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"content": "\u003cp>This year's tax day marks a historic event for one group of Americans: April 18 will be the first time that every married same-sex couple in the country can file both their federal and state taxes together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's something Colleen and Linda Squires have been waiting for a long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They met in Boston in November 1986 and held a commitment ceremony in 1992. They waited until 2004 — 12 years — before Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We totally picked the right state to be in,\" Linda says. \"You know, it's not something I ever thought I would see in my lifetime.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant that they could file their Massachusetts state taxes, but not their federal taxes, as a married couple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast forward to 2012. The Squires moved to Michigan, where Colleen was called to serve as a pastor for a Unitarian church in Grand Rapids. Michigan did not recognize their Massachusetts marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was the person in the room that could actually perform weddings,\" Colleen recalls. \"But my marriage to Linda was not seen as a legal marriage in the state we lived in now.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Colleen and Linda were back to filing state and federal taxes as if they were single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/474074479/474185187\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But their status changed again in 2013, when the Supreme Court struck down the federal portions of the Defense of Marriage Act. That allowed same-sex couples to file federal taxes as would any married couple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they still couldn't file their Michigan state taxes together — until the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/06/26/417717613/supreme-court-rules-all-states-must-allow-same-sex-marriages\">legalized same-sex marriage across the land\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So this tax day is the first time in nearly 30 years together they can actually file as a married couple for both federal and state taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It meant a lot, Colleen says. \"It's acknowledgement or treating us equally,\" she says. \"We've been together for so long. It was feeling like we were respected.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are thousands of married same-sex couples for whom this tax year is a major step toward simplicity — before 2015, filing taxes was a real nightmare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if a couple lived in a state that did not recognize their marriage, a same-sex couple would have to file one federal return as married and two separate state returns as if they were single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because some state returns were based on the information given to the feds, a same-sex couple also would have to draw up two mock federal returns as if they were single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The entire process was so frustrating and nonsensical,\" says Robin Maril, a tax policy expert and senior legislative counsel for the Human Rights Campaign, which is based in Washington, D.C. Maril's wife teaches tax law and does their taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would definitely come home from work and she would be almost in tears,\" Maril says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now same-sex couples face some of the same decisions as heterosexual couples. For instance, what happens when filing jointly pushes you into a higher tax bracket?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That happened to David Lantrip and his husband in Houston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was a little bit of a surprise to both of us,\" Lantrip says about discovering that filing jointly as a married couple meant paying higher taxes. They weren't happy about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lantrip says it's a small price for the legal protections of marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The peace of mind and the satisfaction is really what was important,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now couples can also file amended tax returns for a state refund reaching back three years. But as with many tax-related issues, it's best to consult an expert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=For+Same-Sex+Married+Couples+In+America%2C+A+Historic+Tax+Day&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast forward to 2012. The Squires moved to Michigan, where Colleen was called to serve as a pastor for a Unitarian church in Grand Rapids. Michigan did not recognize their Massachusetts marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I was the person in the room that could actually perform weddings,\" Colleen recalls. \"But my marriage to Linda was not seen as a legal marriage in the state we lived in now.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Colleen and Linda were back to filing state and federal taxes as if they were single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/474074479/474185187\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But their status changed again in 2013, when the Supreme Court struck down the federal portions of the Defense of Marriage Act. That allowed same-sex couples to file federal taxes as would any married couple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they still couldn't file their Michigan state taxes together — until the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/06/26/417717613/supreme-court-rules-all-states-must-allow-same-sex-marriages\">legalized same-sex marriage across the land\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So this tax day is the first time in nearly 30 years together they can actually file as a married couple for both federal and state taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It meant a lot, Colleen says. \"It's acknowledgement or treating us equally,\" she says. \"We've been together for so long. It was feeling like we were respected.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are thousands of married same-sex couples for whom this tax year is a major step toward simplicity — before 2015, filing taxes was a real nightmare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if a couple lived in a state that did not recognize their marriage, a same-sex couple would have to file one federal return as married and two separate state returns as if they were single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And because some state returns were based on the information given to the feds, a same-sex couple also would have to draw up two mock federal returns as if they were single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The entire process was so frustrating and nonsensical,\" says Robin Maril, a tax policy expert and senior legislative counsel for the Human Rights Campaign, which is based in Washington, D.C. Maril's wife teaches tax law and does their taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would definitely come home from work and she would be almost in tears,\" Maril says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now same-sex couples face some of the same decisions as heterosexual couples. For instance, what happens when filing jointly pushes you into a higher tax bracket?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That happened to David Lantrip and his husband in Houston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was a little bit of a surprise to both of us,\" Lantrip says about discovering that filing jointly as a married couple meant paying higher taxes. They weren't happy about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lantrip says it's a small price for the legal protections of marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The peace of mind and the satisfaction is really what was important,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now couples can also file amended tax returns for a state refund reaching back three years. But as with many tax-related issues, it's best to consult an expert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=For+Same-Sex+Married+Couples+In+America%2C+A+Historic+Tax+Day&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>LOS ANGELES -- The city's Police Commission says the fatal officer-involved shooting of an unarmed homeless man near the Venice boardwalk last year was unjustified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police say Officer Clifford Proctor and a partner tried to detain Brendon Glenn, 29, after reports that he had been harassing people and they saw him in an altercation with a bar bouncer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proctor shot Glenn twice as the man lay on the ground, saying he opened fire after Glenn grabbed his partner's holster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But video from the bar security camera contradicted the account, Chief Charlie Beck said in a report to the commission. Investigators concluded that Glenn was on his stomach trying to push himself up when Proctor shot him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beck has recommended the officer face criminal charges. It is the first time Beck has done so in connection with more than 100 fatal police shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A call to Proctor's attorney, Lawrence Hanna, seeking comment wasn't immediately returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glenn's family has sued over the death in state and federal courts. The suits allege that Glenn was leaving when officers grabbed him without justification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suits also contend that the police chief failed to adequately discipline his officers, \"creating a culture of impunity within the LAPD that encourages such violence and incidents of unreasonable force against the public.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Santa Clara County Supervisors Unanimously Approve Jail Reforms",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors has unanimously accepted recommendations from a group tasked with evaluating county jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include appointing an inspector general to provide independent jail oversight, and a major overhaul in the inmate grievance and complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Blue Ribbon Commission on Improving Custody Operations was formed in response to last year's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/29/two-mentally-ill-inmates-died-one-month-in-santa-clara\" target=\"_blank\">death of Michael Tyree\u003c/a>, a mentally ill inmate who was held in San Jose. Three jail deputies have been charged with Tyree's murder and face trial. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/29/two-mentally-ill-inmates-died-one-month-in-santa-clara\" target=\"_blank\">A KQED investigation\u003c/a> found that correctional officers fired pepper spray, tear gas and plastic projectiles at another mentally ill man less than a month after Tyree's death.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=\"bEi5Z9Io7REos2vXhIoGV8omh2trxQvh\"]\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://sccgov.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_Meeting.aspx?ID=7189\" target=\"_blank\">Recommendations to improve Santa Clara County's\u003c/a> troubled jails were presented to the Board of Supervisors Tuesday in a dramatic scorched-earth fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaDoris Cordell — chairwoman of the independent Blue Ribbon Commission on Improving Custody Operations — compared the jails with a defective crashing plane, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_29596821/sheriff-laurie-smith-lashes-out-at-jail-commission\">Santa Clara County Sheriff\u003c/a> Laurie Smith as the pilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because on the long descent, there was a pilot who was either indifferent or incompetent or a combination of both, and did not realize that this plane was headed to crash,\" said Cordell, a retired Superior Court judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe this is what happened with the jails. So while you may repair the jails and come up with a new and better operation, you still have a poor pilot. And the pilot, or whoever runs the jails, needs to be replaced.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell asked the supervisors for immediate action on taking custody and jail operations away from Smith and creating a separate agency to run them. The commission is not asking Smith to step down as sheriff -- a job she's held since 1998, when voters elected her the first female sheriff in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by many members of the Santa Clara County Sheriff's Department, Smith sat poker-faced during Cordell's presentation. The chairwoman accused Smith and the sheriff's department of everything from withholding information during the commission's investigation to data dumping. Cordell also made it clear she thought Smith was out of line in asking her for private emails, texts and communications under California's Public Records Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10927744\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10927744 size-thumbnail\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Sheriff Laurie Smith (R) leaves the Supervisor's meeting unruffled after being heavily criticized. \" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Laurie Smith (R) leaves the supervisors meeting unruffled after being heavily criticized. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Smith did not address the supervisors and left after Cordell's presentation and before public testimony. Appearing unfazed but determined outside the supervisors' chambers, Smith told reporters the commission's recommendations are great.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're moving forward with reforms. I think that we will get there,\" said Smith. \"Let's wait for the National Institute of Corrections report. I think they'll put a lot of things in perspective. They are the national experts that review jail operations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report is expected to be released next week. When asked if she is still planning on running for re-election in 2018 Smith said, \"I'm not a quitter. I want to see the changes go through.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell is also asking the supervisors for swift action on creating and financing an Office of Inspector General of the Jails. The inspector general would provide independent oversight of jail operations but not run the jails. Smith said that is part of her sweeping jail reform plan and she has no problem with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These were part of more than 100 recommendations the blue-ribbon commission has been working on. They are now in the hands of the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors for action. The commission was established after three correctional guards allegedly beat to death mentally ill inmate Michael Tyree in August 2015. \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_29590450/live-updates-santa-clara-county-jail-guard-hearing\">The guards are now scheduled to stand trial for his murder.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors unanimously accepted the recommendations, ranging from improving the grievance procedure for inmates to a stronger use-of-force policy for correctional officers. The commission has been working on them for months and they will now be scrutinized by the finance and government operations committee chaired by Supervisor Joe Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former California senator said there needs to be a reality check about the authority the supervisors have to remove control of jail operations from the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've [county] got an existing contract with the sheriff, we've got a charter that has been voter approved and we've got state law that provides certain limitations on the county as distinct from the authority of the sheriff,\" said Simitian. \"We're going to have to work our way through all those to see if we can't get to a better model that provides more oversight, more accountability and a better result.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors has unanimously accepted recommendations from a group tasked with evaluating county jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include appointing an inspector general to provide independent jail oversight, and a major overhaul in the inmate grievance and complaint process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Blue Ribbon Commission on Improving Custody Operations was formed in response to last year's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/29/two-mentally-ill-inmates-died-one-month-in-santa-clara\" target=\"_blank\">death of Michael Tyree\u003c/a>, a mentally ill inmate who was held in San Jose. Three jail deputies have been charged with Tyree's murder and face trial. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/29/two-mentally-ill-inmates-died-one-month-in-santa-clara\" target=\"_blank\">A KQED investigation\u003c/a> found that correctional officers fired pepper spray, tear gas and plastic projectiles at another mentally ill man less than a month after Tyree's death.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://sccgov.iqm2.com/Citizens/Detail_Meeting.aspx?ID=7189\" target=\"_blank\">Recommendations to improve Santa Clara County's\u003c/a> troubled jails were presented to the Board of Supervisors Tuesday in a dramatic scorched-earth fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaDoris Cordell — chairwoman of the independent Blue Ribbon Commission on Improving Custody Operations — compared the jails with a defective crashing plane, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_29596821/sheriff-laurie-smith-lashes-out-at-jail-commission\">Santa Clara County Sheriff\u003c/a> Laurie Smith as the pilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because on the long descent, there was a pilot who was either indifferent or incompetent or a combination of both, and did not realize that this plane was headed to crash,\" said Cordell, a retired Superior Court judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We believe this is what happened with the jails. So while you may repair the jails and come up with a new and better operation, you still have a poor pilot. And the pilot, or whoever runs the jails, needs to be replaced.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell asked the supervisors for immediate action on taking custody and jail operations away from Smith and creating a separate agency to run them. The commission is not asking Smith to step down as sheriff -- a job she's held since 1998, when voters elected her the first female sheriff in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by many members of the Santa Clara County Sheriff's Department, Smith sat poker-faced during Cordell's presentation. The chairwoman accused Smith and the sheriff's department of everything from withholding information during the commission's investigation to data dumping. Cordell also made it clear she thought Smith was out of line in asking her for private emails, texts and communications under California's Public Records Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10927744\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10927744 size-thumbnail\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Sheriff Laurie Smith (R) leaves the Supervisor's meeting unruffled after being heavily criticized. \" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RS19111_FullSizeRender-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheriff Laurie Smith (R) leaves the supervisors meeting unruffled after being heavily criticized. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Smith did not address the supervisors and left after Cordell's presentation and before public testimony. Appearing unfazed but determined outside the supervisors' chambers, Smith told reporters the commission's recommendations are great.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're moving forward with reforms. I think that we will get there,\" said Smith. \"Let's wait for the National Institute of Corrections report. I think they'll put a lot of things in perspective. They are the national experts that review jail operations.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That report is expected to be released next week. When asked if she is still planning on running for re-election in 2018 Smith said, \"I'm not a quitter. I want to see the changes go through.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell is also asking the supervisors for swift action on creating and financing an Office of Inspector General of the Jails. The inspector general would provide independent oversight of jail operations but not run the jails. Smith said that is part of her sweeping jail reform plan and she has no problem with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These were part of more than 100 recommendations the blue-ribbon commission has been working on. They are now in the hands of the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors for action. The commission was established after three correctional guards allegedly beat to death mentally ill inmate Michael Tyree in August 2015. \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_29590450/live-updates-santa-clara-county-jail-guard-hearing\">The guards are now scheduled to stand trial for his murder.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors unanimously accepted the recommendations, ranging from improving the grievance procedure for inmates to a stronger use-of-force policy for correctional officers. The commission has been working on them for months and they will now be scrutinized by the finance and government operations committee chaired by Supervisor Joe Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former California senator said there needs to be a reality check about the authority the supervisors have to remove control of jail operations from the sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've [county] got an existing contract with the sheriff, we've got a charter that has been voter approved and we've got state law that provides certain limitations on the county as distinct from the authority of the sheriff,\" said Simitian. \"We're going to have to work our way through all those to see if we can't get to a better model that provides more oversight, more accountability and a better result.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "a-real-life-tax-scam-this-is-what-irs-phone-fraud-sounds-like",
