c-45bc-98c2-742a7106ecf2\">WBEZ in Chicago\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://current.org/2024/03/american-public-media-restructures-apm-studios-eliminates-positions/\">American Public Media\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/news/2024/04/24/wbur-cuts-buyouts-layoffs-jobs-boston-media\">WBUR\u003c/a> in Boston, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/business/story/2024-05-09/laist-layoffs-buyouts-scpr\">KPCC\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/story/2024-01-10/kcrw-greater-la-podcast-ending-steve-chiotakis-buyouts-staffing\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Southern California and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpr.org/2024/03/11/colorado-public-radios-ceo-explains-why-the-company-is-laying-off-15-people/\">Colorado Public Radio\u003c/a>, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/style/media/2024/02/23/wamu-layoffs-dcist-shutdown/\">others\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts stem, in part, from a bet about future revenue that KQED made in 2013, when it launched its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/campaign21/463/c21-new-horizons\">Campaign 21\u003c/a> — a $140 million initiative that raised funds for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/11576/kqed-plan-for-opening\">$94 million renovation\u003c/a> of its San Francisco headquarters and for a $45 million investment in digital production, distribution and local news and education services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isip said the company has no debt associated with the renovation and that the building’s $1.5 million annual maintenance cost “is not a significant driver” of costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the increase in expenses, Isip said, came from KQED adding 54 new positions funded by the campaign into its operating budget. That was done with the expectation that as content expanded, revenues would grow to cover the added spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED financial reports show that in the company’s 2014 fiscal year, revenue and expenses were virtually identical, each at about $67 million. Revenues rose by about 35% between 2014 and fiscal year 2023, the most recent year for which publicly accessible data is available. But expenses grew even faster during that period, jumping 50%. (KQED’s fiscal year runs from October 1 through September 30.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea at the time was: Grow service. Transform digital. It will grow our audience, and it will grow financial support,” Isip said. “Our revenue has been positive. … But that’s just not matching the expenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"KQED's Revenues and Expenses\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-nlJEv\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/nlJEv/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"520\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company ended the past two fiscal years with deficits: nearly $3 million in 2022 and $10.5 million in 2023. Isip said KQED is anticipating a third year of deficits in 2024. This year’s initial budget forecasted the shortfall at around $6 million, but a review at midyear showed the gap had grown by another $2 million. Isip said that forced the company to pivot to permanent staff reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless we were to do something, the deficit would continue to grow,” he said. “We’ve been able to tap our reserves to fill the gap and give us a little bit of time, and that’s just not a sustainable approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one member of the National Association of Broadcast Employees and Technicians-Communications Workers of America (NABET-CWA) Local 51 Chapter accepted the buyout, chapter President Carrie Biggs-Adams said. As of last week, the union was negotiating on behalf of a second member, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other union representing KQED employees, the Screen Actors Guild-American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (SAG-AFTRA), declined to comment for this story, citing “the ongoing, sensitive nature of the conversations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biggs-Adams blasted KQED’s leadership for recent programming decisions, including the elimination last year of the station’s only television news show, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953890/kqed-newsroom-finale-saying-goodbye\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/a>. She characterized the move as short-sighted because, she said, television news is one area that has remained profitable for other stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“KQED doesn’t know who they are,” Biggs-Adams said. “They really have lost, to my mind, their mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isip defended the decision, saying viewership for the show had dropped to around 15,000 viewers a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, nobody feels as bad about it as I do,” about cutting the show, he said, noting that he came to KQED as the executive producer of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/category/thisweekinnortherncalifornia\">This Week in Northern California\u003c/a>, the television news show that predated KQED Newsroom. “But the reality is … we need to make some choices. And when we make choices, we look to the audience and see where they’re going for their news and information. And more and more of them are shifting to digital platforms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local news outlets across the country are facing similar choices, said UC Berkeley School of Journalism Dean Geeta Anand. The news industry has been in flux for the past 40 years — first as a response to the emergence of the Internet and, more recently, as social media and artificial intelligence have entered the fray.