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"content": "\u003cp>Like many new political candidates at the time, Rebecca Bauer-Kahan first ran for the state Assembly in 2018 because she was troubled by the election of then-President Donald Trump and wanted California to fight back against his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six years later, that dynamic has flipped on its head. In the just-concluded regular legislative session, the San Ramon Democrat and her colleagues instead battled a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/08/california-conservatives-fight-back/\">surging rebellion from conservative California communities\u003c/a> against the state’s liberal governance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On issues including abortion access, election rules and LGBTQ rights, Democrats in Sacramento passed legislation this year to stifle emerging local policies that they argued undermine the state’s commitment to diversity, civil rights and other progressive values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In certain ways, we have the right to hold the line for our constituencies,” said \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/rebecca-bauer-kahan-165035\">Bauer-Kahan\u003c/a>, who compared the relationship between the Legislature and local governments to a system of checks and balances. “And I think that’s what we’re doing right now — we’re checking them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions over local control are nothing new in California politics, as anyone who has followed decades of debate about land use and housing development can attest. But the last few years have opened a new front of conflict around cultural grievances more typical of red states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Republican power waning in California — the party hasn’t elected a candidate to statewide office since 2006 and labors under a superminority in the Legislature — conservatives are increasingly using the relative autonomy of city councils, county boards of supervisors and school boards to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/11/huntington-beach-conservatives/\">protest liberal state policymaking and assert a competing vision for their communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of built-up frustration and that’s one valve that’s being used,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/bill-essayli-165444\">Bill Essayli\u003c/a>, a Corona Republican who is often an outspoken opponent of bills to shut down conservative defiance. “We’re in an era in politics where you need an adversary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result has been local laws to require voter identification at the polls, block abortion clinics from opening, review children’s library books for sexual content and mandate parental notification when students change their gender identity at school — prompting legislative Democrats to respond with measures that would ban those policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want free people to make up their own minds,” said Fresno County Supervisor Steve Brandau, who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/book-bans-california-libraries/\">developed a library material review committee\u003c/a> for his county because he was disturbed by the children’s books included in a Pride Month display at a local library. “We’re fighting for our lives, we’re fighting for our livelihoods, we’re fighting for our beliefs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash began intensifying last year, with a showdown over an elementary school social studies textbook. When a Riverside County school board refused to adopt the state-approved curriculum because it referenced assassinated LGBTQ rights activist Harvey Milk, Gov. Gavin Newsom threatened to send the textbook directly to students and bill the district, which then reversed course. Legislators \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/09/california-book-bans/\">subsequently passed a law\u003c/a> to penalize school boards that ban books because they include the history or culture of LGBTQ people and other diverse groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature also approved, and Newsom signed, a measure to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws/#c2120155-fc6a-4c1b-9323-6291c4b1efd8\">limit when local governments can count ballots by hand\u003c/a>, after Shasta County canceled its contract with a voting machine company because of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/06/shasta-county-election-administration/\">unfounded election fraud claims\u003c/a> pushed by Trump and his allies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spate of legislation has followed this year, most controversially \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1955?slug=CA_202320240AB1955\">Assembly Bill 1955\u003c/a> by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Chris Ward\u003c/a>, a San Diego Democrat, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/07/trans-youth-california/\">prevents school districts from alerting parents\u003c/a> when a student starts identifying as another gender. Such parental notification policies began sprouting up across California after the 2022 election, when Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/08/california-republicans-school-board-races/\">focused on winning control of school boards\u003c/a>, but critics argue they amount to forced outing. Essayli and Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/corey-jackson-165443\">Corey Jackson\u003c/a> nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289582908.html\">came to blows on the Assembly floor\u003c/a> over AB 1955, which Newsom signed in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_12002527,news_11995853,news_12001799\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other measures are headed to the governor’s desk after receiving final approval from the Legislature last week, including Bauer-Kahan’s \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2085?slug=CA_202320240AB2085\">AB 2085\u003c/a> to streamline the permitting process for reproductive health clinics. Though California has positioned itself as an “abortion sanctuary” since the U.S Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to abortion — even putting reproductive rights into the state constitution — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/abortion-rights-california-beverly-hills-clinic/\">local opposition has prevented clinics from opening\u003c/a> in cities such as Beverly Hills and Fontana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw the voters say they overwhelmingly support abortion rights, so it’s important that we as a state step in to ensure this access that they said they want,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/#f2de7f04-ca4b-4c20-b7e3-f75a528befe4\">Senate Bill 1174\u003c/a> by state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/dave-min-165451\">Dave Min\u003c/a>, an Irvine Democrat, would prohibit local governments from requiring voter identification in municipal elections, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/california-election-huntington-beach/\">Huntington Beach adopted this past spring\u003c/a> as a security measure despite criticisms that it would create unnecessary hurdles for poor and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/#828d086d-0676-48b0-a25c-ddf15e45dc40\">AB 1825\u003c/a> by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/al-muratsuchi-34399\">Al Muratsuchi\u003c/a>, would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/book-bans-california-libraries/\">outlaw the sort of citizen review panels\u003c/a> that Huntington Beach and Fresno County recently created to restrict access to library books with “sexual references” and “gender-identity content.” Supporters argue the committees can keep inappropriate material out of children’s hands, while opponents contend that they target books with LGBTQ themes for censorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislators behind these bills say they support local control on some issues, but it can go too far when communities use their power to challenge people’s rights or the values that Californians have broadly affirmed. That’s when they believe the state should step in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see it as our responsibility for the Legislature to establish protections for all kids regardless of where they live,” said Muratsuchi, a Torrance Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002787\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03.jpg\" alt=\"Several people look toward a person at a podium with a microphone and a large screen behind them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The state Senate during a floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers suggested the growing confrontation could be a symptom of the divisive politics of the Trump era. They said many conservatives took a signal from Trump’s refusal to accept his loss in the 2020 presidential election and, like liberal states during the Trump administration, are picking up the mantle to lead a political resistance — which they believe, in many cases, has gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve seen a lot of these people really thumb their nose at the rule of law,” Min said. “They’re trying to get around that through sneaky little tactics.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative politicians counter that they are simply reacting to a state government that has pushed much further left than their constituents by listening to the LGBTQ rights movement and other activists rather than the people who elected them. Essayli said the Democratic supermajority in the Legislature is over-representative of a progressive ideology compared to California voters, only 46% of whom are registered Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s one side changing what the norm is,” he said. “Then we’re considered the instigators, the agitators, the provocateurs for saying, wait, that’s not the way it’s always been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Newsom declined to comment on the legislation pending before him or when the governor thinks state intervention is necessary to override local policies. But even if he signs the bills on his desk, is it almost certainly not the end of this fight, as communities such as Huntington Beach — which has positioned itself over the past two years as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/11/huntington-beach-conservatives/\">bulwark in the conservative war against “wokeism”\u003c/a> — consider lawsuits and other forms of protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002789\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002789\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a red dress holds a book while leaning against a desk with a stack of books and pictures in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gracey Van Der Mark, Mayor Pro Tem, with books she believes should be banned from children’s sections of the library in Huntington Beach Nov. 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach Mayor Gracey Van Der Mark has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2024-08-07/huntington-beach-city-council-majority-calls-for-creation-of-a-parents-right-to-know-ordinance\">introduced a “parents’ right to know” ordinance \u003c/a>as a direct challenge to AB 1955, the law prohibiting schools from reporting when students change their gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her city is more at odds now with Sacramento because state politicians are trying to stamp out ideological diversity in California and force all parents to raise their children in a certain way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s none of the state’s business,” she said. “We’re sick and tired of it. We need to push back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be great if Sacramento could focus on homelessness, crime,” she added, “and leave the parenting to the parents.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Like many new political candidates at the time, Rebecca Bauer-Kahan first ran for the state Assembly in 2018 because she was troubled by the election of then-President Donald Trump and wanted California to fight back against his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six years later, that dynamic has flipped on its head. In the just-concluded regular legislative session, the San Ramon Democrat and her colleagues instead battled a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/08/california-conservatives-fight-back/\">surging rebellion from conservative California communities\u003c/a> against the state’s liberal governance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On issues including abortion access, election rules and LGBTQ rights, Democrats in Sacramento passed legislation this year to stifle emerging local policies that they argued undermine the state’s commitment to diversity, civil rights and other progressive values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In certain ways, we have the right to hold the line for our constituencies,” said \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/rebecca-bauer-kahan-165035\">Bauer-Kahan\u003c/a>, who compared the relationship between the Legislature and local governments to a system of checks and balances. “And I think that’s what we’re doing right now — we’re checking them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions over local control are nothing new in California politics, as anyone who has followed decades of debate about land use and housing development can attest. But the last few years have opened a new front of conflict around cultural grievances more typical of red states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Republican power waning in California — the party hasn’t elected a candidate to statewide office since 2006 and labors under a superminority in the Legislature — conservatives are increasingly using the relative autonomy of city councils, county boards of supervisors and school boards to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/11/huntington-beach-conservatives/\">protest liberal state policymaking and assert a competing vision for their communities\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a lot of built-up frustration and that’s one valve that’s being used,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/bill-essayli-165444\">Bill Essayli\u003c/a>, a Corona Republican who is often an outspoken opponent of bills to shut down conservative defiance. “We’re in an era in politics where you need an adversary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result has been local laws to require voter identification at the polls, block abortion clinics from opening, review children’s library books for sexual content and mandate parental notification when students change their gender identity at school — prompting legislative Democrats to respond with measures that would ban those policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t want free people to make up their own minds,” said Fresno County Supervisor Steve Brandau, who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/book-bans-california-libraries/\">developed a library material review committee\u003c/a> for his county because he was disturbed by the children’s books included in a Pride Month display at a local library. “We’re fighting for our lives, we’re fighting for our livelihoods, we’re fighting for our beliefs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash began intensifying last year, with a showdown over an elementary school social studies textbook. When a Riverside County school board refused to adopt the state-approved curriculum because it referenced assassinated LGBTQ rights activist Harvey Milk, Gov. Gavin Newsom threatened to send the textbook directly to students and bill the district, which then reversed course. Legislators \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2023/09/california-book-bans/\">subsequently passed a law\u003c/a> to penalize school boards that ban books because they include the history or culture of LGBTQ people and other diverse groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature also approved, and Newsom signed, a measure to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws/#c2120155-fc6a-4c1b-9323-6291c4b1efd8\">limit when local governments can count ballots by hand\u003c/a>, after Shasta County canceled its contract with a voting machine company because of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/06/shasta-county-election-administration/\">unfounded election fraud claims\u003c/a> pushed by Trump and his allies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spate of legislation has followed this year, most controversially \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1955?slug=CA_202320240AB1955\">Assembly Bill 1955\u003c/a> by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Chris Ward\u003c/a>, a San Diego Democrat, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/07/trans-youth-california/\">prevents school districts from alerting parents\u003c/a> when a student starts identifying as another gender. Such parental notification policies began sprouting up across California after the 2022 election, when Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/08/california-republicans-school-board-races/\">focused on winning control of school boards\u003c/a>, but critics argue they amount to forced outing. Essayli and Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/corey-jackson-165443\">Corey Jackson\u003c/a> nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289582908.html\">came to blows on the Assembly floor\u003c/a> over AB 1955, which Newsom signed in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other measures are headed to the governor’s desk after receiving final approval from the Legislature last week, including Bauer-Kahan’s \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2085?slug=CA_202320240AB2085\">AB 2085\u003c/a> to streamline the permitting process for reproductive health clinics. Though California has positioned itself as an “abortion sanctuary” since the U.S Supreme Court overturned the constitutional right to abortion — even putting reproductive rights into the state constitution — \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/abortion-rights-california-beverly-hills-clinic/\">local opposition has prevented clinics from opening\u003c/a> in cities such as Beverly Hills and Fontana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw the voters say they overwhelmingly support abortion rights, so it’s important that we as a state step in to ensure this access that they said they want,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/#f2de7f04-ca4b-4c20-b7e3-f75a528befe4\">Senate Bill 1174\u003c/a> by state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/dave-min-165451\">Dave Min\u003c/a>, an Irvine Democrat, would prohibit local governments from requiring voter identification in municipal elections, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/03/california-election-huntington-beach/\">Huntington Beach adopted this past spring\u003c/a> as a security measure despite criticisms that it would create unnecessary hurdles for poor and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/#828d086d-0676-48b0-a25c-ddf15e45dc40\">AB 1825\u003c/a> by Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/al-muratsuchi-34399\">Al Muratsuchi\u003c/a>, would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/book-bans-california-libraries/\">outlaw the sort of citizen review panels\u003c/a> that Huntington Beach and Fresno County recently created to restrict access to library books with “sexual references” and “gender-identity content.” Supporters argue the committees can keep inappropriate material out of children’s hands, while opponents contend that they target books with LGBTQ themes for censorship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislators behind these bills say they support local control on some issues, but it can go too far when communities use their power to challenge people’s rights or the values that Californians have broadly affirmed. That’s when they believe the state should step in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see it as our responsibility for the Legislature to establish protections for all kids regardless of where they live,” said Muratsuchi, a Torrance Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002787\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03.jpg\" alt=\"Several people look toward a person at a podium with a microphone and a large screen behind them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/082924_StateCapitolSession_FM_CM-03-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The state Senate during a floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers suggested the growing confrontation could be a symptom of the divisive politics of the Trump era. They said many conservatives took a signal from Trump’s refusal to accept his loss in the 2020 presidential election and, like liberal states during the Trump administration, are picking up the mantle to lead a political resistance — which they believe, in many cases, has gone too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve seen a lot of these people really thumb their nose at the rule of law,” Min said. “They’re trying to get around that through sneaky little tactics.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative politicians counter that they are simply reacting to a state government that has pushed much further left than their constituents by listening to the LGBTQ rights movement and other activists rather than the people who elected them. Essayli said the Democratic supermajority in the Legislature is over-representative of a progressive ideology compared to California voters, only 46% of whom are registered Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s one side changing what the norm is,” he said. “Then we’re considered the instigators, the agitators, the provocateurs for saying, wait, that’s not the way it’s always been.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Newsom declined to comment on the legislation pending before him or when the governor thinks state intervention is necessary to override local policies. But even if he signs the bills on his desk, is it almost certainly not the end of this fight, as communities such as Huntington Beach — which has positioned itself over the past two years as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/11/huntington-beach-conservatives/\">bulwark in the conservative war against “wokeism”\u003c/a> — consider lawsuits and other forms of protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002789\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002789\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a red dress holds a book while leaning against a desk with a stack of books and pictures in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/111123_HuntingtonBeach_LJ_CM_5639-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gracey Van Der Mark, Mayor Pro Tem, with books she believes should be banned from children’s sections of the library in Huntington Beach Nov. 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach Mayor Gracey Van Der Mark has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2024-08-07/huntington-beach-city-council-majority-calls-for-creation-of-a-parents-right-to-know-ordinance\">introduced a “parents’ right to know” ordinance \u003c/a>as a direct challenge to AB 1955, the law prohibiting schools from reporting when students change their gender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her city is more at odds now with Sacramento because state politicians are trying to stamp out ideological diversity in California and force all parents to raise their children in a certain way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s none of the state’s business,” she said. “We’re sick and tired of it. We need to push back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be great if Sacramento could focus on homelessness, crime,” she added, “and leave the parenting to the parents.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Lawmakers Pass Bills to Atone for Legacy of Racism Against Black Residents",