"title": "A Real-Life Tax Hoax: This Is What IRS Phone Scam Sounds Like",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Internal Revenue Service says it’s seeing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/uac/Newsroom/Phone-Scams-Continue-to-be-a-Serious-Threat,-Remain-on-IRS-Dirty-Dozen-List-of-Tax-Scams-for-the-2016-Filing-Season\">surge\u003c/a> in phone scams. More than 5,000 victims have been duped out of $26.5 million since late 2013. It’s hard to know what exactly con artists are thinking when they target their victims. But now, we know what they are saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we get started, keep this in mind: The IRS says it doesn’t call about outstanding taxes without first mailing you a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pindrop Security, an Atlanta-based company that investigates phone fraud, recently gave NPR a recording. It’s a grueling conversation, more than an hour long, between an active fraud ring and a presumed victim, who is in reality a Pindrop researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pindrop set up honeypots — dummy phone numbers, some of which are entered into online raffles (win a free iPhone, anyone?) that are run by criminal rings. Pindrop has traced at least 28 fraud incidents to this specific ring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to phone metadata, the fake IRS call center is based in a Seattle suburb. But that could just be a proxy. Pindrop researchers say the ring is hard to pinpoint because it has tools to hide the physical location and the money trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the recording is a little hard to understand at times, it clearly illustrates how these scams, on a hunt for quick cash, exploit everyday resources like MoneyGram or Wal-Mart — and people’s deepest fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are five key parts of the recorded conversation between the fraudsters, posing as IRS agents, and the target, who is secretly a Pindrop researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>1. IRS Call Center\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>An unidentified “IRS” man speaks with “Emma Lauder” — a covert Pindrop researcher whose real name we cannot disclose because that would blow her cover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent tells Emma Lauder that his office has audited her taxes — from 2009 to 2014 — and there’s been a miscalculation. She owes money. The local authorities with an arrest warrant will come to her home any minute now. Her property will be seized, and she faces federal imprisonment of up to five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473860787\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not a fun call to get. But the punch line is how much she owes: $1,986.73. All of these threats are for an amount less than $2,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>2. Pay In Cash\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The call center operator wants cash. And he guides his target through what is clearly a routine drill, playing on fear and secrecy. He warns her to not disclose to anyone at work — not her boss, not anyone — that she is in trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473861503\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>3. At The ATM\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The fraudster tells the target that the federal government accepts only Western Union or MoneyGram and that she must pay at Wal-Mart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauder asks a clever question about how much cash, exactly, she should withdraw from the ATM, given that the machine gives only $20 bills and the amount she owes is specific to a cent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent’s response is, “Whatever, miss. It’s OK. Just take $1,980 or something like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473861044\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>4. Confirmation\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>She is told to make the payment to a man named Gabriel Porter in Boston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473860259\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>5. Getting Ugly\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The tone of the call really changes — from helpful to cruel — when the target confirms payment. She asks for a receipt and a few of the so-called IRS agents begin to taunt her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This section gets creepy. One man tells her “You can, you know, take a bath. Relax. Relax. Cold water. Cold water.” They refer to her private parts and tell her to go look in the toilet, find the receipt there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>WARNING\u003c/strong>: The following audio contains offensive language\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473861326\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Takeaway\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you get a strange message, one way to handle it is to not hand over information right away. Hang up and call the IRS directly at 800-829-1040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+Real-Life+Tax+Scam%3A+This+Is+What+IRS+Phone+Fraud+Sounds+Like&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Internal Revenue Service says it’s seeing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/uac/Newsroom/Phone-Scams-Continue-to-be-a-Serious-Threat,-Remain-on-IRS-Dirty-Dozen-List-of-Tax-Scams-for-the-2016-Filing-Season\">surge\u003c/a> in phone scams. More than 5,000 victims have been duped out of $26.5 million since late 2013. It’s hard to know what exactly con artists are thinking when they target their victims. But now, we know what they are saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before we get started, keep this in mind: The IRS says it doesn’t call about outstanding taxes without first mailing you a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pindrop Security, an Atlanta-based company that investigates phone fraud, recently gave NPR a recording. It’s a grueling conversation, more than an hour long, between an active fraud ring and a presumed victim, who is in reality a Pindrop researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pindrop set up honeypots — dummy phone numbers, some of which are entered into online raffles (win a free iPhone, anyone?) that are run by criminal rings. Pindrop has traced at least 28 fraud incidents to this specific ring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to phone metadata, the fake IRS call center is based in a Seattle suburb. But that could just be a proxy. Pindrop researchers say the ring is hard to pinpoint because it has tools to hide the physical location and the money trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the recording is a little hard to understand at times, it clearly illustrates how these scams, on a hunt for quick cash, exploit everyday resources like MoneyGram or Wal-Mart — and people’s deepest fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below are five key parts of the recorded conversation between the fraudsters, posing as IRS agents, and the target, who is secretly a Pindrop researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>1. IRS Call Center\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>An unidentified “IRS” man speaks with “Emma Lauder” — a covert Pindrop researcher whose real name we cannot disclose because that would blow her cover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent tells Emma Lauder that his office has audited her taxes — from 2009 to 2014 — and there’s been a miscalculation. She owes money. The local authorities with an arrest warrant will come to her home any minute now. Her property will be seized, and she faces federal imprisonment of up to five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473860787\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is not a fun call to get. But the punch line is how much she owes: $1,986.73. All of these threats are for an amount less than $2,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>2. Pay In Cash\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The call center operator wants cash. And he guides his target through what is clearly a routine drill, playing on fear and secrecy. He warns her to not disclose to anyone at work — not her boss, not anyone — that she is in trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473861503\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>3. At The ATM\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The fraudster tells the target that the federal government accepts only Western Union or MoneyGram and that she must pay at Wal-Mart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lauder asks a clever question about how much cash, exactly, she should withdraw from the ATM, given that the machine gives only $20 bills and the amount she owes is specific to a cent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agent’s response is, “Whatever, miss. It’s OK. Just take $1,980 or something like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473861044\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>4. Confirmation\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>She is told to make the payment to a man named Gabriel Porter in Boston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473860259\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>5. Getting Ugly\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The tone of the call really changes — from helpful to cruel — when the target confirms payment. She asks for a receipt and a few of the so-called IRS agents begin to taunt her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This section gets creepy. One man tells her “You can, you know, take a bath. Relax. Relax. Cold water. Cold water.” They refer to her private parts and tell her to go look in the toilet, find the receipt there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>WARNING\u003c/strong>: The following audio contains offensive language\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://www.npr.org/player/embed/473847620/473861326\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>A Takeaway\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you get a strange message, one way to handle it is to not hand over information right away. Hang up and call the IRS directly at 800-829-1040.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=A+Real-Life+Tax+Scam%3A+This+Is+What+IRS+Phone+Fraud+Sounds+Like&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco police have released sketches of two suspects in a February street robbery in which the victim, a British citizen who had relocated to Southern California, was fatally stabbed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police said a man and a woman attacked Paul Tam, 48, and his niece at about 8:30 p.m. on Feb. 18 as they walked on Post Street near Franklin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A video of the encounter released after Tam died in March shows the male suspect chasing Tam into the path of an oncoming car. The vehicle slowed to a stop as Tam struggled with his assailant, who apparently pushed him to the pavement behind the stopped car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://player.vimeo.com/video/160408330\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police say the male suspect stabbed Tam in the head and took his bag, which reportedly contained cash, credit cards, mobile phone and passport. The male assailant and his companion then fled the area on foot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homicide investigators on Monday released composite sketches of the suspects, along with \u003ca href=\"http://sanfranciscopolice.org/article/homicide-investigators-release-sketches-february-cathedral-hill-homicide-suspects\" target=\"_blank\">an appeal for the public's help\u003c/a> in finding them. Police have provided general descriptions of the suspects:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Black adult male approximately 5’10” with a heavy build last seen wearing a dark hoodie and blue jeans.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Black/mixed race adult female approximately 5’4”, small build with dreadlocks or braids.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Pablo Aguilar was waking up in his cell in \u003ca href=\"http://www.yolocounty.org/law-justice/probation/institutional-services/juvenile-detention-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yolo County’s juvenile hall\u003c/a> in rural Northern California one recent Sunday morning, a white minivan was making its way toward him, up Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dawn illuminated the tomato fields across the road from the jail, but the 16-year-old likely didn’t see that. The only window in Pablo’s cell — roughly 6 inches tall by 2 feet long — was positioned so high in the cinderblock wall that he would have needed to stand on his concrete bunk to peek out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the minivan, his mother, Evelyn, watched the farmland of the Central Valley turn rosy, then golden, as the sun crested the mountains to the east. Evelyn, 38, had driven a portion of the 400-mile journey from Los Angeles, but now Mario, a friend from church, was at the wheel. Evelyn’s mother, Albertina, was dozing in the back seat. (We’ve agreed not to use their last names, because Evelyn is undocumented.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the trio reached Sacramento, they stopped at an IHOP for breakfast before driving the last 20 minutes to the jail in Woodland. The pancake stop has become a ritual of the journey, which they make every three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We leave Los Angeles at 2 in the morning,” Evelyn told me. “It’s a night when we don’t sleep, because of all the anticipation about seeing Pablo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo has been held in immigration custody for more than 21 months. He had just turned 15 when he left El Salvador in the hope of finding a safe haven with his mother in California. He made it across the Rio Grande but wound up in the hands of the Border Patrol. That was in June of 2014. He’s been locked up ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258066702&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Children Fleeing Violence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo is one of more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">200,000 migrant kids\u003c/a> traveling without their parents who have been detained at the U.S.-Mexico border over the past five years. He’s part of a wave of Central American children fleeing violence, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP23-Gangs-Central-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criminal gangs in El Salvador and neighboring countries\u003c/a> have come to \u003ca href=\"http://lawg.org/action-center/lawg-blog/69-general/1579-el-salvadors-gang-violence-turf-wars-internal-battles-and-life-defined-by-invisible-borders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wield terrifying power\u003c/a> with impunity, and weak governments struggle to respond. That violence is a legacy of the civil wars of the 1980s, subsequent migrations to the United States and the deportation of gang members back to their home countries in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adults are picked up at the border, they are dealt with by the Department of Homeland Security. But unaccompanied children are turned over to a different agency, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/programs/ucs\">Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a>, in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. As the number of migrant kids has multiplied, ORR’s job has grown. In 2011, the agency took custody of 7,000 children. In 2014 it was 57,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924343\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924343\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png\" alt=\"Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"266\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-400x133.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-1180x393.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-960x320.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those kids spend about a month in a licensed ORR-funded shelter, and then they’re placed with a relative or another sponsor while they await their day in immigration court. But a small fraction — roughly 500 to 700 in any given year — are placed in jail-like settings: locked group homes or juvenile detention facilities, as Pablo has been. Those kids are held for two to three months, on average, but, like Pablo, some are detained much longer. Advocates say they become practically invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924330\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924330\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png\" alt=\"Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-400x225.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-1180x664.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-960x540.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for immigrant children say kids in ORR detention don’t have the legal protections they should. Many may be eligible for asylum or some other kind of protection. But \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/juvenile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of them don’t even have a lawyer\u003c/a>. And prolonged detention can be psychologically damaging, according to child advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-110hr7311enr/pdf/BILLS-110hr7311enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">By law\u003c/a>, children in immigration custody must be placed in the least restrictive setting that is in the best interest of the child. But they \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied-section-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">can be confined\u003c/a> if their behavior is disruptive or dangerous, if they’re considered an escape risk, if they have a criminal or delinquent history or if they’re merely suspected of criminal activity. Often that information is provided by the Border Patrol or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency that is handing the child over to ORR. But advocates for immigrant kids say ORR makes placement decisions behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn says the government hasn’t told her why it won’t release her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924032\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924032 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son Pablo when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend Mario is in the background of the photo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-400x371.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1920x1781.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1180x1094.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-960x890.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son, Pablo, when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend, Mario, is in the background of the photo. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Visiting Her Child\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother stepped out of the minivan into the parking lot of Yolo County’s juvenile hall, in sweatshirts and sneakers, a little bleary from the trip. They always arrive in Woodland early to maximize the visit. Evelyn showed me a stack of family photos she was bringing to Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn told me she came to the United States a decade ago, seeing no other option to support her children as a single parent than to follow her own mother to L.A. She said she left Pablo and his older brother, William, in the care of her sister in their town of San Juan Nonualco, an hour outside the capital. She sent money to support them from the housecleaning business she built in L.A.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”iZFAUJISIkRU4u8XQvN0zHZeKKt7Yll0″]\u003cbr>\nRed-winged blackbirds swooped along the fence row in Woodland and dogs barked at the Sheriff’s Department compound next door. But Evelyn’s mind was back in El Salvador. She told me about how her boys grew up with their cousins, attended a good school and played soccer. But the area where they lived grew sketchier after she left and gangs operated openly. The police were either intimidated or corrupted, she said. And teenagers were frequent targets of gang recruitment and coercion. Four years ago, something happened to William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“William was 16 when I lost him, the same age Pablo is now,” Evelyn said. “One weekend I was driving to work when my sister called and said she had something bad to tell me. … She said, ‘Here’s what happened to William. The gang took him.’ He was always trying to steer clear of them. But they forced him. They disappeared with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anguish, she added, “As a mother I have hope that one day someone will tell me if he’s alive or not. I’m still hoping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo became physically sick after is brother disappeared, Evelyn told me. But she wasn’t there to take care of him. Two years later, when Pablo reached high school, Evelyn said her sister told her he was not safe. So the boy headed north to avoid his brother’s fate. But he never reached his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in spite of her lack of immigration status, Evelyn walks right into the jail every three weeks in order to see her child and to finally have a chance to touch him. She and Albertina would have two hours in a family room with Pablo, followed by another two hours in the “no contact” visit area, speaking by phone with a glass partition between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn gathered up the things she can take inside the jail: the photographs, her ID and her Bible. They always start the visit with a prayer. She pressed a buzzer and spoke into the intercom. A guard ushered the women into the lobby, and waved a metal detector wand over them. I wasn’t permitted to join them, so I watched through the plate glass as Evelyn and her mother disappeared through a heavy door into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924042\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924042 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yolo County Chief Probation Officer Brent Cardall, and Victoria Blacksmith, the case manager in charge of immigrant children in Office of Refugee Resettlement custody, give a tour of the county's juvenile detention facility on Jan. 15, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility in Woodland, California, houses up to 30 immigrant children in secure confinement, part of a $4 million contract with the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside the Cell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On another day, I got an idea of what life is like for Pablo by visiting the facility with Brent Cardall, the Yolo County probation chief.