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With changes in technology, so, too, have come “changes in how people consume journalism, changes in how the journalism industry gets its revenue, and also changes in how people are able to find and access journalism,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to take risks and make your best bets on things,” Anand said. “Hindsight is 20/20, so maybe some decisions [KQED] made didn’t turn out to be the right ones, but we’re all just figuring out how to chart a course.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Public Radio, of which KQED is a member station, has seen its weekly listenership decline from 60 million in 2020 to 42 million in 2024 — a roughly 30% drop, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/24/business/media/npr-uri-berliner-diversity.html\">according to internal NPR data reported by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">KQED saw a similar reduction in weekly listeners, which fell from more than 734,000 in June 2021 to just over 546,000 last month — a 26% decline, according to Nielsen Audio,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which tracks broadcast and streaming listenership. The station’s market share was 7.1% last month, a decrease from the 8.7% share held in June 2021 but an increase from last May, when the share dropped to 4.5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the changes in listening habits can be traced to the pandemic, said Mike Janssen, digital editor at Current, a trade publication that covers public broadcasting. When more people began working from home, fewer people commuted in their cars, where they typically listened to the radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our routines changed, and a decline started in radio listening — not just for public radio but radio overall — that has not bounced back,” Janssen said. “There’s been a bit of a return, but it isn’t back to pre-2020 levels. And public radio is taking a brunt of this pretty badly, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832855/kqed-announces-layoffs-blames-coronavirus-pandemic-for-budget-shortfall\">KQED laid off 20 employees in 2020\u003c/a>, a roughly 5.5% reduction in staff, amid a steep decline in corporate sponsorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2021, KQED received a federal Paycheck Protection Program loan of $8.2 million and saw revenues rebound as more listeners began tuning in for coverage of the presidential election, KQED spokesperson Peter Cavagnaro said. Fundraising revenue benefited from higher donations, and KQED ended the year with a $22 million budget surplus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had nearly $60 million in contributions that year,” Cavagnaro said, “a number we have not since matched.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED membership peaked that same year at just over 250,000 before falling to 233,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"KQED Membership\" aria-label=\"Stacked Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-n5AEY\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/n5AEY/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"401\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, public radio stations have relied on their on-air pledge drives to fund operations. As listership declines, Janssen said, “Then what’s going to replace that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone knows that they need to work harder to monetize digital platforms, but that’s a big lift,” Janssen said. “There aren’t easy answers about how to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/journalism/2024/05/07/americans-changing-relationship-with-local-news/\">Pew Research Center survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month found that people’s consumption of local news has shifted online, with 48% of respondents reporting they accessed their local news online or through social media, up from 37% in 2018. Roughly 9% said they got their local news from a radio station, a number that was virtually unchanged from 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As consumption habits change, public radio stations are struggling to keep up, said Tim Eby, who was the general manager of St. Louis Public Radio until 2020 and \u003ca href=\"https://timjeby.substack.com/p/three-things-on-a-public-radio-major?utm_source=profile&utm_medium=reader2\">continues to write\u003c/a> about trends in public media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem, he said, is a tension between trying to reach new audiences while still maintaining public radio’s core listenership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the big challenges public radio is facing right now,” Eby said. “It is really creating some tension in terms of both the best way to reach audiences as well as the best way to operate from an efficiency standpoint.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='layoffs']Isip said KQED is devoting increased resources to its digital efforts, including expanding the company’s product team, which is responsible for developing its website, apps and other digital services. But, he acknowledged that, like other public radio stations, KQED is still struggling to find ways to monetize its digital content or convert digital readers and social media viewers into paying members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Pew Research Center’s 2024 survey, just 15% of consumers said they paid for a local news outlet subscription in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s just trying to figure out what the monetization approach will be, and we’re just in it right now,” Isip said. “We’re sort of in this transition from a declining but still profitable broadcast model to this emerging digital environment where we don’t really know what the potential is for financial support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Story updated to include current number of KQED employees. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and written by KQED senior editor Erin Baldassari and edited by KQED’s Dan Brekke, who contributed additional reporting. Under KQED’s standard practices for reporting on itself, no member of KQED management or its news executives reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:15 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, KQED is expected to announce it will lay off as many as 25 employees as part of its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832855/kqed-announces-layoffs-blames-coronavirus-pandemic-for-budget-shortfall\">second round of staff cuts\u003c/a> within four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The layoffs follow voluntary departure offers that at least nine employees accepted and will be coupled with yet-to-be-announced reductions in discretionary spending and services, according to KQED President and CEO Michael Isip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simply put, the cuts are the result of rapidly rising costs, especially in the area of salaries and benefits, at the same time that revenue from individuals, corporate sponsors and other sources has declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s painful,” he said. “The people of KQED are what make this organization so special. And when you lose colleagues, it not only impacts your day-to-day work, but it impacts overall morale.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED says it currently employs 387 people, including 15 on limited-term contracts. Counting temporary workers and interns, the total is 525.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Underlying the decision to shrink its workforce are factors unique to KQED and some common to public media outlets across the country. KQED’s layoff announcement follows similar news from \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbez.org/stories/chicago-public-media-lays-off-14-staffers/451b3f28-338c-45bc-98c2-742a7106ecf2\">WBEZ in Chicago\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://current.org/2024/03/american-public-media-restructures-apm-studios-eliminates-positions/\">American Public Media\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/news/2024/04/24/wbur-cuts-buyouts-layoffs-jobs-boston-media\">WBUR\u003c/a> in Boston, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/business/story/2024-05-09/laist-layoffs-buyouts-scpr\">KPCC\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/story/2024-01-10/kcrw-greater-la-podcast-ending-steve-chiotakis-buyouts-staffing\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Southern California and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpr.org/2024/03/11/colorado-public-radios-ceo-explains-why-the-company-is-laying-off-15-people/\">Colorado Public Radio\u003c/a>, among \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/style/media/2024/02/23/wamu-layoffs-dcist-shutdown/\">others\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts stem, in part, from a bet about future revenue that KQED made in 2013, when it launched its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/campaign21/463/c21-new-horizons\">Campaign 21\u003c/a> — a $140 million initiative that raised funds for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/11576/kqed-plan-for-opening\">$94 million renovation\u003c/a> of its San Francisco headquarters and for a $45 million investment in digital production, distribution and local news and education services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isip said the company has no debt associated with the renovation and that the building’s $1.5 million annual maintenance cost “is not a significant driver” of costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the increase in expenses, Isip said, came from KQED adding 54 new positions funded by the campaign into its operating budget. That was done with the expectation that as content expanded, revenues would grow to cover the added spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED financial reports show that in the company’s 2014 fiscal year, revenue and expenses were virtually identical, each at about $67 million. Revenues rose by about 35% between 2014 and fiscal year 2023, the most recent year for which publicly accessible data is available. But expenses grew even faster during that period, jumping 50%. (KQED’s fiscal year runs from October 1 through September 30.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea at the time was: Grow service. Transform digital. It will grow our audience, and it will grow financial support,” Isip said. “Our revenue has been positive. … But that’s just not matching the expenses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"KQED's Revenues and Expenses\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-nlJEv\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/nlJEv/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"520\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company ended the past two fiscal years with deficits: nearly $3 million in 2022 and $10.5 million in 2023. Isip said KQED is anticipating a third year of deficits in 2024. This year’s initial budget forecasted the shortfall at around $6 million, but a review at midyear showed the gap had grown by another $2 million. Isip said that forced the company to pivot to permanent staff reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless we were to do something, the deficit would continue to grow,” he said. “We’ve been able to tap our reserves to fill the gap and give us a little bit of time, and that’s just not a sustainable approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one member of the National Association of Broadcast Employees and Technicians-Communications Workers of America (NABET-CWA) Local 51 Chapter accepted the buyout, chapter President Carrie Biggs-Adams said. As of last week, the union was negotiating on behalf of a second member, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other union representing KQED employees, the Screen Actors Guild-American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (SAG-AFTRA), declined to comment for this story, citing “the ongoing, sensitive nature of the conversations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biggs-Adams blasted KQED’s leadership for recent programming decisions, including the elimination last year of the station’s only television news show, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953890/kqed-newsroom-finale-saying-goodbye\">KQED Newsroom\u003c/a>. She characterized the move as short-sighted because, she said, television news is one area that has remained profitable for other stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“KQED doesn’t know who they are,” Biggs-Adams said. “They really have lost, to my mind, their mission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Isip defended the decision, saying viewership for the show had dropped to around 15,000 viewers a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, nobody feels as bad about it as I do,” about cutting the show, he said, noting that he came to KQED as the executive producer of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pressroom/category/thisweekinnortherncalifornia\">This Week in Northern California\u003c/a>, the television news show that predated KQED Newsroom. “But the reality is … we need to make some choices. And when we make choices, we look to the audience and see where they’re going for their news and information. And more and more of them are shifting to digital platforms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local news outlets across the country are facing similar choices, said UC Berkeley School of Journalism Dean Geeta Anand. The news industry has been in flux for the past 40 years — first as a response to the emergence of the Internet and, more recently, as social media and artificial intelligence have entered the fray.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With changes in technology, so, too, have come “changes in how people consume journalism, changes in how the journalism industry gets its revenue, and also changes in how people are able to find and access journalism,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to take risks and make your best bets on things,” Anand said. “Hindsight is 20/20, so maybe some decisions [KQED] made didn’t turn out to be the right ones, but we’re all just figuring out how to chart a course.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Public Radio, of which KQED is a member station, has seen its weekly listenership decline from 60 million in 2020 to 42 million in 2024 — a roughly 30% drop, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/24/business/media/npr-uri-berliner-diversity.html\">according to internal NPR data reported by the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">KQED saw a similar reduction in weekly listeners, which fell from more than 734,000 in June 2021 to just over 546,000 last month — a 26% decline, according to Nielsen Audio,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>which tracks broadcast and streaming listenership. The station’s market share was 7.1% last month, a decrease from the 8.7% share held in June 2021 but an increase from last May, when the share dropped to 4.5%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the changes in listening habits can be traced to the pandemic, said Mike Janssen, digital editor at Current, a trade publication that covers public broadcasting. When more people began working from home, fewer people commuted in their cars, where they typically listened to the radio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our routines changed, and a decline started in radio listening — not just for public radio but radio overall — that has not bounced back,” Janssen said. “There’s been a bit of a return, but it isn’t back to pre-2020 levels. And public radio is taking a brunt of this pretty badly, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11832855/kqed-announces-layoffs-blames-coronavirus-pandemic-for-budget-shortfall\">KQED laid off 20 employees in 2020\u003c/a>, a roughly 5.5% reduction in staff, amid a steep decline in corporate sponsorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2021, KQED received a federal Paycheck Protection Program loan of $8.2 million and saw revenues rebound as more listeners began tuning in for coverage of the presidential election, KQED spokesperson Peter Cavagnaro said. Fundraising revenue benefited from higher donations, and KQED ended the year with a $22 million budget surplus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had nearly $60 million in contributions that year,” Cavagnaro said, “a number we have not since matched.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED membership peaked that same year at just over 250,000 before falling to 233,000 last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"KQED Membership\" aria-label=\"Stacked Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-n5AEY\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/n5AEY/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"401\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, public radio stations have relied on their on-air pledge drives to fund operations. As listership declines, Janssen said, “Then what’s going to replace that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone knows that they need to work harder to monetize digital platforms, but that’s a big lift,” Janssen said. “There aren’t easy answers about how to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/journalism/2024/05/07/americans-changing-relationship-with-local-news/\">Pew Research