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"disqusTitle": "LGBTQ+ Advocates Fear Implications of Overturning Roe v. Wade",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Friday June 24:\u003c/strong> The Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, announced today, overturns Roe v. Wade and eliminates the constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917111/even-without-roe-v-wade-abortion-is-still-legal-in-california-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">abortion access in California will not change\u003c/a> because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision. \u003ca class=\"c-link\" tabindex=\"-1\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Read more about the overturning of Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">a draft of a U.S. Supreme Court opinion\u003c/a> leaked to Politico suggested that the court’s conservative majority is on the verge of overturning Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 decision that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Roe v. Wade is overturned, the impact on abortion access would be most immediately felt in those \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033\">states where leaders have already made clear their intention to restrict abortion, or ban it altogether\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities of color and queer people in those states — specifically transgender people — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/05/1096365879/roe-wade-abortion-transgender-scotus-marriage-contraceptives-privacy-rights\">would be especially affected if Roe v. Wade is revoked, advocates say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We see reproductive rights and abortion rights [as] central to the queer community and not something separate from the queer community,\" said Rebecca Rolfe, executive director of the San Francisco LGBT Community Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leaked draft opinion and the legal argument it's based on also are raising deep concern about future effects on other rights Americans hold — including marriage equality, access to contraception and interracial marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#legality\">Why does the SCOTUS draft opinion potentially affect other rights beyond abortion?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden said he believed the reasoning contained in the draft opinion \"would mean that every other decision related to the notion of privacy is thrown into question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rebecca Rolfe, executive director, San Francisco LGBT Community Center\"]'We see reproductive rights and abortion rights [as] central to the queer community and not something separate from the queer community.'[/pullquote]Such a decision, Biden said, could threaten \"a whole range of rights ... and the idea we're letting the states make those decisions, localities make those decisions would be a fundamental shift in what we've done.\" Biden specifically said he was concerned about challenges to contraception and the legality of same-sex marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom echoed these fears on Wednesday, at an appearance at a Planned Parenthood office in Los Angeles. Newsom said the Supreme Court was \"poised to roll back constitutionally protected rights, and don’t think for a second — don’t think for a second — this is where they stop.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They are coming after you,\" said Newsom. \"You think for a second same-sex marriage is safe in the United States? If privacy is not constitutionally protected, this opens up a panoply of issues.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"legality\">\u003c/a>How overturning Roe v. Wade could affect LGBTQ+ rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why do people fear that the overturning of Roe v. Wade could have knock-on effects for other rights, including same-sex marriage?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR political correspondent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/supreme-court-abortion-roe-wade-2022-05-05#democrats-warn-that-an-end-to-roe-could-threaten-other-freedoms-heres-why\">Danielle Kurtzleben explains\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>A central idea in Roe is that abortion is an \"unenumerated right,\" meaning the Constitution protects it even if it doesn't explicitly say so. It's also protected by the 14th Amendment, which the Supreme Court has used to protect peoples' right to privacy in other forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his draft opinion, Justice Samuel Alito argues that when the 14th Amendment was passed back in 1868, American law did not recognize abortion as a fundamental right, and therefore the right to access one is not protected.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So as legal historian Mary Ziegler told NPR, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/supreme-court-abortion-roe-wade-2022-05-05#democrats-warn-that-an-end-to-roe-could-threaten-other-freedoms-heres-why\">Justice Alito's logic could be carried over to other rights Americans hold\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1868, when the 14th Amendment was written, neither same-sex nor interracial couples could legally marry — and birth control was criminalized. So the logic, says Ziegler, is \"if that's how we determine where our constitutional rights begin and end, there's no reason that would stop with abortion.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the draft opinion he authored, Alito wrote that \"nothing in this opinion should be understood to cast doubt on precedents that do not concern abortion.\" But as NPR's Kurtzleben points out, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/supreme-court-abortion-roe-wade-2022-05-05#democrats-warn-that-an-end-to-roe-could-threaten-other-freedoms-heres-why\">that doesn't mean that the Supreme Court can't change its mind in the future\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913452\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11913452\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A group of women marchers hold signs reading 'demand reproductive justice now' and 'women are not breeders' and 'my body my choice'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march on Market Street in San Francisco on May 3, 2022, during a rally for abortion rights following a leaked draft opinion suggesting the Supreme Court will overturn Roe v. Wade. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>LGBTQ+ organizers in California mobilize\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court could potentially start questioning the historical validity of other rulings using Alito's logic, said Samuel Garrett-Pate, managing director of external affairs for Equality California, an LGBTQ+ civil rights group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Samuel Garrett-Pate, managing director, Equality California\"]'To ... be told by a justice on the Supreme Court that our existence isn't deeply rooted in history ... because in his ahistorical view, we have not existed throughout history — it's devastating.'[/pullquote]He points to rulings like \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/14-556\">Obergefell v. Hodges\u003c/a>, which recognized the legality of same-sex marriages in 2015, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/02-102.ZS.html\">Lawrence v. Texas\u003c/a>, which in 2003 struck down anti-sodomy laws. Both rulings are partially based on an interpretation of the 14th Amendment and could be under threat if justices base future decisions on what rights they believe are rooted in history, he adds, referencing Justice Alito's conclusion that the right to an abortion \"is not deeply rooted in the Nation’s history.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To ... be told by a justice on the Supreme Court that our existence isn't deeply rooted in history, that our right to exist is somehow less important than everyone else's — because in his ahistorical view, we have not existed throughout history — it's devastating,\" Garrett-Pate said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Alito's leaked draft opinion has fueled organizing efforts across the state, Garrett-Pate said, and not just to protect abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Equality California is working with a coalition that includes Planned Parenthood's state affiliates to push \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913011/california-will-fight-like-hell-to-protect-abortion-rights-if-roe-v-wade-overturned-newsom-says\">an amendment to the state's constitution that would protect the right to abortion in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This organizing is in tandem, Garrett-Pate said, with the work his organization is doing in support of SB 107, a bill co-sponsored by State Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908500/nations-trans-kids-would-be-offered-place-of-refuge-in-california-with-new-bill\">prohibit California courts from honoring court judgments separating transgender kids from their parents due to parents supporting their kids' access to gender-affirming health care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11908500 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54556_GettyImages-1385208037-qut-1020x680.jpg']That bill arose partly in response to legislation introduced by Republican state lawmakers across the country that propose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908500/nations-trans-kids-would-be-offered-place-of-refuge-in-california-with-new-bill\">making it a felony for parents to consent to gender-affirming care for their transgender children\u003c/a>. In March, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott issued a directive calling for child abuse investigations of parents who seek gender-affirming medical care for their transgender children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a Texas judge temporarily blocked Abbott's directive, the state's attorney general later announced it would appeal that decision. Garrett-Pate said he has very little faith that the judicial system will protect transgender kids and their families — especially after the draft of the Supreme Court's opinion leaked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If we can't count on the legitimacy of the court in protecting civil rights for all people, in protecting equality and liberty and justice and privacy, all fundamental rights that are protected by the Constitution,\" he said, \"then we need to do the work here in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco LGBT Community Center's Rebecca Rolfe echoes this sentiment and argues that the draft ruling is part of a longer trend in the judicial system where landmark civil rights cases and legislation are being weakened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've seen that with the erosion of voting rights and the impact that has on BIPOC [Black, Indigenous and people of color] voters and marginalized and low-income voters,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's why, she adds, initiatives to protect abortion rights that come after the draft ruling must be in solidarity with other organizing efforts to defend other rights that could be imperiled by future judicial decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is no attack on one set of civil rights that doesn't attack all civil rights,\" she said. \"We certainly see that in the LGBTQ community, that reproductive rights are LGBT rights, that voting rights are LGBT rights.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED's Danielle Venton, NPR and The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Advocates for the LGBTQ+ community share their concerns for what overturning Roe v. Wade could mean for marriage equality and other rights — and how they're mobilizing.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, Friday June 24:\u003c/strong> The Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, announced today, overturns Roe v. Wade and eliminates the constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917111/even-without-roe-v-wade-abortion-is-still-legal-in-california-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">abortion access in California will not change\u003c/a> because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision. \u003ca class=\"c-link\" tabindex=\"-1\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Read more about the overturning of Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">a draft of a U.S. Supreme Court opinion\u003c/a> leaked to Politico suggested that the court’s conservative majority is on the verge of overturning Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 decision that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Roe v. Wade is overturned, the impact on abortion access would be most immediately felt in those \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913033\">states where leaders have already made clear their intention to restrict abortion, or ban it altogether\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities of color and queer people in those states — specifically transgender people — \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/05/05/1096365879/roe-wade-abortion-transgender-scotus-marriage-contraceptives-privacy-rights\">would be especially affected if Roe v. Wade is revoked, advocates say\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We see reproductive rights and abortion rights [as] central to the queer community and not something separate from the queer community,\" said Rebecca Rolfe, executive director of the San Francisco LGBT Community Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leaked draft opinion and the legal argument it's based on also are raising deep concern about future effects on other rights Americans hold — including marriage equality, access to contraception and interracial marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump to: \u003ca href=\"#legality\">Why does the SCOTUS draft opinion potentially affect other rights beyond abortion?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden said he believed the reasoning contained in the draft opinion \"would mean that every other decision related to the notion of privacy is thrown into question.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'We see reproductive rights and abortion rights [as] central to the queer community and not something separate from the queer community.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Such a decision, Biden said, could threaten \"a whole range of rights ... and the idea we're letting the states make those decisions, localities make those decisions would be a fundamental shift in what we've done.\" Biden specifically said he was concerned about challenges to contraception and the legality of same-sex marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom echoed these fears on Wednesday, at an appearance at a Planned Parenthood office in Los Angeles. Newsom said the Supreme Court was \"poised to roll back constitutionally protected rights, and don’t think for a second — don’t think for a second — this is where they stop.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They are coming after you,\" said Newsom. \"You think for a second same-sex marriage is safe in the United States? If privacy is not constitutionally protected, this opens up a panoply of issues.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"legality\">\u003c/a>How overturning Roe v. Wade could affect LGBTQ+ rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why do people fear that the overturning of Roe v. Wade could have knock-on effects for other rights, including same-sex marriage?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR political correspondent \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/supreme-court-abortion-roe-wade-2022-05-05#democrats-warn-that-an-end-to-roe-could-threaten-other-freedoms-heres-why\">Danielle Kurtzleben explains\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>A central idea in Roe is that abortion is an \"unenumerated right,\" meaning the Constitution protects it even if it doesn't explicitly say so. It's also protected by the 14th Amendment, which the Supreme Court has used to protect peoples' right to privacy in other forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his draft opinion, Justice Samuel Alito argues that when the 14th Amendment was passed back in 1868, American law did not recognize abortion as a fundamental right, and therefore the right to access one is not protected.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So as legal historian Mary Ziegler told NPR, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/supreme-court-abortion-roe-wade-2022-05-05#democrats-warn-that-an-end-to-roe-could-threaten-other-freedoms-heres-why\">Justice Alito's logic could be carried over to other rights Americans hold\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1868, when the 14th Amendment was written, neither same-sex nor interracial couples could legally marry — and birth control was criminalized. So the logic, says Ziegler, is \"if that's how we determine where our constitutional rights begin and end, there's no reason that would stop with abortion.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the draft opinion he authored, Alito wrote that \"nothing in this opinion should be understood to cast doubt on precedents that do not concern abortion.\" But as NPR's Kurtzleben points out, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/supreme-court-abortion-roe-wade-2022-05-05#democrats-warn-that-an-end-to-roe-could-threaten-other-freedoms-heres-why\">that doesn't mean that the Supreme Court can't change its mind in the future\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913452\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11913452\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A group of women marchers hold signs reading 'demand reproductive justice now' and 'women are not breeders' and 'my body my choice'\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55728_073_KQED_AbortionRallySF_05032022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators march on Market Street in San Francisco on May 3, 2022, during a rally for abortion rights following a leaked draft opinion suggesting the Supreme Court will overturn Roe v. Wade. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>LGBTQ+ organizers in California mobilize\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court could potentially start questioning the historical validity of other rulings using Alito's logic, said Samuel Garrett-Pate, managing director of external affairs for Equality California, an LGBTQ+ civil rights group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'To ... be told by a justice on the Supreme Court that our existence isn't deeply rooted in history ... because in his ahistorical view, we have not existed throughout history — it's devastating.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He points to rulings like \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/14-556\">Obergefell v. Hodges\u003c/a>, which recognized the legality of same-sex marriages in 2015, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/02-102.ZS.html\">Lawrence v. Texas\u003c/a>, which in 2003 struck down anti-sodomy laws. Both rulings are partially based on an interpretation of the 14th Amendment and could be under threat if justices base future decisions on what rights they believe are rooted in history, he adds, referencing Justice Alito's conclusion that the right to an abortion \"is not deeply rooted in the Nation’s history.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"To ... be told by a justice on the Supreme Court that our existence isn't deeply rooted in history, that our right to exist is somehow less important than everyone else's — because in his ahistorical view, we have not existed throughout history — it's devastating,\" Garrett-Pate said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Alito's leaked draft opinion has fueled organizing efforts across the state, Garrett-Pate said, and not just to protect abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Equality California is working with a coalition that includes Planned Parenthood's state affiliates to push \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913011/california-will-fight-like-hell-to-protect-abortion-rights-if-roe-v-wade-overturned-newsom-says\">an amendment to the state's constitution that would protect the right to abortion in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This organizing is in tandem, Garrett-Pate said, with the work his organization is doing in support of SB 107, a bill co-sponsored by State Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) that would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908500/nations-trans-kids-would-be-offered-place-of-refuge-in-california-with-new-bill\">prohibit California courts from honoring court judgments separating transgender kids from their parents due to parents supporting their kids' access to gender-affirming health care\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That bill arose partly in response to legislation introduced by Republican state lawmakers across the country that propose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11908500/nations-trans-kids-would-be-offered-place-of-refuge-in-california-with-new-bill\">making it a felony for parents to consent to gender-affirming care for their transgender children\u003c/a>. In March, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott issued a directive calling for child abuse investigations of parents who seek gender-affirming medical care for their transgender children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a Texas judge temporarily blocked Abbott's directive, the state's attorney general later announced it would appeal that decision. Garrett-Pate said he has very little faith that the judicial system will protect transgender kids and their families — especially after the draft of the Supreme Court's opinion leaked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If we can't count on the legitimacy of the court in protecting civil rights for all people, in protecting equality and liberty and justice and privacy, all fundamental rights that are protected by the Constitution,\" he said, \"then we need to do the work here in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco LGBT Community Center's Rebecca Rolfe echoes this sentiment and argues that the draft ruling is part of a longer trend in the judicial system where landmark civil rights cases and legislation are being weakened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've seen that with the erosion of voting rights and the impact that has on BIPOC [Black, Indigenous and people of color] voters and marginalized and low-income voters,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's why, she adds, initiatives to protect abortion rights that come after the draft ruling must be in solidarity with other organizing efforts to defend other rights that could be imperiled by future judicial decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is no attack on one set of civil rights that doesn't attack all civil rights,\" she said. \"We certainly see that in the LGBTQ community, that reproductive rights are LGBT rights, that voting rights are LGBT rights.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED's Danielle Venton, NPR and The Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Will 'Fight Like Hell' to Protect Abortion Rights If Roe V. Wade Overturned, Newsom Says",
"title": "California Will 'Fight Like Hell' to Protect Abortion Rights If Roe V. Wade Overturned, Newsom Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update Friday, June 24: The decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was announced on June 24, overturning Roe v. Wade and eliminating the constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917111/even-without-roe-v-wade-abortion-is-still-legal-in-california-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">abortion access in California will not change\u003c/a> because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision. \u003ca class=\"c-link\" tabindex=\"-1\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Read more about the overturning of Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story continues:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not sit back. We are going to fight like hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1521299313808216064\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s initial response\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">Politico’s explosive Monday-night publication\u003c/a> of a draft \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/f/?id=00000180-874f-dd36-a38c-c74f98520000\">U.S. Supreme Court majority opinion\u003c/a> that suggests justices are poised to strike down Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 ruling that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours later, Newsom and the Democratic leaders of the state Legislature announced plans to introduce an amendment “\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/02/following-draft-scotus-opinion-legislative-leaders-and-governor-newsom-announce-constitutional-amendment-to-enshrine-the-right-to-choose-in-california/\">to enshrine the right to choose in our state constitution\u003c/a> so that there is no doubt as to the right to abortion in this state.” For the amendment to be incorporated into the constitution, it would need to be passed by two-thirds of lawmakers in both the Assembly and Senate and approved by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not stand idly by as women across America are stripped of their rights, and the progress so many have fought for gets erased,” said Newsom and Senate President Pro Tempore Toni G. Atkins (D-San Diego) and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) in a statement. “We know we can’t trust the Supreme Court to protect reproductive rights, so California will build a firewall around this right in our state constitution. Women will remain protected here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politico acknowledged the draft opinion has many caveats: It represents only the opinion of Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the draft for the majority. It’s far from final — the draft was written in February, and the court isn’t expected to issue a final ruling until June or July. And vote breakdowns can change: Although four other Republican-appointed justices reportedly voted to back Alito in private conferences while three Democratic-appointed justices are working on dissents and Chief Justice John Roberts remains undecided, that lineup could shift in the final opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The draft ruling — the first to be released in the court’s modern history while a case is still pending — could supercharge an election season that’s getting into full swing with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/\">the June 7 primary\u003c/a> just a month away, raising the stakes in already competitive seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5K6DnQwAsRQ\">first campaign video of 2022\u003c/a>, released Monday, Newsom strolls through a redwood forest while pledging to “always lead the California way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One prong of that plan: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/california-abortion-newsom/\">Making California a “sanctuary”\u003c/a> for out-of-state patients seeking abortion, including by helping cover the cost of the procedure, transportation, lodging, child care, food and lost wages. At the local level, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/health/article/Santa-Clara-seeks-funding-for-out-of-state-17141880.php\">two Santa Clara County supervisors are seeking $3 million\u003c/a> to help out-of-state women access abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade could result in 26 states immediately banning or severely limiting abortions — making California the closest no-ban state within driving distance for as many as 1.4 million women, a nearly 3,000% increase from current levels, \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/#california\">according to abortion-rights supporter Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state does more to protect abortion access, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">as CalMatters’ Kristen Hwang reports in this comprehensive explainer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11912134 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/GettyImages-1145542990-1020x680.jpg']And it’s seeking to go even further. California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912134/we-fill-the-gaps-california-preps-to-be-a-haven-for-abortion-rights\">clinics that provide abortions are building new facilities closer to transit hubs\u003c/a> and training more staff. And a package of 13 abortion-rights bills moving through the Legislature would expand the number of providers, provide financial assistance to people traveling to California to terminate their pregnancies, and legally protect the doctors who treat them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those bills have \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ProChoiceCA/status/1520119180959256576?s=20&t=eH8nDyLAafxLb9XW_NiLpw\">cleared their first legislative hurdle\u003c/a>, though some faced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/04/abortion-rights-covid-protests/\">intense opposition from anti-abortion rights protesters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the news sank in Monday night, some prominent California Republicans slammed the leak — California Republican National Committee member Harmeet Dhillon deemed it “\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/pnjaban/status/1521322833695023104\">terrorism against the Court and against our nation\u003c/a>” — while Democrats promised to defend abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for Congress to get off the sidelines,” said U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla. “We must protect the fundamental right to choose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi Hicks, president and CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, vowed to continue serving Californians and those traveling to California from states that have enacted abortion restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the nightmare scenario we in the reproductive health, rights, and justice space have been sounding the alarm about,” Hicks said. “To Californians, and people who may seek care here due to hostile bans in their home state, know this: Planned Parenthood health centers across California will remain open.