\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He took me in through the “sally port,” the double set of steel doors, which are locked and unlocked remotely to prevent escape. He showed me the family room, where Evelyn visited with her son. And I saw a classroom, windowless but full of books, like the one where Pablo goes to school. Then we stepped into an empty cell, much like Pablo’s. It was about 8 feet by 12 feet, with a stainless steel toilet and sink, and that tiny window — what Cardall called “your normal cell-looking type of room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really proud of our juvenile hall,” he told me. “We have a lot of great things going on.” He showed me murals on the walls, and talked about the volunteers who come in to work with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facility does look like a jail, but we are trying to make it more homelike,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yolo County has a $4 million contract to house up to 30 juveniles for the Office of Refugee Resettlement. That revenue helps Cardall cover the cost of general Probation Department staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Working for Pablo’s Release\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles down the road from the juvenile hall is the UC Davis law school. Professor Holly Cooper runs the immigration law clinic, and she and her students are working to gain Pablo’s release. When I visited, law students were drafting legal briefs, case notes spread across conference tables. The files for another immigrant kid, a 2-foot-tall stack of paperwork, teetered beside Cooper’s computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper has devoted much of her career to minors in immigration custody, and her office walls are covered with artwork made by detained children. She told me Pablo has been transferred around the country by ORR so many times that no pro bono lawyer has had a chance to build a case for his release until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924051\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924051\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924051 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Pablo Aguilar's mother Evelyn meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-400x282.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1920x1355.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1180x832.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-960x677.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pablo Aguilar’s mother, Evelyn, meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles, on Feb. 8, 2016. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in McAllen, Texas, he’s been in Miami, Florida, he’s been in Virginia, he’s been in Portland, Oregon, and now he’s out here in California,” she said. Pablo has been housed in the Woodland facility since September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government did appoint a so-called child advocate from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://theyoungcenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights\u003c/a> to speak up for Pablo’s best interests. Cooper showed me the group’s recommendation: three times last year the advocate sent letters to ORR arguing that Pablo be released to his mom, or at least placed in a less restrictive shelter nearer Evelyn’s home. But ORR hasn’t acted. And Pablo is still locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the problem, say Cooper and other advocates, is that ORR makes decisions at internal meetings about where children are placed and whether they’re released. And ORR doesn’t recognize courts as a place where children can challenge their detention. The upshot is that kids like Pablo, who have not been charged with a crime, can be jailed indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without any judicial or third-party oversight, ORR is both the jailer and the person who decides whether the kid is getting out,” said Cooper. “That’s a really dangerous power dynamic that is developing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “secure” and “staff-secure” lockups may indeed be the right placement for some children. But Cooper and other lawyers say there’s no way to know without an open proceeding. They note that adults in immigration custody have more access to due process, because they have the right to go before an immigration judge to contest their detention and request release on bond. Children do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, says Jessica Jones, policy counsel at \u003ca href=\"http://lirs.org\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., children in other types of legal proceedings have more of a voice than kids in ORR confinement do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so disturbing about this whole process is that unlike the juvenile justice system, where you have the involvement of the child’s attorney and the child themselves, they are completely left out of the process,” said Jones. “The child may have a parent in the country and they are often completely left out of the decision-making process. … ORR should do better by children and be meeting basic child welfare standards in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, is charged with monitoring the government’s treatment of minors in immigration custody, as part of a two-decade-old legal agreement known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/immigrants/flores_v_meese_agreement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores Settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most advocates believe ORR is a better custodian than in the old days, before 2002, when detained migrant children were held by immigration agents. But Holguin, Jones, Cooper and other advocates around the country want better. They have been meeting with ORR officials, arguing for more transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process itself is completely opaque,” said Holguin. “Most times there’s no written decision at all. There’s great delay before the decisions are actually released. And there’s no opportunity for the juvenile or the proposed custodian to review the evidence that the federal government is relying on to maintain the juvenile in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ORR Official Speaks Out\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of requesting an interview, I finally got to speak with the person who oversees ORR’s unaccompanied children’s program: Bobbie Gregg, the deputy director for children’s services in the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg emphasized that the safety of children is her first priority. She said all children are assessed when they first arrive, and every 30 days that they’re in custody. The agency monitors the physical health and mental health of children and provides them with a legal orientation. And it posts \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">its policies\u003c/a> on its website in detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I asked Gregg about the lack of a system for children to challenge their detention, she told me instead about how parents or others who have been turned down as sponsors can appeal that decision to higher-ups within the agency. In Evelyn’s case, there’s nothing she can appeal, because ORR has still not made a decision on her fitness as a sponsor for Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsor can make a request for information about the reason for the decision and can appeal from that decision,” said Gregg. “With respect to the child him or herself, children are kept informed through their case managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR has been in hot water in recent months after a number of cases where officials failed to screen sponsors properly and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/failures-in-handling-unaccompanied-migrant-minors-have-led-to-trafficking/2016/01/26/c47de164-c138-11e5-9443-7074c3645405_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">children were released to labor traffickers\u003c/a> rather than relatives. That scandal led to Senate hearings, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/02-23-16%20Brown%20Testimony.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Government Accountability Office and a series of reforms at ORR to tighten the vetting of sponsors before releasing children from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Gregg about how a kid like Pablo could be detained for 21 months and bounced around the country between so many facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t speak to any particular child,” Gregg told me. “But for each child we’re making determinations based on the least restrictive setting for that child, taking into consideration that particular child’s safety, the safety to the community as well as the risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Indefinite Custody\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does it mean for a kid to be locked up for almost two years, with no clear idea why they’re being held or for how long?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Cooper, the UC Davis law professor, says one of the toughest things for kids in ORR detention is not knowing when they’ll be released. She said she’s also seen the pain caused by giving kids false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indefinite custody,” she said. “And when you start telling kids, ‘You’ve been recommended for release. Your parent can come get you. Next week you’ll be out. Tomorrow you’ll be out,’ and it doesn’t happen? We’ve seen that that can be very psychologically harmful to the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to another teenager Cooper and her students are representing: Rafael Armenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s case is a little different. His mother brought him to the U.S. from Mexico as an infant, Cooper said, and he grew up in Southern California. In middle school, she said, he got involved with a rough crowd and ran afoul of the juvenile justice system. He served a sentence (the family doesn’t want to talk about the details) and then, had he been a U.S. citizen, he would have been released. But Rafael, who’s 16, is undocumented, so he was put in deportation proceedings and handed over to ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over several months the agency kept suggesting Rafael could be released to await his deportation hearing. Then officials backtracked over the holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friday was New Year’s,” Cooper recalled. “And they called me. I was on a run actually: my New Year’s resolution to go running. And I got a call and I said, ‘You just need to tell me one way or the other. We need to know. He needs to know. He’s calling me eight times a day.’ And they said, ‘We’re denying it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks later, though, there was another reversal. In February, Rafael was released from the detention facility in Woodland. His mother and some cousins arrived to collect him, after making their own all-night drive from Southern California. He hugged his mom for the first time in seven months and walked out of the juvenile hall into the winter sunshine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924046\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924046\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Rafael Armenta, 16, is released to his family from the Yolo County juvenile detention facility on Feb. 6, 2016, after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rafael Armenta, 16, and UC Davis law student Lesley Sedano, walk out of the Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility on Feb. 6, 2016. Rafael was released to his family after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There in the parking lot, wearing a crewcut and a dazed smile, Rafael told me how good it felt to take off the jail uniform — khaki shorts and a brown T-shirt — and put on his own T-shirt and jeans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought this day was never going to come,” he said. “But it came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him what it felt like to be told repeatedly that he could go home and then to hear that he could not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a bad reaction to that,” Rafael said. “I’d go in a room and just do some inappropriate things, like hit the wall and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked a little longer, but Rafael was anxious to go. So he and his mother and his three cousins piled into the family car, and headed home to Orange County. In the weeks that followed, Rafael would reacquaint himself with his younger brother and sister and enroll in high school, where he hoped to stay clear of trouble. He said he had covered so much coursework in detention that his teachers told him he’d be going in as a 12th-grader. Holly Cooper and her law students would keep in touch and help him fight to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper told me she has seen kids who have harmed themselves, including cutting themselves, in response to the powerlessness of indefinite detention. An official at the Yolo County juvenile hall said that they routinely have kids on suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice experts say ORR’s secure detention may not be intended as a form of punishment, but it is punishing by nature. Barry Krisberg, a criminologist at UC Berkeley and an expert in juvenile detention, said that’s especially true for children who have been through traumatic experiences already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of secure detention are generally quite bad,” said Krisberg. “Increasingly what we understand is that secure custody — and it doesn’t really matter whether it’s staff-secure or there’s razor wire on the outside — is a toxic experience for youth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Bobbie Gregg at ORR if she was concerned about the psychological toll of prolonged detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very mindful that this is a special population with special needs,” she answered. “Having said that, we’re also very mindful of our responsibility as their custodian while they’re in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>End of a Visit\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The afternoon was almost gone when Evelyn and her mother emerged from the juvenile hall in Woodland. Pablo was glad to see her, she told me, and happy to get the photos. With no end in sight to Pablo’s confinement, they rely on faith to keep going, she said. But it’s not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003ccite>Listen to the full Reveal episode above with an extended version of this story.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest: I walk out and part of me is still inside,” she said. “I want to take him with me. I want so badly to take him with me…. I go, and half of me leaves but half of me stays here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn would return in three weeks’ time. She and her mom and her friend Mario would drive through the night, 400 miles up the length of California. And she’ll keep coming back, until the day when she gets to take her son home with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with the public radio program \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reveal: from The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> and PRX. You can hear an extended version of this story and subscribe to the Reveal podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/kids-crossing-borders-alone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png\" alt=\"reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi\" width=\"400\" height=\"178\" class=\"aligncenter size-thumbnail wp-image-10927629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-800x357.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1920x856.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1180x526.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-960x428.png 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Child advocates say kids locked in immigration custody don't get adequate legal protections.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Pablo Aguilar was waking up in his cell in \u003ca href=\"http://www.yolocounty.org/law-justice/probation/institutional-services/juvenile-detention-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yolo County’s juvenile hall\u003c/a> in rural Northern California one recent Sunday morning, a white minivan was making its way toward him, up Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dawn illuminated the tomato fields across the road from the jail, but the 16-year-old likely didn’t see that. The only window in Pablo’s cell — roughly 6 inches tall by 2 feet long — was positioned so high in the cinderblock wall that he would have needed to stand on his concrete bunk to peek out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the minivan, his mother, Evelyn, watched the farmland of the Central Valley turn rosy, then golden, as the sun crested the mountains to the east. Evelyn, 38, had driven a portion of the 400-mile journey from Los Angeles, but now Mario, a friend from church, was at the wheel. Evelyn’s mother, Albertina, was dozing in the back seat. (We’ve agreed not to use their last names, because Evelyn is undocumented.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the trio reached Sacramento, they stopped at an IHOP for breakfast before driving the last 20 minutes to the jail in Woodland. The pancake stop has become a ritual of the journey, which they make every three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We leave Los Angeles at 2 in the morning,” Evelyn told me. “It’s a night when we don’t sleep, because of all the anticipation about seeing Pablo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo has been held in immigration custody for more than 21 months. He had just turned 15 when he left El Salvador in the hope of finding a safe haven with his mother in California. He made it across the Rio Grande but wound up in the hands of the Border Patrol. That was in June of 2014. He’s been locked up ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258066702&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Children Fleeing Violence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo is one of more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">200,000 migrant kids\u003c/a> traveling without their parents who have been detained at the U.S.-Mexico border over the past five years. He’s part of a wave of Central American children fleeing violence, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP23-Gangs-Central-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criminal gangs in El Salvador and neighboring countries\u003c/a> have come to \u003ca href=\"http://lawg.org/action-center/lawg-blog/69-general/1579-el-salvadors-gang-violence-turf-wars-internal-battles-and-life-defined-by-invisible-borders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wield terrifying power\u003c/a> with impunity, and weak governments struggle to respond. That violence is a legacy of the civil wars of the 1980s, subsequent migrations to the United States and the deportation of gang members back to their home countries in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adults are picked up at the border, they are dealt with by the Department of Homeland Security. But unaccompanied children are turned over to a different agency, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/programs/ucs\">Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a>, in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. As the number of migrant kids has multiplied, ORR’s job has grown. In 2011, the agency took custody of 7,000 children. In 2014 it was 57,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924343\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924343\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png\" alt=\"Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"266\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-400x133.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-1180x393.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-960x320.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those kids spend about a month in a licensed ORR-funded shelter, and then they’re placed with a relative or another sponsor while they await their day in immigration court. But a small fraction — roughly 500 to 700 in any given year — are placed in jail-like settings: locked group homes or juvenile detention facilities, as Pablo has been. Those kids are held for two to three months, on average, but, like Pablo, some are detained much longer. Advocates say they become practically invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924330\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924330\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png\" alt=\"Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-400x225.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-1180x664.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-960x540.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for immigrant children say kids in ORR detention don’t have the legal protections they should. Many may be eligible for asylum or some other kind of protection. But \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/juvenile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of them don’t even have a lawyer\u003c/a>. And prolonged detention can be psychologically damaging, according to child advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-110hr7311enr/pdf/BILLS-110hr7311enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">By law\u003c/a>, children in immigration custody must be placed in the least restrictive setting that is in the best interest of the child. But they \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied-section-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">can be confined\u003c/a> if their behavior is disruptive or dangerous, if they’re considered an escape risk, if they have a criminal or delinquent history or if they’re merely suspected of criminal activity. Often that information is provided by the Border Patrol or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency that is handing the child over to ORR. But advocates for immigrant kids say ORR makes placement decisions behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn says the government hasn’t told her why it won’t release her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924032\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924032 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son Pablo when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend Mario is in the background of the photo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-400x371.