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"headTitle": "California Lawmakers Pass Bills to Atone for Legacy of Racism Against Black Residents | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers this week passed some of the nation’s most ambitious legislation aimed at atoning for a legacy of racist policies that drove disparities for Black people, from housing to education to health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they left out two bills that would have created a fund aimed at addressing discriminatory state policies and an agency to implement reparations programs — key components for the state to enact other reparations measures. Black Caucus Chair Assemblymember Lori Wilson confirmed Saturday afternoon that lawmakers will not vote on them before the end-of-year deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That effectively kills the two proposals after years of efforts, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do we need a Black Caucus for?” said Chris Lodgson, an organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a reparations advocacy group. “These are priority bills of the caucus, and they are blocking their own bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the bills would provide widespread direct payments to African Americans. The state Legislature instead approved proposals allowing for the return of land or compensation to families whose property was unjustly seized by the government, and issuing a formal apology for laws and practices that have harmed Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, who is Black, called his bill to issue a formal apology for discrimination “a labor of love.” His uncle was part of a group of African American students who in the 1950s were escorted by federal troops past an angry white mob into Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, three years after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that school segregation was unconstitutional. The students became known as the “ \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/north-america-us-news-arkansas-courts-supreme-courts-76edd3fc67704c1f97b6fc2f721aecab\">Little Rock Nine\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think my grandmother, my grandfather, would be extremely proud for what we are going to do today,” Jones-Sawyer said ahead of the vote on the legislation that was passed. “Because that is why they struggled in 1957, so that I’d be able to — and we’d be able to — move forward our people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999415 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reparations bills now head to Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has until Sept. 30 to decide whether to sign them into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic governor hasn’t weighed in on most of the bills, but he \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-legislature-budget-deficit-gavin-newsom-26079531ee8a76144d0c485a9688d744\">signed a $297.9 billion budget\u003c/a> in June that included up to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-budget-black-25a4e549c64fafde3f71f77c201b3030\">$12 million for reparations legislation\u003c/a>. However the budget did not specify what proposals the money would be used for, and his administration has signaled its opposition to some of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom approved a law in 2020 creating a first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations proposals. New York state and Illinois have since followed suit with similar legislation. The California group \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b\">released a final report\u003c/a> last year with more than 100 recommendations for lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a law last month requiring school districts that receive state funding for a career education program to collect data on the performance of participating students by race and gender. The legislation, part of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-compensation-slavery-c3b8d7a4de973adf218b93e396af8fe1\">reparations package\u003c/a> backed by the California Legislative Black Caucus, aims to help address gaps in student outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the most significant bills lawmakers approved this week:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Returning seized property\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state Senate overwhelmingly approved the bill on the return of land or compensation to families whose property was taken unfairly through racially discriminatory means using eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The topic garnered renewed attention in California when Los Angeles-area officials \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-and-environment-government-politics-a5bebc8ede6fad0e11dacce9350c6b2d\">returned a beachfront property\u003c/a> in 2022 to a Black couple decades after it was seized from their ancestors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration’s Department of Finance opposes the bill. The agency says the cost to implement it is unknown but could “range from hundreds of thousands of dollars to low millions of dollars annually, depending on the workload required to accept, review, and investigate applications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not immediately clear how the initiative would be enacted even if Newsom signs it into law, after lawmakers dropped the measure to create an agency to implement it. That proposal would have formed a genealogy office to help Black Californians research their family lineage and verify their eligibility for any reparations that become law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Formal apology\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California would accept responsibility and formally apologize for its role in perpetuating segregation, economic disparities and discrimination against Black Americans under another bill the Legislature approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation requires the secretary of state to send a final copy of the apology to the state archives, where it could be viewed by the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The apology would say that the state “affirms its role in protecting the descendants of enslaved people and all Black Californians as well as their civil, political, and sociocultural rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Trân Nguyễn contributed to this report. Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers this week passed some of the nation’s most ambitious legislation aimed at atoning for a legacy of racist policies that drove disparities for Black people, from housing to education to health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they left out two bills that would have created a fund aimed at addressing discriminatory state policies and an agency to implement reparations programs — key components for the state to enact other reparations measures. Black Caucus Chair Assemblymember Lori Wilson confirmed Saturday afternoon that lawmakers will not vote on them before the end-of-year deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That effectively kills the two proposals after years of efforts, advocates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do we need a Black Caucus for?” said Chris Lodgson, an organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, a reparations advocacy group. “These are priority bills of the caucus, and they are blocking their own bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the bills would provide widespread direct payments to African Americans. The state Legislature instead approved proposals allowing for the return of land or compensation to families whose property was unjustly seized by the government, and issuing a formal apology for laws and practices that have harmed Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer, who is Black, called his bill to issue a formal apology for discrimination “a labor of love.” His uncle was part of a group of African American students who in the 1950s were escorted by federal troops past an angry white mob into Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, three years after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that school segregation was unconstitutional. The students became known as the “ \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/north-america-us-news-arkansas-courts-supreme-courts-76edd3fc67704c1f97b6fc2f721aecab\">Little Rock Nine\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think my grandmother, my grandfather, would be extremely proud for what we are going to do today,” Jones-Sawyer said ahead of the vote on the legislation that was passed. “Because that is why they struggled in 1957, so that I’d be able to — and we’d be able to — move forward our people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reparations bills now head to Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has until Sept. 30 to decide whether to sign them into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic governor hasn’t weighed in on most of the bills, but he \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-legislature-budget-deficit-gavin-newsom-26079531ee8a76144d0c485a9688d744\">signed a $297.9 billion budget\u003c/a> in June that included up to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-budget-black-25a4e549c64fafde3f71f77c201b3030\">$12 million for reparations legislation\u003c/a>. However the budget did not specify what proposals the money would be used for, and his administration has signaled its opposition to some of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom approved a law in 2020 creating a first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations proposals. New York state and Illinois have since followed suit with similar legislation. The California group \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-slavery-apology-0108745176cc1fd60eb036fba112f72b\">released a final report\u003c/a> last year with more than 100 recommendations for lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed a law last month requiring school districts that receive state funding for a career education program to collect data on the performance of participating students by race and gender. The legislation, part of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-reparations-compensation-slavery-c3b8d7a4de973adf218b93e396af8fe1\">reparations package\u003c/a> backed by the California Legislative Black Caucus, aims to help address gaps in student outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the most significant bills lawmakers approved this week:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Returning seized property\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state Senate overwhelmingly approved the bill on the return of land or compensation to families whose property was taken unfairly through racially discriminatory means using eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The topic garnered renewed attention in California when Los Angeles-area officials \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-climate-and-environment-government-politics-a5bebc8ede6fad0e11dacce9350c6b2d\">returned a beachfront property\u003c/a> in 2022 to a Black couple decades after it was seized from their ancestors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration’s Department of Finance opposes the bill. The agency says the cost to implement it is unknown but could “range from hundreds of thousands of dollars to low millions of dollars annually, depending on the workload required to accept, review, and investigate applications.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not immediately clear how the initiative would be enacted even if Newsom signs it into law, after lawmakers dropped the measure to create an agency to implement it. That proposal would have formed a genealogy office to help Black Californians research their family lineage and verify their eligibility for any reparations that become law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"mb-0 pb-2 ap-font-bold\">Formal apology\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California would accept responsibility and formally apologize for its role in perpetuating segregation, economic disparities and discrimination against Black Americans under another bill the Legislature approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation requires the secretary of state to send a final copy of the apology to the state archives, where it could be viewed by the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The apology would say that the state “affirms its role in protecting the descendants of enslaved people and all Black Californians as well as their civil, political, and sociocultural rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Trân Nguyễn contributed to this report. Austin is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Law Helps Tribes Keep Kids Out of Foster Care. A New Court Ruling Strengthens Their Hand",
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"content": "\u003cp>For nearly a century, California and other states forced Native American youth into boarding schools, aiming to erase their cultural practices while separating children from their parents and placing them in a foster system that often left them without any ties to their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only in the late 1970s that the federal government passed a law to protect families from separation, ensuring that child welfare agencies inquire about Native ancestry and work to keep tribes, relatives and communities together. Decades later, contested cases continue to appear regularly before California courts, where state protections are stronger than federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-supreme-court/\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a> on Monday reinforced those rules in a new decision, stressing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S275578.PDF\">child welfare agencies must investigate (PDF)\u003c/a> whether children have Native American ancestry before placing them in foster care. It’s a decision that could strengthen tribes’ hand in disputes over separating families by compelling social workers to go a step further before removing a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incidentally, the case turned on parents who do not claim to have any tribal affiliations or Native ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Department of Children and Family Services in 2019 accused two children’s parents of substance abuse and domestic violence, eventually getting their custody terminated in court. Their mother, Angelica A., has not indicated in court documents that she is Native American, but she appealed the decision on the grounds that officials did not complete a proper inquiry into her children’s heritage. Her last name is not listed in the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a 5–2 majority, the justices agreed with the mother, calling into question not just this family’s case but nearly two dozen other cases involving child custody and California courts. They gave little weight to concerns over whether an additional review would make a difference in the actual placement of the children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The department’s inquiry extended no further than mother and father, both of whom have long-standing issues with substance use disorder, even though their parents, siblings, and father’s cousin were readily available and had been interviewed by the department,” Justice Kelli Evans wrote in the majority opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices reversed a juvenile court’s decision to terminate the parents’ rights on the condition that the agency conduct an “adequate inquiry, supported by record documentation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiara Davila-Morales, a spokesperson for the Los Angeles Department of Children and Family Services, said the department could not comment in time for publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Indian Child Welfare Act recently upheld\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The issue of child custody and Native Americans has \u003ca href=\"https://imprintnews.org/child-welfare-2/nations-first-family-separation-policy-indian-child-welfare-act/32431\">long been a point of painful history\u003c/a> in the United States. In June 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/native-american-issues/haaland-v-brackeen/#:~:text=Brackeen%20and%2C%20in%20a%207,people%20in%20the%20United%20States.\">upheld the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act,\u003c/a> which regulates the removal and out-of-home placement of Native children. A July 2024 report from the U.S. Department of the Interior found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/2024/07/30/indian-boarding-schools-native-americans/#:~:text=More%20than%20900%20Native%20American%20children%20died%20while%20being%20forced,children%20and%20destroy%20their%20culture.\">over 900 children died nationwide\u003c/a> in forced boarding schools from 1819 to 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, over half of Native American youth in California’s foster care system end up in non-relative and non-Native households, a number that has remained relatively steady in the past decade, according to state \u003ca href=\"https://ccwip.berkeley.edu/childwelfare/reports/4E/MTSG/r/fcp/l\">data analyzed by researchers at UC Berkeley.