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "With a leaked draft opinion showing the US Supreme Court poised to overturn Roe v. Wade, Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders vow to strengthen abortion rights in California.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Update Friday, June 24: The decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization was announced on June 24, overturning Roe v. Wade and eliminating the constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>California guarantees the right to abortion in statute and the state constitution. Our state’s abortion laws are the strongest in the United States. Both officials and abortion providers have made it very clear that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917111/even-without-roe-v-wade-abortion-is-still-legal-in-california-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">abortion access in California will not change\u003c/a> because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision. \u003ca class=\"c-link\" tabindex=\"-1\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11917776/supreme-court-overturns-roe-v-wade\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Read more about the overturning of Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story continues:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not sit back. We are going to fight like hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/GavinNewsom/status/1521299313808216064\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s initial response\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473\">Politico’s explosive Monday-night publication\u003c/a> of a draft \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/f/?id=00000180-874f-dd36-a38c-c74f98520000\">U.S. Supreme Court majority opinion\u003c/a> that suggests justices are poised to strike down Roe v. Wade, the landmark 1973 ruling that guaranteed the federal constitutional right to an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours later, Newsom and the Democratic leaders of the state Legislature announced plans to introduce an amendment “\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/05/02/following-draft-scotus-opinion-legislative-leaders-and-governor-newsom-announce-constitutional-amendment-to-enshrine-the-right-to-choose-in-california/\">to enshrine the right to choose in our state constitution\u003c/a> so that there is no doubt as to the right to abortion in this state.” For the amendment to be incorporated into the constitution, it would need to be passed by two-thirds of lawmakers in both the Assembly and Senate and approved by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California will not stand idly by as women across America are stripped of their rights, and the progress so many have fought for gets erased,” said Newsom and Senate President Pro Tempore Toni G. Atkins (D-San Diego) and Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Lakewood) in a statement. “We know we can’t trust the Supreme Court to protect reproductive rights, so California will build a firewall around this right in our state constitution. Women will remain protected here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politico acknowledged the draft opinion has many caveats: It represents only the opinion of Justice Samuel Alito, who wrote the draft for the majority. It’s far from final — the draft was written in February, and the court isn’t expected to issue a final ruling until June or July. And vote breakdowns can change: Although four other Republican-appointed justices reportedly voted to back Alito in private conferences while three Democratic-appointed justices are working on dissents and Chief Justice John Roberts remains undecided, that lineup could shift in the final opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The draft ruling — the first to be released in the court’s modern history while a case is still pending — could supercharge an election season that’s getting into full swing with \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/\">the June 7 primary\u003c/a> just a month away, raising the stakes in already competitive seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5K6DnQwAsRQ\">first campaign video of 2022\u003c/a>, released Monday, Newsom strolls through a redwood forest while pledging to “always lead the California way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One prong of that plan: \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/12/california-abortion-newsom/\">Making California a “sanctuary”\u003c/a> for out-of-state patients seeking abortion, including by helping cover the cost of the procedure, transportation, lodging, child care, food and lost wages. At the local level, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/health/article/Santa-Clara-seeks-funding-for-out-of-state-17141880.php\">two Santa Clara County supervisors are seeking $3 million\u003c/a> to help out-of-state women access abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court overturning Roe v. Wade could result in 26 states immediately banning or severely limiting abortions — making California the closest no-ban state within driving distance for as many as 1.4 million women, a nearly 3,000% increase from current levels, \u003ca href=\"https://states.guttmacher.org/#california\">according to abortion-rights supporter Guttmacher Institute\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No state does more to protect abortion access, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">as CalMatters’ Kristen Hwang reports in this comprehensive explainer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And it’s seeking to go even further. California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11912134/we-fill-the-gaps-california-preps-to-be-a-haven-for-abortion-rights\">clinics that provide abortions are building new facilities closer to transit hubs\u003c/a> and training more staff. And a package of 13 abortion-rights bills moving through the Legislature would expand the number of providers, provide financial assistance to people traveling to California to terminate their pregnancies, and legally protect the doctors who treat them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those bills have \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ProChoiceCA/status/1520119180959256576?s=20&t=eH8nDyLAafxLb9XW_NiLpw\">cleared their first legislative hurdle\u003c/a>, though some faced \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/04/abortion-rights-covid-protests/\">intense opposition from anti-abortion rights protesters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the news sank in Monday night, some prominent California Republicans slammed the leak — California Republican National Committee member Harmeet Dhillon deemed it “\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/pnjaban/status/1521322833695023104\">terrorism against the Court and against our nation\u003c/a>” — while Democrats promised to defend abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for Congress to get off the sidelines,” said U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla. “We must protect the fundamental right to choose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jodi Hicks, president and CEO of Planned Parenthood Affiliates of California, vowed to continue serving Californians and those traveling to California from states that have enacted abortion restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the nightmare scenario we in the reproductive health, rights, and justice space have been sounding the alarm about,” Hicks said. “To Californians, and people who may seek care here due to hostile bans in their home state, know this: Planned Parenthood health centers across California will remain open.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "para-inmigrantes-que-huyen-de-la-violencia-de-genero-el-camino-hacia-el-asilo-en-los-estados-unidos-es-largo",
"title": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo",
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"headTitle": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.’[/pullquote]El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Karen Musalo, Directora del Centro de Estudios sobre Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho UC Hastings\"]‘La idea de la protección de los refugiados es que la comunidad internacional protege a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla.’[/pullquote]Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11859436\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/Honduras-Road-Main-1020x581-1.jpg\"]Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘No quería que [mis hijos] sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te marca, de verdad, para toda la vida.’[/pullquote]“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Deisy Ramírez\"]‘Me dije: Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?’[/pullquote]“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11856583\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oakland-Mam-Aguilar-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Para inmigrantes que huyen de la violencia de género, el camino hacia el asilo en los Estados Unidos es largo | KQED",
"description": "Al inicio de su gobierno, el presidente Joe Biden prometió aclarar el proceso para solicitar el asilo. Pero más de un año ha pasado y estos cambios no se han visto, lo que pone a varios solicitantes de asilo en situaciones complicadas.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910789/for-guatemalan-women-fleeing-gender-based-violence-a-long-road-to-asylum-in-us\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deisy Ramírez se despertó antes del amanecer el día de su audiencia final de asilo el pasado noviembre. Estaba temblando de nervios, pero se levantó y se preparó una taza de té para calmarse. Su destino estaba en manos de uno de los jueces de inmigración más duros de San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y su abogado se habían preparado tres veces para que ella declarara, pero cada vez, la audiencia programada se pospuso debido a la pandemia del COVID-19. Revisar lo que había vivido cada vez seguía siendo algo desgarrador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez, de 24 años, creció en el altiplano rural de la provincia de San Marcos, en Guatemala. Es una de ocho hijos, y dijo que su padre a menudo golpeaba a su madre y maltrataba a sus hijas. Cuando Ramírez tenía 14 años, dijo, su padre la vendió a Ernesto y Eugenia Cinto, los propietarios de un bar donde él solía beber. Estaba a 30 minutos a pie de su casa.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nEsta familia la aprisionó, exigiendo que cocinara, limpiara y sirviera a los clientes del bar sin pagarle. Dijo que fue obligada a mantener una relación sexual con el hijo de la pareja, Dembler Cinto, de 18 años, que la golpeaba y violaba habitualmente. Este engendró sus dos hijos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez es una de las miles de personas que buscan protección frente a la violencia de género en un sistema de asilo estadounidense que fue eviscerado durante la presidencia de Donald Trump y que solo ha sido restaurado parcialmente por el presidente Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Me trataron como una esclava”, dijo. “Estuve muy asustada todo el tiempo.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>El gobierno de Biden se está preparando para levantar el Título 42, la normativa de salud pública que se desplegó en marzo de 2020 al comienzo de la pandemia para expulsar a los solicitantes de asilo en las fronteras de los Estados Unidos. Pero el presidente Biden aún no ha cumplido su promesa de aclarar los motivos por los que las personas pueden solicitar asilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hace más de un año, el presidente prometió una \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">pauta que detallaría quién puede ser considerado miembro de un “grupo social particular”\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), una categoría de asilo ambigua que proviene de una convención internacional de refugiados de 1951. Los defensores de inmigrantes esperan que la nueva definición incluya a las personas que han sufrido violencia de género, y afirman que el retraso está poniendo a mujeres como Ramírez, que han huido de la persecución infligida específicamente por ser mujeres, en riesgo de sufrir más violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2019, cuando Ramírez tenía 21 años, logró escapar de Guatemala con sus hijos, que entonces tenían 3 y 5 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una vez que llegó a San Francisco, Ramírez pasó seis meses buscando un abogado que la ayudara a presentar su caso ante el tribunal de inmigración. Finalmente, encontró ayuda gratuita en el \u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>, una organización sin fines de lucro de Oakland, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/asyfile/\">una asistencia crucial de la que carecen muchos solicitantes de asilo\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mónica Valencia, su abogada del Centro Legal, reforzó la solicitud de asilo de Ramírez con más de 500 páginas de documentos, incluyendo informes sobre las condiciones del país y declaraciones juradas de expertos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero mientras se preparaba para ir al tribunal la tensa madrugada del 17 de noviembre, Ramírez sabía que tendría que contar su historia en voz alta y pedir protección al juez Joseph Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park fue nombrado juez en 2017 por el entonces fiscal general Jeff Sessions. En sus primeros tres años como juez, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/judgereports/00526SFR/index.html\">Park denegó casi el 87% de los casos de asilo que se le presentaron\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), mucho más que la tasa promedio de denegación del 67% a nivel nacional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según la ley de asilo estadounidense, Ramírez tendría que convencer a Park de tener un temor bien fundado a la persecución en Guatemala por uno de los cinco motivos: raza, religión, nacionalidad, opinión política o pertenecer a un grupo social determinado, y además tendría que demostrar que su gobierno tuvo responsabilidad en esta persecución o no la había protegido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valencia presentó el testimonio de un experto en el caso de Ramírez, demostrando que la violencia doméstica, la violación, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/77421/WHO_RHR_12.38_eng.pdf\">el feminicidio\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) y el matrimonio forzado, incluyendo a los padres que venden a sus hijas para que se casen a temprana edad, son prácticas comunes en Guatemala y se tratan con impunidad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘La idea de la protección de los refugiados es que la comunidad internacional protege a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ella basó el caso en parte en un fallo anterior, conocido como \u003ca href=\"https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Matter-of-ARCG.pdf\">Matter of ARCG\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), el cual catalogó a las mujeres guatemaltecas que huían de la violencia doméstica como miembros de un grupo social particular con motivos para solicitar asilo. Pero ese argumento iba en contra de la manera en que se interpretó la ley de asilo durante el mandato de Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En 2018, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/page/file/1070866/download\">Sessions anuló esa norma y dictaminó\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que la violencia doméstica, y otras “actividades criminales privadas”, no eran generalmente motivo de asilo. Un grupo de jueces de inmigración jubilados calificó el fallo de Sessions como “\u003ca href=\"https://www.aila.org/infonet/retired-ijs-and-former-members-of-the-bia-issue\">una afrenta al estado de derecho\u003c/a>” (enlace sólo en inglés). Los académicos dicen \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/immigration/the-history-and-future-of-gender-asylum-law/\">que revocó más de tres décadas de derecho estadounidense e internacional de refugiados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) que reconoce a víctimas de la violencia de género como elegibles para la protección.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Antes se pensaba que las cosas que le ocurrían a la gente en la intimidad de sus hogares no eran motivo de preocupación para los derechos humanos”, dijo Karen Musalo, directora del Centro de Estudios de Género y Refugiados de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de California Hastings. “Así que las mujeres podían morir quemadas, golpeadas y asesinadas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero desde la década de los 80, la comprensión de los derechos humanos ha evolucionado para reconocer que “los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos y los gobiernos tienen la responsabilidad de proteger los derechos humanos de sus ciudadanos”, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“La idea de protección a refugiados es que la comunidad internacional proteja a las personas cuando su gobierno les falla”, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En junio del 2021, Merrick Garland, el fiscal general del presidente Biden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/asg/page/file/1404826/download\">revocó las decisiones de Sessions sobre la violencia doméstica\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés). Y en el último año, los jueces de inmigración, incluido Park, \u003ca href=\"https://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/667/\">han aprobado una mayor proporción de solicitudes de asilo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sin embargo, las decisiones jurídicas sobre el asilo aún pueden verse influidas por las inclinaciones políticas de futuros gobiernos. Esto se debe a que los tribunales de inmigración no son independientes del Departamento de Justicia, y además, \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">el gobierno aún no define claramente\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) la categoría de asilo, “grupo social particular”. Está \u003ca href=\"https://lawreview.law.miami.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/em_Matter-of-A-R-C-G-__em_-and-Domestic-Violence-Asylum_-A-Glimmer-of-Hope-Amidst-a-Continuing-Need-for-Reform.pdf\">mal definida\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su segunda semana en el cargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/02/02/executive-order-creating-a-comprehensive-regional-framework-to-address-the-causes-of-migration-to-manage-migration-throughout-north-and-central-america-and-to-provide-safe-and-orderly-processing/\">Biden emitió una orden ejecutiva\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) en la que prometía revisar, en un plazo de seis meses, si las protecciones estadounidenses para las personas que huyen de la violencia doméstica o de las bandas criminales son “coherentes con las normas internacionales.” La orden \u003ca href=\"https://www.reginfo.gov/public/do/eAgendaViewRule?pubId=202104&RIN=1615-AC65\">también prometía una nueva norma\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), en un plazo de nueve meses, para definir “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero más de un año después, la revisión y la norma no están a la vista, y los solicitantes de asilo como Deisy Ramírez se enfrentan a una situación turbia en los tribunales de inmigración, mientras los jueces se enfrentan a una acumulación de casos agravada por la pandemia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El retraso en la definición de los motivos de asilo, al igual que el retraso de Biden en terminar la aplicación del Título 42 en la frontera, refleja una tensión entre aquellos en la administración que quieren impulsar posiciones humanitarias, y aquellos que temen que el retroceso de las políticas restrictivas de la era de Trump podría perjudicar a los demócratas en las elecciones intermedias al Congreso, dijo Musalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912965\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una mujer con un abrigo blanco está sentada en un parque para niños.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55043_IMG_4347-qut-1-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que sus hijos le dieron la fuerza para liberarse de una relación abusiva en la que estaba retenida contra su voluntad. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Revivir el trauma en los tribunales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ramírez se preparaba para su día en el tribunal, no seguía estas sutilezas legales y políticas. Sólo sabía que ella y sus hijos habían sufrido horrores en Guatemala y que habían huido a los Estados Unidos en busca de seguridad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fue la decisión más difícil que he tomado”, dijo. “Pensé, ‘¿Qué voy a hacer si me encuentran? Me van a matar, y podrían matar a los niños, podrían hacerles daño, podrían venderlos'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La mañana de su audiencia, Ramírez se puso una falda larga y floreada, se peinó su pelo castaño que le llegaba hasta la cintura y consiguió que la llevaran al juzgado ubicado en el centro de San Francisco. Pasó por el detector de metales y tomó el ascensor hasta el cuarto piso. El tribunal estaba vacío, salvo por dos abogados y un asistente de su equipo jurídico. Ramírez también me había permitido asistir a esta sensible audiencia que cambiaría su vida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un empleado inició un enlace de vídeo que conectaría al juez y al intérprete del tribunal, y marcó la línea telefónica para el fiscal del Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de Estados Unidos (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés). Luego volvió a caminar por el pasillo vacío hacia su oficina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El revestimiento de madera color marrón de las paredes de la sala estaba rayado y arañado. En el respaldo de uno de los bancos de madera para espectadores, alguien había grabado las palabras “amor” y “feliz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Park apareció en un gran monitor de vídeo y explicó el procedimiento. Su voz estaba distorsionada, como si hablara desde el fondo de una piscina, pero cuando la intérprete repetía sus palabras en español, su voz era clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante la siguiente hora y media, Valencia guió a Ramírez a través de su desgarrador testimonio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Por qué cree que su padre la vendió a la familia Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi padre me dijo que nosotras, como mujeres, no valíamos nada”, respondió Ramírez. “Y que le pertenecíamos como su propiedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Estás casada con Dembler Cinto?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“No. Cuando tenía 14 años me obligaron a estar con él”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus padres me dijeron, cuando mi padre me dejó, que sería su mujer”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Qué tipo de palabras usaba cuando abusaba de ti?”, preguntó Valencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dijo que las mujeres habían nacido para servir a los hombres”, respondió Ramírez, con la voz quebrada. “Dijo que yo era una puta y que era su esclava”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez hubo marcas físicas en tu cuerpo?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sí, cada vez que me hacía daño tenía moretones en las piernas y en los brazos, en la cintura y en la cara”, respondió Ramírez. “Me sangraba la nariz y la boca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez describió años de servidumbre forzada, lenguaje degradante y palizas y violaciones regulares. Dijo que se le exigía que llevara poca ropa cuando trabajaba en el bar, donde los hombres le tocaban el cuerpo. En algunas ocasiones, dijo, llegaron agentes de policía y bebieron en el bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Podían ver que era una niña de 14 años que estaba golpeada”, dijo Ramírez. “Y nunca intentaron ayudar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Además, nunca había visto a la policía ayudar a las mujeres maltratadas. Cuando Ramírez aún vivía en su casa, dijo que su madre había acudido a la policía tras recibir una paliza sangrienta de su padre, pero los agentes dijeron que era un asunto doméstico y no intervinieron, al igual que ignoraron a otras mujeres del barrio que sufrían abusos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que normalmente la encerraban en la casa y que Dembler Cinto la amenazaba con que si alguna vez le contaba a alguien sobre el trato que recibía o intentaba irse, la mataría y le haría daño a los niños.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El relato de las experiencias traumáticas fue agotador. Para ayudarla a mantenerse firme, me dijo Ramírez más tarde, Valencia le había enseñado ejercicios de respiración.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Siempre terminaba nuestras conversaciones con un ejercicio para que yo supiera que estaba en un lugar seguro”, dijo Ramírez. “Sus palabras me ayudaron mucho”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Son técnicas de enraizamiento para volver a tu cuerpo”, dijo Valencia, que practica la meditación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez dijo que la práctica la ayudó a reunir el valor para contar su historia en el tribunal. Pero su mayor valor lo encontró tres años antes, cuando escapó de la familia Cinto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912964\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912964\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque. La madre sonríe.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"728\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55044_IMG_4382-qut-1020x728-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez observa a sus hijos jugar en un parque infantil en San Francisco el 22 de noviembre de 2021. “Sólo se es niño una vez”, dice Ramírez, que pasó gran parte de su propia infancia en régimen de servidumbre. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La fuga\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fueron sus hijas, Stefany y Alexis, quienes le dieron la fuerza para liberarse, dijo. Cuando pasaron de ser bebés a niños, su padre se volvió cada vez más abusivo, azotándolas con un cinturón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Era muy difícil ver cómo les pegaba, cómo les hablaba”, dijo. “No quería que sufrieran lo mismo que yo, porque eso te deja cicatrices, realmente, para toda la vida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras sus hijas crecían, Ramírez también se transformó de ser una adolescente a una mujer. Una mañana vio su oportunidad y la aprovechó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Me dije: ‘Es hoy. Si no lo intento hoy, ¿entonces cuándo?'”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ese día de febrero del 2019, dijo que Dembler Cinto y su padre habían salido a comprar licor para surtir el bar y su madre estaba de compras. Con una hora rara a solas, Ramírez dijo que tomó un fajo de dinero en efectivo de Dembler, agarró a las niñas y se subieron a una camioneta que tenía una ruta diaria que conducía a los pobladores a Coatepeque, una ciudad más grande ubicada a 40 minutos de distancia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A partir de ahí, mi idea era llegar a México. Porque si me quedo en Guatemala, me van a encontrar más rápido”, me dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al principio, Ramírez tenía mucho miedo de hablar con la gente. Tocaba las puertas y se ofrecía a lavar la ropa a cambio de comida o dinero. A veces, ella y las niñas dormían en las estaciones de autobús bajo tan sólo con una cobija. Pero también conocieron a extraños amables que les ayudaron, y Ramírez dijo que se dió cuenta de que había gente en la que podía confiar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez compró un teléfono móvil y llamó a su madre. Era la primera vez que hablaban en años, y se enteró de que varios de sus hermanos se habían trasladado a San Francisco, huyendo de la violencia en su país en cuanto pudieron salir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi madre me dio el número de mi hermana porque sabía que necesitaba ayuda”, dijo.