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1920x1781.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1180x1094.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-960x890.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son, Pablo, when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend, Mario, is in the background of the photo. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Visiting Her Child\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother stepped out of the minivan into the parking lot of Yolo County’s juvenile hall, in sweatshirts and sneakers, a little bleary from the trip. They always arrive in Woodland early to maximize the visit. Evelyn showed me a stack of family photos she was bringing to Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn told me she came to the United States a decade ago, seeing no other option to support her children as a single parent than to follow her own mother to L.A. She said she left Pablo and his older brother, William, in the care of her sister in their town of San Juan Nonualco, an hour outside the capital. She sent money to support them from the housecleaning business she built in L.A.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nRed-winged blackbirds swooped along the fence row in Woodland and dogs barked at the Sheriff’s Department compound next door. But Evelyn’s mind was back in El Salvador. She told me about how her boys grew up with their cousins, attended a good school and played soccer. But the area where they lived grew sketchier after she left and gangs operated openly. The police were either intimidated or corrupted, she said. And teenagers were frequent targets of gang recruitment and coercion. Four years ago, something happened to William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“William was 16 when I lost him, the same age Pablo is now,” Evelyn said. “One weekend I was driving to work when my sister called and said she had something bad to tell me. … She said, ‘Here’s what happened to William. The gang took him.’ He was always trying to steer clear of them. But they forced him. They disappeared with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anguish, she added, “As a mother I have hope that one day someone will tell me if he’s alive or not. I’m still hoping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo became physically sick after is brother disappeared, Evelyn told me. But she wasn’t there to take care of him. Two years later, when Pablo reached high school, Evelyn said her sister told her he was not safe. So the boy headed north to avoid his brother’s fate. But he never reached his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in spite of her lack of immigration status, Evelyn walks right into the jail every three weeks in order to see her child and to finally have a chance to touch him. She and Albertina would have two hours in a family room with Pablo, followed by another two hours in the “no contact” visit area, speaking by phone with a glass partition between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn gathered up the things she can take inside the jail: the photographs, her ID and her Bible. They always start the visit with a prayer. She pressed a buzzer and spoke into the intercom. A guard ushered the women into the lobby, and waved a metal detector wand over them. I wasn’t permitted to join them, so I watched through the plate glass as Evelyn and her mother disappeared through a heavy door into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924042\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924042 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yolo County Chief Probation Officer Brent Cardall, and Victoria Blacksmith, the case manager in charge of immigrant children in Office of Refugee Resettlement custody, give a tour of the county's juvenile detention facility on Jan. 15, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility in Woodland, California, houses up to 30 immigrant children in secure confinement, part of a $4 million contract with the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside the Cell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On another day, I got an idea of what life is like for Pablo by visiting the facility with Brent Cardall, the Yolo County probation chief.\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He took me in through the “sally port,” the double set of steel doors, which are locked and unlocked remotely to prevent escape. He showed me the family room, where Evelyn visited with her son. And I saw a classroom, windowless but full of books, like the one where Pablo goes to school. Then we stepped into an empty cell, much like Pablo’s. It was about 8 feet by 12 feet, with a stainless steel toilet and sink, and that tiny window — what Cardall called “your normal cell-looking type of room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really proud of our juvenile hall,” he told me. “We have a lot of great things going on.” He showed me murals on the walls, and talked about the volunteers who come in to work with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facility does look like a jail, but we are trying to make it more homelike,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yolo County has a $4 million contract to house up to 30 juveniles for the Office of Refugee Resettlement. That revenue helps Cardall cover the cost of general Probation Department staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Working for Pablo’s Release\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles down the road from the juvenile hall is the UC Davis law school. Professor Holly Cooper runs the immigration law clinic, and she and her students are working to gain Pablo’s release. When I visited, law students were drafting legal briefs, case notes spread across conference tables. The files for another immigrant kid, a 2-foot-tall stack of paperwork, teetered beside Cooper’s computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper has devoted much of her career to minors in immigration custody, and her office walls are covered with artwork made by detained children. She told me Pablo has been transferred around the country by ORR so many times that no pro bono lawyer has had a chance to build a case for his release until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924051\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924051\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924051 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Pablo Aguilar's mother Evelyn meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-400x282.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1920x1355.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1180x832.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-960x677.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pablo Aguilar’s mother, Evelyn, meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles, on Feb. 8, 2016. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in McAllen, Texas, he’s been in Miami, Florida, he’s been in Virginia, he’s been in Portland, Oregon, and now he’s out here in California,” she said. Pablo has been housed in the Woodland facility since September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government did appoint a so-called child advocate from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://theyoungcenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights\u003c/a> to speak up for Pablo’s best interests. Cooper showed me the group’s recommendation: three times last year the advocate sent letters to ORR arguing that Pablo be released to his mom, or at least placed in a less restrictive shelter nearer Evelyn’s home. But ORR hasn’t acted. And Pablo is still locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the problem, say Cooper and other advocates, is that ORR makes decisions at internal meetings about where children are placed and whether they’re released. And ORR doesn’t recognize courts as a place where children can challenge their detention. The upshot is that kids like Pablo, who have not been charged with a crime, can be jailed indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without any judicial or third-party oversight, ORR is both the jailer and the person who decides whether the kid is getting out,” said Cooper. “That’s a really dangerous power dynamic that is developing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “secure” and “staff-secure” lockups may indeed be the right placement for some children. But Cooper and other lawyers say there’s no way to know without an open proceeding. They note that adults in immigration custody have more access to due process, because they have the right to go before an immigration judge to contest their detention and request release on bond. Children do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, says Jessica Jones, policy counsel at \u003ca href=\"http://lirs.org\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., children in other types of legal proceedings have more of a voice than kids in ORR confinement do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so disturbing about this whole process is that unlike the juvenile justice system, where you have the involvement of the child’s attorney and the child themselves, they are completely left out of the process,” said Jones. “The child may have a parent in the country and they are often completely left out of the decision-making process. … ORR should do better by children and be meeting basic child welfare standards in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, is charged with monitoring the government’s treatment of minors in immigration custody, as part of a two-decade-old legal agreement known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/immigrants/flores_v_meese_agreement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores Settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most advocates believe ORR is a better custodian than in the old days, before 2002, when detained migrant children were held by immigration agents. But Holguin, Jones, Cooper and other advocates around the country want better. They have been meeting with ORR officials, arguing for more transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process itself is completely opaque,” said Holguin. “Most times there’s no written decision at all. There’s great delay before the decisions are actually released. And there’s no opportunity for the juvenile or the proposed custodian to review the evidence that the federal government is relying on to maintain the juvenile in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ORR Official Speaks Out\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of requesting an interview, I finally got to speak with the person who oversees ORR’s unaccompanied children’s program: Bobbie Gregg, the deputy director for children’s services in the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg emphasized that the safety of children is her first priority. She said all children are assessed when they first arrive, and every 30 days that they’re in custody. The agency monitors the physical health and mental health of children and provides them with a legal orientation. And it posts \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">its policies\u003c/a> on its website in detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I asked Gregg about the lack of a system for children to challenge their detention, she told me instead about how parents or others who have been turned down as sponsors can appeal that decision to higher-ups within the agency. In Evelyn’s case, there’s nothing she can appeal, because ORR has still not made a decision on her fitness as a sponsor for Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsor can make a request for information about the reason for the decision and can appeal from that decision,” said Gregg. “With respect to the child him or herself, children are kept informed through their case managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR has been in hot water in recent months after a number of cases where officials failed to screen sponsors properly and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/failures-in-handling-unaccompanied-migrant-minors-have-led-to-trafficking/2016/01/26/c47de164-c138-11e5-9443-7074c3645405_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">children were released to labor traffickers\u003c/a> rather than relatives. That scandal led to Senate hearings, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/02-23-16%20Brown%20Testimony.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Government Accountability Office and a series of reforms at ORR to tighten the vetting of sponsors before releasing children from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Gregg about how a kid like Pablo could be detained for 21 months and bounced around the country between so many facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t speak to any particular child,” Gregg told me. “But for each child we’re making determinations based on the least restrictive setting for that child, taking into consideration that particular child’s safety, the safety to the community as well as the risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Indefinite Custody\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does it mean for a kid to be locked up for almost two years, with no clear idea why they’re being held or for how long?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Cooper, the UC Davis law professor, says one of the toughest things for kids in ORR detention is not knowing when they’ll be released. She said she’s also seen the pain caused by giving kids false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indefinite custody,” she said. “And when you start telling kids, ‘You’ve been recommended for release. Your parent can come get you. Next week you’ll be out. Tomorrow you’ll be out,’ and it doesn’t happen? We’ve seen that that can be very psychologically harmful to the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to another teenager Cooper and her students are representing: Rafael Armenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s case is a little different. His mother brought him to the U.S. from Mexico as an infant, Cooper said, and he grew up in Southern California. In middle school, she said, he got involved with a rough crowd and ran afoul of the juvenile justice system. He served a sentence (the family doesn’t want to talk about the details) and then, had he been a U.S. citizen, he would have been released. But Rafael, who’s 16, is undocumented, so he was put in deportation proceedings and handed over to ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over several months the agency kept suggesting Rafael could be released to await his deportation hearing. Then officials backtracked over the holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friday was New Year’s,” Cooper recalled. “And they called me. I was on a run actually: my New Year’s resolution to go running. And I got a call and I said, ‘You just need to tell me one way or the other. We need to know. He needs to know. He’s calling me eight times a day.’ And they said, ‘We’re denying it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks later, though, there was another reversal. In February, Rafael was released from the detention facility in Woodland. His mother and some cousins arrived to collect him, after making their own all-night drive from Southern California. He hugged his mom for the first time in seven months and walked out of the juvenile hall into the winter sunshine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924046\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924046\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Rafael Armenta, 16, is released to his family from the Yolo County juvenile detention facility on Feb. 6, 2016, after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rafael Armenta, 16, and UC Davis law student Lesley Sedano, walk out of the Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility on Feb. 6, 2016. Rafael was released to his family after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There in the parking lot, wearing a crewcut and a dazed smile, Rafael told me how good it felt to take off the jail uniform — khaki shorts and a brown T-shirt — and put on his own T-shirt and jeans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought this day was never going to come,” he said. “But it came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him what it felt like to be told repeatedly that he could go home and then to hear that he could not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a bad reaction to that,” Rafael said. “I’d go in a room and just do some inappropriate things, like hit the wall and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked a little longer, but Rafael was anxious to go. So he and his mother and his three cousins piled into the family car, and headed home to Orange County. In the weeks that followed, Rafael would reacquaint himself with his younger brother and sister and enroll in high school, where he hoped to stay clear of trouble. He said he had covered so much coursework in detention that his teachers told him he’d be going in as a 12th-grader. Holly Cooper and her law students would keep in touch and help him fight to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper told me she has seen kids who have harmed themselves, including cutting themselves, in response to the powerlessness of indefinite detention. An official at the Yolo County juvenile hall said that they routinely have kids on suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice experts say ORR’s secure detention may not be intended as a form of punishment, but it is punishing by nature. Barry Krisberg, a criminologist at UC Berkeley and an expert in juvenile detention, said that’s especially true for children who have been through traumatic experiences already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of secure detention are generally quite bad,” said Krisberg. “Increasingly what we understand is that secure custody — and it doesn’t really matter whether it’s staff-secure or there’s razor wire on the outside — is a toxic experience for youth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Bobbie Gregg at ORR if she was concerned about the psychological toll of prolonged detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very mindful that this is a special population with special needs,” she answered. “Having said that, we’re also very mindful of our responsibility as their custodian while they’re in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>End of a Visit\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The afternoon was almost gone when Evelyn and her mother emerged from the juvenile hall in Woodland. Pablo was glad to see her, she told me, and happy to get the photos. With no end in sight to Pablo’s confinement, they rely on faith to keep going, she said. But it’s not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ccite>Listen to the full Reveal episode above with an extended version of this story.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest: I walk out and part of me is still inside,” she said. “I want to take him with me. I want so badly to take him with me…. I go, and half of me leaves but half of me stays here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn would return in three weeks’ time. She and her mom and her friend Mario would drive through the night, 400 miles up the length of California. And she’ll keep coming back, until the day when she gets to take her son home with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with the public radio program \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reveal: from The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> and PRX. You can hear an extended version of this story and subscribe to the Reveal podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/kids-crossing-borders-alone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png\" alt=\"reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi\" width=\"400\" height=\"178\" class=\"aligncenter size-thumbnail wp-image-10927629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-800x357.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1920x856.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1180x526.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-960x428.png 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Should Teachers Carry Concealed Guns? Central Valley School District Says Yes",