Center survey\u003c/a> released earlier this month found that people’s consumption of local news has shifted online, with 48% of respondents reporting they accessed their local news online or through social media, up from 37% in 2018. Roughly 9% said they got their local news from a radio station, a number that was virtually unchanged from 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As consumption habits change, public radio stations are struggling to keep up, said Tim Eby, who was the general manager of St. Louis Public Radio until 2020 and \u003ca href=\"https://timjeby.substack.com/p/three-things-on-a-public-radio-major?utm_source=profile&utm_medium=reader2\">continues to write\u003c/a> about trends in public media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the problem, he said, is a tension between trying to reach new audiences while still maintaining public radio’s core listenership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the big challenges public radio is facing right now,” Eby said. “It is really creating some tension in terms of both the best way to reach audiences as well as the best way to operate from an efficiency standpoint.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Isip said KQED is devoting increased resources to its digital efforts, including expanding the company’s product team, which is responsible for developing its website, apps and other digital services. But, he acknowledged that, like other public radio stations, KQED is still struggling to find ways to monetize its digital content or convert digital readers and social media viewers into paying members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Pew Research Center’s 2024 survey, just 15% of consumers said they paid for a local news outlet subscription in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone’s just trying to figure out what the monetization approach will be, and we’re just in it right now,” Isip said. “We’re sort of in this transition from a declining but still profitable broadcast model to this emerging digital environment where we don’t really know what the potential is for financial support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Story updated to include current number of KQED employees. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported and written by KQED senior editor Erin Baldassari and edited by KQED’s Dan Brekke, who contributed additional reporting. Under KQED’s standard practices for reporting on itself, no member of KQED management or its news executives reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>About 1,500 graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others at UC Santa Cruz have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986910/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-strike-in-support-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">walked off the job\u003c/a>, the first and so far only campus to take action after the union representing academic workers across the University of California authorized a strike over the recent handling of pro-Palestinian protests on its campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rolling walkout, in which campuses will be called on to join the picket line at times unbeknownst to the UC, is part of what the UAW 4811 union representing the academic workers is calling a “stand-up strike.” It’s a tactic that the local’s parent United Auto Workers union — which has roughly 100,000 members working for universities — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/11/12/1211602392/uaw-auto-strike-deals-ratified-big-three-shawn-fain\">rolled out against the Big Three automakers\u003c/a> last year.[aside postID=news_11986910,news_11986812,news_11986708,news_11985856 label=\"more coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how long it will last or when other campuses will be called on, but in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/uaw_4811/status/1791512207563583777\">a video last week\u003c/a> calling on UC Santa Cruz student workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986767/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-to-strike-over-universitys-treatment-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">to pause all teaching and research work\u003c/a> starting Monday, UAW 4811 President Rafael Jaime told others across the UC system to “stand by and prepare to stand up if your campus is called.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jess Fournier, the recording secretary for UAW 4811 at UC Santa Cruz, called the rolling strike a strategic move on the part of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is very highly effective in the auto industry, and I think that one of the things that makes a strike in higher education unique is that often walking off the job for a single day does not create the kind of immediate stoppage in work [as in other industries],” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some campus groups, however, have called on the union to enact a much wider strike immediately. Rank and File for a Democratic Union, a group of UAW 4811 members at UCLA, released a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/uclarnf/status/1792648027120803938\">statement on Monday\u003c/a> urging the union to be “serious about causing ‘maximum disruption and chaos’” by calling a strike at their campus, which has the largest student population in the UC system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our actions must not be delayed, tempered, or symbolic. We affirm our strike readiness by taking action NOW,” the group said in a statement on X, formerly Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California Students for Justice in Palestine also urged the union to “immediately call a strike at all University of California Campuses” in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NationalSJP/status/1792670620494315630\">social