\u003cbr>\nAsí que Ramírez se fue rumbo a la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y cuando llegó allí, les dio el número de teléfono de su hermana a los agentes fronterizos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hermana les dijo que tenía una habitación donde mis hijas y yo podíamos quedarnos. Fue como si se cayera el cielo, porque realmente no tenía ni idea de lo que iba a hacer”, dijo Ramírez. “Pero ella nos abrió las puertas. Y luego me ayudó a encontrar trabajo y a empezar a estabilizarme”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Asilo concedido\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia de asilo, Valencia se centró en unos últimos puntos cruciales para probar su caso ante el juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Alguna vez pidió ayuda?”, preguntó la abogada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No”, dijo Ramírez. “Tenía miedo de que si volvía a casa, mi padre me llevaría de nuevo con la familia Cinto. Decía que eran mis dueños”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez explicó que no tenía ninguna base para confiar en que las autoridades locales la protegerían, y que no creía que pudiera estar segura en ningún lugar de Guatemala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En Guatemala se trata mal a las mujeres”, dijo Ramírez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La fiscal del ICE, Juliet Boss, dijo que no iba a interrogar a Ramírez, lo cual sorprendió a Valencia\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ella ha cubierto todo”, dijo Boss al juez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dijo que si Ramírez ganaba su caso, el gobierno no apelaría. Esto concuerda con las \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/about/offices/opla/OPLA-immigration-enforcement_interim-guidance.pdf\">directrices de la administración Biden\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés) del año pasado, en las que se pedía a los abogados del ICE que usaran su discreción para decidir a quién procesar, pero no era lo que el equipo del Centro Legal esperaba de los normalmente agresivos fiscales del ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Luego llegó el turno del juez. Ramírez y sus abogados miraron el monitor de vídeo en el que Park estaba sentado con su toga negra. De los 40 jueces del tribunal de San Francisco, sabían que él era uno de los menos propensos a conceder el asilo. Si Ramírez perdía, podría ser deportada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Señora, hemos escuchado su testimonio”, dijo Park. “El tribunal ha determinado que usted es elegible y merece asilo a discreción del tribunal. Así que usted y sus hijos serán asilados en los Estados Unidos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras un agradecimiento de Ramírez y unas cuantas formalidades, la señal de vídeo se apagó. Ramírez y sus abogados se quedaron solos en la sala. Se levantaron y se abrazaron. Todos lloraron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gracias, gracias, gracias”, dijo Ramírez. “Son realmente personas muy especiales”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las mujeres recogieron sus abrigos, sus documentos y pasaron por delante de los guardias de seguridad y salieron a la calle. Mientras se dirigían a una cafetería Peet’s cercana para celebrarlo, comenzaron a charlar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Estaba nerviosa por este juez”, dijo Valencia. “El caso de Deisy es el más fuerte de asilo que he argumentado, pero él tiene fama de ser duro”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y añadió: “Nunca había estado frente a un fiscal del ICE que se negara a interrogar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En el mostrador, Ramírez pidió un chocolate caliente con crema batida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Era el tercer caso de asilo que el equipo de Centro Legal ganaba en sólo cuatro días, dijo la colega de Valencia, Abby Sullivan Engen, y probablemente el resultado de las interpretaciones más generosas de la ley de asilo por parte de la administración Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unas semanas más tarde, otra clienta, también una mujer que huía de la violencia de género en Guatemala, obtuvo el asilo de un juez de inmigración de San Francisco igualmente duro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Iris Diéguez declaró que estuvo casada con un policía guatemalteco que la violó y amenazó y que, cuando consiguió una orden de alejamiento, los compañeros de su marido se negaban a hacer cumplir la orden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La jueza Julie Nelson reconoció que Diéguez debía haberse sentido frustrada ya que llevaba esperando su día en el tribunal desde el 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero”, le dijo a Engen, la abogada, “puede funcionar a su favor, dados los cambios en la ley”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Al concluir la audiencia, Nelson explicó su razonamiento a Diéguez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usted ha argumentado que fue perjudicada porque formaba parte del grupo social de mujeres guatemaltecas… sí encuentro que es un grupo social particular reconocible, basado en la ley”, dijo. “Y sí encuentro que usted testificó de manera creíble que [su esposo] y otros la trataron de la manera en que lo hicieron debido a su animadversión hacia las mujeres guatemaltecas y a usted como mujer guatemalteca”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entonces Nelson concedió asilo a Diéguez y a su hija.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramírez y Diéguez tienen ahora la seguridad de saber que pueden vivir permanentemente en los Estados Unidos. Pero los defensores dicen que hay demasiados solicitantes de asilo que se quedan sin saber cuáles son sus posibilidades de protección, porque el gobierno de Biden no ha emitido la norma que prometió en febrero de 2021 para aclarar los motivos de asilo basados en la pertenencia a un “grupo social particular”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que será más claro para los solicitantes y será más claro para los adjudicatarios”, dijo Musalo. “Hará que las cosas funcionen mejor”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11912963\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1020px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11912963\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg\" alt=\"Una madre ve a sus pequeñas hijas jugar en un parque.\" width=\"1020\" height=\"729\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/RS55045_IMG_4334-copy-qut-1020x729-1-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1020px) 100vw, 1020px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deisy Ramírez dice que la protección del asilo le permitirá centrarse en reconstruir su vida y crear un hogar seguro para sus hijas. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Una mejor vida en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ahora que ya tiene asilo, y pronto una tarjeta de residencia que la establece como residente permanente en los Estados Unidos, Ramírez puede evaluar la nueva vida que está construyendo para su familia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Me reuní con ella unos días después de la audiencia de asilo en su casa del distrito Bayview de San Francisco, y nos dirigimos a un parque cercano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos por la calle bajo el sol otoñal, Stefany y Alexis, que ahora tienen 8 y 6 años, brincaban por delante. Las niñas se detuvieron para admirar una procesión de hormigas que escalaban por el tronco de un árbol, y luego se echaron a correr cuando llegamos al parque infantil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Son inseparables”, dijo Ramírez. “No sé si es por lo que han pasado, pero lo hacen todo juntas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mientras caminábamos, Ramírez empujaba un cochecito (también conocido como una carriola). Sus hijas tienen ahora una hermanita, Irma. Nos sentamos en un banco del parque, y ella rebotaba a la bebé sobre sus piernas y me contó cómo conoció al padre de Irma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En San Francisco, Ramírez comenzó a asistir a la iglesia de su hermana. Allí conoció a otros guatemaltecos, entre ellos a Cristian Aguilar, un joven que había sido compañero de juegos de su infancia en su pueblo de San José Chibuj. Ramírez dice que Aguilar se convirtió en un amigo de confianza. Con el tiempo, su vínculo se convirtió en amor y se casaron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Al principio fue muy difícil”, dijo. “Pero siempre me dio una sensación de seguridad. Y es maravilloso con mis hijas. Se sienten muy cómodas con él”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguilar trabaja como mensajero médico, llevando sangre entre hospitales y clínicas. El costo de la vida en San Francisco es elevado, pero se las arreglan compartiendo la casa de cuatro dormitorios con sus padres y hermanos, lo que hace que el hogar sea de 10 personas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esperan tener su lugar propio algún día, y Ramírez, que sólo estudió hasta el séptimo grado en Guatemala, espera eventualmente volver a la escuela y encontrar un buen trabajo. Sabe que en éste país es difícil mantener a una familia con un solo ingreso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por ahora, sin embargo, Ramírez está enfocada en recuperarse. Ha acudido a un psicólogo y está estableciendo relaciones con sus hermanos y su madre, que, según ella, sigue sufriendo abusos en su país. Ramírez no ha hablado con su padre, así que quizá nunca sepa por qué la vendió a los Cinto. Tal vez fue una forma de cubrir su cuenta de bar, dijo. Sólo quiere dejar todo atrás.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo más importante para Ramírez es el bienestar de sus hijos, y sabe que eso está relacionado con su propia condición de mujer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí, en Estados Unidos, las mujeres son libres, son iguales, pueden hacer cualquier cosa”, dijo. “Aquí tengo oportunidades que serían imposibles en Guatemala. Y mi hija, mis hijos, estarán seguros aquí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las lleva al parque infantil casi todos los días.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Quiero que sus mentes estén en paz para que puedan disfrutar de su infancia”, dijo. “Porque sólo se es niño una vez en la vida. Y creo que merecen ser felices”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/soytapatia\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Some California Police Are Biased. A Report Says They Have No Clear Plans to Fix That",
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"headTitle": "Some California Police Are Biased. A Report Says They Have No Clear Plans to Fix That | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A scathing new report by California’s Auditor of five large police departments across the state found evidence of officer bias against women, people of color, immigrants, and LGBTQ people, as well as woefully inadequate department policies and procedures to stop discrimination or investigate incidents once they come to light. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://auditor.ca.gov/reports/2021-105/index.html#section4\">The report\u003c/a> also says none of the departments have developed or implemented a clear plan to address bias and discrimination among their officers. “Without a comprehensive approach to guard against the presence and effects of bias,” the report says, “the departments will be less able to identity, mitigate, and address bias.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State auditors looked at both on-duty interactions with the public and publicly available social media posts of hundreds of officers. Auditors conceded their report is a snapshot and not intended “to catalogue every instance of biased conduct or statements by officers at these departments. Our work encompassed only a limited number of internal investigations and the publicly shared views of a selection of officers,” auditors wrote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To critics, it will be seen as yet more evidence of systemic racism in American law enforcement and the need for wider structural changes in the screening, hiring, training, supervision, and oversight of police. The 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1000988747/george-floyds-murder-one-year-later\">murder of George Floyd\u003c/a> by Derek Chauvin, then a Minneapolis police officer, helped spark a national and global movement for racial justice and police reform. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police California audited represent state, county and local agencies across the state including the departments in San Bernardino, San Jose, and Stockton; the Los Angeles Sheriff’s department; and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR). \u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auditors found no clear evidence of outright membership in hate groups in these five agencies. They did, however, find some clear support for extremist and far-right groups such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/09/985104612/conspiracy-charges-bring-proud-boys-history-of-violence-into-spotlight\">the Proud Boys\u003c/a> in the social media posts they had access to. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR spoke with Acting California State Auditor Michael Tilden about his agency’s report. \u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch3>Interview Highlights \u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This report is pretty disturbing. Give us a snapshot of what you found.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We looked at five different law enforcement departments and our objective was to identify whether there were any officers of those departments that were either members of hate groups or had engaged in bias conduct. We actually reviewed the social media accounts of 750 officers across those five departments. And we reviewed 25 internal investigations and high level what we found is a number of officers posted bias statements on their social media accounts. We also found that some officers engaged in bias conduct towards members of the public. And we discovered that investigations that [departments] were doing of this possibly biased conduct were just inadequate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In one example, a citizen filed a complaint about an officer’s social media post that used racist stereotypes Black people and made fun of Syrian refugees, Muslims. In another, a corrections officer taunted a Black youth using racist stereotypes. But you found the departments said any allegation of prejudice was false. That kind of incident shows a lack of accountability, no?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right. That was one of the key finds in the report. There were a number of situations where the departments conducted internal investigations of potentially biased conduct. And oftentimes the investigations were not thorough. They were not adequate. And more importantly, in the investigations, the departments oftentimes didn’t even focus on the question about whether the officer’s comments or conduct was biased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What else stood out for you whether it was a social media post or an interaction with a member of the public?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were 17 officers that posted biased content on their social media. And, some of those examples are pretty egregious in terms of comments that are very derogatory of different ethnic groups. And the other thing that’s, I think, concerning about it is that the departments really don’t have a process in place to identify that conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You found really a kind of disturbing pattern that they consistently failed to really investigate the conduct?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that is that there really isn’t a definition of “biased conduct” out there that the departments are using. We found that there were shortcomings in terms of the training of their officers, in terms of what biased conduct looks like, and in terms of their investigations of potential misconduct. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And we found that when they did those investigations, they oftentimes would rely on the officers to explain that, “No, I don’t have a bias to this towards this particular group of people.” And oftentimes that was as far as they went. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So, an officer says, “No I’m not racist,” and the department would be like, “That’s good enough for me.” That’s the investigation? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s right. We have a few examples in our report where we depict conduct that looks pretty egregious. And in some of those situations, the law enforcement investigators would ask the officers, “Did you do that because you’re biased against this particular group of people?” And oftentimes that the officer would say, “No.” And that was kind of the end of it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other shortcoming there in terms of the investigations is that oftentimes they were focused on very blatant bias. And so it had to be very obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The audit says the posts and comments and interactions were generated by a relatively small number of police officers … Do you see this as a kind of tip of the iceberg kind of thing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right. We found 17 officers posted statements on their social media that we believe were biased, and we found six other officers that also had posted some content on their social media that suggested that they support different problematic groups. But I think what we found, really, is there’s enough of it going on. And there’s a lack of focus on bias behavior in the different departments in terms of hiring. They’re not doing a good job of ensuring that their workforce or their new hires or even their applicants reflect the diversity of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Did you find any evidence in your audit that law enforcement officers were members of far right or extremist organization, sort of card-carrying members of hate groups?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s very difficult because nobody’s really necessarily tracking memberships in some of these hate groups. So we reviewed hundreds of internal investigations at the different departments. We reviewed social media accounts. And one of the things that we’re looking for is any evidence that the officers were members of hate groups and we really didn’t see that. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one thing to keep in mind is that of the 750 officers that we selected, about 300 of those officers either didn’t have social media accounts or, more pertinent I think, they were private. So we were unable to look at those accounts. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"http://auditor.ca.gov/reports/2021-105/index.html#section2\">\u003cstrong>make several recommendations\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> to the state Legislature and the governor and CDCR. What are the most important ones in your view? And do you have any confidence they’ll get enacted and prove effective if they are?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think one of the key recommendations that we have is that there needs to be guidance for the law enforcement departments to do their own internet and social media screening of officer applicants like what we did, where you’re looking at officers’ social media accounts just to ensure that you’re not hiring officers that are coming into the job with different biases. I think that’s a really important recommendation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How did the police departments respond to the recommendations? Were you satisfied that they took this audit seriously? Do you think there are any teeth for these departments to enact the recommendations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By and large, the departments were very supportive of the all of our recommendations. We really didn’t get any significant pushback from any of the departments. The city of San Bernardino’s police department chose not to respond to our report. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the real value in the audit is that we’re able to shine a spotlight on some of these deficiencies in some of the policies and practices of these different law enforcement departments that would really ensure that they’re getting ahead of a potential for any bias conduct on the part of their officers in terms of their hiring procedures and in terms of their investigation procedures. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the other thing is we have a standard practice where we’re going to require all the departments to report back to us periodically [by law auditees must give progress reports at 60 days, six months, and one year] on their efforts to implement each of our recommendations. And we’re going to follow up with them until that happens. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Some+California+police+are+biased.+A+report+says+they+have+no+clear+plans+to+fix+that&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A scathing new report by California’s Auditor of five large police departments across the state found evidence of officer bias against women, people of color, immigrants, and LGBTQ people, as well as woefully inadequate department policies and procedures to stop discrimination or investigate incidents once they come to light. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://auditor.ca.gov/reports/2021-105/index.html#section4\">The report\u003c/a> also says none of the departments have developed or implemented a clear plan to address bias and discrimination among their officers. “Without a comprehensive approach to guard against the presence and effects of bias,” the report says, “the departments will be less able to identity, mitigate, and address bias.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State auditors looked at both on-duty interactions with the public and publicly available social media posts of hundreds of officers. Auditors conceded their report is a snapshot and not intended “to catalogue every instance of biased conduct or statements by officers at these departments. Our work encompassed only a limited number of internal investigations and the publicly shared views of a selection of officers,” auditors wrote. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To critics, it will be seen as yet more evidence of systemic racism in American law enforcement and the need for wider structural changes in the screening, hiring, training, supervision, and oversight of police. The 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1000988747/george-floyds-murder-one-year-later\">murder of George Floyd\u003c/a> by Derek Chauvin, then a Minneapolis police officer, helped spark a national and global movement for racial justice and police reform. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police California audited represent state, county and local agencies across the state including the departments in San Bernardino, San Jose, and Stockton; the Los Angeles Sheriff’s department; and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR). \u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auditors found no clear evidence of outright membership in hate groups in these five agencies. They did, however, find some clear support for extremist and far-right groups such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/04/09/985104612/conspiracy-charges-bring-proud-boys-history-of-violence-into-spotlight\">the Proud Boys\u003c/a> in the social media posts they had access to. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR spoke with Acting California State Auditor Michael Tilden about his agency’s report. \u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003ch3>Interview Highlights \u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This report is pretty disturbing. Give us a snapshot of what you found.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We looked at five different law enforcement departments and our objective was to identify whether there were any officers of those departments that were either members of hate groups or had engaged in bias conduct. We actually reviewed the social media accounts of 750 officers across those five departments. And we reviewed 25 internal investigations and high level what we found is a number of officers posted bias statements on their social media accounts. We also found that some officers engaged in bias conduct towards members of the public. And we discovered that investigations that [departments] were doing of this possibly biased conduct were just inadequate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In one example, a citizen filed a complaint about an officer’s social media post that used racist stereotypes Black people and made fun of Syrian refugees, Muslims. In another, a corrections officer taunted a Black youth using racist stereotypes. But you found the departments said any allegation of prejudice was false. That kind of incident shows a lack of accountability, no?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right. That was one of the key finds in the report. There were a number of situations where the departments conducted internal investigations of potentially biased conduct. And oftentimes the investigations were not thorough. They were not adequate. And more importantly, in the investigations, the departments oftentimes didn’t even focus on the question about whether the officer’s comments or conduct was biased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What else stood out for you whether it was a social media post or an interaction with a member of the public?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were 17 officers that posted biased content on their social media. And, some of those examples are pretty egregious in terms of comments that are very derogatory of different ethnic groups. And the other thing that’s, I think, concerning about it is that the departments really don’t have a process in place to identify that conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You found really a kind of disturbing pattern that they consistently failed to really investigate the conduct?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that is that there really isn’t a definition of “biased conduct” out there that the departments are using. We found that there were shortcomings in terms of the training of their officers, in terms of what biased conduct looks like, and in terms of their investigations of potential misconduct. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And we found that when they did those investigations, they oftentimes would rely on the officers to explain that, “No, I don’t have a bias to this towards this particular group of people.” And oftentimes that was as far as they went. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So, an officer says, “No I’m not racist,” and the department would be like, “That’s good enough for me.” That’s the investigation? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s right. We have a few examples in our report where we depict conduct that looks pretty egregious. And in some of those situations, the law enforcement investigators would ask the officers, “Did you do that because you’re biased against this particular group of people?” And oftentimes that the officer would say, “No.” And that was kind of the end of it. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other shortcoming there in terms of the investigations is that oftentimes they were focused on very blatant bias. And so it had to be very obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The audit says the posts and comments and interactions were generated by a relatively small number of police officers … Do you see this as a kind of tip of the iceberg kind of thing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right. We found 17 officers posted statements on their social media that we believe were biased, and we found six other officers that also had posted some content on their social media that suggested that they support different problematic groups. But I think what we found, really, is there’s enough of it going on. And there’s a lack of focus on bias behavior in the different departments in terms of hiring. They’re not doing a good job of ensuring that their workforce or their new hires or even their applicants reflect the diversity of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Did you find any evidence in your audit that law enforcement officers were members of far right or extremist organization, sort of card-carrying members of hate groups?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s very difficult because nobody’s really necessarily tracking memberships in some of these hate groups. So we reviewed hundreds of internal investigations at the different departments. We reviewed social media accounts. And one of the things that we’re looking for is any evidence that the officers were members of hate groups and we really didn’t see that. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one thing to keep in mind is that of the 750 officers that we selected, about 300 of those officers either didn’t have social media accounts or, more pertinent I think, they were private. So we were unable to look at those accounts. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"http://auditor.ca.gov/reports/2021-105/index.html#section2\">\u003cstrong>make several recommendations\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> to the state Legislature and the governor and CDCR. What are the most important ones in your view? And do you have any confidence they’ll get enacted and prove effective if they are?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think one of the key recommendations that we have is that there needs to be guidance for the law enforcement departments to do their own internet and social media screening of officer applicants like what we did, where you’re looking at officers’ social media accounts just to ensure that you’re not hiring officers that are coming into the job with different biases. I think that’s a really important recommendation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How did the police departments respond to the recommendations? Were you satisfied that they took this audit seriously? Do you think there are any teeth for these departments to enact the recommendations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By and large, the departments were very supportive of the all of our recommendations. We really didn’t get any significant pushback from any of the departments. The city of San Bernardino’s police department chose not to respond to our report. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the real value in the audit is that we’re able to shine a spotlight on some of these deficiencies in some of the policies and practices of these different law enforcement departments that would really ensure that they’re getting ahead of a potential for any bias conduct on the part of their officers in terms of their hiring procedures and in terms of their investigation procedures. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the other thing is we have a standard practice where we’re going to require all the departments to report back to us periodically [by law auditees must give progress reports at 60 days, six months, and one year] on their efforts to implement each of our recommendations. And we’re going to follow up with them until that happens. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Some+California+police+are+biased.+A+report+says+they+have+no+clear+plans+to+fix+that&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Fast Track to Unmasking",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11911845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: a man on a bus or train throws a face mask away while saying \"hooray! Masks are strongly recommended!\" A masked woman and child look on with concern.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1362\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-800x568.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-1020x724.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-160x114.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-1536x1090.