\u003c/a> Tribes have long argued they have a necessary stake in ensuring the well-being of Native youth and that social workers must make good-faith attempts to inquire about ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ironically, such (an) inquiry could take only a few days to complete — which is significantly faster than the nearly two years that this appeal was litigated,” wrote Michelle Castagne, executive director of the California Tribal Families Coalition, in a statement. “The court’s decision recognizes the vital role that tribes have in the lives of tribal children and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dissent emphasizes children’s ‘instability’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The two dissenting justices blasted the majority for taking a “formulaic approach” that “needlessly condemns these children and others like them to more uncertainty, more instability and more trauma.” The two children were taken into the care of their paternal grandparents, according to the ruling, who are ready to formally adopt them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They wrote that the children would have been better off by resolving the case quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"mindshift_64338,news_11985946,news_11985946\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nonetheless, because the department failed to ask additional family members about the children’s ancestry, my colleagues invoke a rule of automatic conditional reversal that is wholly inconsistent with the way in which California courts have assessed state law error for almost seven decades,” Justice Joshua Groban wrote in the dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John L. Dodd, an attorney representing the mother, said those concerns are overblown. For far too long, he said, social workers have been making inadequate inquiries about Native ancestry. It’s an often unintentional omission, he said, because investigators are juggling delicate family dynamics involving substance abuse or mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the family he represented did not indicate having any Native ancestry, he said the case matters because it sends a message to child welfare agencies that they can’t ignore state and federal regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the social worker has to do is ask three or four questions when the social worker is doing a report,” he told CalMatters. “So the parade of horribles that the dissent is concerned about is not going to occur because now everybody knows that you can’t just risk it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The children at the center of the case are now 8 and 6 years old, according to the decision, and for the four years it has lasted, they have been in their grandparent’s custody. California is home to around 350,000 Native American youth under 18, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://first5center.org/\">First 5 Center for Children’s policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California child welfare agencies must investigate claims of Native American ancestry before separating a family, the California Supreme Court stressed in a new ruling that affects several contested cases.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For nearly a century, California and other states forced Native American youth into boarding schools, aiming to erase their cultural practices while separating children from their parents and placing them in a foster system that often left them without any ties to their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only in the late 1970s that the federal government passed a law to protect families from separation, ensuring that child welfare agencies inquire about Native ancestry and work to keep tribes, relatives and communities together. Decades later, contested cases continue to appear regularly before California courts, where state protections are stronger than federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-supreme-court/\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a> on Monday reinforced those rules in a new decision, stressing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S275578.PDF\">child welfare agencies must investigate (PDF)\u003c/a> whether children have Native American ancestry before placing them in foster care. It’s a decision that could strengthen tribes’ hand in disputes over separating families by compelling social workers to go a step further before removing a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incidentally, the case turned on parents who do not claim to have any tribal affiliations or Native ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Department of Children and Family Services in 2019 accused two children’s parents of substance abuse and domestic violence, eventually getting their custody terminated in court. Their mother, Angelica A., has not indicated in court documents that she is Native American, but she appealed the decision on the grounds that officials did not complete a proper inquiry into her children’s heritage. Her last name is not listed in the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By a 5–2 majority, the justices agreed with the mother, calling into question not just this family’s case but nearly two dozen other cases involving child custody and California courts. They gave little weight to concerns over whether an additional review would make a difference in the actual placement of the children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The department’s inquiry extended no further than mother and father, both of whom have long-standing issues with substance use disorder, even though their parents, siblings, and father’s cousin were readily available and had been interviewed by the department,” Justice Kelli Evans wrote in the majority opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices reversed a juvenile court’s decision to terminate the parents’ rights on the condition that the agency conduct an “adequate inquiry, supported by record documentation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiara Davila-Morales, a spokesperson for the Los Angeles Department of Children and Family Services, said the department could not comment in time for publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Indian Child Welfare Act recently upheld\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The issue of child custody and Native Americans has \u003ca href=\"https://imprintnews.org/child-welfare-2/nations-first-family-separation-policy-indian-child-welfare-act/32431\">long been a point of painful history\u003c/a> in the United States. In June 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/native-american-issues/haaland-v-brackeen/#:~:text=Brackeen%20and%2C%20in%20a%207,people%20in%20the%20United%20States.\">upheld the 1978 Indian Child Welfare Act,\u003c/a> which regulates the removal and out-of-home placement of Native children. A July 2024 report from the U.S. Department of the Interior found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/2024/07/30/indian-boarding-schools-native-americans/#:~:text=More%20than%20900%20Native%20American%20children%20died%20while%20being%20forced,children%20and%20destroy%20their%20culture.\">over 900 children died nationwide\u003c/a> in forced boarding schools from 1819 to 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, over half of Native American youth in California’s foster care system end up in non-relative and non-Native households, a number that has remained relatively steady in the past decade, according to state \u003ca href=\"https://ccwip.berkeley.edu/childwelfare/reports/4E/MTSG/r/fcp/l\">data analyzed by researchers at UC Berkeley.\u003c/a> Tribes have long argued they have a necessary stake in ensuring the well-being of Native youth and that social workers must make good-faith attempts to inquire about ancestry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ironically, such (an) inquiry could take only a few days to complete — which is significantly faster than the nearly two years that this appeal was litigated,” wrote Michelle Castagne, executive director of the California Tribal Families Coalition, in a statement. “The court’s decision recognizes the vital role that tribes have in the lives of tribal children and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dissent emphasizes children’s ‘instability’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The two dissenting justices blasted the majority for taking a “formulaic approach” that “needlessly condemns these children and others like them to more uncertainty, more instability and more trauma.” The two children were taken into the care of their paternal grandparents, according to the ruling, who are ready to formally adopt them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They wrote that the children would have been better off by resolving the case quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nonetheless, because the department failed to ask additional family members about the children’s ancestry, my colleagues invoke a rule of automatic conditional reversal that is wholly inconsistent with the way in which California courts have assessed state law error for almost seven decades,” Justice Joshua Groban wrote in the dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John L. Dodd, an attorney representing the mother, said those concerns are overblown. For far too long, he said, social workers have been making inadequate inquiries about Native ancestry. It’s an often unintentional omission, he said, because investigators are juggling delicate family dynamics involving substance abuse or mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the family he represented did not indicate having any Native ancestry, he said the case matters because it sends a message to child welfare agencies that they can’t ignore state and federal regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the social worker has to do is ask three or four questions when the social worker is doing a report,” he told CalMatters. “So the parade of horribles that the dissent is concerned about is not going to occur because now everybody knows that you can’t just risk it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The children at the center of the case are now 8 and 6 years old, according to the decision, and for the four years it has lasted, they have been in their grandparent’s custody. California is home to around 350,000 Native American youth under 18, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://first5center.org/\">First 5 Center for Children’s policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-tow-operator-accused-of-scamming-drivers-pleads-not-guilty-to-federal-charges",
"title": "SF-Based Towing Operator Accused of Scamming Drivers Pleads Not Guilty to Federal Charges",
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"headTitle": "SF-Based Towing Operator Accused of Scamming Drivers Pleads Not Guilty to Federal Charges | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>An embattled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/towing\">towing\u003c/a> company operator and his alleged accomplice pleaded not guilty to insurance fraud, money laundering and other federal charges on Monday, days after an FBI raid once again thrust the company into the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Badillo, co-owner of a towing company that San Francisco officials labeled “predatory” and barred from doing business with the city for five years, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999449/sf-tow-operator-faces-insurance-fraud-more-charges-after-fbi-probe\">accused of attempting to defraud an auto insurance company\u003c/a> with Jessica Najarro. Both face mail fraud, wire fraud and money laundering charges, U.S. Attorney Ismail J. Ramsey announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an indictment returned by a federal grand jury on July 9, the pair allegedly “conspired to defraud an insurance company by submitting a fraudulent insurance claim on a wrecked car that Badillo purchased in June 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The car was undrivable and severely damaged when Badillo bought it. Najarro obtained an insurance policy for it and, one month later, falsely reported that it had been in a single-car accident, prosecutors said. The indictment alleges that she was reimbursed $34,037.48 by an insurance company, and the money was deposited into a bank account controlled by Badillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and Najarro were arrested on Thursday, hours after the FBI raided a Specialty Towing location on Oakdale Avenue in San Francisco. Badillo co-owns a Specialty Towing location in Oakland that appears to be related to the spot visited by FBI agents that morning. Both locations are among seven listed on the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://specialtytowingbayarea.com/locations/\">website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A press release from the U.S. Department of Justice said the indictment is the result of an investigation by the FBI and the criminal investigation division of the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11997360 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240724-SAMMY-HALLAQ-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and Abigail Fuentes, who own three towing companies that operate in the Bay Area, got into previous trouble with San Francisco for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">illegally towing vehicles\u003c/a> and scamming their owners for years, dating back at least to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997360/this-sf-man-stood-up-to-the-viral-predatory-towing-company-his-fight-continues\">February 2019\u003c/a>. In July, the city attorney’s office barred the couple and their businesses — Auto Towing, Jose’s Towing, and Specialty Towing and Recovery — from bidding on and obtaining city contracts for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are also named in multiple fraud cases. In an ongoing 2021 civil case against Fuentes, court documents allege that after Badillo was banned by the California attorney general in 2017 from ever operating a towing business in the state, he transferred ownership of the business to Fuentes and continued to run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the San Francisco district attorney’s office charged Fuentes with 12 felonies and Badillo with six felonies in October related to an alleged welfare fraud scheme. According to court documents, while Fuentes worked as a senior eligibility worker for the city’s Human Services Agency, she approved Badillo’s benefits requests. He reported having a monthly income of $1,000 and no additional assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Badillo received public benefits, his and Fuentes’ companies had a gross annual income of over $2 million. According to court documents, they also own four properties in San Francisco and, in 2023, bought a Lamborghini valued at over $280,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo has not yet obtained counsel and is scheduled to return to court on Aug. 20 for identification of representation. Najarro’s next court appearance is set for Sept. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An embattled \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/towing\">towing\u003c/a> company operator and his alleged accomplice pleaded not guilty to insurance fraud, money laundering and other federal charges on Monday, days after an FBI raid once again thrust the company into the spotlight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Badillo, co-owner of a towing company that San Francisco officials labeled “predatory” and barred from doing business with the city for five years, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999449/sf-tow-operator-faces-insurance-fraud-more-charges-after-fbi-probe\">accused of attempting to defraud an auto insurance company\u003c/a> with Jessica Najarro. Both face mail fraud, wire fraud and money laundering charges, U.S. Attorney Ismail J. Ramsey announced Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an indictment returned by a federal grand jury on July 9, the pair allegedly “conspired to defraud an insurance company by submitting a fraudulent insurance claim on a wrecked car that Badillo purchased in June 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The car was undrivable and severely damaged when Badillo bought it. Najarro obtained an insurance policy for it and, one month later, falsely reported that it had been in a single-car accident, prosecutors said. The indictment alleges that she was reimbursed $34,037.48 by an insurance company, and the money was deposited into a bank account controlled by Badillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and Najarro were arrested on Thursday, hours after the FBI raided a Specialty Towing location on Oakdale Avenue in San Francisco. Badillo co-owns a Specialty Towing location in Oakland that appears to be related to the spot visited by FBI agents that morning. Both locations are among seven listed on the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://specialtytowingbayarea.com/locations/\">website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A press release from the U.S. Department of Justice said the indictment is the result of an investigation by the FBI and the criminal investigation division of the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and Abigail Fuentes, who own three towing companies that operate in the Bay Area, got into previous trouble with San Francisco for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">illegally towing vehicles\u003c/a> and scamming their owners for years, dating back at least to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997360/this-sf-man-stood-up-to-the-viral-predatory-towing-company-his-fight-continues\">February 2019\u003c/a>. In July, the city attorney’s office barred the couple and their businesses — Auto Towing, Jose’s Towing, and Specialty Towing and Recovery — from bidding on and obtaining city contracts for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are also named in multiple fraud cases. In an ongoing 2021 civil case against Fuentes, court documents allege that after Badillo was banned by the California attorney general in 2017 from ever operating a towing business in the state, he transferred ownership of the business to Fuentes and continued to run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the San Francisco district attorney’s office charged Fuentes with 12 felonies and Badillo with six felonies in October related to an alleged welfare fraud scheme. According to court documents, while Fuentes worked as a senior eligibility worker for the city’s Human Services Agency, she approved Badillo’s benefits requests. He reported having a monthly income of $1,000 and no additional assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Badillo received public benefits, his and Fuentes’ companies had a gross annual income of over $2 million. According to court documents, they also own four properties in San Francisco and, in 2023, bought a Lamborghini valued at over $280,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo has not yet obtained counsel and is scheduled to return to court on Aug. 20 for identification of representation. Najarro’s next court appearance is set for Sept. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>One Bayview house has been the subject of a decade of complaints from multiple city departments — black mold and mildew lining the bedroom baseboards and bathroom, mice droppings littering the property and a rotting floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite citations for unsafe conditions, the owner has been raking in almost $10,000 a month by renting the three-bedroom home to 15 people, including three minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, City Attorney David Chiu announced that his office had filed a lawsuit against Rafael Garcia Sanchez, who owns the single-family house at 1465 Oakdale Ave. that was illegally divided into five units. Sanchez is accused of violating state housing law, profiting from people living in unsafe conditions and “endangering the health and safety of the tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts say this isn’t a one-off situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the rate of new housing production hasn’t kept up with population growth. The median rental asking price \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/publications_reports/Housing-Needs-and-Trends-Report-2018.pdf\">increased 50% in San Francisco\u003c/a> and 30% overall in the region between 2012 and 2015. The lack of space and affordable options has made some people desperate to hang on to whatever housing they can get, according to Sarah Karlinsky, the research director at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kind of liken it to a game of musical chairs,” she told KQED. “The chairs keep getting taken away, but you still have the same number of players. Those remaining chairs become very coveted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999682\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People are crammed into housing units, pay more of their wages toward rent than is reasonable or live in homes where the conditions are less than acceptable because it’s all they can afford, according to Karlinsky, who previously worked for the nonprofit policy organization SPUR. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/sites/default/files/2021-05/SPUR_What_It_Will_Really_Take_To_Create_An_Affordable_Bay_Area_Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> published by the think tank in 2021 showed that the Bay Area needed to build a little over 1 million housing units over the previous two decades to keep up with population demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 358,500 units were added at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you underbuild for decade after decade after decade, but you continue to add jobs, you end up with a chronic housing shortage,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2010 and 2019, the incidence of overcrowding, which is defined as more than one person per room in a home, increased almost 1%, another SPUR \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/sites/default/files/2023-03/SPUR_Losing_Ground_0.pdf\">study\u003c/a> found. According to the U.S. Census Bureau data, there were 362,354 households in San Francisco in 2019, meaning roughly 14,856 households were considered severely overcrowded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11998121 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240403-AARONPESKIN-003-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, an executive summary from the city planning department estimated that there were between 30,000 and 50,000 illegal additional units. While the city now has legislation that allows people to legalize some previously unauthorized ADUs, there are still homes where too many people live or homes that aren’t up to code, like the one Sanchez allegedly rented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muhammad Alameldin, an associate professor at the Terner Center, said that units with poor conditions are often the last line of defense for people at risk of becoming unhoused or having to move out of the region where they work and have built their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be in a situation where you have to split up existing houses into multiple units for multiple families means that we have not built enough housing for everyone in this county, and people are being forced into desperate situations because of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky said it doesn’t have to be this way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, voters will decide on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992046/20-billion-affordable-housing-bond-heads-to-bay-area-voters\">$20 billion affordable housing bond\u003c/a> put on the ballot by the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority. If passed, the funds would be used to build or preserve at least 70,000 affordable housing units, almost half of which would be reserved for very low-income households in the nine Bay Area counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also said municipalities could change zoning laws to allow for more apartments, especially in suburban areas near transit. Additionally, more small and mid-size apartments could be built in single-family neighborhoods. Legislation signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021 allows homeowners to divide a single-family lot into as many as four units in some cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky said if done many times, these conversions could contribute substantially to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many policy levers that can be pulled to help the region and the state kind of get out of this situation and enable people to live in safe, decent, affordable housing,” she told KQED. “It’s just really a matter of political will to make those things happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One Bayview house has been the subject of a decade of complaints from multiple city departments — black mold and mildew lining the bedroom baseboards and bathroom, mice droppings littering the property and a rotting floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite citations for unsafe conditions, the owner has been raking in almost $10,000 a month by renting the three-bedroom home to 15 people, including three minors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, City Attorney David Chiu announced that his office had filed a lawsuit against Rafael Garcia Sanchez, who owns the single-family house at 1465 Oakdale Ave. that was illegally divided into five units. Sanchez is accused of violating state housing law, profiting from people living in unsafe conditions and “endangering the health and safety of the tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts say this isn’t a one-off situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, the rate of new housing production hasn’t kept up with population growth. The median rental asking price \u003ca href=\"https://default.sfplanning.org/publications_reports/Housing-Needs-and-Trends-Report-2018.pdf\">increased 50% in San Francisco\u003c/a> and 30% overall in the region between 2012 and 2015. The lack of space and affordable options has made some people desperate to hang on to whatever housing they can get, according to Sarah Karlinsky, the research director at UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kind of liken it to a game of musical chairs,” she told KQED. “The chairs keep getting taken away, but you still have the same number of players. Those remaining chairs become very coveted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11999682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11999682\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/025_SanFrancisco_Housing_07292021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “For Rent” sign hangs in the window of an apartment building in Nob Hill in San Francisco on July 29, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People are crammed into housing units, pay more of their wages toward rent than is reasonable or live in homes where the conditions are less than acceptable because it’s all they can afford, according to Karlinsky, who previously worked for the nonprofit policy organization SPUR. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/sites/default/files/2021-05/SPUR_What_It_Will_Really_Take_To_Create_An_Affordable_Bay_Area_Report.pdf\">study\u003c/a> published by the think tank in 2021 showed that the Bay Area needed to build a little over 1 million housing units over the previous two decades to keep up with population demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 358,500 units were added at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you underbuild for decade after decade after decade, but you continue to add jobs, you end up with a chronic housing shortage,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2010 and 2019, the incidence of overcrowding, which is defined as more than one person per room in a home, increased almost 1%, another SPUR \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/sites/default/files/2023-03/SPUR_Losing_Ground_0.pdf\">study\u003c/a> found. According to the U.S. Census Bureau data, there were 362,354 households in San Francisco in 2019, meaning roughly 14,856 households were considered severely overcrowded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, an executive summary from the city planning department estimated that there were between 30,000 and 50,000 illegal additional units. While the city now has legislation that allows people to legalize some previously unauthorized ADUs, there are still homes where too many people live or homes that aren’t up to code, like the one Sanchez allegedly rented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muhammad Alameldin, an associate professor at the Terner Center, said that units with poor conditions are often the last line of defense for people at risk of becoming unhoused or having to move out of the region where they work and have built their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be in a situation where you have to split up existing houses into multiple units for multiple families means that we have not built enough housing for everyone in this county, and people are being forced into desperate situations because of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky said it doesn’t have to be this way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, voters will decide on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992046/20-billion-affordable-housing-bond-heads-to-bay-area-voters\">$20 billion affordable housing bond\u003c/a> put on the ballot by the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority. If passed, the funds would be used to build or preserve at least 70,000 affordable housing units, almost half of which would be reserved for very low-income households in the nine Bay Area counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also said municipalities could change zoning laws to allow for more apartments, especially in suburban areas near transit. Additionally, more small and mid-size apartments could be built in single-family neighborhoods. Legislation signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021 allows homeowners to divide a single-family lot into as many as four units in some cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky said if done many times, these conversions could contribute substantially to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many policy levers that can be pulled to help the region and the state kind of get out of this situation and enable people to live in safe, decent, affordable housing,” she told KQED. “It’s just really a matter of political will to make those things happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After FBI officials raided Specialty Towing in San Francisco on Thursday, a tow company operator appeared in federal court, charged with insurance fraud and money laundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Badillo was indicted on four counts, including mail fraud, wire fraud and money laundering charges related to a scheme to defraud an auto insurance company, U.S. Attorney Ismail J. Ramsey announced Thursday. Jessica Najarro faces the same charges as Badillo, one of two owners of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">“predatory” towing company\u003c/a> that was barred from doing business with San Francisco for five years last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an indictment returned by a federal grand jury on July 9, the pair allegedly “conspired to defraud an insurance company by submitting a fraudulent insurance claim on a wrecked car that Badillo purchased in June 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The car was undrivable and severely damaged. Najarro obtained an insurance policy for it and, one month later, falsely reported that it had been in a single-car accident. An insurance company reimbursed her $34,037.48. The indictment alleges the money was deposited into a bank account controlled by Badillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and Najarro were arrested on Thursday. Both were released on $50,000 bonds. They are scheduled to be arraigned on Aug. 12. A press release from the U.S. Department of Justice said the indictment is the result of an investigation by the FBI and the criminal investigation division of the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early Thursday morning, an FBI spokesperson confirmed the agency had “conducted court-authorized law enforcement activity in the 2000 block of Oakdale Avenue in San Francisco.” FBI officials, an armored vehicle and an ambulance \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/sanfrancisco/comments/1en7fye/fbi_raid_at_specialty_towing/?rdt=51540\">were seen\u003c/a> outside 2045 Oakdale Avenue, the address of Specialty Towing, early Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11996890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-1020x668.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear whether the raid was related to Specialty Towing, which Badillo owns. The FBI spokesperson contacted by KQED declined to provide additional information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://specialtytowingbayarea.com/locations/\">website for Specialty Towing\u003c/a> lists seven Bay Area locations, including one on Oakdale Avenue as well as an address on 87th Avenue in Oakland. The San Francisco City Attorney’s Office confirmed the latter address is associated with a towing company owned by Badillo and Abigail Fuentes, who came under fire after a video showing a Specialty Towing truck \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gqvDedeuCl0\">trying to tow a moving vehicle went viral\u003c/a> in April. On July 23, City Attorney David Chiu announced that the couple had been barred after finding they illegally towed cars and scammed owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple operated three towing companies: Auto Towing, Jose’s Towing and Specialty Towing and Recovery. Reports of people being scammed by the companies date back at least to February 2019, when Sammy Hallaq had his black 2007 Toyota FJ Cruiser illegally towed from a Foods Co. parking lot in the Bayview. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997360/this-sf-man-stood-up-to-the-viral-predatory-towing-company-his-fight-continues\">Hallaq’s quest for retribution\u003c/a> eventually led to Badillo and Fuentes being charged with a combined 18 felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_11997360 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240724-SAMMY-HALLAQ-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auto Towing also illegally towed at least six vehicles from a bank parking lot in the Portola neighborhood between February and May 2023 without the bank’s permission, and Chiu said his office found that Auto Towing “was engaged in predatory behavior and unfair business practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the company intentionally misled and scammed people out of hundreds of dollars by illegally towing cars and taking them to a lot separate from their permitted operating location, “making it difficult for owners to find their cars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes and Badillo are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">also named in multiple civil \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">and criminal welfare fraud cases\u003c/span>. In an ongoing 2021 civil fraud case against Fuentes, court documents allege that after Badillo was banned by the California attorney general in 2017 from ever operating a towing business in the state — he transferred ownership of the business to Fuentes and continued to run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office charged Fuentes with 12 felonies and Badillo with six felonies in October related to an alleged welfare fraud scheme. The couple are also alleged to have defrauded multiple benefits programs. According to court documents, while Fuentes worked as a senior eligibility worker for the city’s Human Services Agency, she approved Badillo’s benefits requests. He reported having a monthly income of $1,000 and no additional assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While receiving public benefits, Fuentes and Badillo’s companies had a gross annual income of over $2 million. According to court documents, they also own four properties in San Francisco and, in 2023, bought a Lamborghini valued at over $280,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to reach Fuentes and Badillo were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Jose Badillo, one of the owners of a towing company that came under fire after a video showing a truck attempt to tow a moving vehicle went viral, is accused of conspiring to defraud an insurance company.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After FBI officials raided Specialty Towing in San Francisco on Thursday, a tow company operator appeared in federal court, charged with insurance fraud and money laundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Badillo was indicted on four counts, including mail fraud, wire fraud and money laundering charges related to a scheme to defraud an auto insurance company, U.S. Attorney Ismail J. Ramsey announced Thursday. Jessica Najarro faces the same charges as Badillo, one of two owners of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">“predatory” towing company\u003c/a> that was barred from doing business with San Francisco for five years last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an indictment returned by a federal grand jury on July 9, the pair allegedly “conspired to defraud an insurance company by submitting a fraudulent insurance claim on a wrecked car that Badillo purchased in June 2019.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The car was undrivable and severely damaged. Najarro obtained an insurance policy for it and, one month later, falsely reported that it had been in a single-car accident. An insurance company reimbursed her $34,037.48. The indictment alleges the money was deposited into a bank account controlled by Badillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and Najarro were arrested on Thursday. Both were released on $50,000 bonds. They are scheduled to be arraigned on Aug. 12. A press release from the U.S. Department of Justice said the indictment is the result of an investigation by the FBI and the criminal investigation division of the IRS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early Thursday morning, an FBI spokesperson confirmed the agency had “conducted court-authorized law enforcement activity in the 2000 block of Oakdale Avenue in San Francisco.” FBI officials, an armored vehicle and an ambulance \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/sanfrancisco/comments/1en7fye/fbi_raid_at_specialty_towing/?rdt=51540\">were seen\u003c/a> outside 2045 Oakdale Avenue, the address of Specialty Towing, early Thursday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not immediately clear whether the raid was related to Specialty Towing, which Badillo owns. The FBI spokesperson contacted by KQED declined to provide additional information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://specialtytowingbayarea.com/locations/\">website for Specialty Towing\u003c/a> lists seven Bay Area locations, including one on Oakdale Avenue as well as an address on 87th Avenue in Oakland. The San Francisco City Attorney’s Office confirmed the latter address is associated with a towing company owned by Badillo and Abigail Fuentes, who came under fire after a video showing a Specialty Towing truck \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gqvDedeuCl0\">trying to tow a moving vehicle went viral\u003c/a> in April. On July 23, City Attorney David Chiu announced that the couple had been barred after finding they illegally towed cars and scammed owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The couple operated three towing companies: Auto Towing, Jose’s Towing and Specialty Towing and Recovery. Reports of people being scammed by the companies date back at least to February 2019, when Sammy Hallaq had his black 2007 Toyota FJ Cruiser illegally towed from a Foods Co. parking lot in the Bayview. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997360/this-sf-man-stood-up-to-the-viral-predatory-towing-company-his-fight-continues\">Hallaq’s quest for retribution\u003c/a> eventually led to Badillo and Fuentes being charged with a combined 18 felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auto Towing also illegally towed at least six vehicles from a bank parking lot in the Portola neighborhood between February and May 2023 without the bank’s permission, and Chiu said his office found that Auto Towing “was engaged in predatory behavior and unfair business practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the company intentionally misled and scammed people out of hundreds of dollars by illegally towing cars and taking them to a lot separate from their permitted operating location, “making it difficult for owners to find their cars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuentes and Badillo are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">also named in multiple civil \u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">and criminal welfare fraud cases\u003c/span>. In an ongoing 2021 civil fraud case against Fuentes, court documents allege that after Badillo was banned by the California attorney general in 2017 from ever operating a towing business in the state — he transferred ownership of the business to Fuentes and continued to run it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office charged Fuentes with 12 felonies and Badillo with six felonies in October related to an alleged welfare fraud scheme. The couple are also alleged to have defrauded multiple benefits programs. According to court documents, while Fuentes worked as a senior eligibility worker for the city’s Human Services Agency, she approved Badillo’s benefits requests. He reported having a monthly income of $1,000 and no additional assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While receiving public benefits, Fuentes and Badillo’s companies had a gross annual income of over $2 million. According to court documents, they also own four properties in San Francisco and, in 2023, bought a Lamborghini valued at over $280,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to reach Fuentes and Badillo were unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-workers-clearing-homeless-encampments-need-better-training-judge-rules",