"title": "Should Teachers Carry Concealed Guns? Central Valley School District Says Yes",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Kingsburg High School is just east of the town’s center, where Swedish flags line the streets and business owners draw on the area’s Scandinavian heritage. You can order Swedish pancakes with lingonberry jam at a local cafe or stroll through a shop filled with Swedish handicrafts and candy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a quaint place: Church bells ring in the distance and the town’s water tower is designed to look like an antique Swedish coffee pot. There’s not a lot of crime in this Fresno County town. But in light of the country’s recent mass shootings, many people here support a policy to arm school employees in the name of public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest, at first I had no idea it was even a possibility,” says Randy Morris, superintendent of \u003ca href=\"http://www.kjuhsd.com/\">Kingsburg Joint Union High School District\u003c/a>. “But we delved into the legal component, and it became a reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258006600\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says most folks are surprised to hear that California allows school employees with CCW gun permits to carry concealed weapons as long as there’s a written policy in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They probably wouldn’t be as surprised in a state like Texas, but in California, they’re a little surprised that it is a possibility,” Morris says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school board votes on the policy April 11. It was created based on recommendations from various entities, including the Fresno County Sheriff’s Office and the Kingsburg Police Department. The policy allows for up to five employees with gun permits to carry concealed weapons in holsters. They’ll be trained, Morris says, and anonymous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t the wild, Wild West,” he says. “We just want to protect children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10923932\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10923932\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-800x588.jpg\" alt=\"Superintendent Randy Morris greets students on the Kingsburg High campus.\" width=\"800\" height=\"588\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-800x588.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-400x294.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-1180x868.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-960x706.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Superintendent Randy Morris greets students on the Kingsburg High campus. \u003ccite>(Alice Daniel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He says he feels good about the policy because he’s the one in charge. He’ll decide which employees carry guns based on several criteria, including evaluations, discipline records and an interview with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell you, I’m not out there recruiting folks right now, but I have had folks come to me and say ‘Hey, Mr. Morris, if this becomes a reality, I am interested in the process.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morris says there wasn’t a particular incident that prompted the school board to create a policy, just a concern that there weren’t enough measures in place to keep children safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'What if the teacher loses it, or shoots someone by accident?'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“In the severe case, God forbid, that something happen where our kids or staff are in grave danger, the response time would need to be immediate,” Morris says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high school’s campus is open. Unlike many Central Valley high schools, there are no gates or fences. At lunchtime, students on their way to a pizza parlor talk about the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could [make it] safer,” one student says. Another asks, “But what if at the same time, someone jacks the gun?” \"What if like the teacher loses it?” another student asks. “What if the teacher shoots someone by accident?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Michele Lopez voiced similar concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what kind of temper that teacher has,” she says. “So that’s really what my biggest fear is. I don’t know how they’re gonna react when they pull the gun out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10923944\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10923944\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-800x717.jpg\" alt=\"A teacher is shown how to handle a handgun at a concealed-weapons training class in Utah.\" width=\"800\" height=\"717\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-800x717.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-400x358.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-1180x1057.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-960x860.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A teacher is shown how to handle a handgun at a concealed-weapons training class in Utah. \u003ccite>(George Frey/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She says she was surprised when the district introduced the idea. “There’s hardly ever any crime here,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the district’s five school board members are all for it, as are plenty of parents, like Olga Frandsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a gated high school so anybody can walk on campus and cause a threat. For the safety, I believe it’s a good thing,” she says. “You watch the news, there’s a lot of bad stuff happening around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a downtown Christian coffee shop called Common Ground, manager Lori Querin gives the idea two thumbs up. She says teachers are defenseless without weapons. “By the time you get a broomstick to whack a guy or try to tackle him, he’s already shot you,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, there’s enough support in this small conservative town that faculty who are against the gun policy are afraid to speak to the media. One teacher says the school is pretty much split down the middle on the policy, but those who are against it don’t want to jeopardize their jobs by speaking out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers say they found out about the policy only after the school board introduced it and it was covered by the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one other California school district has a written gun policy. \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/local/education/article64868747.html\">Folsom-Cordova\u003c/a> Unified School District in Sacramento allows a few staff with gun permits to bring the guns on campus. However, those guns are stored in a locked gun vault; teachers don’t wear them in a concealed holster in the classroom. The district has about 20,000 students. Kingsburg High has about 1,200 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state law, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article38708496.html\">Senate Bill 707\u003c/a>, prohibits concealed carry weapons on campus unless the superintendent gives written permission.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Kingsburg High School is just east of the town’s center, where Swedish flags line the streets and business owners draw on the area’s Scandinavian heritage. You can order Swedish pancakes with lingonberry jam at a local cafe or stroll through a shop filled with Swedish handicrafts and candy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a quaint place: Church bells ring in the distance and the town’s water tower is designed to look like an antique Swedish coffee pot. There’s not a lot of crime in this Fresno County town. But in light of the country’s recent mass shootings, many people here support a policy to arm school employees in the name of public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest, at first I had no idea it was even a possibility,” says Randy Morris, superintendent of \u003ca href=\"http://www.kjuhsd.com/\">Kingsburg Joint Union High School District\u003c/a>. “But we delved into the legal component, and it became a reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258006600&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258006600'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says most folks are surprised to hear that California allows school employees with CCW gun permits to carry concealed weapons as long as there’s a written policy in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They probably wouldn’t be as surprised in a state like Texas, but in California, they’re a little surprised that it is a possibility,” Morris says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school board votes on the policy April 11. It was created based on recommendations from various entities, including the Fresno County Sheriff’s Office and the Kingsburg Police Department. The policy allows for up to five employees with gun permits to carry concealed weapons in holsters. They’ll be trained, Morris says, and anonymous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This isn’t the wild, Wild West,” he says. “We just want to protect children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10923932\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10923932\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-800x588.jpg\" alt=\"Superintendent Randy Morris greets students on the Kingsburg High campus.\" width=\"800\" height=\"588\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-800x588.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-400x294.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-1180x868.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/KingsburgSuper-960x706.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Superintendent Randy Morris greets students on the Kingsburg High campus. \u003ccite>(Alice Daniel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He says he feels good about the policy because he’s the one in charge. He’ll decide which employees carry guns based on several criteria, including evaluations, discipline records and an interview with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell you, I’m not out there recruiting folks right now, but I have had folks come to me and say ‘Hey, Mr. Morris, if this becomes a reality, I am interested in the process.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morris says there wasn’t a particular incident that prompted the school board to create a policy, just a concern that there weren’t enough measures in place to keep children safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'What if the teacher loses it, or shoots someone by accident?'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“In the severe case, God forbid, that something happen where our kids or staff are in grave danger, the response time would need to be immediate,” Morris says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high school’s campus is open. Unlike many Central Valley high schools, there are no gates or fences. At lunchtime, students on their way to a pizza parlor talk about the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could [make it] safer,” one student says. Another asks, “But what if at the same time, someone jacks the gun?” \"What if like the teacher loses it?” another student asks. “What if the teacher shoots someone by accident?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent Michele Lopez voiced similar concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what kind of temper that teacher has,” she says. “So that’s really what my biggest fear is. I don’t know how they’re gonna react when they pull the gun out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10923944\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10923944\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-800x717.jpg\" alt=\"A teacher is shown how to handle a handgun at a concealed-weapons training class in Utah.\" width=\"800\" height=\"717\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-800x717.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-400x358.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-1180x1057.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/TeacherHandgun-960x860.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A teacher is shown how to handle a handgun at a concealed-weapons training class in Utah. \u003ccite>(George Frey/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She says she was surprised when the district introduced the idea. “There’s hardly ever any crime here,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the district’s five school board members are all for it, as are plenty of parents, like Olga Frandsen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a gated high school so anybody can walk on campus and cause a threat. For the safety, I believe it’s a good thing,” she says. “You watch the news, there’s a lot of bad stuff happening around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a downtown Christian coffee shop called Common Ground, manager Lori Querin gives the idea two thumbs up. She says teachers are defenseless without weapons. “By the time you get a broomstick to whack a guy or try to tackle him, he’s already shot you,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, there’s enough support in this small conservative town that faculty who are against the gun policy are afraid to speak to the media. One teacher says the school is pretty much split down the middle on the policy, but those who are against it don’t want to jeopardize their jobs by speaking out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers say they found out about the policy only after the school board introduced it and it was covered by the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one other California school district has a written gun policy. \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/local/education/article64868747.html\">Folsom-Cordova\u003c/a> Unified School District in Sacramento allows a few staff with gun permits to bring the guns on campus. However, those guns are stored in a locked gun vault; teachers don’t wear them in a concealed holster in the classroom. The district has about 20,000 students. Kingsburg High has about 1,200 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state law, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article38708496.html\">Senate Bill 707\u003c/a>, prohibits concealed carry weapons on campus unless the superintendent gives written permission.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "SFPD Investigators Selectively Release Witness Statements on Police Shooting",
"title": "SFPD Investigators Selectively Release Witness Statements on Police Shooting",
"headTitle": "News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department's commander of investigations described statements Friday taken from four witnesses to the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/07/officer-involved-shooting-in-s-f-s-mission-district\" target=\"_blank\">fatal police shooting\u003c/a> of a homeless man Thursday in the city's Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cmdr. Greg McEachern said at least three witnesses described the man -- identified Friday by the city medical examiner's office as Luis Gongora, 45 -- as having a knife in his hand as he moved toward a group of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McEachern said more than 10 witnesses have provided statements to investigators, but he described only four of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are the statements that we are providing today for some clarity on information that has been put out in the media in the last day or two,\" McEachern said. \"We are providing information, statements from the witnesses, that may differ from some of the statements provided by the witnesses so far.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Witness Statements As Per SFPD\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\"He saw the suspect sitting prior to the shooting, saw the suspect stand up and lunge at the officers. The witnesses heard shots, saw the suspect still had the knife in his hand after the shooting.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\"A second witness said that the suspect rose up with the knife in hand and ran toward the officers with the knife in his hand. The suspect was flailing his hands with the knife as he ran toward the officers. He saw the officers fire their pistols and then saw the suspect spin and fall to the ground with a knife still in his hand.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\"Witness three said that he saw the suspect running toward the officers with the knife in his hand. The knife was raised up as he ran toward the officers.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\"Witness four -- who says that he knows the suspect as Spanish speaking, but he’s also communicated with him in English -- saw the officers with the orange shotgun, which is our extended range impact weapon, deploy that, and then saw the officers shoot at the suspect shortly after, saw the suspect hit the ground, and then the witness saw the suspect’s knife appear on the sidewalk.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>McEachern said the two officers who fired would be interviewed by homicide investigators Friday. One had specialized training in de-escalation and responding to suspects in psychiatric crisis, according to a statement from the police officers union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED and other news outlets interviewed John Visor and Stephanie Grant yesterday -- two people who said they live in a tent next to the man who was shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visor said the man, who he knew as \"Jose,\" carried a knife, but that it was stuck in his waistband and not in his hand when an SFPD sergeant shot at him. Others told reporters yesterday that the man went by \"Jose Luis.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McEachern indicated that the fourth statement described above was taken from Visor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visor said Thursday that his friend's knife was never in his hand. He described him as a man \"in his 20s\" who often scrounged bottles and cans and liked to kick a soccer ball up and down Shotwell Street where they both lived in tents. He said both had moved there after the city \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/03/01/s-f-clearing-homeless-holdouts-from-division-street-neighborhood\" target=\"_blank\">cleared\u003c/a> a larger encampment on Division Street on March 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gongora died at around 1 p.m. Thursday, according to a hospital spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Video-shows-San-Francisco-police-shooting-7237146.php\" target=\"_blank\">SFGate published\u003c/a> surveillance video Friday that McEachern said shows officers approaching a suspect on Shotwell Street, but the shooting takes place just outside the video's frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"//player.hearstdigitalstudios.com/5707e35ce694aa03cbe66121?width=100%25&autostart=0&aratio=16:9\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED's analysis of the video indicates four shots from a pump-action gun. An SFPD spokesman confirmed Friday that officers use a shotgun to fire one type of less-lethal impact rounds the department uses, and Suhr said Thursday that four impact round casings were recovered from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fourth pump-action shot is followed immediately by approximately seven gunshots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident began with a 911 call to police from a homeless outreach worker just before 10 a.m. Thursday, Police Chief Greg Suhr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At approximately 10:04 a.m., an officer reported over his radio: \"11 Adam, Code 33. I’m challenging one. He has a large kitchen knife he just dropped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 seconds later, a dispatcher reported shots fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have one down,\" an officer reported seconds later. \"Officers are OK. We have the suspect holding the knife; he’s down. 408 code 3 [calling for an ambulance, emergency]. The scene is secure, and we’re going to need outside units to help us with the crime scene.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same officer reported about 25 seconds after the report of shots fired that an officer had fired less lethal impact rounds at the suspect \"several times.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The suspect did not go down,\" he said. \"He got up and charged at officers with the knife in hand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258048164\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visor is not the only alleged witness to the shooting who has disputed that Gongora charged officers with a knife. A man identified as \"Smith Patrick\" posted online shortly after the shooting that he saw \"the whole thing,\" and recognized the suspect as a Spanish speaker who often kicked a ball on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I heard 'get on the ground' and ran to the window,\" the posting says:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Across the street I could see the victim cowering on the ground while two police officers, one with a rifle pointed at him, approached from at least 30 feet away. To be clear, the victim was on the ground the entire time, head down, visibly shaking. There was no visible aggressive behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I am unsure if the victim rose or if the rifle that shot him propelled his body, but he was standing for a moment while the rifle shot several times and the other officer drew a pistol and shot. Blood immediately started spurting but they continued to shoot. It appeared that several shots did hit him because blood was spurting in different directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victim was then on the ground in a pool of blood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police and fire arrived within moments. They went through the motions of trying to revive him medically, but it was clear that he wouldn't live. So much blood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is incredibly disturbing and I'd like to pursue filing a report against the police. If anyone knows any organizations that focus on this, please let me know.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>SFPD's first fatal officer-involved shooting of this year comes at a tense time for the Police Department, especially around lethal incidents involving Latino or black suspects allegedly armed with knives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A broad group of legal experts, police officers and advocates are rewriting the department's use-of-force policies following the Dec. 2 \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-woods\" target=\"_blank\">fatal shooting of Mario Woods\u003c/a> in San Francisco's Bayview District. The shooting prompted immediate changes to the SFPD's firearms training, as well as a federal Department of Justice review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924114\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924114\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"A man fatally shot by San Francisco police officers on the 400 block of Shotwell Street is loaded into an ambulance Thursday.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-400x534.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-1180x1574.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-960x1281.