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Face masks are \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioremaskslifted\">no longer required on any Bay Area public transit\u003c/a> — but just because it's optional, you don't have to ditch your mask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Public Health still \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/guidance-for-face-coverings.aspx\">\"strongly recommends\" masking on public transit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I want to lose the face masks just as much as the next person, but we should keep in mind this Grand Mask-Lifting was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911566/politicizing-public-health-decisions-again\">initiated by a judge's ruling, not by public health experts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11911845\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: a man on a bus or train throws a face mask away while saying \"hooray! Masks are strongly recommended!\" A masked woman and child look on with concern.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1362\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-800x568.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-1020x724.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-160x114.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/hooray_042122_final-1536x1090.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Face masks are \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/fioremaskslifted\">no longer required on any Bay Area public transit\u003c/a> — but just because it's optional, you don't have to ditch your mask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Public Health still \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/COVID-19/guidance-for-face-coverings.aspx\">\"strongly recommends\" masking on public transit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I want to lose the face masks just as much as the next person, but we should keep in mind this Grand Mask-Lifting was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11911566/politicizing-public-health-decisions-again\">initiated by a judge's ruling, not by public health experts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco police officer was suspended in February for violating a man’s Fourth Amendment rights in 2019, newly released internal police accountability documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding of misconduct, which was appealed by SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez, was upheld in February, paving the way for its release under Senate Bill 16, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890615/newsom-signs-law-to-strip-badges-from-bad-officers\">an expanded police transparency law that opens up records of false arrests and illegal searches, \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905492/a-police-officer-used-the-n-word-on-duty-new-law-reveals-he-got-a-pay-cut-is-that-enough\">discrimination and excessive use of force by police officers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first documents released by the city to KQED this week under the new law shed light on one of the most complex and robust police accountability systems in the state. The city’s police department and the independent department that investigates civilian complaints both are overseen by the San Francisco Police Commission, which found that “the basic values that we as a society hold dear” were at stake in the case.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the documents also raise a question: Why were concerns about the officer’s credibility never addressed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On January 24, 2019, around 11 a.m., Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber pulled up to the curb in front of a sandwich shop in the Inner Sunset to grab a Philly cheesesteak for lunch. He parked in a red zone with his tail end blocking a fire hydrant. Shiheiber put his hazards on and headed toward the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that moment, an SFPD cruiser pulled up and two officers jumped out. Officer Hernandez and a female officer named Jacqueline Hernandez, no relation, approached the then-30-year-old and turned on their body cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o_ZB0YdyRqg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Above, SFPD officer bodycam footage shows the 2019 incident between Officer Brett Hernandez and Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, over his stopped vehicle. (Courtesy of the San Francisco Department of Police Accountability)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re detained, buddy,” Hernandez told Shiheiber in the footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For what? Why are you guys just bothering me?” Shiheiber asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers said his car was illegally parked, and Shiheiber argued with them briefly about whether or not he was “stopped” or “parked,” but said he’d move his car. They told Shiheiber he could not move his car because he was being detained, and Hernandez began to pull on his blue latex gloves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s my ID, and that’s all that I’m giving you,” Shiheiber said, passing the officer his identification. “You have no right to touch me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, I do,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber continued to insist that the officers did not have the right to touch him, even as they forcibly grabbed him, took him to the ground and handcuffed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was scared,” Shiheiber said in a recent interview. “You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.”[aside tag=\"police\" label=\"Related coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers ultimately released Shiheiber with a citation. Shiheiber said his shirt was torn, his face and side were scraped up and his hip hurt from where an officer held him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided it was time that I needed to take action,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Shiheiber walked into the police station at 850 Bryant Street and told the desk officer he wanted to “file an assault charge” against a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t do that here,” she told him, Shiheiber, now 33, recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She directed him to the Third Street police station. There an officer told him to go back to Bryant Street. Finally, Shiheiber said a Black female officer whispered to him where he needed to go: the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/departments/department-police-accountability/about\">Department of Police Accountability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An SFPD spokesperson declined to comment for this story, saying in an email, “Because this involves a personnel disciplinary matter, we are unable to provide public comments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez’s lawyer Christopher Shea said the discipline his client later received was “unwarranted” and that an internal investigation into the incident by the department found “he acted within his discretion and committed no misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, unlike most police accountability systems across the state, which rely on officers inside the department to investigate civilian complaints, San Francisco also has an investigative body entirely independent of the police department. The DPA receives complaints from people like Shiheiber, investigates and makes findings, which it passes along to the police chief or, in more serious cases, the San Francisco Police Commission for disposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we recommend that an officer be sustained for misconduct and we recommend less than 10 days’ suspension, the chief can say yes or no,” explained Stephanie Wargo-Wilson, the DPA attorney who handled Shiheiber’s complaint. “If we recommend an 11-day suspension or more, then that case is eligible to go to the police commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission also is unusual in that it has the authority to discipline officers. Most civilian oversight bodies can recommend disciplinary action, but only the chief or the sheriff have the power to impose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11911265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg\" alt=\"Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on January 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1020x652.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-160x102.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1536x981.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-2048x1308.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1920x1227.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on Jan. 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he was “treated very respectfully” at the DPA. Investigators took photos of his injuries, listened to his story, and opened a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November of 2019, the DPA sent its findings to Police Chief Bill Scott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez escalated a parking violation to an intrusive detention, pat search, and take down that caused [redacted] pain. He could have just as easily left a ticket on the car,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA also found that Hernandez violated Shiheiber’s Fourth Amendment rights, which protect the public from unreasonable searches and seizures. Investigators also did not find Hernandez’s justification for the search believable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez told the DPA and police commission investigators that Shiheiber “was constantly” reaching into his pockets and that his baggy clothing “can conceal weapons.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber\"]‘I was scared … You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.’[/pullquote]“The fact that he was walking away, failing to comply with commands, being verbally aggressive towards us, it’s my training and experience that that is an indicator that somebody might have weapons on their persons and for the safety of myself and my partner, fear of our safety I conducted a pat search,” he said, according to a recording of the interview released by the DPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the report pointed out that, during the exchange, the only time Shiheiber reached into his pocket was when he gave the officers his identification, which can be seen on body camera footage. He does not act violent in any way, and there are no visible bulges that would indicate a weapon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez used buzzwords in place of facts — ‘totality of circumstances,’ ‘aggressive,’ and ‘officer safety’ are words often used in place of hard facts,” the report found. Shiheiber, according to the report, “failed the attitude test. He deigned to argue with police officers and assert his Fourth Amendment rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez also told investigators that Shiheiber tried to flee from officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply not true – once it was clear that the police were detaining [redacted] he made no attempt to ‘flee,’” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a stunning finding because a police officer’s credibility is at the heart of their ability to do their jobs — to write police reports and provide sworn testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a police officer with credibility issues is called to testify in a criminal case, the district attorney also is required to notify the defendant in that case, according to the Supreme Court ruling Brady v. Maryland. To meet this obligation, Rachel Marshall, director of communications and policy adviser for the San Francisco DA, said in an email that the SFPD has formally agreed it will proactively notify prosecutors “when they learn that one of their members has potential Brady materials in their personnel file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall wrote that her office is “not aware of this incident and are unaware of any cases impacted by it.” She said recent police transparency laws SB 16 and SB 1421 have helped prosecutors comply with Brady.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Hernandez was never formally accused of dishonesty and no finding of dishonesty was suggested during this process,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA did not charge Hernandez with dishonesty, according to the documents. Wargo-Wilson said she could not comment on the reasons for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission suspended Hernandez for 10 days with another five days that would be imposed if Hernandez violated policy again, and it ordered him to get more training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its conclusion, the commission found video of the incident “damning and disturbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [redacted] can be mistreated this way by the police under the circumstances of this case, then anyone on the street may be subject to a pat search on flimsy grounds,” the DPA’s report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case involves poor policing that resulted in a violation of [redacted’s] rights, but the potential damage of police misconduct such as that of Officer Hernandez implicates the community as a whole, not just [redacted].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The documents released this week do not definitively indicate whether Chief Scott agreed with the DPA’s findings, and his spokesperson said he declined to comment on the case. But the documents show that Hernandez’s attorney told the police commission that \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096777\">the chief disagreed with the DPA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The plight of Officer Hernandez is an example of the overreach and lack of knowledge regarding the law by the Police Commission and the Department of Police Accountability,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez appealed his discipline, but on Feb. 1, 2022, an administrative law judge with the city’s Office of Administrative Hearings ruled the discipline would stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he didn’t know about the officer’s suspension until KQED contacted him for an interview. He said he’s gratified by the findings of the DPA and the commission, but questioned why Hernandez was still on the force at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police are supposed to be held to a higher standard,” he said. “They’re not supposed to be above the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber also filed a civil lawsuit against the city, which is ongoing. He said police officers do have a difficult and dangerous job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a police officer, I wouldn’t make my job harder and go mess with people that didn’t warrant my attention,” he said. “‘Cause there’s actual things out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include comment from SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez’s attorney Christopher Shea.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\" height=\"800\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Above, read \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\">the full transcript of Officer Brett Hernandez’s administrative hearing\u003c/a>, hosted on DocumentCloud.\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco police officer was suspended in February for violating a man’s Fourth Amendment rights in 2019, newly released internal police accountability documents show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding of misconduct, which was appealed by SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez, was upheld in February, paving the way for its release under Senate Bill 16, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890615/newsom-signs-law-to-strip-badges-from-bad-officers\">an expanded police transparency law that opens up records of false arrests and illegal searches, \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905492/a-police-officer-used-the-n-word-on-duty-new-law-reveals-he-got-a-pay-cut-is-that-enough\">discrimination and excessive use of force by police officers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first documents released by the city to KQED this week under the new law shed light on one of the most complex and robust police accountability systems in the state. The city’s police department and the independent department that investigates civilian complaints both are overseen by the San Francisco Police Commission, which found that “the basic values that we as a society hold dear” were at stake in the case.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the documents also raise a question: Why were concerns about the officer’s credibility never addressed?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On January 24, 2019, around 11 a.m., Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber pulled up to the curb in front of a sandwich shop in the Inner Sunset to grab a Philly cheesesteak for lunch. He parked in a red zone with his tail end blocking a fire hydrant. Shiheiber put his hazards on and headed toward the shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that moment, an SFPD cruiser pulled up and two officers jumped out. Officer Hernandez and a female officer named Jacqueline Hernandez, no relation, approached the then-30-year-old and turned on their body cameras.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/o_ZB0YdyRqg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/o_ZB0YdyRqg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Above, SFPD officer bodycam footage shows the 2019 incident between Officer Brett Hernandez and Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, over his stopped vehicle. (Courtesy of the San Francisco Department of Police Accountability)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re detained, buddy,” Hernandez told Shiheiber in the footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For what? Why are you guys just bothering me?” Shiheiber asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers said his car was illegally parked, and Shiheiber argued with them briefly about whether or not he was “stopped” or “parked,” but said he’d move his car. They told Shiheiber he could not move his car because he was being detained, and Hernandez began to pull on his blue latex gloves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s my ID, and that’s all that I’m giving you,” Shiheiber said, passing the officer his identification. “You have no right to touch me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, I do,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber continued to insist that the officers did not have the right to touch him, even as they forcibly grabbed him, took him to the ground and handcuffed him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was scared,” Shiheiber said in a recent interview. “You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The officers ultimately released Shiheiber with a citation. Shiheiber said his shirt was torn, his face and side were scraped up and his hip hurt from where an officer held him down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I decided it was time that I needed to take action,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, Shiheiber walked into the police station at 850 Bryant Street and told the desk officer he wanted to “file an assault charge” against a police officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t do that here,” she told him, Shiheiber, now 33, recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She directed him to the Third Street police station. There an officer told him to go back to Bryant Street. Finally, Shiheiber said a Black female officer whispered to him where he needed to go: the \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/departments/department-police-accountability/about\">Department of Police Accountability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An SFPD spokesperson declined to comment for this story, saying in an email, “Because this involves a personnel disciplinary matter, we are unable to provide public comments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez’s lawyer Christopher Shea said the discipline his client later received was “unwarranted” and that an internal investigation into the incident by the department found “he acted within his discretion and committed no misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, unlike most police accountability systems across the state, which rely on officers inside the department to investigate civilian complaints, San Francisco also has an investigative body entirely independent of the police department. The DPA receives complaints from people like Shiheiber, investigates and makes findings, which it passes along to the police chief or, in more serious cases, the San Francisco Police Commission for disposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we recommend that an officer be sustained for misconduct and we recommend less than 10 days’ suspension, the chief can say yes or no,” explained Stephanie Wargo-Wilson, the DPA attorney who handled Shiheiber’s complaint. “If we recommend an 11-day suspension or more, then that case is eligible to go to the police commission.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission also is unusual in that it has the authority to discipline officers. Most civilian oversight bodies can recommend disciplinary action, but only the chief or the sheriff have the power to impose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11911265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11911265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg\" alt=\"Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on January 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights.\" width=\"800\" height=\"511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-800x511.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1020x652.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-160x102.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1536x981.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-2048x1308.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/IbrahimNimerShiheiber-1920x1227.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ibrahim Nimer Shiheiber, 33, filed a complaint with the Department of Police Accountability against SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez on Jan. 24, 2019. Hernandez was suspending for violating his Fourth Amendment rights. \u003ccite>(Sukey Lewis/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he was “treated very respectfully” at the DPA. Investigators took photos of his injuries, listened to his story, and opened a case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November of 2019, the DPA sent its findings to Police Chief Bill Scott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez escalated a parking violation to an intrusive detention, pat search, and take down that caused [redacted] pain. He could have just as easily left a ticket on the car,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA also found that Hernandez violated Shiheiber’s Fourth Amendment rights, which protect the public from unreasonable searches and seizures. Investigators also did not find Hernandez’s justification for the search believable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez told the DPA and police commission investigators that Shiheiber “was constantly” reaching into his pockets and that his baggy clothing “can conceal weapons.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I was scared … You have no options. If my fight-and-flight instinct kicks in, and I try to defend myself, they’re going to say I’m resisting. And if I don’t try to defend myself, I don’t know what this guy’s going to do.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The fact that he was walking away, failing to comply with commands, being verbally aggressive towards us, it’s my training and experience that that is an indicator that somebody might have weapons on their persons and for the safety of myself and my partner, fear of our safety I conducted a pat search,” he said, according to a recording of the interview released by the DPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the report pointed out that, during the exchange, the only time Shiheiber reached into his pocket was when he gave the officers his identification, which can be seen on body camera footage. He does not act violent in any way, and there are no visible bulges that would indicate a weapon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Brett Hernandez used buzzwords in place of facts — ‘totality of circumstances,’ ‘aggressive,’ and ‘officer safety’ are words often used in place of hard facts,” the report found. Shiheiber, according to the report, “failed the attitude test. He deigned to argue with police officers and assert his Fourth Amendment rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez also told investigators that Shiheiber tried to flee from officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simply not true – once it was clear that the police were detaining [redacted] he made no attempt to ‘flee,’” the report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a stunning finding because a police officer’s credibility is at the heart of their ability to do their jobs — to write police reports and provide sworn testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a police officer with credibility issues is called to testify in a criminal case, the district attorney also is required to notify the defendant in that case, according to the Supreme Court ruling Brady v. Maryland. To meet this obligation, Rachel Marshall, director of communications and policy adviser for the San Francisco DA, said in an email that the SFPD has formally agreed it will proactively notify prosecutors “when they learn that one of their members has potential Brady materials in their personnel file.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall wrote that her office is “not aware of this incident and are unaware of any cases impacted by it.” She said recent police transparency laws SB 16 and SB 1421 have helped prosecutors comply with Brady.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Officer Hernandez was never formally accused of dishonesty and no finding of dishonesty was suggested during this process,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DPA did not charge Hernandez with dishonesty, according to the documents. Wargo-Wilson said she could not comment on the reasons for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Commission suspended Hernandez for 10 days with another five days that would be imposed if Hernandez violated policy again, and it ordered him to get more training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its conclusion, the commission found video of the incident “damning and disturbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [redacted] can be mistreated this way by the police under the circumstances of this case, then anyone on the street may be subject to a pat search on flimsy grounds,” the DPA’s report reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case involves poor policing that resulted in a violation of [redacted’s] rights, but the potential damage of police misconduct such as that of Officer Hernandez implicates the community as a whole, not just [redacted].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The documents released this week do not definitively indicate whether Chief Scott agreed with the DPA’s findings, and his spokesperson said he declined to comment on the case. But the documents show that Hernandez’s attorney told the police commission that \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096777\">the chief disagreed with the DPA\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The plight of Officer Hernandez is an example of the overreach and lack of knowledge regarding the law by the Police Commission and the Department of Police Accountability,” Shea wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez appealed his discipline, but on Feb. 1, 2022, an administrative law judge with the city’s Office of Administrative Hearings ruled the discipline would stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber said he didn’t know about the officer’s suspension until KQED contacted him for an interview. He said he’s gratified by the findings of the DPA and the commission, but questioned why Hernandez was still on the force at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police are supposed to be held to a higher standard,” he said. “They’re not supposed to be above the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiheiber also filed a civil lawsuit against the city, which is ongoing. He said police officers do have a difficult and dangerous job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was a police officer, I wouldn’t make my job harder and go mess with people that didn’t warrant my attention,” he said. “‘Cause there’s actual things out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include comment from SFPD Officer Brett Hernandez’s attorney Christopher Shea.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\" height=\"800\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Above, read \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/21615236-production-0045-19-part-b#document/p183/a2096776\">the full transcript of Officer Brett Hernandez’s administrative hearing\u003c/a>, hosted on DocumentCloud.