"title": "San Francisco Workers Clearing Homeless Encampments Need Better Training, Judge Rules",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Workers Clearing Homeless Encampments Need Better Training, Judge Rules | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As San Francisco officials vow to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">ramp up sweeps of homeless encampments\u003c/a>, a federal judge is requiring the city to better train its workers on what to do with people’s belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case filed by a group of unhoused residents in 2022 centered on arguments that the city routinely disregarded its own policy by destroying property during sweeps and that workers were violating residents’ Fourth Amendment rights, protecting them from unreasonable seizures by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Chief Magistrate Judge Donna Ryu ruled Monday that the city must work with the plaintiffs on a new policy training city staff on how to properly handle and store property, but Ryu denied the plaintiffs’ request to have someone oversee the city’s implementation of the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling comes as Mayor London Breed has promised, beginning this month, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996234/sf-mayor-says-very-aggressive-encampment-sweeps-will-start-in-august\">“very aggressive” crackdown\u003c/a> on encampments. According to the mayor’s office, the city last week engaged with 235 people. Of those, 24 accepted offers of shelter, seven received shelter, and one person was placed on a mental health hold. The vast majority — 195 people — declined offers or provided no information to city workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11998871 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240801-ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Nisha Kashyap, an attorney for the plaintiffs with Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, called the ruling “incredibly important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have said for a very long time — plaintiffs have said, our clients have said — that they have real concerns about the city’s compliance with its ‘bag and tag’ policy, and that was the impetus of bringing this claim in the first place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That policy prohibits workers from throwing away people’s belongings, with the exception of hazardous or perishable materials. It also requires them to distinguish between abandoned property and property that has been left unattended temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not allowed to throw away people’s property, and they’re doing that,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, the executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which brought the suit. “If it’s unattended property, they’re supposed to bag and tag it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her ruling, Ryu agreed with the unhoused residents that there was sufficient evidence the city was not consistently following its own policy and said its training program “raises more questions than answers.” However, Ryu also decided that it would be unnecessary to require the city to provide regular and detailed reports regarding the property it collects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Kwart, a spokesperson for the city attorney’s office, said in a statement that the city appreciated the judge’s decision to deny part of the plaintiffs’ request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we are disappointed the court found the amount of training to be inadequate,” she wrote. “We are evaluating any appropriate next steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expansive case — which initially contained 13 claims — had been \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/02/23/san-francisco-homelessness-lawsuit-paused/\">placed on hold\u003c/a> in February, pending the U.S. Supreme Court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">ruling in \u003cem>Grants Pass v. Johnson\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which took up the question of whether it is cruel and unusual punishment to fine or jail someone for sleeping on public property if there are no alternative shelter spaces available. After the high court determined cities could enforce anti-camping bans, the Ninth Circuit vacated part of Ryu’s injunction on related claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It left alive a preliminary injunction related to the unhoused residents’ Fourth Amendment claims. Kashyap said other claims in the case will now be considered, including whether the city’s practices violate the rights of people who have disabilities and whether the city’s action constitutes a “state-created danger” — essentially, whether the city’s sweeps place people in even more danger than they would be if they had simply been out on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11998474 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/008_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg']Kashyap pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277953623007657#bib25\">multiple\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667321522000269?via%3Dihub\">research\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-022-13227-4\">studies\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/2803840\">showing\u003c/a> that clearing encampments without providing appropriate housing or services often leads to more harm, by disrupting people’s connections to service providers, as well as the direct loss of survival gear, medication and legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Sweeps] don’t help individuals exit homelessness. They are counterproductive and expensive. And, it is political theater to act otherwise,” she said. “The sooner our local officials make the choice to invest in true solutions to homelessness — which are prevention, affordable housing, and, in the short term, temporary shelter — the sooner we will see real progress on this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashyap said she expects a trial on the lawsuit’s remaining claims next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As San Francisco officials vow to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">ramp up sweeps of homeless encampments\u003c/a>, a federal judge is requiring the city to better train its workers on what to do with people’s belongings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case filed by a group of unhoused residents in 2022 centered on arguments that the city routinely disregarded its own policy by destroying property during sweeps and that workers were violating residents’ Fourth Amendment rights, protecting them from unreasonable seizures by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Chief Magistrate Judge Donna Ryu ruled Monday that the city must work with the plaintiffs on a new policy training city staff on how to properly handle and store property, but Ryu denied the plaintiffs’ request to have someone oversee the city’s implementation of the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling comes as Mayor London Breed has promised, beginning this month, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996234/sf-mayor-says-very-aggressive-encampment-sweeps-will-start-in-august\">“very aggressive” crackdown\u003c/a> on encampments. According to the mayor’s office, the city last week engaged with 235 people. Of those, 24 accepted offers of shelter, seven received shelter, and one person was placed on a mental health hold. The vast majority — 195 people — declined offers or provided no information to city workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nisha Kashyap, an attorney for the plaintiffs with Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area, called the ruling “incredibly important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have said for a very long time — plaintiffs have said, our clients have said — that they have real concerns about the city’s compliance with its ‘bag and tag’ policy, and that was the impetus of bringing this claim in the first place,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That policy prohibits workers from throwing away people’s belongings, with the exception of hazardous or perishable materials. It also requires them to distinguish between abandoned property and property that has been left unattended temporarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not allowed to throw away people’s property, and they’re doing that,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, the executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which brought the suit. “If it’s unattended property, they’re supposed to bag and tag it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her ruling, Ryu agreed with the unhoused residents that there was sufficient evidence the city was not consistently following its own policy and said its training program “raises more questions than answers.” However, Ryu also decided that it would be unnecessary to require the city to provide regular and detailed reports regarding the property it collects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Kwart, a spokesperson for the city attorney’s office, said in a statement that the city appreciated the judge’s decision to deny part of the plaintiffs’ request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we are disappointed the court found the amount of training to be inadequate,” she wrote. “We are evaluating any appropriate next steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expansive case — which initially contained 13 claims — had been \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/02/23/san-francisco-homelessness-lawsuit-paused/\">placed on hold\u003c/a> in February, pending the U.S. Supreme Court’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">ruling in \u003cem>Grants Pass v. Johnson\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, which took up the question of whether it is cruel and unusual punishment to fine or jail someone for sleeping on public property if there are no alternative shelter spaces available. After the high court determined cities could enforce anti-camping bans, the Ninth Circuit vacated part of Ryu’s injunction on related claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It left alive a preliminary injunction related to the unhoused residents’ Fourth Amendment claims. Kashyap said other claims in the case will now be considered, including whether the city’s practices violate the rights of people who have disabilities and whether the city’s action constitutes a “state-created danger” — essentially, whether the city’s sweeps place people in even more danger than they would be if they had simply been out on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kashyap pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277953623007657#bib25\">multiple\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667321522000269?via%3Dihub\">research\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-022-13227-4\">studies\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jama/article-abstract/2803840\">showing\u003c/a> that clearing encampments without providing appropriate housing or services often leads to more harm, by disrupting people’s connections to service providers, as well as the direct loss of survival gear, medication and legal documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Sweeps] don’t help individuals exit homelessness. They are counterproductive and expensive. And, it is political theater to act otherwise,” she said. “The sooner our local officials make the choice to invest in true solutions to homelessness — which are prevention, affordable housing, and, in the short term, temporary shelter — the sooner we will see real progress on this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashyap said she expects a trial on the lawsuit’s remaining claims next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San José Police, City Leaders Mourn Community Service Officer Killed by Intoxicated Driver",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José Police Department and city leaders are saddened, angered and frustrated after an intoxicated driver killed a community service officer and seriously injured another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, our police family is heartbroken. We’re still just beginning to wade through the tide of emotions to come for the loss of a brave member of this police department,” Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said at a press conference on Monday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community service Officers Long Pham and Veronica Baer were working traffic control in the area of Monterey Road and Palm Avenue on Saturday night for an unrelated car crash when they became victims of another crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police said the officers were in the roadway on Saturday, just before 10 p.m., behind flares, cones and a marked police department Ford Fusion with its lights flashing, Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when Juan Huerta-Palacios, 44, drove through the area in a 2022 Dodge Charger and struck the Fusion, which then struck Pham and Baer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police said Pham succumbed to his injuries despite efforts of police department staff, firefighters and medical personnel to save him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baer is hospitalized in serious but stable condition due to major injuries, including a dislocated shoulder, broken jaw, fractured ribs and a brain bleed, Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful for the excellent care she is receiving and are hopeful and anxious for her to begin her recovery. Her strength and resilience are a testament to her dedication to public service,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998946\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998946\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Police Department Community Service Officers Long Pham, far right, and Veronica Baer, far left, are seen in this graduation and swearing-in photo from 2022. \u003ccite>(Courtesy San Jose Police Department)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pham, who was born in Vietnam, came to the U.S. as an infant and attended local schools, including Evergreen Community College, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Long was gentle, polite and respectful to everyone, especially to his parents and younger brother,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference, Mayor Matt Mahan called both Pham and Baer heroes for putting their safety at risk for the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Long’s life, his service and his sacrifice will be remembered forever by our police department and our city,” Mahan said. “He put the safety of our community, the community he grew up in before his own. There is no more heroic act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998948\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998948\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan speaks during Monday’s news conference. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huerta-Palacios, a Morgan Hill resident, was arrested at the scene for felony DUI and gross vehicular manslaughter. Police said he had previously been arrested for DUI in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta-Palacios did not suffer any major injuries, but he was taken to a hospital for an “unrelated medical issue” and will be booked into county jail upon his discharge, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation into the crash is still active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan asked all community members to be mindful of the risks of dangerous driving or driving under the influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to look out for each other and honor the memory of Long and so many others like him in our community and across our country. Because if we don’t, we risk taking someone else’s life,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rest assured, the person responsible for Long’s death and Veronica’s injuries will be held accountable. This crime will not go unpunished. There will be justice for this reckless act,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident marks the first-ever line-of-duty death of a community service officer in the department’s history, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We pray it will be the last,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José Police Department and city leaders are saddened, angered and frustrated after an intoxicated driver killed a community service officer and seriously injured another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, our police family is heartbroken. We’re still just beginning to wade through the tide of emotions to come for the loss of a brave member of this police department,” Acting Police Chief Paul Joseph said at a press conference on Monday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Community service Officers Long Pham and Veronica Baer were working traffic control in the area of Monterey Road and Palm Avenue on Saturday night for an unrelated car crash when they became victims of another crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police said the officers were in the roadway on Saturday, just before 10 p.m., behind flares, cones and a marked police department Ford Fusion with its lights flashing, Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when Juan Huerta-Palacios, 44, drove through the area in a 2022 Dodge Charger and struck the Fusion, which then struck Pham and Baer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police said Pham succumbed to his injuries despite efforts of police department staff, firefighters and medical personnel to save him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baer is hospitalized in serious but stable condition due to major injuries, including a dislocated shoulder, broken jaw, fractured ribs and a brain bleed, Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful for the excellent care she is receiving and are hopeful and anxious for her to begin her recovery. Her strength and resilience are a testament to her dedication to public service,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998946\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998946\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CSO-LONG-PHAM-GRADUATION-PHOTO-KQED-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Police Department Community Service Officers Long Pham, far right, and Veronica Baer, far left, are seen in this graduation and swearing-in photo from 2022. \u003ccite>(Courtesy San Jose Police Department)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pham, who was born in Vietnam, came to the U.S. as an infant and attended local schools, including Evergreen Community College, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Long was gentle, polite and respectful to everyone, especially to his parents and younger brother,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference, Mayor Matt Mahan called both Pham and Baer heroes for putting their safety at risk for the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Long’s life, his service and his sacrifice will be remembered forever by our police department and our city,” Mahan said. “He put the safety of our community, the community he grew up in before his own. There is no more heroic act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998948\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998948\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240805-SJCSO-JG-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan speaks during Monday’s news conference. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Huerta-Palacios, a Morgan Hill resident, was arrested at the scene for felony DUI and gross vehicular manslaughter. Police said he had previously been arrested for DUI in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huerta-Palacios did not suffer any major injuries, but he was taken to a hospital for an “unrelated medical issue” and will be booked into county jail upon his discharge, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation into the crash is still active.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan asked all community members to be mindful of the risks of dangerous driving or driving under the influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to look out for each other and honor the memory of Long and so many others like him in our community and across our country. Because if we don’t, we risk taking someone else’s life,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rest assured, the person responsible for Long’s death and Veronica’s injuries will be held accountable. This crime will not go unpunished. There will be justice for this reckless act,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident marks the first-ever line-of-duty death of a community service officer in the department’s history, police said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We pray it will be the last,” Joseph said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Special Master Slams Conditions at FCI Dublin in Report",