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man fatally shot by San Francisco police officers on the 400 block of Shotwell Street is loaded into an ambulance Thursday. \u003ccite>(Laura Sydell/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That incident, captured on multiple videos filmed by bystanders with cellphones, shows a large group of officers confronting Mario Woods, an African-American, before he appears to start walking away. An officer steps into his path, then multiple officers fire. Suhr initially said cellphone video showed Woods raising the knife toward an officer before he was shot. A \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/07/video-evidence-appears-to-contradict-sfpd-account-of-mario-woods-killing\" target=\"_blank\">KQED analysis of the video\u003c/a> indicates that Woods' arm was raised after he was shot and begins to fall backward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday's is the latest addition to a list of controversial fatal police shootings in or around the city's Mission District in the last two years. A federal, civil jury \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/03/10/jury-clears-s-f-police-officers-of-wrongdoing-in-nieto-shooting\" target=\"_blank\">cleared four SFPD officers\u003c/a> last month of any wrongdoing for shooting a total of 59 times at a man in Bernal Heights, just south of the Mission, in March 2014. The officers said they thought \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/alejandro-nieto\" target=\"_blank\">Alejandro Nieto\u003c/a> had a firearm, and discovered he was holding a Taser stun gun only after the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another man who was a monolingual Spanish speaker was killed by two plainclothes SFPD officers in February 2015. Suhr initially said Amilcar Perez Lopez charged the officers with a knife, but revised that account after an \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/24/attorneys-autopsy-contradicts-s-f-police-account-of-mission-district-shooting\" target=\"_blank\">independent autopsy\u003c/a> showed Perez Lopez was shot six times from behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Grossberg of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The San Francisco Police Department's commander of investigations described statements Friday taken from four witnesses to the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/07/officer-involved-shooting-in-s-f-s-mission-district\" target=\"_blank\">fatal police shooting\u003c/a> of a homeless man Thursday in the city's Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cmdr. Greg McEachern said at least three witnesses described the man -- identified Friday by the city medical examiner's office as Luis Gongora, 45 -- as having a knife in his hand as he moved toward a group of officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McEachern said more than 10 witnesses have provided statements to investigators, but he described only four of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are the statements that we are providing today for some clarity on information that has been put out in the media in the last day or two,\" McEachern said. \"We are providing information, statements from the witnesses, that may differ from some of the statements provided by the witnesses so far.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Witness Statements As Per SFPD\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\"He saw the suspect sitting prior to the shooting, saw the suspect stand up and lunge at the officers. The witnesses heard shots, saw the suspect still had the knife in his hand after the shooting.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\"A second witness said that the suspect rose up with the knife in hand and ran toward the officers with the knife in his hand. The suspect was flailing his hands with the knife as he ran toward the officers. He saw the officers fire their pistols and then saw the suspect spin and fall to the ground with a knife still in his hand.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\"Witness three said that he saw the suspect running toward the officers with the knife in his hand. The knife was raised up as he ran toward the officers.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\"Witness four -- who says that he knows the suspect as Spanish speaking, but he’s also communicated with him in English -- saw the officers with the orange shotgun, which is our extended range impact weapon, deploy that, and then saw the officers shoot at the suspect shortly after, saw the suspect hit the ground, and then the witness saw the suspect’s knife appear on the sidewalk.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>McEachern said the two officers who fired would be interviewed by homicide investigators Friday. One had specialized training in de-escalation and responding to suspects in psychiatric crisis, according to a statement from the police officers union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED and other news outlets interviewed John Visor and Stephanie Grant yesterday -- two people who said they live in a tent next to the man who was shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visor said the man, who he knew as \"Jose,\" carried a knife, but that it was stuck in his waistband and not in his hand when an SFPD sergeant shot at him. Others told reporters yesterday that the man went by \"Jose Luis.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McEachern indicated that the fourth statement described above was taken from Visor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visor said Thursday that his friend's knife was never in his hand. He described him as a man \"in his 20s\" who often scrounged bottles and cans and liked to kick a soccer ball up and down Shotwell Street where they both lived in tents. He said both had moved there after the city \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/03/01/s-f-clearing-homeless-holdouts-from-division-street-neighborhood\" target=\"_blank\">cleared\u003c/a> a larger encampment on Division Street on March 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gongora died at around 1 p.m. Thursday, according to a hospital spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Video-shows-San-Francisco-police-shooting-7237146.php\" target=\"_blank\">SFGate published\u003c/a> surveillance video Friday that McEachern said shows officers approaching a suspect on Shotwell Street, but the shooting takes place just outside the video's frame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"//player.hearstdigitalstudios.com/5707e35ce694aa03cbe66121?width=100%25&autostart=0&aratio=16:9\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED's analysis of the video indicates four shots from a pump-action gun. An SFPD spokesman confirmed Friday that officers use a shotgun to fire one type of less-lethal impact rounds the department uses, and Suhr said Thursday that four impact round casings were recovered from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fourth pump-action shot is followed immediately by approximately seven gunshots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident began with a 911 call to police from a homeless outreach worker just before 10 a.m. Thursday, Police Chief Greg Suhr said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At approximately 10:04 a.m., an officer reported over his radio: \"11 Adam, Code 33. I’m challenging one. He has a large kitchen knife he just dropped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 20 seconds later, a dispatcher reported shots fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have one down,\" an officer reported seconds later. \"Officers are OK. We have the suspect holding the knife; he’s down. 408 code 3 [calling for an ambulance, emergency]. The scene is secure, and we’re going to need outside units to help us with the crime scene.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same officer reported about 25 seconds after the report of shots fired that an officer had fired less lethal impact rounds at the suspect \"several times.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The suspect did not go down,\" he said. \"He got up and charged at officers with the knife in hand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258048164&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258048164'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visor is not the only alleged witness to the shooting who has disputed that Gongora charged officers with a knife. A man identified as \"Smith Patrick\" posted online shortly after the shooting that he saw \"the whole thing,\" and recognized the suspect as a Spanish speaker who often kicked a ball on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I heard 'get on the ground' and ran to the window,\" the posting says:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Across the street I could see the victim cowering on the ground while two police officers, one with a rifle pointed at him, approached from at least 30 feet away. To be clear, the victim was on the ground the entire time, head down, visibly shaking. There was no visible aggressive behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I am unsure if the victim rose or if the rifle that shot him propelled his body, but he was standing for a moment while the rifle shot several times and the other officer drew a pistol and shot. Blood immediately started spurting but they continued to shoot. It appeared that several shots did hit him because blood was spurting in different directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victim was then on the ground in a pool of blood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police and fire arrived within moments. They went through the motions of trying to revive him medically, but it was clear that he wouldn't live. So much blood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is incredibly disturbing and I'd like to pursue filing a report against the police. If anyone knows any organizations that focus on this, please let me know.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>SFPD's first fatal officer-involved shooting of this year comes at a tense time for the Police Department, especially around lethal incidents involving Latino or black suspects allegedly armed with knives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A broad group of legal experts, police officers and advocates are rewriting the department's use-of-force policies following the Dec. 2 \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-woods\" target=\"_blank\">fatal shooting of Mario Woods\u003c/a> in San Francisco's Bayview District. The shooting prompted immediate changes to the SFPD's firearms training, as well as a federal Department of Justice review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924114\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924114\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"A man fatally shot by San Francisco police officers on the 400 block of Shotwell Street is loaded into an ambulance Thursday.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-400x534.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-1180x1574.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006-960x1281.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_0006.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man fatally shot by San Francisco police officers on the 400 block of Shotwell Street is loaded into an ambulance Thursday. \u003ccite>(Laura Sydell/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That incident, captured on multiple videos filmed by bystanders with cellphones, shows a large group of officers confronting Mario Woods, an African-American, before he appears to start walking away. An officer steps into his path, then multiple officers fire. Suhr initially said cellphone video showed Woods raising the knife toward an officer before he was shot. A \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/07/video-evidence-appears-to-contradict-sfpd-account-of-mario-woods-killing\" target=\"_blank\">KQED analysis of the video\u003c/a> indicates that Woods' arm was raised after he was shot and begins to fall backward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday's is the latest addition to a list of controversial fatal police shootings in or around the city's Mission District in the last two years. A federal, civil jury \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/03/10/jury-clears-s-f-police-officers-of-wrongdoing-in-nieto-shooting\" target=\"_blank\">cleared four SFPD officers\u003c/a> last month of any wrongdoing for shooting a total of 59 times at a man in Bernal Heights, just south of the Mission, in March 2014. The officers said they thought \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/alejandro-nieto\" target=\"_blank\">Alejandro Nieto\u003c/a> had a firearm, and discovered he was holding a Taser stun gun only after the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another man who was a monolingual Spanish speaker was killed by two plainclothes SFPD officers in February 2015. Suhr initially said Amilcar Perez Lopez charged the officers with a knife, but revised that account after an \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/24/attorneys-autopsy-contradicts-s-f-police-account-of-mission-district-shooting\" target=\"_blank\">independent autopsy\u003c/a> showed Perez Lopez was shot six times from behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Adam Grossberg of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office Releases Video of Teen’s Arrest",
"title": "Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office Releases Video of Teen’s Arrest",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Sonoma County Sheriff's Office released body-camera footage yesterday that it says exonerates a deputy at the center of a police brutality lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The footage, posted to the YouTube channel of the Sheriff's Office, was recorded last June when Sheriff's Deputy Marcus Holton was investigating a possible disturbance in Petaluma. Both the attorney for Gabrielle Lemos, who says excessive force was used without legal justification, and county prosecutors, who have charged Lemos with misdemeanor resisting arrest, say the video footage backs their version of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Caution: The video below contains graphic content.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/9tf2p5rRHAY?list=PLJTpo1qsFtOsQK4sdHy_haV2kOpOYkOL-\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Background\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holton was on a rural road in Sonoma County when he came across a parked pickup truck and trailer blocking the road, \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/alert/5622079/\" target=\"_blank\">according to the Sheriff's Office\u003c/a>. While he was investigating, he heard a woman's scream from a house nearby and saw a man walking quickly toward the truck as several women shouted at him. Holton suspected \"he had encountered a domestic-related incident\" because one of the women was crying, according to the Sheriff's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The body-camera footage, from Holton and backup deputies, shows the Lemos family, at their property on Petaluma's Liberty Road, arguing with Holton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point (at about 2:40 in the video) the deputy opens the door of the truck to speak with Karli LaBruzzi, the woman in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Officer, what are you doing? You're not allowed to do that,\" says her 18-year-old sister, Gabrielle Lemos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video shows the argument escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few minutes later (at about 8:40), Holton tackles Lemos, as she was apparently attempting to go back into the house. She was then put in the patrol car, taken to a hospital for cuts and bruises, and then booked into the Sonoma County Jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemos' phone calls to her mother from jail were also released yesterday. The first recording includes a racial slur against Holton, who is black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Lemos filed a federal civil rights lawsuit in U.S. District Court in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/4746048-181/lawsuit-alleges-sonoma-county-deputy?artslide=0\" target=\"_blank\">saying Holton's actions violated her right\u003c/a> against police brutality and her right to free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day later the county district attorney's office filed a misdemeanor charge against Lemos for resisting arrest and interfering with an investigation. The move was retaliatory, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/5389842-181/decision-to-charge-gabbi-lemos\" target=\"_blank\">says Lemos’ lawyer, Izaak Schwaiger\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://law.stanford.edu/directory/robert-weisberg/\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Weisberg\u003c/a>, a co-director at Stanford's Criminal Justice Center, says the claim of retaliation is \"legally plausible, but very hard to prove.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The differing perceptions over what the police footage actually shows is, he says, an integral part of the debate over the increasing number of law enforcement body cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They tend to be promoted by both sides of the equation,\" Weisberg says. \"Police have been persuaded on the whole that these cameras are good for them because most of the time police are acting legally and this protects them against fabricated charges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people who complain about police behavior, cameras are a great thing because it shows what awful things the police do, Weisberg says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact is, both can be true,\" he says. \"But, just statistically, there's going to be some cases where the situation is so ambiguous that the tapes could support either side of the equation.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Amid allegations of police brutality, both sides say their version of events is backed up by what was captured with a body camera.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Sonoma County Sheriff's Office released body-camera footage yesterday that it says exonerates a deputy at the center of a police brutality lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The footage, posted to the YouTube channel of the Sheriff's Office, was recorded last June when Sheriff's Deputy Marcus Holton was investigating a possible disturbance in Petaluma. Both the attorney for Gabrielle Lemos, who says excessive force was used without legal justification, and county prosecutors, who have charged Lemos with misdemeanor resisting arrest, say the video footage backs their version of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Caution: The video below contains graphic content.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/9tf2p5rRHAY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/9tf2p5rRHAY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Background\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holton was on a rural road in Sonoma County when he came across a parked pickup truck and trailer blocking the road, \u003ca href=\"https://local.nixle.com/alert/5622079/\" target=\"_blank\">according to the Sheriff's Office\u003c/a>. While he was investigating, he heard a woman's scream from a house nearby and saw a man walking quickly toward the truck as several women shouted at him. Holton suspected \"he had encountered a domestic-related incident\" because one of the women was crying, according to the Sheriff's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The body-camera footage, from Holton and backup deputies, shows the Lemos family, at their property on Petaluma's Liberty Road, arguing with Holton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point (at about 2:40 in the video) the deputy opens the door of the truck to speak with Karli LaBruzzi, the woman in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Officer, what are you doing? You're not allowed to do that,\" says her 18-year-old sister, Gabrielle Lemos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The video shows the argument escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few minutes later (at about 8:40), Holton tackles Lemos, as she was apparently attempting to go back into the house. She was then put in the patrol car, taken to a hospital for cuts and bruises, and then booked into the Sonoma County Jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lemos' phone calls to her mother from jail were also released yesterday. The first recording includes a racial slur against Holton, who is black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, Lemos filed a federal civil rights lawsuit in U.S. District Court in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/4746048-181/lawsuit-alleges-sonoma-county-deputy?artslide=0\" target=\"_blank\">saying Holton's actions violated her right\u003c/a> against police brutality and her right to free speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day later the county district attorney's office filed a misdemeanor charge against Lemos for resisting arrest and interfering with an investigation. The move was retaliatory, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/5389842-181/decision-to-charge-gabbi-lemos\" target=\"_blank\">says Lemos’ lawyer, Izaak Schwaiger\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://law.stanford.edu/directory/robert-weisberg/\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Weisberg\u003c/a>, a co-director at Stanford's Criminal Justice Center, says the claim of retaliation is \"legally plausible, but very hard to prove.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The differing perceptions over what the police footage actually shows is, he says, an integral part of the debate over the increasing number of law enforcement body cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They tend to be promoted by both sides of the equation,\" Weisberg says. \"Police have been persuaded on the whole that these cameras are good for them because most of the time police are acting legally and this protects them against fabricated charges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people who complain about police behavior, cameras are a great thing because it shows what awful things the police do, Weisberg says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The fact is, both can be true,\" he says. \"But, just statistically, there's going to be some cases where the situation is so ambiguous that the tapes could support either side of the equation.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Prop. 47 Supporters Fear Treatment Fund Has Been Shortchanged",