\u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The man was screaming, but the beating didn’t stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was June 27, 2000, and the Oakland Police Department’s vaunted gang task force was at work in West Oakland. The officers worked one of the most dangerous beats in one of the most violent parts of the city. They called themselves the Riders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One member of the task force beat Delphine Allen on the soles of his feet with batons, according to trial testimony. Police pepper-sprayed him and drove him under a freeway overpass, where the beating continued, a rookie officer who witnessed the beating would later testify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen called out for his mother, who lived nearby. “I thought they were going to kill me,” he said in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rookie police officer who witnessed the assault on Allen filed a complaint in July 2000. The resulting scandal upended the department and touched off a massive overhaul in how the department judges its own officers’ conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Oakland has arguably become the state’s most watched police department, under the guise of both a federal monitor and strong civilian oversight. In this city of 435,000, civilians have the power to overrule the police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"opd\"]“The direction that Oakland is taking is the inevitable path for a modern-day progressive police department,” said Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf. “And so I believe that we’re on the front lines, we’re the vanguard of police reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide data helps tell that story. The Oakland Police Department \"sustains\" complaints against its officers at a rate higher than that of any other major law enforcement entity, except the state Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, according to a CalMatters analysis of California Department of Justice data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complaints originate with citizens, or from the department’s internal affairs unit. \u003ca href=\"https://infogram.com/sustained-complaints-ratio-1hdw2jpkmelkj2l\">A sustained complaint\u003c/a> indicates the department believed the person who complained, and could discipline those officers involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, law enforcement agencies marked as sustained 7.6% of complaints against their officers from 2016 to 2020. In those years, the Oakland Police Department \"sustained\" complaints at an average rate of 11.3%, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018 and 2020, the department sustained more than 15.2% of complaints, double the state average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re doing a much more thorough evaluation,” said Oakland Police Chief LeRonne Armstrong. “I also think when you have a community with very low trust in law enforcement, it means that law enforcement has to make sure that they have legitimate and professional processes so we can build trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9d7a218a-38b0-4d06-b912-8e91e348d2c0?src=embed\" title=\"Oakland Police sustained complaints\" width=\"800\" height=\"837\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's DOJ has collected the number of complaints and those sustained since 2016, the result of a bill that ordered agencies to establish a procedure to investigate complaints by the public against officers and publish the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland police complaint process is now handled by both its internal affairs division and a civilian panel that oversees the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And among the rank and file, there has been fallout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, officers are leaving the department in higher numbers, from an average of about four per month late last year to 10 or 15 a month since then, according to Armstrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t seen these type of numbers since I’ve been at the department, and that’s been over two decades,” he said. “When you work in a big city that’s under the microscope like Oakland, I’m sure that can be challenging to some officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been pushing the same message to officers, that you can’t escape the calls for reform,” he added. “No matter where you go, you’re going to see more community involvement, the community paying more attention to the actions of officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The website \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/03/09/police-officers-leaving-oakland-attrition-diversity/\">Oaklandside reported that\u003c/a>, in a sample of 30 exit interviews with Oakland police officers, half were leaving because of dissatisfaction with leadership at the police department or city, and seven cited “heavy discipline.” Others cited family reasons, low morale and better jobs, among other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been doing some exit interviews with officers that are choosing to go to other departments, and what I tell them is the Oakland way is going to be the American way any minute now,” Schaaf told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-the-oakland-riders-legacy\">The Oakland Riders' legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before the Oakland rookie police officer blew the whistle on the Riders, he was told that beating, kidnapping and planting drugs on people was simply how police work was done, he later testified in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/OAKLAND-Riders-lied-brutalized-man-2629441.php\">trial in 2004\u003c/a>, the former rookie, Keith Batts, testified that he didn’t immediately report what he saw. He was new to the department and feared repercussions for reporting excessive use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three members of the Riders would eventually be fired, but juries would later acquit them of some criminal charges and deadlock on many others. A fourth member, Riders leader Frank Vazquez, fled the city in November 2000, and prosecutors have said they \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2012/12/12/oakland-where-the-riders-are-today/\">believe he’s in hiding in Mexico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 people sued the police department in federal court. The cases were combined into a negotiated settlement agreement, in which the police department consented to reforms and accepted a federal monitoring team. The team would oversee dozens of proposed reforms at the department, especially concerning its use-of-force policy and the process by which complaints are treated.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf\"]'The direction that Oakland is taking is the inevitable path for a modern-day progressive police department. And so I believe that we're on the front lines, we're the vanguard of police reform.'[/pullquote]The original monitoring team and its successor, appointed in 2010, have both praised and condemned the Oakland police for their conduct since 2003. But in the ensuing two decades, one fundamental change has made the biggest difference: Oakland residents have garnered a lot more power over their police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, in \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/learn-more-about-measure-ll\">a 2016 ballot measure\u003c/a>, the city’s voters put the whole department under civilian oversight. Then, in 2020, the civilian police commission fired the city’s police chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the city hired its first inspector general for the police department, a civilian position overseen by the civilian board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocky Lucia, an attorney for the Oakland Police Officers’ Association and several other Bay Area police department unions, said the level of oversight in Oakland exceeds what he’s seen anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They pay a lot more attention to police conduct in Oakland,” Lucia said. “There’s more eyes on people. There’s policies, software programs, there’s resources committed. It’s more than I’ve ever seen anywhere else in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucia wonders if Oakland should be spending the amount of money it does on oversight, given \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2021/opd-addresses-a-challenging-year-in-crime-with-year-end-data\">rising crime rates\u003c/a> that began during the pandemic and the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2020/city-of-oakland-faces-possible-62m-shortfall#:~:text=The%20report%20shows%20that%20the,indicates%20this%20shortfall%20is%20widening.\">always-muddy financial situation\u003c/a>, only 18 months removed from a $62 million budget shortfall. But he also acknowledges that the department is identifying potentially problematic officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re catching these things early,” Lucia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-tale-of-two-scandals\">A tale of two scandals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years before the beating of Delphine Allen, a different and more infamous gang task force controversy erupted 350 miles south: the Los Angeles Police Department’s Rampart scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Community Resources Against Street Hoodlums — or CRASH — unit was to Los Angeles what the Riders were to Oakland: an elite group of cops on a special detail that made big busts in the LAPD’s Rampart Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CRASH unit officers also were accused of robbing a bank, stealing cocaine from the evidence room and replacing it with Bisquick, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/lapd/scandal/cron.html\">beating a suspect until he vomited blood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, in 1998 the LAPD instituted a new policy: Any complaints against an officer would trigger an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complaints against officers piled up, major crimes arrests dropped, and officers started to complain that the system treated them unfairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complaints against officers soared,” wrote University of Chicago economics professor Canice Prendergast in \u003ca href=\"https://bfi.uchicago.edu/insight/research-summary/drive-and-wave-the-response-to-lapd-police-reforms-after-rampart/\">a 2021 paper analyzing the scandal’s fallout\u003c/a>. “These were sustained at high rates, resulting in suspensions, resignations and terminations at levels far higher than before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any complaint tied up officers’ promotions and transfers. Prendergast found that the level of sustained complaints was even more damaging to police morale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the officers radically reduced their engagement with the public, according to Prendergast’s paper, “Drive and Wave,” which is named after the practice of nonengagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arrests plummeted. The LAPD accepted a federal monitor from the U.S. Department of Justice in 2000 and nearly 90% of LAPD officers interviewed by the monitor in 2001 said a fear of discipline stopped them from “proactively” doing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the LAPD was handed a big win by, of all things, the federal monitor itself, which encouraged the department to clear up its backlog of complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prendergast found the police department’s solution in long-buried LAPD archives, a decision that was put out among the department’s employees but never publicized: The LAPD gave its commanding officers the power to dismiss complaints against their subordinates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant complaints could be dismissed moments after they were filed by an officer’s superior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, sustained complaints fell dramatically, beginning in 2003, and penalties for sustained complaints were much more rare, Prendergast found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2016 to 2020, the last year for which statistics are available, the LAPD sustained complaints at a rate of 5.2%, below the statewide average for that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disciplinary measures across the board became less likely,” Prendergast wrote, “even when an investigation ruled against the officer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-some-officers-just-tired\">Some officers 'just tired'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under California law, there are four outcomes for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-crime-numbers/\">a complaint against a police officer\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Complaints can be sustained, meaning the investigation proved the allegation to be true by a preponderance of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— An officer can be exonerated, meaning the officer did what was described, but that action didn’t violate department law or policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Complaints can be ruled “unsustained,” meaning the investigation failed to clearly prove or disprove the allegation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Complaints can be determined “unfounded,” meaning the investigation clearly showed the allegation was untrue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For much of the Oakland Police Department’s time under a federal monitor, most complaints were relegated to the “unfounded” bin, said John Burris, one of two lead plaintiff attorneys in the settlement agreement between the police department and the city following the Riders scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with increased civilian oversight since 2016, he said far fewer complaints were dismissed as unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said cases dismissed as “unfounded” were the ones that bothered him the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Complainants are] not lying. I may not be able to prove it, but something happened,” Burris said, and noted that unfounded complaints also disappear from officers’ personnel files.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, when a complaint is filed, the Oakland police and the Civilian Police Review Agency launch parallel investigations. Each draws its own conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there’s a difference of opinion, the question goes to another set of civilian monitors — the civilian Police Commission — which holds final authority on questions of officer misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyfahra Milele, chair of the commission, said she can empathize with officers who feel they are over-policed by their civilian overseers. She said that officers tell her they’re more afraid to engage residents because they’re worried about a complaint, which can tie up their promotions and damage their careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the recent police-related killings of Ahmaud Arbery in Atlanta, Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Kentucky, and George Floyd in Minneapolis, “there’s much more of a vigilance around police and accountability,” Milele said. “Some officers are like, ‘OK, I’m gonna go to work and ride this wave. Some [officers say], this isn’t the role for me, all these other factors are making it difficult.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then “we have some officers that are just tired,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite what Burris, the attorney, described as widespread opposition among the department’s rank and file to civilian oversight, it has resulted in a higher level of scrutiny of officer behavior, according to lawyers on both sides of the city’s 2003 negotiated settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys representing Allen, who originally brought the lawsuit in Oakland, expect the settlement agreement with the police department to end in 2023 or 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hearing before a U.S. District Court in San Francisco to determine the department’s progress is set for April 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s taken a long time, but we’re finally getting traction,” said Burris. “Our hope is we’ll fundamentally ingrain things in the culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “It’s my worst nightmare about the case, that it’s all for naught. That it goes back to the way it was.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A 22-year-old scandal exposing abuses by Oakland police resulted in a higher rate of complaints against officers, many of whom are now leaving the department. ",
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"title": "From Scandal to Scrutiny: How Vigilant Citizen Oversight Helped Reshape Oakland's Police Force | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The man was screaming, but the beating didn’t stop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was June 27, 2000, and the Oakland Police Department’s vaunted gang task force was at work in West Oakland. The officers worked one of the most dangerous beats in one of the most violent parts of the city. They called themselves the Riders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One member of the task force beat Delphine Allen on the soles of his feet with batons, according to trial testimony. Police pepper-sprayed him and drove him under a freeway overpass, where the beating continued, a rookie officer who witnessed the beating would later testify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen called out for his mother, who lived nearby. “I thought they were going to kill me,” he said in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rookie police officer who witnessed the assault on Allen filed a complaint in July 2000. The resulting scandal upended the department and touched off a massive overhaul in how the department judges its own officers’ conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, Oakland has arguably become the state’s most watched police department, under the guise of both a federal monitor and strong civilian oversight. In this city of 435,000, civilians have the power to overrule the police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The direction that Oakland is taking is the inevitable path for a modern-day progressive police department,” said Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf. “And so I believe that we’re on the front lines, we’re the vanguard of police reform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide data helps tell that story. The Oakland Police Department \"sustains\" complaints against its officers at a rate higher than that of any other major law enforcement entity, except the state Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, according to a CalMatters analysis of California Department of Justice data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complaints originate with citizens, or from the department’s internal affairs unit. \u003ca href=\"https://infogram.com/sustained-complaints-ratio-1hdw2jpkmelkj2l\">A sustained complaint\u003c/a> indicates the department believed the person who complained, and could discipline those officers involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, law enforcement agencies marked as sustained 7.6% of complaints against their officers from 2016 to 2020. In those years, the Oakland Police Department \"sustained\" complaints at an average rate of 11.3%, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018 and 2020, the department sustained more than 15.2% of complaints, double the state average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re doing a much more thorough evaluation,” said Oakland Police Chief LeRonne Armstrong. “I also think when you have a community with very low trust in law enforcement, it means that law enforcement has to make sure that they have legitimate and professional processes so we can build trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/9d7a218a-38b0-4d06-b912-8e91e348d2c0?src=embed\" title=\"Oakland Police sustained complaints\" width=\"800\" height=\"837\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's DOJ has collected the number of complaints and those sustained since 2016, the result of a bill that ordered agencies to establish a procedure to investigate complaints by the public against officers and publish the results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oakland police complaint process is now handled by both its internal affairs division and a civilian panel that oversees the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And among the rank and file, there has been fallout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, officers are leaving the department in higher numbers, from an average of about four per month late last year to 10 or 15 a month since then, according to Armstrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t seen these type of numbers since I’ve been at the department, and that’s been over two decades,” he said. “When you work in a big city that’s under the microscope like Oakland, I’m sure that can be challenging to some officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been pushing the same message to officers, that you can’t escape the calls for reform,” he added. “No matter where you go, you’re going to see more community involvement, the community paying more attention to the actions of officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The website \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/03/09/police-officers-leaving-oakland-attrition-diversity/\">Oaklandside reported that\u003c/a>, in a sample of 30 exit interviews with Oakland police officers, half were leaving because of dissatisfaction with leadership at the police department or city, and seven cited “heavy discipline.” Others cited family reasons, low morale and better jobs, among other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been doing some exit interviews with officers that are choosing to go to other departments, and what I tell them is the Oakland way is going to be the American way any minute now,” Schaaf told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-the-oakland-riders-legacy\">The Oakland Riders' legacy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before the Oakland rookie police officer blew the whistle on the Riders, he was told that beating, kidnapping and planting drugs on people was simply how police work was done, he later testified in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/OAKLAND-Riders-lied-brutalized-man-2629441.php\">trial in 2004\u003c/a>, the former rookie, Keith Batts, testified that he didn’t immediately report what he saw. He was new to the department and feared repercussions for reporting excessive use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three members of the Riders would eventually be fired, but juries would later acquit them of some criminal charges and deadlock on many others. A fourth member, Riders leader Frank Vazquez, fled the city in November 2000, and prosecutors have said they \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2012/12/12/oakland-where-the-riders-are-today/\">believe he’s in hiding in Mexico\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 people sued the police department in federal court. The cases were combined into a negotiated settlement agreement, in which the police department consented to reforms and accepted a federal monitoring team. The team would oversee dozens of proposed reforms at the department, especially concerning its use-of-force policy and the process by which complaints are treated.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The original monitoring team and its successor, appointed in 2010, have both praised and condemned the Oakland police for their conduct since 2003. But in the ensuing two decades, one fundamental change has made the biggest difference: Oakland residents have garnered a lot more power over their police department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, in \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/learn-more-about-measure-ll\">a 2016 ballot measure\u003c/a>, the city’s voters put the whole department under civilian oversight. Then, in 2020, the civilian police commission fired the city’s police chief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the city hired its first inspector general for the police department, a civilian position overseen by the civilian board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rocky Lucia, an attorney for the Oakland Police Officers’ Association and several other Bay Area police department unions, said the level of oversight in Oakland exceeds what he’s seen anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They pay a lot more attention to police conduct in Oakland,” Lucia said. “There’s more eyes on people. There’s policies, software programs, there’s resources committed. It’s more than I’ve ever seen anywhere else in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucia wonders if Oakland should be spending the amount of money it does on oversight, given \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2021/opd-addresses-a-challenging-year-in-crime-with-year-end-data\">rising crime rates\u003c/a> that began during the pandemic and the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2020/city-of-oakland-faces-possible-62m-shortfall#:~:text=The%20report%20shows%20that%20the,indicates%20this%20shortfall%20is%20widening.\">always-muddy financial situation\u003c/a>, only 18 months removed from a $62 million budget shortfall. But he also acknowledges that the department is identifying potentially problematic officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re catching these things early,” Lucia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-tale-of-two-scandals\">A tale of two scandals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two years before the beating of Delphine Allen, a different and more infamous gang task force controversy erupted 350 miles south: the Los Angeles Police Department’s Rampart scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Community Resources Against Street Hoodlums — or CRASH — unit was to Los Angeles what the Riders were to Oakland: an elite group of cops on a special detail that made big busts in the LAPD’s Rampart Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CRASH unit officers also were accused of robbing a bank, stealing cocaine from the evidence room and replacing it with Bisquick, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/lapd/scandal/cron.html\">beating a suspect until he vomited blood\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, in 1998 the LAPD instituted a new policy: Any complaints against an officer would trigger an investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complaints against officers piled up, major crimes arrests dropped, and officers started to complain that the system treated them unfairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Complaints against officers soared,” wrote University of Chicago economics professor Canice Prendergast in \u003ca href=\"https://bfi.uchicago.edu/insight/research-summary/drive-and-wave-the-response-to-lapd-police-reforms-after-rampart/\">a 2021 paper analyzing the scandal’s fallout\u003c/a>. “These were sustained at high rates, resulting in suspensions, resignations and terminations at levels far higher than before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Any complaint tied up officers’ promotions and transfers. Prendergast found that the level of sustained complaints was even more damaging to police morale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the officers radically reduced their engagement with the public, according to Prendergast’s paper, “Drive and Wave,” which is named after the practice of nonengagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arrests plummeted. The LAPD accepted a federal monitor from the U.S. Department of Justice in 2000 and nearly 90% of LAPD officers interviewed by the monitor in 2001 said a fear of discipline stopped them from “proactively” doing their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the LAPD was handed a big win by, of all things, the federal monitor itself, which encouraged the department to clear up its backlog of complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prendergast found the police department’s solution in long-buried LAPD archives, a decision that was put out among the department’s employees but never publicized: The LAPD gave its commanding officers the power to dismiss complaints against their subordinates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant complaints could be dismissed moments after they were filed by an officer’s superior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, sustained complaints fell dramatically, beginning in 2003, and penalties for sustained complaints were much more rare, Prendergast found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2016 to 2020, the last year for which statistics are available, the LAPD sustained complaints at a rate of 5.2%, below the statewide average for that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disciplinary measures across the board became less likely,” Prendergast wrote, “even when an investigation ruled against the officer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-some-officers-just-tired\">Some officers 'just tired'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under California law, there are four outcomes for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-crime-numbers/\">a complaint against a police officer\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Complaints can be sustained, meaning the investigation proved the allegation to be true by a preponderance of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— An officer can be exonerated, meaning the officer did what was described, but that action didn’t violate department law or policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Complaints can be ruled “unsustained,” meaning the investigation failed to clearly prove or disprove the allegation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Complaints can be determined “unfounded,” meaning the investigation clearly showed the allegation was untrue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For much of the Oakland Police Department’s time under a federal monitor, most complaints were relegated to the “unfounded” bin, said John Burris, one of two lead plaintiff attorneys in the settlement agreement between the police department and the city following the Riders scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with increased civilian oversight since 2016, he said far fewer complaints were dismissed as unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burris said cases dismissed as “unfounded” were the ones that bothered him the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Complainants are] not lying. I may not be able to prove it, but something happened,” Burris said, and noted that unfounded complaints also disappear from officers’ personnel files.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, when a complaint is filed, the Oakland police and the Civilian Police Review Agency launch parallel investigations. Each draws its own conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there’s a difference of opinion, the question goes to another set of civilian monitors — the civilian Police Commission — which holds final authority on questions of officer misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tyfahra Milele, chair of the commission, said she can empathize with officers who feel they are over-policed by their civilian overseers. She said that officers tell her they’re more afraid to engage residents because they’re worried about a complaint, which can tie up their promotions and damage their careers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the recent police-related killings of Ahmaud Arbery in Atlanta, Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Kentucky, and George Floyd in Minneapolis, “there’s much more of a vigilance around police and accountability,” Milele said. “Some officers are like, ‘OK, I’m gonna go to work and ride this wave. Some [officers say], this isn’t the role for me, all these other factors are making it difficult.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then “we have some officers that are just tired,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite what Burris, the attorney, described as widespread opposition among the department’s rank and file to civilian oversight, it has resulted in a higher level of scrutiny of officer behavior, according to lawyers on both sides of the city’s 2003 negotiated settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys representing Allen, who originally brought the lawsuit in Oakland, expect the settlement agreement with the police department to end in 2023 or 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hearing before a U.S. District Court in San Francisco to determine the department’s progress is set for April 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s taken a long time, but we’re finally getting traction,” said Burris. “Our hope is we’ll fundamentally ingrain things in the culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “It’s my worst nightmare about the case, that it’s all for naught. That it goes back to the way it was.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Chauncey Bailey's Legacy Lives On in Downtown Oakland",