media post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW 4811 leadership must support the demands of their rank-and-file workers and the broader grassroots movement for liberation,” the group said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, questions remain about wider support for the strike among the union representing UC academic workers. Although 79% of voting members supported authorizing a strike, voter turnout was low. Only about 19,780 of UAW 4811’s approximately 48,000 members cast ballots, compared with more than 36,000 academic workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/2022/11/02/press-release-nov-2-2022/\">participating\u003c/a> in the union’s 2022 strike authorization vote \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">during its collective bargaining process\u003c/a> with the university system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California has also filed an unfair labor practice suit against the union, calling the strike illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW’s decision to strike over nonlabor issues violates the no-strike clause of their contracts with UC and sets a dangerous and far-reaching precedent that social, political and cultural issues — no matter how valid — that are not labor-related can support a labor strike,” Melissa Matella, associate vice president of systemwide labor relations, said in a statement on May 16.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW 4811 alleges that union members’ rights were violated by university leadership’s response to pro-Palestinian protest encampments, pointing to UCLA — where police did not intervene when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984762/ucs-campus-safety-plan-under-fire-as-violence-breaks-out-at-ucla-protest\">counter-protesters attacked overnight\u003c/a>, then violently broke up the encampment the following day, arresting more than 200 people — and to campus crackdowns at UC Irvine, where 47 protesters were arrested last week, and UC San Diego, where 64 people were arrested in early May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workplace issues in the sense that the University of California is bringing in police, allowing other people in the community to beat and mace workers in their place of work,” Fournier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re making threats about suspending or terminating workers without using the process that’s outlined in our contract, if they’re unilaterally locking workers out of their place of work on some of these campuses, all of these things are violations of our working conditions and the agreements we have with the university.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are very fired up about this,” Fournier told KQED. “We’re prepared to stay out and do this for the long haul, as long as it takes for the UC to resolve these unfair labor practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez-Jason, UC Santa Cruz’s assistant vice chancellor of communications and marketing, said in a statement on Monday that the campus’ goal throughout the strike will be to “minimize the disruptive impact, especially given the many educational and research challenges that have affected students and researchers in recent years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that multiple campus entrances were obstructed on Monday. The university transitioned to remote instruction \u003ca href=\"https://news.ucsc.edu/2024/05/slug-safe-instructional-update.html\">at least through Wednesday\u003c/a>. Many UC campuses, including Santa Cruz, have about a month left until the current academic term wraps up in mid-June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fournier told KQED that workers at Santa Cruz are prepared to picket at the campus’ two entrances daily from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. and continue a complete work stoppage until their demands are met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re ready to keep going for the long haul,” Fournier said. “We can imagine that if this does keep going, and the UC continues to be intransigent, more and more campuses are going to be out there with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About 1,500 graduate teaching assistants, researchers and others at UC Santa Cruz have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986910/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-strike-in-support-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">walked off the job\u003c/a>, the first and so far only campus to take action after the union representing academic workers across the University of California authorized a strike over the recent handling of pro-Palestinian protests on its campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rolling walkout, in which campuses will be called on to join the picket line at times unbeknownst to the UC, is part of what the UAW 4811 union representing the academic workers is calling a “stand-up strike.” It’s a tactic that the local’s parent United Auto Workers union — which has roughly 100,000 members working for universities — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/11/12/1211602392/uaw-auto-strike-deals-ratified-big-three-shawn-fain\">rolled out against the Big Three automakers\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear how long it will last or when other campuses will be called on, but in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/uaw_4811/status/1791512207563583777\">a video last week\u003c/a> calling on UC Santa Cruz student workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986767/uc-santa-cruz-academic-workers-to-strike-over-universitys-treatment-of-pro-palestinian-protesters\">to pause all teaching and research work\u003c/a> starting Monday, UAW 4811 President Rafael Jaime told others across the UC system to “stand by and prepare to stand up if your campus is called.