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"content": "\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareacs.org/thunder-road/\">Thunder Road\u003c/a> Adolescent Treatment Centers in Oakland, 16-year-old Eric enjoys tending roses in a small patio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It don’t got a lot of roses yet but they’re growing,” he says. It could be a metaphor for his own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He just completed 60 days of residential addiction and mental health therapy instead of serving time at juvenile hall. We’re calling him “Eric” to protect his identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year and half ago, he robbed a woman for her purse and phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says, “I was just young and not thinking and I didn’t know I was going to get caught.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric was convicted of robbery and placed on probation, which he violated by using drugs. He says he turned to marijuana and alcohol to escape problems he was having with his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been hard, just using and going downhill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric has spent time in juvenile hall before, and was headed there again, when he was offered an option to go into treatment instead. This type of program is exactly what voters were promised would get more support under Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257789372\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2014 measure reduced penalties for drug offenses and other low-level felonies with the promise of saving hundreds of millions of dollars a year on prisons. Those savings will be used for drug treatment and other rehabilitation programs, starting this year. But now advocates are wondering: What happened to the money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We definitely believe that there are more savings than is currently indicated is going to be in the budget,” says Lenore Anderson, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.safeandjust.org/http://D\">Californians for Safety and Justice, \u003c/a>who co-authored Prop. 47 with San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We think the administration has underestimated the savings from Prop. 47 by around $100 million.'\u003ccite>Aaron Edwards, senior analyst, Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Anderson was stunned in January when the Brown administration announced that the state saved just $29.3 million from the measure this fiscal year -- a fraction of the “low hundreds of millions” that had been predicted in the voter guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We‘re very comfortable with the methodology and the calculations that we’ve used,” says H. D. Palmer, a spokesman for the state Finance Department. “We think it provides a realistic expectation -- not only to the Legislature but to the public -- in terms of the savings that are going to be generated by this proposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer says the savings estimate is based on the most recent data from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation on how many inmates were affected by Prop. 47 -- and in what types of beds they would have been housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prison officials, 4,700 fewer people were in state prison during fiscal year 2015-16, the majority of them saving the state $9,000 each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Edwards, with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Reports/2016/3352/fiscal-impacts-prop47-021216.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, thinks the state saved a lot more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line here is that we think the administration has underestimated the savings from Prop. 47 by around $100 million.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been contracting thousands of beds with private facilities or prisons in other states in order to comply with a federal court order to cap the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"JWutwuMyWd2VMOJ2Ol82LFX47vIVinXG\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given those conditions, Edwards thinks corrections officials would have sent those extra 4,700 inmates to private institutions or prisons in other states -- not to crowded state facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at those factors and you look at what the trend line was, it appears pretty clear to us that we would have had to go out and get several thousand contract beds, had this measure not passed,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards estimates prisons saved $29,000 each on those contract beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much Prop. 47 saved and how much of those savings will go to community programs is the focus of a Senate hearing Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are pushing to get the governor to increase the allocation when he revises his budget in May. Just how many people will be served by Prop. 47’s funding will be sorted out in Sacramento over the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 47 co-author Anderson says California has been slow to shift funds from prisons and jails into programs that can reduce incarceration:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are failing to do what we know we could do to prevent people from falling through the cracks: to invest in mental health and drug treatment at the scale that it’s needed at the community level before people are even in the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armando Corpus, an addiction specialist at Thunder Road, says whatever Prop. 47 ultimately yields, he hopes the teenagers he treats receive a fair share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t a lot of open arms for kids with drug charges against them or a history of drug use,” Corpus says. “There’s not a lot of folks reaching out to them. Our kids really deserve that shot if they can get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus says many teenagers get swept up in the criminal justice system largely because of addiction or mental illnesses like depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia and post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids who get sent here have tougher cases against them, a lot more family dysfunction, a lot more history of abuse and neglect,” Corpus says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated two-thirds of the teenagers treated at Thunder Road have been physically abused. Roughly a quarter have been sexually abused. Many live in homes where multiple family members are abusing drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our 16-year-old Eric plans to live with his grandmother and a younger sister after treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give up on me,” he says. “Since I came here, they got hope in me. They know that I’m trying to change and become a better person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Residential Treatment Rare\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential treatment programs are the most expensive, the hardest to fund and the most critical, says Dee Gagnon, admissions director at Thunder Road. “With mental health and substance abuse, most people don’t get better on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thunder Road helps teenagers develop more positive coping skills to help keep them out of jail and prison. The nonprofit also works to improve relationships through family counseling. It’s the last remaining residential treatment program for adolescents in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thunder Road almost closed this year after Sutter Health decided to drop the program because it had been losing money. Just before the doors were due to shut, the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacs.org/thunder-road-joins-bacs-programs/\" target=\"_blank\">Bay Area Community Services\u003c/a> (BACS) took it over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very grateful they did,” says Gagnon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BACS helps people coming out of prison find housing and jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thunder Road hopes to ramp up staffing later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 KQED. To see more election coverage, visit \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/election-2016\" target=\"_blank\">kqed.org/election2016\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what's important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareacs.org/thunder-road/\">Thunder Road\u003c/a> Adolescent Treatment Centers in Oakland, 16-year-old Eric enjoys tending roses in a small patio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It don’t got a lot of roses yet but they’re growing,” he says. It could be a metaphor for his own life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He just completed 60 days of residential addiction and mental health therapy instead of serving time at juvenile hall. We’re calling him “Eric” to protect his identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year and half ago, he robbed a woman for her purse and phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says, “I was just young and not thinking and I didn’t know I was going to get caught.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric was convicted of robbery and placed on probation, which he violated by using drugs. He says he turned to marijuana and alcohol to escape problems he was having with his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been hard, just using and going downhill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric has spent time in juvenile hall before, and was headed there again, when he was offered an option to go into treatment instead. This type of program is exactly what voters were promised would get more support under Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257789372&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257789372'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2014 measure reduced penalties for drug offenses and other low-level felonies with the promise of saving hundreds of millions of dollars a year on prisons. Those savings will be used for drug treatment and other rehabilitation programs, starting this year. But now advocates are wondering: What happened to the money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We definitely believe that there are more savings than is currently indicated is going to be in the budget,” says Lenore Anderson, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.safeandjust.org/http://D\">Californians for Safety and Justice, \u003c/a>who co-authored Prop. 47 with San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We think the administration has underestimated the savings from Prop. 47 by around $100 million.'\u003ccite>Aaron Edwards, senior analyst, Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Anderson was stunned in January when the Brown administration announced that the state saved just $29.3 million from the measure this fiscal year -- a fraction of the “low hundreds of millions” that had been predicted in the voter guide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We‘re very comfortable with the methodology and the calculations that we’ve used,” says H. D. Palmer, a spokesman for the state Finance Department. “We think it provides a realistic expectation -- not only to the Legislature but to the public -- in terms of the savings that are going to be generated by this proposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer says the savings estimate is based on the most recent data from the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation on how many inmates were affected by Prop. 47 -- and in what types of beds they would have been housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prison officials, 4,700 fewer people were in state prison during fiscal year 2015-16, the majority of them saving the state $9,000 each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Edwards, with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Reports/2016/3352/fiscal-impacts-prop47-021216.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, thinks the state saved a lot more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line here is that we think the administration has underestimated the savings from Prop. 47 by around $100 million.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been contracting thousands of beds with private facilities or prisons in other states in order to comply with a federal court order to cap the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given those conditions, Edwards thinks corrections officials would have sent those extra 4,700 inmates to private institutions or prisons in other states -- not to crowded state facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at those factors and you look at what the trend line was, it appears pretty clear to us that we would have had to go out and get several thousand contract beds, had this measure not passed,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards estimates prisons saved $29,000 each on those contract beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much Prop. 47 saved and how much of those savings will go to community programs is the focus of a Senate hearing Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are pushing to get the governor to increase the allocation when he revises his budget in May. Just how many people will be served by Prop. 47’s funding will be sorted out in Sacramento over the coming months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 47 co-author Anderson says California has been slow to shift funds from prisons and jails into programs that can reduce incarceration:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are failing to do what we know we could do to prevent people from falling through the cracks: to invest in mental health and drug treatment at the scale that it’s needed at the community level before people are even in the criminal justice system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Armando Corpus, an addiction specialist at Thunder Road, says whatever Prop. 47 ultimately yields, he hopes the teenagers he treats receive a fair share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There aren’t a lot of open arms for kids with drug charges against them or a history of drug use,” Corpus says. “There’s not a lot of folks reaching out to them. Our kids really deserve that shot if they can get it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corpus says many teenagers get swept up in the criminal justice system largely because of addiction or mental illnesses like depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia and post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The kids who get sent here have tougher cases against them, a lot more family dysfunction, a lot more history of abuse and neglect,” Corpus says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated two-thirds of the teenagers treated at Thunder Road have been physically abused. Roughly a quarter have been sexually abused. Many live in homes where multiple family members are abusing drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our 16-year-old Eric plans to live with his grandmother and a younger sister after treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t give up on me,” he says. “Since I came here, they got hope in me. They know that I’m trying to change and become a better person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Residential Treatment Rare\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residential treatment programs are the most expensive, the hardest to fund and the most critical, says Dee Gagnon, admissions director at Thunder Road. “With mental health and substance abuse, most people don’t get better on their own.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thunder Road helps teenagers develop more positive coping skills to help keep them out of jail and prison. The nonprofit also works to improve relationships through family counseling. It’s the last remaining residential treatment program for adolescents in the San Francisco Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thunder Road almost closed this year after Sutter Health decided to drop the program because it had been losing money. Just before the doors were due to shut, the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacs.org/thunder-road-joins-bacs-programs/\" target=\"_blank\">Bay Area Community Services\u003c/a> (BACS) took it over.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are very grateful they did,” says Gagnon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BACS helps people coming out of prison find housing and jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thunder Road hopes to ramp up staffing later this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 KQED. To see more election coverage, visit \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/election-2016\" target=\"_blank\">kqed.org/election2016\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Alameda County Debates Use of Pepper Spray in Juvenile Detention",
"title": "Alameda County Debates Use of Pepper Spray in Juvenile Detention",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lonnie Wright grew up in East Oakland. Over the years, he earned the nickname “Little Two Three” because he lived on 23rd Avenue, near Garfield Elementary School. Now 22 years old, Wright says the environment he grew up in was tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just young kids like those over there running,” he says, looking at the Garfield play area. “We were just in the heart of drugs, violence and guns and death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257659755\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After losing his spot on the high school football team, Wright says he lost interest in school and started making bad decisions. He ended up in juvenile hall for stealing cars. The first time, he was 16. Inmates in juvenile hall were pepper-sprayed when they didn’t listen or if fights broke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t even have to get touched by any pepper spray. You just have to be in the same room and it’s over for you,” Wright recalls. “You can’t breathe. You get to sweating. Your eyes get to watering. It’s pretty horrific.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pepper spray is a hotly debated topic in juvenile incarceration. Around the nation, it’s rare for pepper spray to be used inside juvenile facilities. But in California some large counties, like Los Angeles and San Diego, allow the chemical spray to be used on incarcerated minors. Alameda County is one of just three counties in the Bay Area that allow guards to use pepper spray in juvenile hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://cjca.net/\" target=\"_blank\">Council of Juvenile Correctional Administrators\u003c/a>, while staff at Alameda County’s juvenile hall use pepper spray about twice a week, nationally nearly 90 percent of state-run youth jails don’t allow guards to carry it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257616868\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Soler, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cclp.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Children’s Law and Policy\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., has helped set national standards for youth jails that include a strict ban on the use of pepper spray. So far, 300 counties have signed on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soler says juvenile facilities in the U.S. that use pepper spray are outliers, far outside the mainstream of juvenile justice practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t really give much credence to the argument that kids in some states are so out of control that the staff have to use this kind of chemical restraint,” Soler says. “It’s just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice is designed to practice rehabilitation. But Soler believes that pepper spray does just the opposite, teaching the lesson that “whoever controls the most force is the one who resolves the dispute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the last lesson we want young people to learn,” Soler says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to LaDonna Harris, the chief probation officer of Alameda County, the use of pepper spray is necessary. “It’s a tool that we use because we have no other good option,” Harris says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her department manages juvenile hall. Instead of using pepper spray, she says guards could tackle youth to the ground to restrain them. But, she argues, that’s more dangerous for both staff and young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledged that other facilities have decided not to use pepper spray, but says “we believe that it is appropriate here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are open to all conversations and we modify our processes and our procedures, but there needs to be something more compelling that just the fact that people don’t like it,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10921629\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 768px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10921629\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_8486_02-768x512.jpg\" alt=\"Staff at Alameda County Juvenile Hall use pepper spray about twice a week, despite the fact that 90 percent of state-run youth jails around the country don’t allow guards to carry it. \" width=\"768\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_8486_02-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_8486_02-768x512-400x267.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff at Alameda County Juvenile Hall use pepper spray about twice a week, despite the fact that 90 percent of state-run youth jails around the country don’t allow guards to carry it. \u003ccite>(Brett Myers/Youth Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the reporting of this story, Harris announced she will be stepping down from the Alameda County Probation Department later this year. Some officials in Alameda disagree with her perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Valle is a member of the Alameda County Board of Supervisors and sits on the board’s two-person public protection committee. Valle worries that pepper spray could be counterproductive to rehabilitation. When the board appoints the next probation chief, Valle says he wants to make a change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really interested in recruiting somebody who is progressive and forward-thinking. Maybe somebody who is not necessarily in the field -- a field that I think has been controlled by people in law enforcement,” Valle says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate about the best way to rehabilitate young people has been ongoing for the past 15 years. Overwhelming evidence shows that incarceration has a disproportionate effect on young people of color. Many counties have shifted toward a more therapeutic approach to juvenile justice, and this year Alameda County officials will decide to what extent they will join in those reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> Additional reporting by Brett Myers and Sara Hossaini.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lonnie Wright grew up in East Oakland. Over the years, he earned the nickname “Little Two Three” because he lived on 23rd Avenue, near Garfield Elementary School. Now 22 years old, Wright says the environment he grew up in was tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just young kids like those over there running,” he says, looking at the Garfield play area. “We were just in the heart of drugs, violence and guns and death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257659755&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257659755'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After losing his spot on the high school football team, Wright says he lost interest in school and started making bad decisions. He ended up in juvenile hall for stealing cars. The first time, he was 16. Inmates in juvenile hall were pepper-sprayed when they didn’t listen or if fights broke out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t even have to get touched by any pepper spray. You just have to be in the same room and it’s over for you,” Wright recalls. “You can’t breathe. You get to sweating. Your eyes get to watering. It’s pretty horrific.