"title": "Chauncey Bailey's Legacy Lives On in Downtown Oakland",
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"content": "\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"4\">The subscriber to The Hayward Daily Review used a racist slur to complain about the Black child delivering his newspaper. The circulation manager told the man that if he wanted to keep getting the paper, he should get used to his new carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"5\">Later, the manager pulled the tall, skinny paperboy aside and told him the caller didn’t like him, or anyone like him. He told him the vile word the man used. It was the early 1960s and no one was yet substituting “the N-word” for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"6\">The paperboy, whose name was Chauncey Bailey, didn’t say anything, his younger half-brother, Mark Cooley, who witnessed the scene, told me in 2010. But as they walked home, Bailey told Cooley that if the subscriber “doesn’t like a little [N-word] delivering his paper, wait until one’s writing for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/TodayInOaklandHistory?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#TodayInOaklandHistory\u003c/a> August 2, 2007, journalist Chauncey Bailey was gunned down on 14th St. by members of Your Black Muslim Bakery, while on his way to work at the Oakland Post. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/erIsXwSbnJ\">https://t.co/erIsXwSbnJ\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/LegendaryLocal?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#LegendaryLocal\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/8SNwqqk61N\">pic.twitter.com/8SNwqqk61N\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Gene - Our Oakland (@DIYGene) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/DIYGene/status/1289990097916448768?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">August 2, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Bailey was 12 or 13. He’d figured out his life’s path: journalism. He would stay on it literally until his last step. On Aug. 2, 2007, as he walked to his job as editor of The Oakland Post, a masked assassin ran up on Bailey and shot him three times at point-blank range with a shotgun. Bailey was 58. The killer later admitted that the leader of a Black Muslim cult he belonged to had ordered the hit after learning Bailey was working on a story about him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"15\">Within days, Northern California journalists formed the \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-reader-unique-id=\"16\">Chauncey Bailey Project\u003c/a>, a collaborative effort to finish Bailey’s work. We modeled it on a similar effort in 1976 after Arizona Republic investigative reporter \u003ca href=\"http://www.thestacksreader.com/the-death-of-a-reporter-who-knew-too-much/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-reader-unique-id=\"17\">Don Bolles\u003c/a> died in a car bombing. Reporters from around the country flocked to Phoenix to send a simple message: You can’t kill a story by killing a journalist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"18\">We carried the same banner in Oakland. I worked as the Bailey project’s lead investigative reporter for four years, through the trial and conviction of his killers, and wrote a book about the case, “Killing the Messenger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"trulyca_77\" label=\"Related Post\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"19\">Last month, Oakland renamed the portion of 14th Street — ironically, the location of EdSource’s office — where Bailey was walking that fateful morning as Chauncey Bailey Way in his honor, after years of pushing by his family and journalists. During a ceremony that was both tearful and joyous, much was said about the First Amendment, Bailey’s heinous murder and his lifelong commitment to public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"27\">The backstory about Bailey, though, is one about a young Black man who educated himself to a place of prominence in his profession and then used that profession to educate and inform others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"28\">It began in the Hayward High School library in southern Alameda County. Bailey had a bad childhood stutter, and the library quickly became his place of solace, one where he lost himself in books and acquired a lifelong obsession with reading. In 2011, \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/2011/02/26/mural-for-slain-journalist-chauncey-bailey-unveiled-at-his-alma-mater-hayward-high/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-reader-unique-id=\"29\">a mural featuring two images of Bailey\u003c/a> was painted on the library’s exterior wall by then-student Jamil Holmes, where it remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"30\">As he read and simply lived as a Black teenager, Bailey became keenly aware of his people’s struggles. His parents had bought a home in Hayward that wasn’t subject to restrictive deed covenants that kept California neighborhoods segregated in the 1950s. But shortly after they moved in, racists burned a cross on their lawn. Bailey and his siblings were forbidden from playing outside when their parents weren’t home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"31\">The television brought him images of the carnage of the civil rights struggle in the South, Bull Connor’s water cannons and German shepherds, marchers on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, dead little girls in a Birmingham church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"32\">What Bailey could contribute to the fight were words. He enrolled in Oakland’s Merritt College after graduating from high school in 1966. It was five years after Merritt community college students Huey Newton and Bobby Seale formed the Black Panthers. Bailey came close to joining the Panthers himself but instead transferred to San José State’s journalism program. He graduated in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"33\">The Black Power movement still appealed to Bailey. He nearly became a reporter for the Panthers’ newspaper. But one of his professors urged him to think bigger. Go integrate a big-city newspaper, the professor suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"34\">If Bailey was going to achieve the professor’s challenge, he would need to prove himself at a smaller publication first. He landed a reporting job at The Sun-Reporter, San Francisco’s Black weekly newspaper. There, in the turbulent late '60s and early 1970s, Bailey cut his teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"35\">From there he enrolled in a Columbia University summer program for journalists of color. He stood out and was hired at The Hartford Courant, then a feeder paper to the major metropolitan dailies where he yearned to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"36\">Hartford couldn’t hold Bailey for long. But Detroit could. Hired by The Detroit News to cover city hall and African American affairs, he achieved what he dreamed of as a youth. No longer hampered by a stutter, he became known as a relentless and prodigious reporter. He saw stories everywhere, especially ones about Black entrepreneurs, teachers and students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"37\">Literacy mattered greatly to Bailey. His ex-wife, Robin Hardin, told me their apartment overflowed with magazines and books. Bailey often got around Detroit by bus. Hardin said it distressed him to see people sitting in their seats, not reading anything. He knew that only through being informed could Black people overcome poverty and systemic racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"38\">So, he started dropping a quarter in newspaper boxes at bus stops and grabbing a stack of papers. He’d then walk through the bus handing them out to riders. “Here, have a newspaper,” he’d say. “Here, read the paper.” Words, Hardin said, “meant so much to Chauncey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"39\">Hardin had two young nieces who came to live with the couple. When the children were in elementary school, Bailey went to their principal and proposed starting a school newspaper. He told Hardin that kids who didn’t like to read, or who had nothing to read at home, would at least read stories their friends wrote. He enforced deadlines, laid out the paper and printed copies. The publication proved a great success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"40\">Eventually, Bailey grew tired of Detroit’s long winters and yearned for California sunshine. He moved to The Oakland Tribune in 1993, where he kept writing multiple stories a day about all aspects of Black life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"41\">He wrote frequently about a business called Your Black Muslim Bakery run by a former hairdresser named Joseph Stephens who’d reinvented himself as a religious prophet, calling himself Dr. Yusuf Bey. Outwardly, Bey promoted Black self-determination through enterprise. Inwardly, his organization was a cult and criminal organization. He fathered more than 40 children, some with girls as young as 13. Children were kept from school, forced to work and attend classes where they were taught that white people and Jews were devils, and that Black people were superior beings and would soon conquer the earth in an Armageddon-like war started by a giant spaceship called “the mother plane” that orbited the planet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"42\">Bey even ran unsuccessfully for Oakland mayor in 1994, a race Bailey covered. Bey died in 2004 while facing multiple charges of child rape. Bailey covered the court proceedings, which led to confrontations with Bey’s followers, who considered Bey God-like and religiously justified to impregnate children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"43\">Bey’s son Yusuf Bey IV (Bey named five sons after himself) eventually took over the bakery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"44\">Bailey was fired by the Tribune in 2007 for multiple ethical lapses. He threatened to write negative stories about the state Department of Motor Vehicles after it declined to intervene in a dispute between Bailey and a man who had bought a car from him. He also wrote a story about a business owned by a woman he was dating without first consulting editors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"45\">He was quickly named editor of The Oakland Post, the city’s Black weekly paper. He had been at the Post for only a few weeks when he began working on a story about Yusuf Bey IV running the bakery into bankruptcy. A source for that story came to the paper to see Bailey. A woman who worked at the paper also had once worked for the Beys. She made a call, and word filtered back to Bey IV, who thought he could kill the story by killing the reporter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"46\">Instead, eventually convicted of ordering the hit on Bailey and ordering followers to kill two other men unrelated to Bailey’s slaying, he put himself in prison for life with no chance of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"47\">But he also robbed the world of the light that was Chauncey Bailey, the reporter who showed up at school events and school board meetings, who understood the importance of high school libraries, community colleges and state universities because he’d navigated those places himself. The reporter who started an elementary school newspaper. The kid who, when he was slurred by a racist, made a plan and found his path in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"48\">Fifteen years later, hardly anyone knows Bey’s name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"49\">In Oakland, you can now see Bailey’s on street signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A look at the life of slain journalist Chauncey Bailey, who inspired others with his prodigious reporting. Last month, Oakland renamed the portion of 14th Street that marks the site of his 2007 murder as Chauncey Bailey Way.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"4\">The subscriber to The Hayward Daily Review used a racist slur to complain about the Black child delivering his newspaper. The circulation manager told the man that if he wanted to keep getting the paper, he should get used to his new carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"5\">Later, the manager pulled the tall, skinny paperboy aside and told him the caller didn’t like him, or anyone like him. He told him the vile word the man used. It was the early 1960s and no one was yet substituting “the N-word” for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"6\">The paperboy, whose name was Chauncey Bailey, didn’t say anything, his younger half-brother, Mark Cooley, who witnessed the scene, told me in 2010. But as they walked home, Bailey told Cooley that if the subscriber “doesn’t like a little [N-word] delivering his paper, wait until one’s writing for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/TodayInOaklandHistory?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#TodayInOaklandHistory\u003c/a> August 2, 2007, journalist Chauncey Bailey was gunned down on 14th St. by members of Your Black Muslim Bakery, while on his way to work at the Oakland Post. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/erIsXwSbnJ\">https://t.co/erIsXwSbnJ\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/LegendaryLocal?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#LegendaryLocal\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/8SNwqqk61N\">pic.twitter.com/8SNwqqk61N\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Gene - Our Oakland (@DIYGene) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/DIYGene/status/1289990097916448768?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">August 2, 2020\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Bailey was 12 or 13. He’d figured out his life’s path: journalism. He would stay on it literally until his last step. On Aug. 2, 2007, as he walked to his job as editor of The Oakland Post, a masked assassin ran up on Bailey and shot him three times at point-blank range with a shotgun. Bailey was 58. The killer later admitted that the leader of a Black Muslim cult he belonged to had ordered the hit after learning Bailey was working on a story about him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"15\">Within days, Northern California journalists formed the \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-reader-unique-id=\"16\">Chauncey Bailey Project\u003c/a>, a collaborative effort to finish Bailey’s work. We modeled it on a similar effort in 1976 after Arizona Republic investigative reporter \u003ca href=\"http://www.thestacksreader.com/the-death-of-a-reporter-who-knew-too-much/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-reader-unique-id=\"17\">Don Bolles\u003c/a> died in a car bombing. Reporters from around the country flocked to Phoenix to send a simple message: You can’t kill a story by killing a journalist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"18\">We carried the same banner in Oakland. I worked as the Bailey project’s lead investigative reporter for four years, through the trial and conviction of his killers, and wrote a book about the case, “Killing the Messenger.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"19\">Last month, Oakland renamed the portion of 14th Street — ironically, the location of EdSource’s office — where Bailey was walking that fateful morning as Chauncey Bailey Way in his honor, after years of pushing by his family and journalists. During a ceremony that was both tearful and joyous, much was said about the First Amendment, Bailey’s heinous murder and his lifelong commitment to public service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"27\">The backstory about Bailey, though, is one about a young Black man who educated himself to a place of prominence in his profession and then used that profession to educate and inform others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"28\">It began in the Hayward High School library in southern Alameda County. Bailey had a bad childhood stutter, and the library quickly became his place of solace, one where he lost himself in books and acquired a lifelong obsession with reading. In 2011, \u003ca href=\"https://chaunceybaileyproject.org/2011/02/26/mural-for-slain-journalist-chauncey-bailey-unveiled-at-his-alma-mater-hayward-high/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-reader-unique-id=\"29\">a mural featuring two images of Bailey\u003c/a> was painted on the library’s exterior wall by then-student Jamil Holmes, where it remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"30\">As he read and simply lived as a Black teenager, Bailey became keenly aware of his people’s struggles. His parents had bought a home in Hayward that wasn’t subject to restrictive deed covenants that kept California neighborhoods segregated in the 1950s. But shortly after they moved in, racists burned a cross on their lawn. Bailey and his siblings were forbidden from playing outside when their parents weren’t home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"31\">The television brought him images of the carnage of the civil rights struggle in the South, Bull Connor’s water cannons and German shepherds, marchers on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, dead little girls in a Birmingham church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"32\">What Bailey could contribute to the fight were words. He enrolled in Oakland’s Merritt College after graduating from high school in 1966. It was five years after Merritt community college students Huey Newton and Bobby Seale formed the Black Panthers. Bailey came close to joining the Panthers himself but instead transferred to San José State’s journalism program. He graduated in 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"33\">The Black Power movement still appealed to Bailey. He nearly became a reporter for the Panthers’ newspaper. But one of his professors urged him to think bigger. Go integrate a big-city newspaper, the professor suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"34\">If Bailey was going to achieve the professor’s challenge, he would need to prove himself at a smaller publication first. He landed a reporting job at The Sun-Reporter, San Francisco’s Black weekly newspaper. There, in the turbulent late '60s and early 1970s, Bailey cut his teeth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"35\">From there he enrolled in a Columbia University summer program for journalists of color. He stood out and was hired at The Hartford Courant, then a feeder paper to the major metropolitan dailies where he yearned to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"36\">Hartford couldn’t hold Bailey for long. But Detroit could. Hired by The Detroit News to cover city hall and African American affairs, he achieved what he dreamed of as a youth. No longer hampered by a stutter, he became known as a relentless and prodigious reporter. He saw stories everywhere, especially ones about Black entrepreneurs, teachers and students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"37\">Literacy mattered greatly to Bailey. His ex-wife, Robin Hardin, told me their apartment overflowed with magazines and books. Bailey often got around Detroit by bus. Hardin said it distressed him to see people sitting in their seats, not reading anything. He knew that only through being informed could Black people overcome poverty and systemic racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"38\">So, he started dropping a quarter in newspaper boxes at bus stops and grabbing a stack of papers. He’d then walk through the bus handing them out to riders. “Here, have a newspaper,” he’d say. “Here, read the paper.” Words, Hardin said, “meant so much to Chauncey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"39\">Hardin had two young nieces who came to live with the couple. When the children were in elementary school, Bailey went to their principal and proposed starting a school newspaper. He told Hardin that kids who didn’t like to read, or who had nothing to read at home, would at least read stories their friends wrote. He enforced deadlines, laid out the paper and printed copies. The publication proved a great success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"40\">Eventually, Bailey grew tired of Detroit’s long winters and yearned for California sunshine. He moved to The Oakland Tribune in 1993, where he kept writing multiple stories a day about all aspects of Black life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"41\">He wrote frequently about a business called Your Black Muslim Bakery run by a former hairdresser named Joseph Stephens who’d reinvented himself as a religious prophet, calling himself Dr. Yusuf Bey. Outwardly, Bey promoted Black self-determination through enterprise. Inwardly, his organization was a cult and criminal organization. He fathered more than 40 children, some with girls as young as 13. Children were kept from school, forced to work and attend classes where they were taught that white people and Jews were devils, and that Black people were superior beings and would soon conquer the earth in an Armageddon-like war started by a giant spaceship called “the mother plane” that orbited the planet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"42\">Bey even ran unsuccessfully for Oakland mayor in 1994, a race Bailey covered. Bey died in 2004 while facing multiple charges of child rape. Bailey covered the court proceedings, which led to confrontations with Bey’s followers, who considered Bey God-like and religiously justified to impregnate children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"43\">Bey’s son Yusuf Bey IV (Bey named five sons after himself) eventually took over the bakery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"44\">Bailey was fired by the Tribune in 2007 for multiple ethical lapses. He threatened to write negative stories about the state Department of Motor Vehicles after it declined to intervene in a dispute between Bailey and a man who had bought a car from him. He also wrote a story about a business owned by a woman he was dating without first consulting editors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"45\">He was quickly named editor of The Oakland Post, the city’s Black weekly paper. He had been at the Post for only a few weeks when he began working on a story about Yusuf Bey IV running the bakery into bankruptcy. A source for that story came to the paper to see Bailey. A woman who worked at the paper also had once worked for the Beys. She made a call, and word filtered back to Bey IV, who thought he could kill the story by killing the reporter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"46\">Instead, eventually convicted of ordering the hit on Bailey and ordering followers to kill two other men unrelated to Bailey’s slaying, he put himself in prison for life with no chance of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"47\">But he also robbed the world of the light that was Chauncey Bailey, the reporter who showed up at school events and school board meetings, who understood the importance of high school libraries, community colleges and state universities because he’d navigated those places himself. The reporter who started an elementary school newspaper. The kid who, when he was slurred by a racist, made a plan and found his path in life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"48\">Fifteen years later, hardly anyone knows Bey’s name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-reader-unique-id=\"49\">In Oakland, you can now see Bailey’s on street signs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"headTitle": "Unpacking Reparations Eligibility in California | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Reparations in California\u003c/a> is a series of KQED stories exploring the road to racial equity in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:55 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a contentious meeting Tuesday, California’s Reparations Task Force decided who would qualify for reparations under any proposals the committee recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The broad question the task force was considering: Should reparations be only for descendants of people enslaved in the United States or should reparations be extended to any Black person in the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hours of debate, the nine-member task force voted 5-4 in favor of lineage-based reparations — a decision that has the potential to set precedent and affect other local, state and federal plans for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]“I move that we define the community of eligibility based on lineage determined by an individual being an African American descendant of a chattel-enslaved person or the descendant of a free Black person living in the United States prior to the end of the 19th century,” said task force member Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, introducing the motion on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force Chair Kamilah Moore, who voted in favor of the motion, worried that making eligibility race-based would create fissures in the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under international law, reparations … is supposed to be a victim-led process and a victim-oriented process,” Moore said at Tuesday’s meeting. “So … with a race-based approach [to reparations eligibility], that is going to aggrieve the victims of the institution of slavery, which are the direct descendants of the enslaved people in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Cheryl Grills, who did not support the motion, said lineage-based reparations fail to encompass the full harms of enslavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing reparations only for those who can prove their descendants from enslaved Africans is yet another win for white supremacy because it dismisses and devalues the harms done to African descendants not enslaved here, but who were injured by slavery due to their blackness once they entered the shores of America,” Grills said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/lakitalki/status/1508832379971915785?s=20&t=8HyAz5R5Oou9o9kU65Rv9A\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Eligibility question has loomed for months\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The question of eligibility has loomed over the first-in-the-nation statewide task force since it began meeting in June. The topic also dominated meetings in February, when the task force tabled a decision until taking it up again this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One point of contention: Cash payments are expected to be one part of the reparations proposals, but there are a limited amount of financial resources. The eligibility discussion also has raised questions about lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Cheryl Grills, task force member\"]‘If you can’t trace your family ancestry to enslaved Africans, what does that mean, for example, for scores of Black children in the child welfare system who probably can’t trace anything back more than a generation?’