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jess Fournier, the recording secretary for UAW 4811 at UC Santa Cruz, called the rolling strike a strategic move on the part of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is very highly effective in the auto industry, and I think that one of the things that makes a strike in higher education unique is that often walking off the job for a single day does not create the kind of immediate stoppage in work [as in other industries],” they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some campus groups, however, have called on the union to enact a much wider strike immediately. Rank and File for a Democratic Union, a group of UAW 4811 members at UCLA, released a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/uclarnf/status/1792648027120803938\">statement on Monday\u003c/a> urging the union to be “serious about causing ‘maximum disruption and chaos’” by calling a strike at their campus, which has the largest student population in the UC system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our actions must not be delayed, tempered, or symbolic. We affirm our strike readiness by taking action NOW,” the group said in a statement on X, formerly Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California Students for Justice in Palestine also urged the union to “immediately call a strike at all University of California Campuses” in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/NationalSJP/status/1792670620494315630\">social media post\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW 4811 leadership must support the demands of their rank-and-file workers and the broader grassroots movement for liberation,” the group said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, questions remain about wider support for the strike among the union representing UC academic workers. Although 79% of voting members supported authorizing a strike, voter turnout was low. Only about 19,780 of UAW 4811’s approximately 48,000 members cast ballots, compared with more than 36,000 academic workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.fairucnow.org/2022/11/02/press-release-nov-2-2022/\">participating\u003c/a> in the union’s 2022 strike authorization vote \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935671/university-of-california-workers-reach-deal-to-end-monthlong-strike\">during its collective bargaining process\u003c/a> with the university system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University of California has also filed an unfair labor practice suit against the union, calling the strike illegal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UAW’s decision to strike over nonlabor issues violates the no-strike clause of their contracts with UC and sets a dangerous and far-reaching precedent that social, political and cultural issues — no matter how valid — that are not labor-related can support a labor strike,” Melissa Matella, associate vice president of systemwide labor relations, said in a statement on May 16.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UAW 4811 alleges that union members’ rights were violated by university leadership’s response to pro-Palestinian protest encampments, pointing to UCLA — where police did not intervene when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984762/ucs-campus-safety-plan-under-fire-as-violence-breaks-out-at-ucla-protest\">counter-protesters attacked overnight\u003c/a>, then violently broke up the encampment the following day, arresting more than 200 people — and to campus crackdowns at UC Irvine, where 47 protesters were arrested last week, and UC San Diego, where 64 people were arrested in early May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are workplace issues in the sense that the University of California is bringing in police, allowing other people in the community to beat and mace workers in their place of work,” Fournier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re making threats about suspending or terminating workers without using the process that’s outlined in our contract, if they’re unilaterally locking workers out of their place of work on some of these campuses, all of these things are violations of our working conditions and the agreements we have with the university.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are very fired up about this,” Fournier told KQED. “We’re prepared to stay out and do this for the long haul, as long as it takes for the UC to resolve these unfair labor practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez-Jason, UC Santa Cruz’s assistant vice chancellor of communications and marketing, said in a statement on Monday that the campus’ goal throughout the strike will be to “minimize the disruptive impact, especially given the many educational and research challenges that have affected students and researchers in recent years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that multiple campus entrances were obstructed on Monday. The university transitioned to remote instruction \u003ca href=\"https://news.ucsc.edu/2024/05/slug-safe-instructional-update.html\">at least through Wednesday\u003c/a>. Many UC campuses, including Santa Cruz, have about a month left until the current academic term wraps up in mid-June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fournier told KQED that workers at Santa Cruz are prepared to picket at the campus’ two entrances daily from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. and continue a complete work stoppage until their demands are met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re ready to keep going for the long haul,” Fournier said. “We can imagine that if this does keep going, and the UC continues to be intransigent, more and more campuses are going to be out there with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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