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pepper spray is a hotly debated topic in juvenile incarceration. Around the nation, it’s rare for pepper spray to be used inside juvenile facilities. But in California some large counties, like Los Angeles and San Diego, allow the chemical spray to be used on incarcerated minors. Alameda County is one of just three counties in the Bay Area that allow guards to use pepper spray in juvenile hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"http://cjca.net/\" target=\"_blank\">Council of Juvenile Correctional Administrators\u003c/a>, while staff at Alameda County’s juvenile hall use pepper spray about twice a week, nationally nearly 90 percent of state-run youth jails don’t allow guards to carry it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257616868&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/257616868'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Soler, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cclp.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Children’s Law and Policy\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., has helped set national standards for youth jails that include a strict ban on the use of pepper spray. So far, 300 counties have signed on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soler says juvenile facilities in the U.S. that use pepper spray are outliers, far outside the mainstream of juvenile justice practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t really give much credence to the argument that kids in some states are so out of control that the staff have to use this kind of chemical restraint,” Soler says. “It’s just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice is designed to practice rehabilitation. But Soler believes that pepper spray does just the opposite, teaching the lesson that “whoever controls the most force is the one who resolves the dispute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the last lesson we want young people to learn,” Soler says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to LaDonna Harris, the chief probation officer of Alameda County, the use of pepper spray is necessary. “It’s a tool that we use because we have no other good option,” Harris says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her department manages juvenile hall. Instead of using pepper spray, she says guards could tackle youth to the ground to restrain them. But, she argues, that’s more dangerous for both staff and young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledged that other facilities have decided not to use pepper spray, but says “we believe that it is appropriate here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are open to all conversations and we modify our processes and our procedures, but there needs to be something more compelling that just the fact that people don’t like it,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10921629\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 768px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10921629\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_8486_02-768x512.jpg\" alt=\"Staff at Alameda County Juvenile Hall use pepper spray about twice a week, despite the fact that 90 percent of state-run youth jails around the country don’t allow guards to carry it. \" width=\"768\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_8486_02-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/IMG_8486_02-768x512-400x267.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff at Alameda County Juvenile Hall use pepper spray about twice a week, despite the fact that 90 percent of state-run youth jails around the country don’t allow guards to carry it. \u003ccite>(Brett Myers/Youth Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the reporting of this story, Harris announced she will be stepping down from the Alameda County Probation Department later this year. Some officials in Alameda disagree with her perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Valle is a member of the Alameda County Board of Supervisors and sits on the board’s two-person public protection committee. Valle worries that pepper spray could be counterproductive to rehabilitation. When the board appoints the next probation chief, Valle says he wants to make a change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really interested in recruiting somebody who is progressive and forward-thinking. Maybe somebody who is not necessarily in the field -- a field that I think has been controlled by people in law enforcement,” Valle says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate about the best way to rehabilitate young people has been ongoing for the past 15 years. Overwhelming evidence shows that incarceration has a disproportionate effect on young people of color. Many counties have shifted toward a more therapeutic approach to juvenile justice, and this year Alameda County officials will decide to what extent they will join in those reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> Additional reporting by Brett Myers and Sara Hossaini.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "SFPD Racist Texts, Official Bickering Prompt New Calls for State or Federal Intervention",
"title": "SFPD Racist Texts, Official Bickering Prompt New Calls for State or Federal Intervention",
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"content": "\u003cp>Calls for a higher power to intervene in San Francisco's criminal justice system have reignited with the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/03/31/five-more-sfpd-officers-sent-bigoted-text-messages-even-during-textgate-scandal\" target=\"_blank\">revelation last week\u003c/a> that a second batch of police officers traded racist and homophobic text messages, even as the city reeled from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/258662847/Government-Opposition-to-Furminger-Motion-for-Bail-Pending-Appeal\" target=\"_blank\">first batch\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/13/racist-texts-prompt-sfpd-internal-investigation\" target=\"_blank\">revealed last year\u003c/a>, replete with racial slurs and violent language about African-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And exactly how the Police Department notified the District Attorney's Office that new messages indicating racial bias were recently recovered from officers' personal cellphones has prompted the latest round of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/01/sfpds-latest-racist-texting-scandal-who-knew-what-and-when\" target=\"_blank\">public bickering\u003c/a> between Police Chief Greg Suhr and District Attorney George Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's because prosecutors are required to notify defendants of exculpatory evidence, or evidence that tends to show a defendant is not guilty of a crime for which he or she is charged, under the 1963 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brady v. Maryland. That includes evidence that an arresting officer may have acted out of bias, hence the great interest from the legal community in racist text messages from police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every time an officer is deemed to engage in behavior that involves moral turpitude -- an officer is a thief, an officer’s a liar, or if an officer engages in racist or sexist behavior -- that officer has to be put on a list,\" said retired Superior Court of California Judge LaDoris Cordell. \"Basically, Brady officers really become useless.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brady notification process is anything but simple, though, largely because \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/02/19/new-state-bill-would-open-police-misconduct-serious-use-of-force-files\" target=\"_blank\">peace officer personnel information\u003c/a> is kept so secret in California that not even prosecutors have direct access to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suhr laid out the process that SFPD's Brady Unit followed regarding the latest text messages in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/307106059/SFPD-Chief-Greg-Suhr-April-4-Letter-to-DA-George-Gascon-re-bigoted-texts\" target=\"_blank\">April 4 letter\u003c/a> to Gascón, arguing that the department made the required notifications, and it was up to prosecutors to either file a motion or work with Police Department to review the personnel files in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gascón has said his office had no way of knowing that bigoted texts were buried in tens of thousands of pages of records seized from officers' personal cellphones as part of an internal sexual assault investigation of Officer Jason Lai. To avoid future oversight, \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/306686232/Gascon-Letter-to-Suhr-Re-Racist-Texts\" target=\"_blank\">Gascón suggested\u003c/a> Suhr make the existence of such messages public from the outset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior American Civil Liberties Union attorney Alan Schlosser agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He [Suhr] certainly was free back in August to say that they have uncovered more examples of this kind of conduct, and hopefully use that to reiterate his strong stand and say what they’re going to do about it,\" Schlosser said. \"But in fact it’s been kept secret from the public, and was only revealed last week by the district attorney. That to us was a very telling sign that the leadership of the Police Department is not committed to transparency and to significant reform.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for the second time in a little over four months, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclunc.org/docs/20160405-aclu_letter_to_doj.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">ACLU asked\u003c/a> the U.S. Department of Justice for a civil rights investigation of the SFPD, noting that federal authorities \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/02/01/department-of-justice-to-conduct-review-of-san-francisco-police-department\" target=\"_blank\">conducting a voluntary review\u003c/a> of department policies, following the fatal December police shooting of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-woods\" target=\"_blank\">Mario Woods\u003c/a>, have repeatedly said that a stronger civil rights investigation could launch if circumstances change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schlosser said the public feud between Suhr and Gascón adds to concern about San Francisco's overall criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it’s troubling,\" he said. \"I do think that kind of disarray does contribute to a feeling that San Francisco needs outside help, but it has to come from a source that can enforce.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Community Oriented Policing Services conducting the voluntary review of SFPD policies have made no official statements about the latest racially charged scandal, despite repeated inquiries. The Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division did not respond to KQED's inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We feel new circumstances have added to our original request to provide a compelling case for a pattern and practice investigation,\" Schlosser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi made a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/307111310/Letter-from-S-F-Public-Defender-Jeff-Adachi-to-California-Attorney-General-Kamala-Harris\" target=\"_blank\">similar request\u003c/a> to state Attorney General Kamala Harris Monday, asking the California Department of Justice to launch a civil rights investigation of San Francisco's Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the ACLU, Adachi cataloged not only the repeated scandals over racist text messages, but also SFPD's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/18/court-ruling-san-francisco-police-text-messaging-scandal\" target=\"_blank\">failure to discipline officers\u003c/a> implicated in the first round of texts, SFPD's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/06/22/report-african-american-adults-seven-times-as-likely-as-whites-to-be-arrested-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">extremely disproportionate arrest rate\u003c/a> of African-Americans, three high-profile fatal shootings of black and Latino men, and allegations of \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Drug-defendants-accuse-S-F-officers-of-racism-6690332.php\" target=\"_blank\">racial bias in a joint local-federal drug sting\u003c/a> revealed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The incidents reveal a pattern and practice within the police department that has allowed racism and disparate treatment of black and Latino people to fester and grow,\" Adachi wrote. \"An investigation would help settle the pressing question of whether the racism evidenced in these incidents is endemic of a culture within the department which allows these types of incidents to occur. But most importantly it would help restore the confidence of San Franciscans -- and those around the nation who are watching -- that the San Francisco Police Department is not engaging in racist practices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the California Attorney General said the office is reviewing Adachi's request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Malia Cohen said Tuesday she has not stopped calling for a federal investigation since she and board President London Breed formally requested one in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When is enough, enough?\" Cohen and Breed wrote in a joint statement issued April 5. \"We talk about implicit bias training, yet time and again are confronted with \u003cem>explicit\u003c/em> bias by those who are sworn to protect the community. This behavior cannot be tolerated without consequence; the City must rededicate itself to police reform.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Calls for a higher power to intervene in San Francisco's criminal justice system have reignited with the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/03/31/five-more-sfpd-officers-sent-bigoted-text-messages-even-during-textgate-scandal\" target=\"_blank\">revelation last week\u003c/a> that a second batch of police officers traded racist and homophobic text messages, even as the city reeled from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/258662847/Government-Opposition-to-Furminger-Motion-for-Bail-Pending-Appeal\" target=\"_blank\">first batch\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/13/racist-texts-prompt-sfpd-internal-investigation\" target=\"_blank\">revealed last year\u003c/a>, replete with racial slurs and violent language about African-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And exactly how the Police Department notified the District Attorney's Office that new messages indicating racial bias were recently recovered from officers' personal cellphones has prompted the latest round of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/01/sfpds-latest-racist-texting-scandal-who-knew-what-and-when\" target=\"_blank\">public bickering\u003c/a> between Police Chief Greg Suhr and District Attorney George Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's because prosecutors are required to notify defendants of exculpatory evidence, or evidence that tends to show a defendant is not guilty of a crime for which he or she is charged, under the 1963 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brady v. Maryland. That includes evidence that an arresting officer may have acted out of bias, hence the great interest from the legal community in racist text messages from police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every time an officer is deemed to engage in behavior that involves moral turpitude -- an officer is a thief, an officer’s a liar, or if an officer engages in racist or sexist behavior -- that officer has to be put on a list,\" said retired Superior Court of California Judge LaDoris Cordell. \"Basically, Brady officers really become useless.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brady notification process is anything but simple, though, largely because \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/02/19/new-state-bill-would-open-police-misconduct-serious-use-of-force-files\" target=\"_blank\">peace officer personnel information\u003c/a> is kept so secret in California that not even prosecutors have direct access to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suhr laid out the process that SFPD's Brady Unit followed regarding the latest text messages in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/307106059/SFPD-Chief-Greg-Suhr-April-4-Letter-to-DA-George-Gascon-re-bigoted-texts\" target=\"_blank\">April 4 letter\u003c/a> to Gascón, arguing that the department made the required notifications, and it was up to prosecutors to either file a motion or work with Police Department to review the personnel files in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Gascón has said his office had no way of knowing that bigoted texts were buried in tens of thousands of pages of records seized from officers' personal cellphones as part of an internal sexual assault investigation of Officer Jason Lai. To avoid future oversight, \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/306686232/Gascon-Letter-to-Suhr-Re-Racist-Texts\" target=\"_blank\">Gascón suggested\u003c/a> Suhr make the existence of such messages public from the outset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior American Civil Liberties Union attorney Alan Schlosser agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He [Suhr] certainly was free back in August to say that they have uncovered more examples of this kind of conduct, and hopefully use that to reiterate his strong stand and say what they’re going to do about it,\" Schlosser said. \"But in fact it’s been kept secret from the public, and was only revealed last week by the district attorney. That to us was a very telling sign that the leadership of the Police Department is not committed to transparency and to significant reform.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So for the second time in a little over four months, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aclunc.org/docs/20160405-aclu_letter_to_doj.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">ACLU asked\u003c/a> the U.S. Department of Justice for a civil rights investigation of the SFPD, noting that federal authorities \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/02/01/department-of-justice-to-conduct-review-of-san-francisco-police-department\" target=\"_blank\">conducting a voluntary review\u003c/a> of department policies, following the fatal December police shooting of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-woods\" target=\"_blank\">Mario Woods\u003c/a>, have repeatedly said that a stronger civil rights investigation could launch if circumstances change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schlosser said the public feud between Suhr and Gascón adds to concern about San Francisco's overall criminal justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think it’s troubling,\" he said. \"I do think that kind of disarray does contribute to a feeling that San Francisco needs outside help, but it has to come from a source that can enforce.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials with the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Community Oriented Policing Services conducting the voluntary review of SFPD policies have made no official statements about the latest racially charged scandal, despite repeated inquiries. The Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division did not respond to KQED's inquiry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We feel new circumstances have added to our original request to provide a compelling case for a pattern and practice investigation,\" Schlosser said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi made a \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/307111310/Letter-from-S-F-Public-Defender-Jeff-Adachi-to-California-Attorney-General-Kamala-Harris\" target=\"_blank\">similar request\u003c/a> to state Attorney General Kamala Harris Monday, asking the California Department of Justice to launch a civil rights investigation of San Francisco's Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the ACLU, Adachi cataloged not only the repeated scandals over racist text messages, but also SFPD's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/12/18/court-ruling-san-francisco-police-text-messaging-scandal\" target=\"_blank\">failure to discipline officers\u003c/a> implicated in the first round of texts, SFPD's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/06/22/report-african-american-adults-seven-times-as-likely-as-whites-to-be-arrested-in-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">extremely disproportionate arrest rate\u003c/a> of African-Americans, three high-profile fatal shootings of black and Latino men, and allegations of \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/crime/article/Drug-defendants-accuse-S-F-officers-of-racism-6690332.php\" target=\"_blank\">racial bias in a joint local-federal drug sting\u003c/a> revealed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The incidents reveal a pattern and practice within the police department that has allowed racism and disparate treatment of black and Latino people to fester and grow,\" Adachi wrote. \"An investigation would help settle the pressing question of whether the racism evidenced in these incidents is endemic of a culture within the department which allows these types of incidents to occur. But most importantly it would help restore the confidence of San Franciscans -- and those around the nation who are watching -- that the San Francisco Police Department is not engaging in racist practices.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the California Attorney General said the office is reviewing Adachi's request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Malia Cohen said Tuesday she has not stopped calling for a federal investigation since she and board President London Breed formally requested one in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When is enough, enough?\" Cohen and Breed wrote in a joint statement issued April 5. \"We talk about implicit bias training, yet time and again are confronted with \u003cem>explicit\u003c/em> bias by those who are sworn to protect the community. This behavior cannot be tolerated without consequence; the City must rededicate itself to police reform.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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