[/pullquote]During the January meeting, Secretary of State Shirley Weber — who, while a state legislator, authored AB 3121, the bill that established the task force — shared her intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an issue not about being Black. It’s an issue of descendants and lineage,” Weber said. “There will be many Black people who do not deserve reparations, but there will be many whose lineage clearly says very strongly that they deserve to have reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the February meeting, Moore reminded the task force of the story of \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BMUdKpDk8Yg\">Lawrence Lucas\u003c/a>, one of the leaders of the \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforblackfarmers.com/\">USDA Coalition of Minority Employees\u003c/a>, an organization advocating for Black farmers, who testified in October. Many Black farmers, who expected to receive pandemic aid allocated in the American Rescue Plan, have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/21/us/politics/black-farmers-debt-relief.html\">blocked by lawsuits from white farmers\u003c/a> who questioned whether the government could use race to give preferential debt relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They know the land by virtue of them being the descendants of the enslaved,” said Moore, who used the example to argue lineage-based reparations. “Despite that agricultural knowledge that was passed onto them, they’re being refused aid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jovan Scott Lewis echoed Moore’s sentiments on the importance of centering descendants of the enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea here is that we are identifying a kind of central group that has been integral to the development of the United States, who have remained the reference for the abuse suffered by Black people,” he said at the February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other members spoke of their own personal experience as a way to advocate for an expanded group who could receive reparations — those with lived experience of anti-Black racism, which is, potentially, all Black people in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Lisa Holder, a Los Angeles-based lawyer, shared a personal story of losing her baby nearly 14 years ago during delivery. She recalled telling her doctors that something was wrong, but having her pleas be ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe I was ignored because I was a young Black woman,” Holder said, emphasizing that when at a hospital or applying for a loan at a bank, people are focused on skin color, not lineage. “No one asked me if my ancestors were enslaved in the United States. All they saw was my black skin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Grills wondered how easy it would be to determine lineage, and whether the task force would be excluding people who can’t establish their lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t trace your family ancestry to enslaved Africans, what does that mean, for example, for scores of Black children in the child welfare system who probably can’t trace anything back more than a generation?” said Grills, a Loyola Marymount University professor who focuses on racial stress and trauma as well as implicit bias and community healing, at the February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Coverage' tag='california-reparations']Hollis Gentry, a genealogy specialist at the National Museum of African American History and Culture Library, said information is sometimes relatively quick to find, while other times it can take a very long time. Gentry began looking at her own family history in 1976 and is still uncovering connections today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The eligibility criteria is going to determine how you approach it,” she said. “If you’re looking at a solely lineage-based approach where they have to establish that they do, in fact, descend from someone who was enslaved, that’s going to require a lot of research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From Here to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century,” a book by A. Kirsten Mullen and William A. Darity Jr., is frequently mentioned in task force meetings. The book suggests that requirements for reparations on the federal level include two aspects of eligibility: tracing an ancestor back to chattel slavery, and self-identifying as Black Negro or African American on the census for 10 to 12 years prior to the reparations program going into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their two-pronged system is very simplistic, in my view,” said Khansa T. Jones-Muhammad, co-chair for the National Assembly of American Slavery Descendants. Instead, she would like to have a system that acknowledges the harms caused by certain laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Were your ancestors subject to the three-fifths compromise at the United States Constitutional Convention of 1787?” Jones-Muhammad asked. “Were your ancestors subject to the Casual Killing Act or fugitive slave law? Were your ancestors subject to convict leasing and Jim Crow laws? Were they subject to the Great Migration?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Assembly of American Slavery Descendants and the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, two organizations Jones-Muhammad has worked with, helped Weber with the language in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February the members seemed to agree there should be a special consideration for descendants of chattel slavery, as outlined in the bill, but appeared hesitant to make a definitive decision because of the potential impact on other reparations legislation, including HR 40, the federal reparations bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has repeatedly circled back to who would be eligible to receive cash payments. It’s uncertain how much money would be needed for such an endeavor. The task force has hired a team of economists to make calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have suggested different forms of compensation, such as tax breaks, grant aid and tuition waivers for students. Task force member Reggie Jones-Sawyer, a state Assemblymember, felt the committee should be having more expansive discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about who’s getting the money,” he said. “We should be talking about how we’re going to take care of our people from this day forward. And how are we going to reverse all the harm? That should be the central question. We’re spending the money before we got it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California's reparations task force just decided who would qualify for reparations for slavery. Here's why it's been so difficult.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Reparations in California\u003c/a> is a series of KQED stories exploring the road to racial equity in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:55 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a contentious meeting Tuesday, California’s Reparations Task Force decided who would qualify for reparations under any proposals the committee recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The broad question the task force was considering: Should reparations be only for descendants of people enslaved in the United States or should reparations be extended to any Black person in the state?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After hours of debate, the nine-member task force voted 5-4 in favor of lineage-based reparations — a decision that has the potential to set precedent and affect other local, state and federal plans for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I move that we define the community of eligibility based on lineage determined by an individual being an African American descendant of a chattel-enslaved person or the descendant of a free Black person living in the United States prior to the end of the 19th century,” said task force member Jovan Scott Lewis, chair of UC Berkeley’s geography department, introducing the motion on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force Chair Kamilah Moore, who voted in favor of the motion, worried that making eligibility race-based would create fissures in the Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under international law, reparations … is supposed to be a victim-led process and a victim-oriented process,” Moore said at Tuesday’s meeting. “So … with a race-based approach [to reparations eligibility], that is going to aggrieve the victims of the institution of slavery, which are the direct descendants of the enslaved people in the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Cheryl Grills, who did not support the motion, said lineage-based reparations fail to encompass the full harms of enslavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing reparations only for those who can prove their descendants from enslaved Africans is yet another win for white supremacy because it dismisses and devalues the harms done to African descendants not enslaved here, but who were injured by slavery due to their blackness once they entered the shores of America,” Grills said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch2>Eligibility question has loomed for months\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The question of eligibility has loomed over the first-in-the-nation statewide task force since it began meeting in June. The topic also dominated meetings in February, when the task force tabled a decision until taking it up again this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One point of contention: Cash payments are expected to be one part of the reparations proposals, but there are a limited amount of financial resources. The eligibility discussion also has raised questions about lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>During the January meeting, Secretary of State Shirley Weber — who, while a state legislator, authored AB 3121, the bill that established the task force — shared her intention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an issue not about being Black. It’s an issue of descendants and lineage,” Weber said. “There will be many Black people who do not deserve reparations, but there will be many whose lineage clearly says very strongly that they deserve to have reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the February meeting, Moore reminded the task force of the story of \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BMUdKpDk8Yg\">Lawrence Lucas\u003c/a>, one of the leaders of the \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforblackfarmers.com/\">USDA Coalition of Minority Employees\u003c/a>, an organization advocating for Black farmers, who testified in October. Many Black farmers, who expected to receive pandemic aid allocated in the American Rescue Plan, have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/21/us/politics/black-farmers-debt-relief.html\">blocked by lawsuits from white farmers\u003c/a> who questioned whether the government could use race to give preferential debt relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They know the land by virtue of them being the descendants of the enslaved,” said Moore, who used the example to argue lineage-based reparations. “Despite that agricultural knowledge that was passed onto them, they’re being refused aid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jovan Scott Lewis echoed Moore’s sentiments on the importance of centering descendants of the enslaved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea here is that we are identifying a kind of central group that has been integral to the development of the United States, who have remained the reference for the abuse suffered by Black people,” he said at the February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other members spoke of their own personal experience as a way to advocate for an expanded group who could receive reparations — those with lived experience of anti-Black racism, which is, potentially, all Black people in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Lisa Holder, a Los Angeles-based lawyer, shared a personal story of losing her baby nearly 14 years ago during delivery. She recalled telling her doctors that something was wrong, but having her pleas be ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe I was ignored because I was a young Black woman,” Holder said, emphasizing that when at a hospital or applying for a loan at a bank, people are focused on skin color, not lineage. “No one asked me if my ancestors were enslaved in the United States. All they saw was my black skin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheryl Grills wondered how easy it would be to determine lineage, and whether the task force would be excluding people who can’t establish their lineage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t trace your family ancestry to enslaved Africans, what does that mean, for example, for scores of Black children in the child welfare system who probably can’t trace anything back more than a generation?” said Grills, a Loyola Marymount University professor who focuses on racial stress and trauma as well as implicit bias and community healing, at the February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hollis Gentry, a genealogy specialist at the National Museum of African American History and Culture Library, said information is sometimes relatively quick to find, while other times it can take a very long time. Gentry began looking at her own family history in 1976 and is still uncovering connections today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The eligibility criteria is going to determine how you approach it,” she said. “If you’re looking at a solely lineage-based approach where they have to establish that they do, in fact, descend from someone who was enslaved, that’s going to require a lot of research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not impossible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From Here to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-First Century,” a book by A. Kirsten Mullen and William A. Darity Jr., is frequently mentioned in task force meetings. The book suggests that requirements for reparations on the federal level include two aspects of eligibility: tracing an ancestor back to chattel slavery, and self-identifying as Black Negro or African American on the census for 10 to 12 years prior to the reparations program going into effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their two-pronged system is very simplistic, in my view,” said Khansa T. Jones-Muhammad, co-chair for the National Assembly of American Slavery Descendants. Instead, she would like to have a system that acknowledges the harms caused by certain laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Were your ancestors subject to the three-fifths compromise at the United States Constitutional Convention of 1787?” Jones-Muhammad asked. “Were your ancestors subject to the Casual Killing Act or fugitive slave law? Were your ancestors subject to convict leasing and Jim Crow laws? Were they subject to the Great Migration?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Assembly of American Slavery Descendants and the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, two organizations Jones-Muhammad has worked with, helped Weber with the language in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February the members seemed to agree there should be a special consideration for descendants of chattel slavery, as outlined in the bill, but appeared hesitant to make a definitive decision because of the potential impact on other reparations legislation, including HR 40, the federal reparations bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has repeatedly circled back to who would be eligible to receive cash payments. It’s uncertain how much money would be needed for such an endeavor. The task force has hired a team of economists to make calculations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others have suggested different forms of compensation, such as tax breaks, grant aid and tuition waivers for students. Task force member Reggie Jones-Sawyer, a state Assemblymember, felt the committee should be having more expansive discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re talking about who’s getting the money,” he said. “We should be talking about how we’re going to take care of our people from this day forward. And how are we going to reverse all the harm? That should be the central question. We’re spending the money before we got it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "ICE Grants Reprieve to Incarcerated Man in California Prison Who Feared Deportation to Cambodia",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Vithea Yung was a teenager in Long Beach in the 1990s, he joined a gang. As a Cambodian refugee whose family was shattered by the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, it gave him a sense of security. But at 16, pursued by members of a rival gang, he fired a gun and killed someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung was tried as an adult, convicted of murder and sent to prison with a sentence of 35 years to life. Now 25 years on, the California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/bph/parole-suitability-hearings-overview/what-to-expect-after-a-parole-suitability-hearing/\">parole board has approved Yung’s release\u003c/a>, based on the work he’s done to rehabilitate himself and help fellow incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until late Friday, it seemed as if Yung faced the possibility of being released from prison only to be locked up again, this time by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Yung feared he’d be deported to Cambodia, a country his family fled when he was 3 years old. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Anoop Prasad, lawyer, Asian Law Caucus\"]‘As long as California is relying on ICE to act with decency and compassion, we have a problem, because ICE has a proven track record across administrations of acting with cruelty. We need a systemic solution.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for Yung, the stakes were high. In 2017, he suffered a spinal cord injury during a prison softball game and since then has been paralyzed from the neck down, requiring round-the-clock care and assistance with the basic functions of daily living. He lives in a skilled nursing facility in the Los Angeles area that’s under contract with the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Friday afternoon, an ICE spokesperson said that an immigration detainer, requesting California prison officials turn Yung over to ICE, had been dropped months earlier, on November 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson, who would not agree to be identified because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said ICE makes custody determinations on a case-by-case basis, “considering the merits and factors of each case while adhering to current agency priorities, guidelines and legal mandates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news came as a surprise to Yung’s supporters, who had held a rally in Los Angeles Friday morning calling on California officials not to cooperate with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re relieved it was dropped and he’s not going to be transferred to ICE and he’ll receive the care he needs after leaving prison,” said Anoop Prasad, Yung’s lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “But it’s such a nerve-racking process. It shouldn’t require community outrage and rallies to get ICE to step in and do the basic, humane thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has a policy of notifying incarcerated people if an immigration detainer is dropped, but that didn’t happen here. Even in recent weeks, Yung’s CDCR counselor had told him the hold was still on file, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through his sister, Yung said he won’t feel confident that ICE isn’t going to detain him until he sees it in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrants funneled from prison to ICE detention\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state prison system hands over hundreds of inmates to ICE each year. Between Jan. 1, 2020, and Nov. 30, 2021, the CDCR made 2,600 transfers to ICE, according to data obtained from the agency by the Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advocates say Yung’s case highlights an injustice: If he had been born in the U.S. or had become a naturalized U.S. citizen, then when he completed his sentence that would have settled his debt to society and he would go free. But as a lawful permanent resident, or “green card” holder, his felony record meant he could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s sister Terry Honoré said she was terrified at the thought that her quadriplegic brother could be sent to Cambodia to fend for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how that would work,” she said. “It was really scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also feared that Yung’s health could deteriorate in immigration detention, since ICE has been sued over inadequate care for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of medical neglect at baseline in ICE facilities is horrific,” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that given how seriously injured Yung is, there’s no plausible argument he could pose a danger to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Prisoner Support Committee and other advocacy groups are pushing for passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.iceoutofca.org/ca-values-act-sb54-408546.html\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, a bill in the state Senate that would block jail and prison officials from honoring ICE detainers for most inmates, like Yung, when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of people turned out for the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sg_chambita/status/1507435056456880128\">Los Angeles rally Friday\u003c/a> to push for that bill, AB 937, and support Yung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has until April 12 to review Yung’s parole. Unless he moves to block it, Yung will be released from prison and paroled to the care of his family. But advocates want Newsom to go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827617/state-lawmakers-urge-newsom-to-stop-transferring-people-in-prison-to-ice-in-pandemic\">stop transfers from California prisons to ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, CDCR press secretary Dana Simas said the prison system notifies ICE of anyone they’re holding who might be a foreign national. ICE then determines their immigration status and decides whether to put an immigration “hold” or detainer on the person. [aside postID=news_11827388]“CDCR responds to detainers from all law enforcement agencies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simas did not respond to requests for comment about Yung’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, another Cambodian refugee, Chanthon Bun, was released from San Quentin despite being told that ICE had a detainer for him. But neither ICE nor CDCR explained why \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827388/cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention\">he was not transferred to immigration detention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Should rehabilitation affect deportation decisions?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yung is proud of the work he did to become a better person in the two decades before his accident. He enrolled in prison support groups and restorative justice programs, pursued his high school diploma, became a teacher’s aide and joined sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tried to rehabilitate myself,” he said in a Zoom interview with KQED. “I took classes. I did everything that it took before I went to my parole board hearing. It shocked them a little bit because I did everything before they even asked me to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s efforts might have played a role in ICE’s decision to revoke the detainer, though the circumstances of that decision remain unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/news/guidelines-civilimmigrationlaw.pdf\">guidelines allowing ICE to use discretion\u003c/a> about whom to prioritize for detention and deportation. Mayorkas said ICE should focus on people who pose a “current threat” to national security, border security or public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/national-security/599216-judge-blocks-dhs-memo-narrowing-ice-deportation-focus\">federal judge in Ohio partially blocked that guidance\u003c/a>. U.S. District Court Judge Michael Newman, a Trump appointee, ruled the agency can’t ignore people whose criminal convictions subject them to mandatory detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Permanent residency isn’t ‘real permanence’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Yung’s family fled Cambodia’s killing fields, two older siblings died of starvation and both of his parents were locked up by the Khmer Rouge. When his mother got out, she and the children made their way to a refugee camp and eventually to California.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Terry Honoré, Vithea Yung's sister\"]‘We came here with the understanding that we escaped the war and we are American.’[/pullquote]Honoré said her parents didn’t understand that even though they became permanent residents, real permanence depended on becoming naturalized U.S. citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one ever explained that to us,” she said. “We came here with the understanding that we escaped the war and we are American. Our card says that we are legal residents, you know, permanent residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now she’s become a supporter of the Vision Act, hoping others don’t have to go through her brother’s experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said thousands of people — fully 10% of the state prison population — also are subject to ICE detainers, and few will get the attention Yung’s case has received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as California is relying on ICE to act with decency and compassion, we have a problem, because ICE has a proven track record across administrations of acting with cruelty,” he said. “We need a systemic solution.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Paralyzed in a prison softball accident, Vithea Yung feared he'd be turned over to immigration authorities, rather than released by California prison officials. But ICE now says it has dropped its request to detain him.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Vithea Yung was a teenager in Long Beach in the 1990s, he joined a gang. As a Cambodian refugee whose family was shattered by the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, it gave him a sense of security. But at 16, pursued by members of a rival gang, he fired a gun and killed someone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung was tried as an adult, convicted of murder and sent to prison with a sentence of 35 years to life. Now 25 years on, the California \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/bph/parole-suitability-hearings-overview/what-to-expect-after-a-parole-suitability-hearing/\">parole board has approved Yung’s release\u003c/a>, based on the work he’s done to rehabilitate himself and help fellow incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until late Friday, it seemed as if Yung faced the possibility of being released from prison only to be locked up again, this time by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Yung feared he’d be deported to Cambodia, a country his family fled when he was 3 years old. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for Yung, the stakes were high. In 2017, he suffered a spinal cord injury during a prison softball game and since then has been paralyzed from the neck down, requiring round-the-clock care and assistance with the basic functions of daily living. He lives in a skilled nursing facility in the Los Angeles area that’s under contract with the state prison system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Friday afternoon, an ICE spokesperson said that an immigration detainer, requesting California prison officials turn Yung over to ICE, had been dropped months earlier, on November 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson, who would not agree to be identified because he was not authorized to speak about the case, said ICE makes custody determinations on a case-by-case basis, “considering the merits and factors of each case while adhering to current agency priorities, guidelines and legal mandates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news came as a surprise to Yung’s supporters, who had held a rally in Los Angeles Friday morning calling on California officials not to cooperate with ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re relieved it was dropped and he’s not going to be transferred to ICE and he’ll receive the care he needs after leaving prison,” said Anoop Prasad, Yung’s lawyer with the Asian Law Caucus in San Francisco. “But it’s such a nerve-racking process. It shouldn’t require community outrage and rallies to get ICE to step in and do the basic, humane thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prasad said the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has a policy of notifying incarcerated people if an immigration detainer is dropped, but that didn’t happen here. Even in recent weeks, Yung’s CDCR counselor had told him the hold was still on file, Prasad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through his sister, Yung said he won’t feel confident that ICE isn’t going to detain him until he sees it in writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrants funneled from prison to ICE detention\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state prison system hands over hundreds of inmates to ICE each year. Between Jan. 1, 2020, and Nov. 30, 2021, the CDCR made 2,600 transfers to ICE, according to data obtained from the agency by the Asian Law Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And advocates say Yung’s case highlights an injustice: If he had been born in the U.S. or had become a naturalized U.S. citizen, then when he completed his sentence that would have settled his debt to society and he would go free. But as a lawful permanent resident, or “green card” holder, his felony record meant he could be deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s sister Terry Honoré said she was terrified at the thought that her quadriplegic brother could be sent to Cambodia to fend for himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t know how that would work,” she said. “It was really scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates also feared that Yung’s health could deteriorate in immigration detention, since ICE has been sued over inadequate care for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of medical neglect at baseline in ICE facilities is horrific,” said Prasad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that given how seriously injured Yung is, there’s no plausible argument he could pose a danger to society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Asian Prisoner Support Committee and other advocacy groups are pushing for passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.iceoutofca.org/ca-values-act-sb54-408546.html\">Vision Act\u003c/a>, a bill in the state Senate that would block jail and prison officials from honoring ICE detainers for most inmates, like Yung, when they’re released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of people turned out for the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sg_chambita/status/1507435056456880128\">Los Angeles rally Friday\u003c/a> to push for that bill, AB 937, and support Yung.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom has until April 12 to review Yung’s parole. Unless he moves to block it, Yung will be released from prison and paroled to the care of his family. But advocates want Newsom to go further and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827617/state-lawmakers-urge-newsom-to-stop-transferring-people-in-prison-to-ice-in-pandemic\">stop transfers from California prisons to ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, CDCR press secretary Dana Simas said the prison system notifies ICE of anyone they’re holding who might be a foreign national. ICE then determines their immigration status and decides whether to put an immigration “hold” or detainer on the person. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“CDCR responds to detainers from all law enforcement agencies,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simas did not respond to requests for comment about Yung’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, another Cambodian refugee, Chanthon Bun, was released from San Quentin despite being told that ICE had a detainer for him. But neither ICE nor CDCR explained why \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11827388/cambodian-refugee-leaves-san-quentin-with-covid-19-but-avoids-ice-detention\">he was not transferred to immigration detention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Should rehabilitation affect deportation decisions?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yung is proud of the work he did to become a better person in the two decades before his accident. He enrolled in prison support groups and restorative justice programs, pursued his high school diploma, became a teacher’s aide and joined sports teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I tried to rehabilitate myself,” he said in a Zoom interview with KQED. “I took classes. I did everything that it took before I went to my parole board hearing. It shocked them a little bit because I did everything before they even asked me to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yung’s efforts might have played a role in ICE’s decision to revoke the detainer, though the circumstances of that decision remain unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/doclib/news/guidelines-civilimmigrationlaw.pdf\">guidelines allowing ICE to use discretion\u003c/a> about whom to prioritize for detention and deportation. Mayorkas said ICE should focus on people who pose a “current threat” to national security, border security or public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on Tuesday, a \u003ca href=\"https://thehill.com/policy/national-security/599216-judge-blocks-dhs-memo-narrowing-ice-deportation-focus\">federal judge in Ohio partially blocked that guidance\u003c/a>. U.S. District Court Judge Michael Newman, a Trump appointee, ruled the agency can’t ignore people whose criminal convictions subject them to mandatory detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Permanent residency isn’t ‘real permanence’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Yung’s family fled Cambodia’s killing fields, two older siblings died of starvation and both of his parents were locked up by the Khmer Rouge. When his mother got out, she and the children made their way to a refugee camp and eventually to California.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Response to War in Ukraine\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, President Joe Biden traveled to Europe for emergency summits with other world leaders. He announced plans to ship liquified natural gas to Europe to reduce dependence on Russian oil and gas as well as more sanctions. We get reaction from California Congressmember Adam Schiff, D-Burbank, on how the U.S. is responding to the conflict in Ukraine.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>California Cryptocurrency Bill\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What if you could pay your state taxes using digital money? Colorado Gov. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jared Polis says his state will begin to accept cryptocurrency payments for state taxes and fees as early as this summer. Here\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in the Golden State\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Sydney Kamlager has introduced a bill that aims to do something similar. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Sydney Kamlager, D-Los Angeles\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed an $11 billion package to offset the burden of gas prices that have been rising over the past several weeks. His plan would send up to two $400 payments to registered vehicle owners and includes grants and reduced fares for public transit users. We also discuss international attempts to regulate high-tech companies, and the Los Angeles mayor’s race.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy B. White, Politico California politics reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachael Myrow, KQED Silicon Valley News Desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Happy Hollow Park and Zoo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this week’s Something Beautiful, we visit Happy Hollow, a small zoo and amusement park in San Jose that features rides for young children.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Response to War in Ukraine\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, President Joe Biden traveled to Europe for emergency summits with other world leaders. He announced plans to ship liquified natural gas to Europe to reduce dependence on Russian oil and gas as well as more sanctions. We get reaction from California Congressmember Adam Schiff, D-Burbank, on how the U.S. is responding to the conflict in Ukraine.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>California Cryptocurrency Bill\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What if you could pay your state taxes using digital money? Colorado Gov. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jared Polis says his state will begin to accept cryptocurrency payments for state taxes and fees as early as this summer. Here\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in the Golden State\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Sydney Kamlager has introduced a bill that aims to do something similar. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">State Sen. Sydney Kamlager, D-Los Angeles\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This week, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed an $11 billion package to offset the burden of gas prices that have been rising over the past several weeks. His plan would send up to two $400 payments to registered vehicle owners and includes grants and reduced fares for public transit users. We also discuss international attempts to regulate high-tech companies, and the Los Angeles mayor’s race.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jeremy B. White, Politico California politics reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachael Myrow, KQED Silicon Valley News Desk senior editor\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Happy Hollow Park and Zoo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this week’s Something Beautiful, we visit Happy Hollow, a small zoo and amusement park in San Jose that features rides for young children.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Bail Bonds Companies Failed to Reveal Full Consequences of Co-Signing, Lawsuits Say",
"title": "Bail Bonds Companies Failed to Reveal Full Consequences of Co-Signing, Lawsuits Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>Building on a court victory from late last year, the law firm Edelson PC has filed suits against two of the largest bail bonds companies in California, \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523671/10-medina-v-two-jinn-20220323.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523671/10-medina-v-two-jinn-20220323.pdf\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Aladdin Bail Bonds\u003c/a> and \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523678/2022-03-23-0001-complaint-against-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc-filing-fee-402-receipt-number-acandc-17018274-filed-bradley-v-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523678/2022-03-23-0001-complaint-against-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc-filing-fee-402-receipt-number-acandc-17018274-filed-bradley-v-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc.pdf\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">All-Pro Bail Bonds\u003c/a>. Edelson has proposed that both be \u003ca href=\"https://edelson.com/california-bail-bonds\">expanded into class actions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filings seek to void existing contracts and seek restitution in the form of refunds for people who’ve co-signed bail bond contracts without getting state-mandated notices that make clear what that obligation entails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yaman Salahi, a partner at Edelson’s San Francisco office, told KQED that the contracts could affect a co-signer’s credit, while also exposing them to lawsuits and wage garnishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those notices would have explained to people the consequences of co-signing, including that the bail bond companies could come after them for the balance of those loans, even without going to the person who had been arrested first,” Salahi added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/bbbb-bonding-corp-v-caldwell\">2021 California appellate court decision\u003c/a>, people who co-sign bail bonds are entering into a consumer credit loan contract and are protected by \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-civil-code/division-3-obligations/part-4-obligations-arising-from-particular-transactions/title-185-consumer-credit-contracts/section-179991-notice-to-cosignor\">a part of California consumer protection law\u003c/a> that mandates creditors provide notices that make clear to people what they are liable for when they co-sign on a debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week's filings ask that bail contracts where the co-signer wasn’t provided this documentation be declared invalid and unenforceable. The filings also seek restitution in the form of refunds for people who were affected by this practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s very common for people who get arrested to not have even close to the amount they’d need to post bail — especially in California, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/pretrial-detention-and-jail-capacity-in-california/#:~:text=Part%20of%20the%20difference%20in,nation%20(less%20than%20%2410%2C000)\">research shows the state’s median bail amount is $50,000\u003c/a>. That’s more than five times the median in the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get around this, bail bonds companies will charge a nonrefundable premium to secure the rest of the loan. But many people can’t afford even \u003cem>those\u003c/em> premium charges, which could still be several thousand dollars. Instead, people can put a small amount down and then commit to a payment plan for the rest of the premium. As part of the payment plan, incarcerated folks are required to have a co-signer — basically a guarantor on a loan — and a lot of times friends or family members serve as guarantors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'They knew that I couldn't afford it'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Sherrie Lewis-Sonza’s son was arrested a few years ago, she agreed to co-sign his bond with All-Pro Bail Bonds, a company that has more than 20 locations throughout the state and offers a 20% discount to union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don't recall how much the bail bond was, but it was huge, and they knew that I couldn’t afford it,” Lewis-Sonza, 45, said. “But they still did it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Yaman Salahi, partner, Edelson PC\"]'Cash bail is racist. It's classist. It punishes people simply because they’re poor.'[/pullquote]She lives in subsidized housing in San Francisco, and said the bail payments cost her $300 per month. She has a fixed income, living off the $900 she gets from disability and Social Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after co-signing on her son's All-Pro bond, she ended up signing onto another one after he was arrested again, this time with Aladdin Bail Bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What a lot of co-signers like Lewis-Sonza don’t realize, Salahi said, is that bail bonds companies will come after them for the bail debts, even before seeking payment from the person who’s been arrested — and even if that person is no longer incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is one of the areas where providing an explanatory notice of liabilities could make a big difference in whether people decide to co-sign or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They tend to go after the co-signers because they view those people as more creditworthy and able to pay,” Salahi said. “Many bail agents are very aggressive in trying to collect. And so people start receiving harassing phone calls, letters in the mail, phone calls at work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is exactly what happened to Lewis-Sonza, even though she said her son was released within a week of his arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was out at the time and they were still harassing us. They didn’t mess with him,” Lewis-Sonza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debt burden stretched across her extended family. Not only did the company’s debt collectors dig up her grandmother’s information and start calling her, but the premium costs got so unaffordable for Lewis-Sonza that her brother and her son’s girlfriend also ended up co-signing. At one point, the bond companies also were garnishing the girlfriend’s wages, Lewis-Sonza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An important reminder here: The bail bond premium fee, which is usually 10% of full bail, is nonrefundable. So that’s a debt that will be owed even if the person who’s been arrested shows up in court or gets released.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>People of color bear disproportionate impact\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535497/report-bail-hits-people-of-color-hard-strips-15-million-a-year-from-s-f-residents\">2017 study\u003c/a> showed that bail bonds cost San Francisco residents at least $15 million a year, and that most of the time the people paying these fees are women of color. People of color are disproportionately affected by bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are already talking about a population that is being targeted because they are economically vulnerable,” Salahi said. “They’re not in a position to pay out of pocket, and they're not in a position to post bail in some other way other than working through a bail agent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11535497 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS25858_0M6A3565-qut-1038x576.jpg']And there can be vulnerabilities outside just financial strain that co-signers are coping with as they navigate the burdens of bail debt. Rio Scharf runs the \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/get-assistance/bail-clinic/\">Bail Clinic\u003c/a>, a service offered by the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights in San Francisco to help people navigate the bail system. Scharf said the clinic has helped several clients who ended up in bail bond debt as a result of relationships involving domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes our clients were in violent relationships, and when their partner was arrested, either for violence against them or for some other act, they [felt] coerced into co-signing on behalf of that partner,” Scharf explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scharf also has had clients “who finally defended themselves against an abusive partner [and] were then arrested for that act of self-defense and are now shouldering debt from that arrest and the bail bond they had to secure to get themselves released from jail.” In some cases, Scharf said, the debts must still be repaid even if charges were never pressed against them or their case was subsequently dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights was one of several legal groups that raised the concerns that resulted in the 2021 ruling, which reaffirmed that bail bonds companies are, in fact, required to issue explanatory documentation to co-signers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working in conjunction with other pro bono legal support, Scharf and the Bail Clinic have been able to eliminate over $23,000 of Lewis-Sonza’s debt and secured a refund of more than $11,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people go through it every day and don't know it. And I was just so lucky to come across them,” Lewis-Sonza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Scharf, between the All-Pro and Aladdin bonds, the combined premiums added up to $35,000. This means the combined full bail amounts were at least $350,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salahi and Scharf see these co-signer issues as just a microcosm of a larger flawed system: cash bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the efforts of various people have demonstrated over the past several years is that cash bail is racist. It's classist. It punishes people simply because they’re poor,” Salahi said. “It’s not effective in making sure that people show up for their trial dates or in keeping communities safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11866532 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/03/RS45504_013_KQED_SanFrancisco_BailBonds_10282020-qut-1020x680.jpg']Last year, the California Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/29/982417595/california-does-away-with-cash-bail-for-those-who-cant-afford-it\">decided to begin factoring in peoples’ financial standings when it came to setting bail\u003c/a>, but it’s too soon to tell how uniformly it will be enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salahi sees this week’s filings as one way to help lift some financial burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These lawsuits are just one piece of a broader effort to scrutinize this industry, as well as the practice of cash bail. And hopefully change things so that we are in a more equitable situation when it comes to the criminal justice system in California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A press contact for the American Bail Coalition said its spokesperson was not familiar with the practices at issue in this story and therefore unable to comment. The California Bail Agents Association also had no comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither Aladdin Bail Bonds nor All-Pro Bail Bonds returned KQED’s calls requesting comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Bail bond co-signers are on the hook for huge bills. Two proposed class-action suits filed this week seek refunds for Californians who co-signed contracts without getting state-mandated notices that make clear what that obligation entails.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Building on a court victory from late last year, the law firm Edelson PC has filed suits against two of the largest bail bonds companies in California, \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523671/10-medina-v-two-jinn-20220323.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523671/10-medina-v-two-jinn-20220323.pdf\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">Aladdin Bail Bonds\u003c/a> and \u003ca class=\"c-link\" href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523678/2022-03-23-0001-complaint-against-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc-filing-fee-402-receipt-number-acandc-17018274-filed-bradley-v-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" data-stringify-link=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/21523678/2022-03-23-0001-complaint-against-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc-filing-fee-402-receipt-number-acandc-17018274-filed-bradley-v-all-pro-bail-bonds-inc.pdf\" data-sk=\"tooltip_parent\" data-remove-tab-index=\"true\">All-Pro Bail Bonds\u003c/a>. Edelson has proposed that both be \u003ca href=\"https://edelson.com/california-bail-bonds\">expanded into class actions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The filings seek to void existing contracts and seek restitution in the form of refunds for people who’ve co-signed bail bond contracts without getting state-mandated notices that make clear what that obligation entails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yaman Salahi, a partner at Edelson’s San Francisco office, told KQED that the contracts could affect a co-signer’s credit, while also exposing them to lawsuits and wage garnishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those notices would have explained to people the consequences of co-signing, including that the bail bond companies could come after them for the balance of those loans, even without going to the person who had been arrested first,” Salahi added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/bbbb-bonding-corp-v-caldwell\">2021 California appellate court decision\u003c/a>, people who co-sign bail bonds are entering into a consumer credit loan contract and are protected by \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/statute/california-codes/california-civil-code/division-3-obligations/part-4-obligations-arising-from-particular-transactions/title-185-consumer-credit-contracts/section-179991-notice-to-cosignor\">a part of California consumer protection law\u003c/a> that mandates creditors provide notices that make clear to people what they are liable for when they co-sign on a debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week's filings ask that bail contracts where the co-signer wasn’t provided this documentation be declared invalid and unenforceable. The filings also seek restitution in the form of refunds for people who were affected by this practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s very common for people who get arrested to not have even close to the amount they’d need to post bail — especially in California, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/pretrial-detention-and-jail-capacity-in-california/#:~:text=Part%20of%20the%20difference%20in,nation%20(less%20than%20%2410%2C000)\">research shows the state’s median bail amount is $50,000\u003c/a>. That’s more than five times the median in the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get around this, bail bonds companies will charge a nonrefundable premium to secure the rest of the loan. But many people can’t afford even \u003cem>those\u003c/em> premium charges, which could still be several thousand dollars. Instead, people can put a small amount down and then commit to a payment plan for the rest of the premium. As part of the payment plan, incarcerated folks are required to have a co-signer — basically a guarantor on a loan — and a lot of times friends or family members serve as guarantors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'They knew that I couldn't afford it'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Sherrie Lewis-Sonza’s son was arrested a few years ago, she agreed to co-sign his bond with All-Pro Bail Bonds, a company that has more than 20 locations throughout the state and offers a 20% discount to union members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don't recall how much the bail bond was, but it was huge, and they knew that I couldn’t afford it,” Lewis-Sonza, 45, said. “But they still did it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>She lives in subsidized housing in San Francisco, and said the bail payments cost her $300 per month. She has a fixed income, living off the $900 she gets from disability and Social Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year after co-signing on her son's All-Pro bond, she ended up signing onto another one after he was arrested again, this time with Aladdin Bail Bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What a lot of co-signers like Lewis-Sonza don’t realize, Salahi said, is that bail bonds companies will come after them for the bail debts, even before seeking payment from the person who’s been arrested — and even if that person is no longer incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is one of the areas where providing an explanatory notice of liabilities could make a big difference in whether people decide to co-sign or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They tend to go after the co-signers because they view those people as more creditworthy and able to pay,” Salahi said. “Many bail agents are very aggressive in trying to collect. And so people start receiving harassing phone calls, letters in the mail, phone calls at work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is exactly what happened to Lewis-Sonza, even though she said her son was released within a week of his arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was out at the time and they were still harassing us. They didn’t mess with him,” Lewis-Sonza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debt burden stretched across her extended family. Not only did the company’s debt collectors dig up her grandmother’s information and start calling her, but the premium costs got so unaffordable for Lewis-Sonza that her brother and her son’s girlfriend also ended up co-signing. At one point, the bond companies also were garnishing the girlfriend’s wages, Lewis-Sonza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An important reminder here: The bail bond premium fee, which is usually 10% of full bail, is nonrefundable. So that’s a debt that will be owed even if the person who’s been arrested shows up in court or gets released.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>People of color bear disproportionate impact\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11535497/report-bail-hits-people-of-color-hard-strips-15-million-a-year-from-s-f-residents\">2017 study\u003c/a> showed that bail bonds cost San Francisco residents at least $15 million a year, and that most of the time the people paying these fees are women of color. People of color are disproportionately affected by bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are already talking about a population that is being targeted because they are economically vulnerable,” Salahi said. “They’re not in a position to pay out of pocket, and they're not in a position to post bail in some other way other than working through a bail agent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And there can be vulnerabilities outside just financial strain that co-signers are coping with as they navigate the burdens of bail debt. Rio Scharf runs the \u003ca href=\"https://lccrsf.org/get-assistance/bail-clinic/\">Bail Clinic\u003c/a>, a service offered by the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights in San Francisco to help people navigate the bail system. Scharf said the clinic has helped several clients who ended up in bail bond debt as a result of relationships involving domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes our clients were in violent relationships, and when their partner was arrested, either for violence against them or for some other act, they [felt] coerced into co-signing on behalf of that partner,” Scharf explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scharf also has had clients “who finally defended themselves against an abusive partner [and] were then arrested for that act of self-defense and are now shouldering debt from that arrest and the bail bond they had to secure to get themselves released from jail.” In some cases, Scharf said, the debts must still be repaid even if charges were never pressed against them or their case was subsequently dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights was one of several legal groups that raised the concerns that resulted in the 2021 ruling, which reaffirmed that bail bonds companies are, in fact, required to issue explanatory documentation to co-signers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working in conjunction with other pro bono legal support, Scharf and the Bail Clinic have been able to eliminate over $23,000 of Lewis-Sonza’s debt and secured a refund of more than $11,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people go through it every day and don't know it. And I was just so lucky to come across them,” Lewis-Sonza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Scharf, between the All-Pro and Aladdin bonds, the combined premiums added up to $35,000. This means the combined full bail amounts were at least $350,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salahi and Scharf see these co-signer issues as just a microcosm of a larger flawed system: cash bail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the efforts of various people have demonstrated over the past several years is that cash bail is racist. It's classist. It punishes people simply because they’re poor,” Salahi said. “It’s not effective in making sure that people show up for their trial dates or in keeping communities safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last year, the California Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/29/982417595/california-does-away-with-cash-bail-for-those-who-cant-afford-it\">decided to begin factoring in peoples’ financial standings when it came to setting bail\u003c/a>, but it’s too soon to tell how uniformly it will be enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salahi sees this week’s filings as one way to help lift some financial burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These lawsuits are just one piece of a broader effort to scrutinize this industry, as well as the practice of cash bail. And hopefully change things so that we are in a more equitable situation when it comes to the criminal justice system in California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A press contact for the American Bail Coalition said its spokesperson was not familiar with the practices at issue in this story and therefore unable to comment. The California Bail Agents Association also had no comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither Aladdin Bail Bonds nor All-Pro Bail Bonds returned KQED’s calls requesting comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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