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"content": "\u003cp>Documents ordered unsealed on Friday by a federal judge included a special master’s report that detailed systemic abuse and inadequate medical and mental health care at the Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Management’s failure to ensure staff adhered to [the Bureau of Prison] policy put the health, safety and liberty of [adults in custody] at great risk for many years,” the report from Wendy Still, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982014/judge-chooses-top-pick-for-special-master-to-oversee-womens-prison-following-rampant-abuse\">appointed special master in April\u003c/a>, reads. “It is unconscionable that any correctional agency could allow incarcerated individuals under their control and responsibility to be subject to the conditions that existed at FCI-Dublin for such an extended period of time without correction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers ordered that Still’s report, along with other previously sealed documents in the class action lawsuit, be made available to the public during a hearing. The lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">filed in August 2023\u003c/a>, alleges that women incarcerated at FCI Dublin were subjected to a culture of abuse, retaliation, and cover-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit demanded systemic changes at the facility. It is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978712/infamous-east-bay-womens-prison-hit-with-12-additional-sexual-assault-lawsuits\">one of more than 60\u003c/a> filed since 2021 alleging sexual assault and retaliation by FCI Dublin officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Rogers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">set a trial date\u003c/a> for June 2025 after assigning Still to oversee changes to the prison. In April, federal officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982973/feds-abruptly-close-east-bay-womens-prison-following-sexual-abuse-scandals\">abruptly shut down\u003c/a> the facility and transferred hundreds of people incarcerated there to other federal facilities across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still wrote in her \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25030691-fci-dublin-special-master-report\">report\u003c/a> that the facility faced staffing shortages, failed to provide timely access to mental and medical health care and created an environment where inmates feared retaliation if they filed complaints with the warden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that she “continues to have concerns that the mistreatment, neglect and abuse” inmates experienced at the facility not be repeated where they were transferred, “as many of the conditions that existed at this facility appear to be longstanding and systemic in nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the facility shut down, the Biden Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990979/biden-administration-seeks-to-dismiss-lawsuit-over-bay-area-womens-prison-abuses\">requested the case be dismissed\u003c/a>, calling it “moot.” William Lonthrop, deputy director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, wrote in a court declaration that there are no immediate plans to reopen the facility, but if overcrowding or other factors affecting federal prisons did force the facility to reopen, it would not house women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers did not rule on the government’s request. She said that there were still issues raised by women who were previously incarcerated at FCI Dublin that needed to be resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want this court to wipe its hands clean and go its merry way with respect to those hundreds of individuals that are out there?” she asked federal attorneys during the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we heard was the judge say really clearly that the issues are ongoing and that the [Bureau of Prisons] needs to be accountable for the harms that they caused,” Susan Beaty, an attorney representing the class of women incarcerated at the prison, told KQED after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, eight former correctional officers at the prison have been criminally charged with sexual abuse of women who were incarcerated there. Seven have been sentenced. The last, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997595/former-east-bay-prison-officer-charged-with-more-sex-crimes-against-women-in-his-custody\">Darrell Wayne Smith\u003c/a>, is set to go on trial in March on 15 charges and faces a potential life sentence if convicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers said the documents she ordered unsealed must be available to the public by Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> and Gilare Zada contributed to this report. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Documents ordered unsealed on Friday by a federal judge included a special master’s report that detailed systemic abuse and inadequate medical and mental health care at the Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Management’s failure to ensure staff adhered to [the Bureau of Prison] policy put the health, safety and liberty of [adults in custody] at great risk for many years,” the report from Wendy Still, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982014/judge-chooses-top-pick-for-special-master-to-oversee-womens-prison-following-rampant-abuse\">appointed special master in April\u003c/a>, reads. “It is unconscionable that any correctional agency could allow incarcerated individuals under their control and responsibility to be subject to the conditions that existed at FCI-Dublin for such an extended period of time without correction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers ordered that Still’s report, along with other previously sealed documents in the class action lawsuit, be made available to the public during a hearing. The lawsuit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">filed in August 2023\u003c/a>, alleges that women incarcerated at FCI Dublin were subjected to a culture of abuse, retaliation, and cover-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit demanded systemic changes at the facility. It is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978712/infamous-east-bay-womens-prison-hit-with-12-additional-sexual-assault-lawsuits\">one of more than 60\u003c/a> filed since 2021 alleging sexual assault and retaliation by FCI Dublin officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Rogers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987292/trial-for-class-action-lawsuit-over-troubled-womens-prison-slated-for-june-2025\">set a trial date\u003c/a> for June 2025 after assigning Still to oversee changes to the prison. In April, federal officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982973/feds-abruptly-close-east-bay-womens-prison-following-sexual-abuse-scandals\">abruptly shut down\u003c/a> the facility and transferred hundreds of people incarcerated there to other federal facilities across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still wrote in her \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25030691-fci-dublin-special-master-report\">report\u003c/a> that the facility faced staffing shortages, failed to provide timely access to mental and medical health care and created an environment where inmates feared retaliation if they filed complaints with the warden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that she “continues to have concerns that the mistreatment, neglect and abuse” inmates experienced at the facility not be repeated where they were transferred, “as many of the conditions that existed at this facility appear to be longstanding and systemic in nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the facility shut down, the Biden Administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990979/biden-administration-seeks-to-dismiss-lawsuit-over-bay-area-womens-prison-abuses\">requested the case be dismissed\u003c/a>, calling it “moot.” William Lonthrop, deputy director of the Federal Bureau of Prisons, wrote in a court declaration that there are no immediate plans to reopen the facility, but if overcrowding or other factors affecting federal prisons did force the facility to reopen, it would not house women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers did not rule on the government’s request. She said that there were still issues raised by women who were previously incarcerated at FCI Dublin that needed to be resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want this court to wipe its hands clean and go its merry way with respect to those hundreds of individuals that are out there?” she asked federal attorneys during the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we heard was the judge say really clearly that the issues are ongoing and that the [Bureau of Prisons] needs to be accountable for the harms that they caused,” Susan Beaty, an attorney representing the class of women incarcerated at the prison, told KQED after the hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, eight former correctional officers at the prison have been criminally charged with sexual abuse of women who were incarcerated there. Seven have been sentenced. The last, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997595/former-east-bay-prison-officer-charged-with-more-sex-crimes-against-women-in-his-custody\">Darrell Wayne Smith\u003c/a>, is set to go on trial in March on 15 charges and faces a potential life sentence if convicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rogers said the documents she ordered unsealed must be available to the public by Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> and Gilare Zada contributed to this report. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californian-activists-in-dc-press-congress-to-pass-legalization-bill-for-long-term-immigrants",
"title": "Californian Activists in DC Press Congress to Pass Legalization Bill for Long-Term Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>WASHINGTON — With immigration emerging as a key, divisive issue in the presidential election, scores of immigrant advocates from California converged on Washington, D.C., this week to put a human face on their concerns and press Congress for a bill that would offer a path to citizenship for millions of long-term people without permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a rally Tuesday morning outside the U.S. Capitol, advocates said that now that Vice President Kamala Harris is leading the Democratic ticket, they have new hope for pro-immigrant policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Salas, the executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles, or CHIRLA, said the fact that Harris is from California — and the daughter of immigrants herself — means she understands the immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has stood with us in our worst moments,” including during the presidency of Donald Trump, Salas said. “When she knew that our families were fearful, she went to CHIRLA. She talked to our members. She told them that she would be a fighter for them. And she kept her promise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Salas said she’s not waiting for Harris to win the presidency. Members of her group and hundreds of advocates from California and nearly a dozen other states plan to visit congressional offices this week to make the case for a bill that would update the 1929 Registry Act, a provision of immigration law that allowed long-term undocumented residents (mostly Europeans at the time) to gain lawful permanent status and eventually citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the decades, Congress has periodically updated the “registry date,” but not since 1986. The current cutoff means that \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/policy-manual/volume-7-part-o-chapter-4\">immigrants are only eligible if they’ve lived in the U.S. continuously since 1972\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that’s what we’re asking: Update this registry law created to bring people out of the shadows,” Salas said. “We need to educate members of Congress and the public. A lot of people don’t even know that the registry law already exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998083\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998083\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angelica Salas and other immigrant rights activists rally at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on July 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\">Gallup poll this month\u003c/a> found that a growing number of Americans — 55%, up from 41% last year — want immigration levels reduced, and three out of four consider the border a crisis or a major problem. However, a strong majority of Americans also \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">say immigration is good for the country\u003c/a>, and 70% want to let immigrants living in the U.S. illegally become U.S. citizens if they meet certain requirements over time, a policy that has had consistent support for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in a closely divided Congress, with Republicans unified in their opposition to immigration reform, the bill has no chance of passage. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/1511/cosponsors\">House bill\u003c/a>, authored by Rep. Zoe Lofgren of San José, has 82 Democratic co-sponsors but no Republican backers. Similarly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/senate-bill/2606\">the Senate version\u003c/a>, authored by California Sen. Alex Padilla and with 10 Democratic co-sponsors, is stuck, as Democrats hold a narrow majority but lack a 60-vote supermajority to overcome Senate filibuster rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with CHIRLA said they hoped to persuade Central Valley Rep. David Valadao to support the bill. He’s a rare Republican who has previously supported bipartisan legalization bills. His office did not respond to KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Trump is working to stir a fear of immigrants among voters and aiming to put Harris on the defensive on immigration, \u003ca href=\"https://app.frame.io/presentations/a2bb65e7-a32e-4cec-9258-847977d4cf76\">attacking her for high levels of unauthorized border crossings in his first television ad\u003c/a> of the general election campaign, released this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998081\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant rights activists rally at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on July 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As border czar, Kamala threw open our borders that allowed 20 million illegal aliens to stampede into our country from all over the world,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6G3Dl-lhZFU\">Trump alleged at a July 24 campaign rally\u003c/a>, greatly inflating the number of arrivals and falsely assigning Harris a role that was never hers. While President Joe Biden tasked Harris with tackling the root causes of immigration from Central America, she was not in charge of policing the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Harris has a record of supporting long-time immigrants in the U.S., \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/kamala-harris-campaign-chief-signals-biden-border-crackdown-continued-if-elected/\">her campaign has indicated she will maintain Biden’s recent asylum restrictions\u003c/a> that the administration credits with a sharp drop in border crossings in recent months that are being challenged in court by migrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though Congress is unlikely to take action on the registry bill or any other immigration legislation before the election, analysts say it makes sense that immigrant rights groups are now lobbying in Washington, D.C., to raise awareness of their demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political science professor Fernando Guerra, who runs the Center for the Study of Los Angeles at Loyola Marymount University, said advocates are positioning themselves — either to mount a strong defense against the actions of a second Trump presidency or to push Congress and a Harris administration for long-sought legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The emergence of Harris has propelled momentum on the Democratic side, and it’s also mobilizing advocates for all kinds of different policies and especially immigration, to begin to shape the narrative now,” Guerra said. “Being there today and beginning to shift the narrative can have an impact on what will be done in early 2025.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Blessing Roland-Magaji, 22, said she showed up to support the registry bill because it would offer a way to make a permanent home in the U.S. A recent Scripps College graduate who’ll start at Stanford Law School in the fall, Roland-Magaji said she was born in Ireland to Nigerian parents and has lived in the U.S. since she was 11 but without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many temporary solutions. DACA: I immigrated one year too late. When it comes to adjusting [immigration status] through family, I was too old,” she said.” There’s always bars for people who just want to be able to work and live here. I’ve almost been in the States longer than I was ever in Ireland. This is my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998082\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Blessing Roland-Magaji and other immigrant rights activists at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on July 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For another California resident, the journey to the Capitol was motivated by raw pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Solís, 57, a health care aide from Santa Rosa, said she has lived in the U.S. for 24 years, working and raising her children in Sonoma County. For years, she has heard elected officials talk about making a path to citizenship for immigrants without permanent legal status like herself. But it has never happened. And the impact hit keenly early this year when her little sister was dying of cancer in Mexico, and Solís was unable to visit her to say goodbye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why I bought my own ticket to come here,” she said, wiping away tears. “I’m here to fight, not just for me, but for everyone who’s had to go through something like this. It hurts so much, and I thought: ‘If I’m hurting, others are too.’ We need legalization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "While the border is a contentious election issue and a growing number of Americans want to restrict new immigration, large majorities still support a path to citizenship for long-term immigrants without permanent legal status.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>WASHINGTON — With immigration emerging as a key, divisive issue in the presidential election, scores of immigrant advocates from California converged on Washington, D.C., this week to put a human face on their concerns and press Congress for a bill that would offer a path to citizenship for millions of long-term people without permanent legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a rally Tuesday morning outside the U.S. Capitol, advocates said that now that Vice President Kamala Harris is leading the Democratic ticket, they have new hope for pro-immigrant policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Angelica Salas, the executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles, or CHIRLA, said the fact that Harris is from California — and the daughter of immigrants herself — means she understands the immigrant community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has stood with us in our worst moments,” including during the presidency of Donald Trump, Salas said. “When she knew that our families were fearful, she went to CHIRLA. She talked to our members. She told them that she would be a fighter for them. And she kept her promise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Salas said she’s not waiting for Harris to win the presidency. Members of her group and hundreds of advocates from California and nearly a dozen other states plan to visit congressional offices this week to make the case for a bill that would update the 1929 Registry Act, a provision of immigration law that allowed long-term undocumented residents (mostly Europeans at the time) to gain lawful permanent status and eventually citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the decades, Congress has periodically updated the “registry date,” but not since 1986. The current cutoff means that \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/policy-manual/volume-7-part-o-chapter-4\">immigrants are only eligible if they’ve lived in the U.S. continuously since 1972\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So that’s what we’re asking: Update this registry law created to bring people out of the shadows,” Salas said. “We need to educate members of Congress and the public. A lot of people don’t even know that the registry law already exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998083\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998083\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angelica Salas and other immigrant rights activists rally at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on July 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\">Gallup poll this month\u003c/a> found that a growing number of Americans — 55%, up from 41% last year — want immigration levels reduced, and three out of four consider the border a crisis or a major problem. However, a strong majority of Americans also \u003ca href=\"https://news.gallup.com/poll/647123/sharply-americans-curb-immigration.aspx\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">say immigration is good for the country\u003c/a>, and 70% want to let immigrants living in the U.S. illegally become U.S. citizens if they meet certain requirements over time, a policy that has had consistent support for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, in a closely divided Congress, with Republicans unified in their opposition to immigration reform, the bill has no chance of passage. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/1511/cosponsors\">House bill\u003c/a>, authored by Rep. Zoe Lofgren of San José, has 82 Democratic co-sponsors but no Republican backers. Similarly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/senate-bill/2606\">the Senate version\u003c/a>, authored by California Sen. Alex Padilla and with 10 Democratic co-sponsors, is stuck, as Democrats hold a narrow majority but lack a 60-vote supermajority to overcome Senate filibuster rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with CHIRLA said they hoped to persuade Central Valley Rep. David Valadao to support the bill. He’s a rare Republican who has previously supported bipartisan legalization bills. His office did not respond to KQED’s request for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Trump is working to stir a fear of immigrants among voters and aiming to put Harris on the defensive on immigration, \u003ca href=\"https://app.frame.io/presentations/a2bb65e7-a32e-4cec-9258-847977d4cf76\">attacking her for high levels of unauthorized border crossings in his first television ad\u003c/a> of the general election campaign, released this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998081\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998081\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Immigrant rights activists rally at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on July 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As border czar, Kamala threw open our borders that allowed 20 million illegal aliens to stampede into our country from all over the world,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6G3Dl-lhZFU\">Trump alleged at a July 24 campaign rally\u003c/a>, greatly inflating the number of arrivals and falsely assigning Harris a role that was never hers. While President Joe Biden tasked Harris with tackling the root causes of immigration from Central America, she was not in charge of policing the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Harris has a record of supporting long-time immigrants in the U.S., \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/kamala-harris-campaign-chief-signals-biden-border-crackdown-continued-if-elected/\">her campaign has indicated she will maintain Biden’s recent asylum restrictions\u003c/a> that the administration credits with a sharp drop in border crossings in recent months that are being challenged in court by migrant advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though Congress is unlikely to take action on the registry bill or any other immigration legislation before the election, analysts say it makes sense that immigrant rights groups are now lobbying in Washington, D.C., to raise awareness of their demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political science professor Fernando Guerra, who runs the Center for the Study of Los Angeles at Loyola Marymount University, said advocates are positioning themselves — either to mount a strong defense against the actions of a second Trump presidency or to push Congress and a Harris administration for long-sought legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The emergence of Harris has propelled momentum on the Democratic side, and it’s also mobilizing advocates for all kinds of different policies and especially immigration, to begin to shape the narrative now,” Guerra said. “Being there today and beginning to shift the narrative can have an impact on what will be done in early 2025.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the rally, Blessing Roland-Magaji, 22, said she showed up to support the registry bill because it would offer a way to make a permanent home in the U.S. A recent Scripps College graduate who’ll start at Stanford Law School in the fall, Roland-Magaji said she was born in Ireland to Nigerian parents and has lived in the U.S. since she was 11 but without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are so many temporary solutions. DACA: I immigrated one year too late. When it comes to adjusting [immigration status] through family, I was too old,” she said.” There’s always bars for people who just want to be able to work and live here. I’ve almost been in the States longer than I was ever in Ireland. This is my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998082\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998082\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240730-CITIZENSHIP-FOR-ALL-TH-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Blessing Roland-Magaji and other immigrant rights activists at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on July 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For another California resident, the journey to the Capitol was motivated by raw pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teresa Solís, 57, a health care aide from Santa Rosa, said she has lived in the U.S. for 24 years, working and raising her children in Sonoma County. For years, she has heard elected officials talk about making a path to citizenship for immigrants without permanent legal status like herself. But it has never happened. And the impact hit keenly early this year when her little sister was dying of cancer in Mexico, and Solís was unable to visit her to say goodbye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why I bought my own ticket to come here,” she said, wiping away tears. “I’m here to fight, not just for me, but for everyone who’s had to go through something like this. It hurts so much, and I thought: ‘If I’m hurting, others are too.’ We need legalization.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>LIVE NPR updates on this story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/trump-shooting\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FBI officials investigating the shooter in Butler, Pa., who targeted former President Donald Trump say they believe he acted alone and have not yet established a motive for Thomas Matthew Crooks’ alleged actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Rojek, the special agent in charge of the FBI’s Pittsburgh field office who is leading the investigation into the assassination attempt, said key evidence collected from the scene is being shipped to the FBI lab in Quantico, Va. These include an AR-style 556 rifle, which was purchased legally, as well as Crooks’ cellphone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also being analyzed is a device found in Crooks’ car. NPR previously reported that the device was explosive in nature. Rojek would not definitively say that, but other officials on a call with reporters said it was “rudimentary” in nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our primary focus is on the phone and we’re working to get access to the phone,” Rojek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crooks’ family is cooperating with the investigation, FBI officials said. His father purchased the weapon used in the attack and investigators are looking into how Crooks gained access to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators are also looking into Crooks’ actions in the days and weeks before the shooting, Rojek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Wells, assistant director of the FBI’s counterterrorism division, said the bureau was investigating the incident as “an act of domestic terrorism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were no indication that Crooks had mental health issues and they found no threatening language on his social media accounts. The investigation is still in its early stages, he said. Investigators have limited insight into recent communications that Crooks made — texts and phone call details — that thus far has not revealed any motive for his actions. Rojek said the FBI has not yet identified an ideology associated with the shooter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>LIVE NPR updates on this story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/trump-shooting\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>LIVE NPR updates on this story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/trump-shooting\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FBI officials investigating the shooter in Butler, Pa., who targeted former President Donald Trump say they believe he acted alone and have not yet established a motive for Thomas Matthew Crooks’ alleged actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Rojek, the special agent in charge of the FBI’s Pittsburgh field office who is leading the investigation into the assassination attempt, said key evidence collected from the scene is being shipped to the FBI lab in Quantico, Va. These include an AR-style 556 rifle, which was purchased legally, as well as Crooks’ cellphone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also being analyzed is a device found in Crooks’ car. NPR previously reported that the device was explosive in nature. Rojek would not definitively say that, but other officials on a call with reporters said it was “rudimentary” in nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our primary focus is on the phone and we’re working to get access to the phone,” Rojek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crooks’ family is cooperating with the investigation, FBI officials said. His father purchased the weapon used in the attack and investigators are looking into how Crooks gained access to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators are also looking into Crooks’ actions in the days and weeks before the shooting, Rojek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Wells, assistant director of the FBI’s counterterrorism division, said the bureau was investigating the incident as “an act of domestic terrorism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were no indication that Crooks had mental health issues and they found no threatening language on his social media accounts. The investigation is still in its early stages, he said. Investigators have limited insight into recent communications that Crooks made — texts and phone call details — that thus far has not revealed any motive for his actions. Rojek said the FBI has not yet identified an ideology associated with the shooter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>LIVE NPR updates on this story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/live-updates/trump-shooting\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tucked between headline-grabbing opinions on \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/07/02/what-is-presidential-immunity-trump-supreme-court/\">presidential immunity\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/14/nx-s1-5005999/supreme-court-jan-6-prosecutions\">Jan. 6 rioters\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">homeless encampments\u003c/a>, the U.S. Supreme Court closed out a momentous session late last month with a series of body blows to the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under three back-to-back rulings, regulations that touch nearly every aspect of the American economy and American life (see: rules on food safety, water quality, overtime pay, medical billing, carbon emissions, fisheries monitoring and housing discrimination, to name a few) may soon be \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">harder to enforce (PDF)\u003c/a>, more convenient to \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/22/22-1008/295695/20240112160022813_22-1008%20Merit%20Reply%20Brief%20Final.pdf\">challenge in court (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">easier to strike down once challenged (PDF)\u003c/a>. For the conservative legal movement and for major business interests who bristle under what they see as an overreaching federal regulatory apparatus, the rulings mark a once-in-a-generation victory against the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.amacad.org/publication/milestones-evolution-administrative-state\">administrative state\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, the effects of those rulings may be a bit more muted, legal experts say. California has an administrative state of its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From worker safeguards to water regulations to LGBTQ-protections on college campuses, the rules enforced by California state agencies often meet and exceed the stringency of their federal counterparts. If judges begin swatting down federal regulations as a result of the recent decisions, California’s own rules could serve as a regulatory backup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For critics of the court’s recent decisions, that’s some consolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is, in a way, better situated than some other states because it is big enough and it has enough expertise in state government to actually provide state law protections that can kind of compensate for weakened federal ones,” said Sean Donahue, a lawyer who represents the Environmental Defense Fund. “That may not be true in some smaller states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has plenty of practice playing the role of Blue State bulwark against federal regulatory shifts to the right. During the Trump administration, the state’s Democratic leaders \u003ca href=\"https://story.californiasunday.com/thegreatexception/\">beefed up many state rules\u003c/a> in the face of real or anticipated rollbacks out of Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state discovered then, there is a limit to how far California can go its own way. Many federal statutes explicitly prohibit states from overriding them. Such federal preemption has been decreed by the courts in other cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes yes, California can go on its own,” said Ashutosh Bhagwat, an administrative law professor at UC Davis. “Sometimes it absolutely can’t, and sometimes it’s complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Three rulings against the bureaucracy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In what may be the most consequential of the session’s three regulatory rulings, the court’s conservative majority swept aside a 40-year-old judicial rule of thumb, known as “Chevron deference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept, named for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1983/82-1005\">1984 case\u003c/a> that spawned it, required judges to defer to a federal regulator’s interpretation of how to implement a Congressional statute. In a high school civics class version of government, Congress passes the laws and the executive branch, with the President sitting at the top, simply enforces them. But enforcement is rarely simple. Congressional laws can be vague or fail to anticipate every eventuality, technological development or unforeseen problem. Since the New Deal, the federal government’s powers and responsibilities have expanded and grown more complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron deference is the notion that if a statute is ambiguous and an agency’s interpretation is reasonable on its face, courts should let the bureaucracy call the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his opinion, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that courts may “respect” federal agency expertise, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">cannot automatically defer to it (PDF)\u003c/a>. “Agencies have no special competence in resolving statutory ambiguities. Courts do,” he wrote. The upshot: Regulated industries now have a better shot at successfully challenging the federal rules that govern them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building on the theme of putting a leash on federal bureaucrats, the majority also ruled against the Securities and Exchange Commission and put new limits on when agencies can \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">use in-house administrative courts (PDF)\u003c/a> to levy fines, instead requiring agencies to take alleged rule breakers to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a third opinion, the Supreme Court ruled that the six-year statute of limitations for when an aggrieved business can challenge a federal regulation starts ticking \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">whenever that suing party is first affected by the rule\u003c/a>. Financial regulators in that case had argued that the shot clock starts when the rule itself is enacted, giving regulations a degree of finality once that time expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three rulings were decided 6–3, with the court’s conservatives in the majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Climate change regulations especially vulnerable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In her dissent in the statute of limitations case, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, a Biden appointee, warned that together with the end of Chevron deference, the court’s rulings would unleash a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">tsunami of lawsuits (PDF)\u003c/a> against agencies” with the “potential to devastate the functioning of the Federal Government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts are still debating just how consequential these rulings will be. Granting less flexibility to federal regulators and opening them up to the threat of indefinite legal challenge from regulated industries implicates an unknowably vast universe of rules. But no one knows which rules are most vulnerable until they wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll probably see now a wave of litigation challenging regulations that many had thought of as being long-settled, and how that shakes out in terms of its application to California businesses and California residents and consumers, we just don’t know,” said Julia Stein, an environmental law professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change regulations may be especially ripe for challenge. Lacking much actual legislation on the subject from Congress, the Environmental Protection Agency has resorted to creative interpretations of old environmental statutes, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/evolution-clean-air-act#:~:text=Introduction,Air%20Act%20Amendments%20of%201990\">1970 Clean Air Act\u003c/a>, to justify its rules governing greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such creativity may no longer fly, at least with conservative judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal regulators are “kind of hamstrung in the ability to take innovative approaches,” Stein said, now that the Chevron decision is history. “States, like California, are going to try to make up for that on the back end through their own authority and regulatory power, but it won’t be nearly as effective as if both those entities were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a state can set its own rules isn’t always clear. Almost 60 years ago, Congress granted California the authority to set its own emission standards for vehicles. But a California mandate requiring major truck manufacturers to ramp up the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/12/california-controversial-advanced-clean-trucks-regulation-air-pollution/\">sale of zero-emission vehicles \u003c/a>might be an early test case, since experts are divided as to whether an interpretation of the Clean Air Act properly allows for such a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California, above and beyond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are areas of the regulatory universe where California law clearly can, and often does, go far above what the feds require.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor law is one example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most California workplace laws are more protective of employees than federal rules. Not only is the state’s $16 minimum wage more than double that required nationwide, the state also maintains and enforces its own rules on overtime pay, independent contractor status, workplace discrimination and workplace safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration proposed a rule requiring employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2024/07/02/osha-workers-extreme-heat-protections/\">protect workers from heat illness\u003c/a>. California’s own workplace safety agency has had such a rule in place since 2005 for outdoor workers and is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/extreme-heat-california-workplace-rules/\">expanding it to those working indoors\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules will stand regardless of legal challenges at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11992777,news_11992365,news_11991285\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Such challenges are already on the way elsewhere. The same day the high court snagged final say over rulemaking from federal agencies, a Texas judge cited the Chevron-ending decision in putting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrdive.com/news/texas-state-employees-overtime-rule/720251/\">new Biden administration overtime rule on hold\u003c/a> for state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long established stereotype of California would suggest that lawmakers here are already ideologically predisposed to out-red-tape Washington. But many of California’s supercharged state rules are of recent vintage, born out of resistance to the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-California state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.edhat.com/news/jackson-bill-to-put-federal-title-ix-standards-into-state-law-passes-out-of-committee/\">handful\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.noozhawk.com/gov-_newsom_signs_state_sen-_jacksons_fairness_bill_for_survivors_of_sexual/\">laws\u003c/a> to put the federal rules that govern gender discrimination in schools and universities into state statute. That was in anticipation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/05/06/politics/education-secretary-betsy-devos-title-ix-regulations/index.html\">controversial changes to Title IX\u003c/a>, a 1972 civil rights law, proposed by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal education regulators have mined Title IX’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.espn.com/espnw/title-ix/story/_/id/7722632/37-words-changed-everything\">mere 37 words\u003c/a> to justify regulations on everything from school sports to sexual assault reporting standards to scholarships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protections for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/06/california-regulations-wetlands-birds/\">wetlands and migratory birds\u003c/a> and bans of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2019-08-14/california-bans-pesticide-defying-trump-epa\">certain pesticides\u003c/a> were also ratcheted up in California during the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that blue state playbook didn’t always go as planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, San Diego Sen. Toni Atkins, then the top Democrat in the state Senate, authored a bill for an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/california-water-dispute-trump-environment-rollbacks/\">anti-Trump “backstop”\u003c/a> — essentially copying and pasting the more stringent federal environmental and workplace rules from the Obama era onto the state’s books. Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed that bill, calling it “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/veto-environment-bill-california-water-wars-cost-newsom-support/\">a solution in search of a problem\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California: A vision of life after Chevron?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The raft of rulings were momentous, but not especially surprising to many court watchers. The Supreme Court had been either ignoring or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/06/us/politics/supreme-court-major-questions-doctrine.html\">actively chipping away\u003c/a> at Chevron deference for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some legal experts, even self-described liberals, skeptical that the final effect will be as dramatic as the Supreme Court’s liberal dissenters and many alarmed commentators have suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The major clean water and clean air acts were passed in the ’70s, long before Chevron,” said Bhagwat at UC Davis. “There was administrative law before that. So, the idea that you can’t have administrative law without Chevron is stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, anyone looking to see what a post-Chevron world might look like could turn to California. State courts never adopted a Chevron-like rule in reviewing regulations. Instead, they’ve taken a \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/4th/19/1.html\">more holistic approach\u003c/a>, in which agency interpretations might be granted more weight when they’ve been consistent over time and are based on its own area of expertise. That, in effect, is pretty similar to the new rules of the federal road laid out last month by the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when people say, ‘Oh, this is kind of the end of the world, abolishing Chevron,’ it’s like, well, it hasn’t been the end of the world in California,” said Keith Bishop, a partner with the law firm Allen Matkins who used to work as a California state financial regulator. “At least, not yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are reasons to believe that certain courts outside of California will be keener to uproot regulations than they have been in California. That isn’t a result of differences in legal doctrine between courts, but of political philosophy, said David Carpenter, an appellate lawyer and partner at the law firm Sidley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, there would be a view that courts are going to be relatively more inclined to abide by or to follow or consider or give weight or respect to agency interpretations,” he said. “Depending on what jurisdiction the challenge is raised in, you might expect more hostility between the federal court and whichever administration is in power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhagwat shares the view that the outcome of a regulatory challenge will depend largely on the ideology of a given judge or court. That has led him to offer a less dramatic forecast of the law after this year’s spate of anti-regulatory rulings. “They were ignoring Chevron anyway,” he said. But it has led him to a much more dramatic and darker view of the law in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing the judiciary starting to reflect the polarization generally in American society,” he said. “There’s this sort of brutal reality on the ground, which is that the law doesn’t matter that much anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rachel Becker and Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In three rulings, the US Supreme Court dealt a body blow to the federal bureaucracy. From health care to climate to workers' rights, California’s rules often go farther.",
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"title": "Will California Rules Ensure Protections After Supreme Court's Blow to Federal Regulators? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tucked between headline-grabbing opinions on \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/07/02/what-is-presidential-immunity-trump-supreme-court/\">presidential immunity\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/14/nx-s1-5005999/supreme-court-jan-6-prosecutions\">Jan. 6 rioters\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">homeless encampments\u003c/a>, the U.S. Supreme Court closed out a momentous session late last month with a series of body blows to the federal bureaucracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under three back-to-back rulings, regulations that touch nearly every aspect of the American economy and American life (see: rules on food safety, water quality, overtime pay, medical billing, carbon emissions, fisheries monitoring and housing discrimination, to name a few) may soon be \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">harder to enforce (PDF)\u003c/a>, more convenient to \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/22/22-1008/295695/20240112160022813_22-1008%20Merit%20Reply%20Brief%20Final.pdf\">challenge in court (PDF)\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">easier to strike down once challenged (PDF)\u003c/a>. For the conservative legal movement and for major business interests who bristle under what they see as an overreaching federal regulatory apparatus, the rulings mark a once-in-a-generation victory against the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.amacad.org/publication/milestones-evolution-administrative-state\">administrative state\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, the effects of those rulings may be a bit more muted, legal experts say. California has an administrative state of its own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From worker safeguards to water regulations to LGBTQ-protections on college campuses, the rules enforced by California state agencies often meet and exceed the stringency of their federal counterparts. If judges begin swatting down federal regulations as a result of the recent decisions, California’s own rules could serve as a regulatory backup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For critics of the court’s recent decisions, that’s some consolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is, in a way, better situated than some other states because it is big enough and it has enough expertise in state government to actually provide state law protections that can kind of compensate for weakened federal ones,” said Sean Donahue, a lawyer who represents the Environmental Defense Fund. “That may not be true in some smaller states.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has plenty of practice playing the role of Blue State bulwark against federal regulatory shifts to the right. During the Trump administration, the state’s Democratic leaders \u003ca href=\"https://story.californiasunday.com/thegreatexception/\">beefed up many state rules\u003c/a> in the face of real or anticipated rollbacks out of Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the state discovered then, there is a limit to how far California can go its own way. Many federal statutes explicitly prohibit states from overriding them. Such federal preemption has been decreed by the courts in other cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes yes, California can go on its own,” said Ashutosh Bhagwat, an administrative law professor at UC Davis. “Sometimes it absolutely can’t, and sometimes it’s complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Three rulings against the bureaucracy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In what may be the most consequential of the session’s three regulatory rulings, the court’s conservative majority swept aside a 40-year-old judicial rule of thumb, known as “Chevron deference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The concept, named for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/cases/1983/82-1005\">1984 case\u003c/a> that spawned it, required judges to defer to a federal regulator’s interpretation of how to implement a Congressional statute. In a high school civics class version of government, Congress passes the laws and the executive branch, with the President sitting at the top, simply enforces them. But enforcement is rarely simple. Congressional laws can be vague or fail to anticipate every eventuality, technological development or unforeseen problem. Since the New Deal, the federal government’s powers and responsibilities have expanded and grown more complex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron deference is the notion that if a statute is ambiguous and an agency’s interpretation is reasonable on its face, courts should let the bureaucracy call the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his opinion, Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that courts may “respect” federal agency expertise, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf\">cannot automatically defer to it (PDF)\u003c/a>. “Agencies have no special competence in resolving statutory ambiguities. Courts do,” he wrote. The upshot: Regulated industries now have a better shot at successfully challenging the federal rules that govern them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building on the theme of putting a leash on federal bureaucrats, the majority also ruled against the Securities and Exchange Commission and put new limits on when agencies can \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-859_1924.pdf\">use in-house administrative courts (PDF)\u003c/a> to levy fines, instead requiring agencies to take alleged rule breakers to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a third opinion, the Supreme Court ruled that the six-year statute of limitations for when an aggrieved business can challenge a federal regulation starts ticking \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">whenever that suing party is first affected by the rule\u003c/a>. Financial regulators in that case had argued that the shot clock starts when the rule itself is enacted, giving regulations a degree of finality once that time expires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three rulings were decided 6–3, with the court’s conservatives in the majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Climate change regulations especially vulnerable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In her dissent in the statute of limitations case, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, a Biden appointee, warned that together with the end of Chevron deference, the court’s rulings would unleash a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-1008_1b82.pdf\">tsunami of lawsuits (PDF)\u003c/a> against agencies” with the “potential to devastate the functioning of the Federal Government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal experts are still debating just how consequential these rulings will be. Granting less flexibility to federal regulators and opening them up to the threat of indefinite legal challenge from regulated industries implicates an unknowably vast universe of rules. But no one knows which rules are most vulnerable until they wind up in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll probably see now a wave of litigation challenging regulations that many had thought of as being long-settled, and how that shakes out in terms of its application to California businesses and California residents and consumers, we just don’t know,” said Julia Stein, an environmental law professor at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change regulations may be especially ripe for challenge. Lacking much actual legislation on the subject from Congress, the Environmental Protection Agency has resorted to creative interpretations of old environmental statutes, like the \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/clean-air-act-overview/evolution-clean-air-act#:~:text=Introduction,Air%20Act%20Amendments%20of%201990\">1970 Clean Air Act\u003c/a>, to justify its rules governing greenhouse gas emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such creativity may no longer fly, at least with conservative judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal regulators are “kind of hamstrung in the ability to take innovative approaches,” Stein said, now that the Chevron decision is history. “States, like California, are going to try to make up for that on the back end through their own authority and regulatory power, but it won’t be nearly as effective as if both those entities were working together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a state can set its own rules isn’t always clear. Almost 60 years ago, Congress granted California the authority to set its own emission standards for vehicles. But a California mandate requiring major truck manufacturers to ramp up the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/12/california-controversial-advanced-clean-trucks-regulation-air-pollution/\">sale of zero-emission vehicles \u003c/a>might be an early test case, since experts are divided as to whether an interpretation of the Clean Air Act properly allows for such a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California, above and beyond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are areas of the regulatory universe where California law clearly can, and often does, go far above what the feds require.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor law is one example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most California workplace laws are more protective of employees than federal rules. Not only is the state’s $16 minimum wage more than double that required nationwide, the state also maintains and enforces its own rules on overtime pay, independent contractor status, workplace discrimination and workplace safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most recently, the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration proposed a rule requiring employers to \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2024/07/02/osha-workers-extreme-heat-protections/\">protect workers from heat illness\u003c/a>. California’s own workplace safety agency has had such a rule in place since 2005 for outdoor workers and is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/extreme-heat-california-workplace-rules/\">expanding it to those working indoors\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules will stand regardless of legal challenges at the federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Such challenges are already on the way elsewhere. The same day the high court snagged final say over rulemaking from federal agencies, a Texas judge cited the Chevron-ending decision in putting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hrdive.com/news/texas-state-employees-overtime-rule/720251/\">new Biden administration overtime rule on hold\u003c/a> for state employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long established stereotype of California would suggest that lawmakers here are already ideologically predisposed to out-red-tape Washington. But many of California’s supercharged state rules are of recent vintage, born out of resistance to the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-California state Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson authored a \u003ca href=\"https://www.edhat.com/news/jackson-bill-to-put-federal-title-ix-standards-into-state-law-passes-out-of-committee/\">handful\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://www.noozhawk.com/gov-_newsom_signs_state_sen-_jacksons_fairness_bill_for_survivors_of_sexual/\">laws\u003c/a> to put the federal rules that govern gender discrimination in schools and universities into state statute. That was in anticipation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/05/06/politics/education-secretary-betsy-devos-title-ix-regulations/index.html\">controversial changes to Title IX\u003c/a>, a 1972 civil rights law, proposed by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal education regulators have mined Title IX’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.espn.com/espnw/title-ix/story/_/id/7722632/37-words-changed-everything\">mere 37 words\u003c/a> to justify regulations on everything from school sports to sexual assault reporting standards to scholarships.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protections for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2020/06/california-regulations-wetlands-birds/\">wetlands and migratory birds\u003c/a> and bans of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2019-08-14/california-bans-pesticide-defying-trump-epa\">certain pesticides\u003c/a> were also ratcheted up in California during the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that blue state playbook didn’t always go as planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, San Diego Sen. Toni Atkins, then the top Democrat in the state Senate, authored a bill for an \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/california-water-dispute-trump-environment-rollbacks/\">anti-Trump “backstop”\u003c/a> — essentially copying and pasting the more stringent federal environmental and workplace rules from the Obama era onto the state’s books. Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed that bill, calling it “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2019/09/veto-environment-bill-california-water-wars-cost-newsom-support/\">a solution in search of a problem\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California: A vision of life after Chevron?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The raft of rulings were momentous, but not especially surprising to many court watchers. The Supreme Court had been either ignoring or \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/06/us/politics/supreme-court-major-questions-doctrine.html\">actively chipping away\u003c/a> at Chevron deference for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some legal experts, even self-described liberals, skeptical that the final effect will be as dramatic as the Supreme Court’s liberal dissenters and many alarmed commentators have suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The major clean water and clean air acts were passed in the ’70s, long before Chevron,” said Bhagwat at UC Davis. “There was administrative law before that. So, the idea that you can’t have administrative law without Chevron is stupid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, anyone looking to see what a post-Chevron world might look like could turn to California. State courts never adopted a Chevron-like rule in reviewing regulations. Instead, they’ve taken a \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/4th/19/1.html\">more holistic approach\u003c/a>, in which agency interpretations might be granted more weight when they’ve been consistent over time and are based on its own area of expertise. That, in effect, is pretty similar to the new rules of the federal road laid out last month by the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So when people say, ‘Oh, this is kind of the end of the world, abolishing Chevron,’ it’s like, well, it hasn’t been the end of the world in California,” said Keith Bishop, a partner with the law firm Allen Matkins who used to work as a California state financial regulator. “At least, not yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are reasons to believe that certain courts outside of California will be keener to uproot regulations than they have been in California. That isn’t a result of differences in legal doctrine between courts, but of political philosophy, said David Carpenter, an appellate lawyer and partner at the law firm Sidley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California, there would be a view that courts are going to be relatively more inclined to abide by or to follow or consider or give weight or respect to agency interpretations,” he said. “Depending on what jurisdiction the challenge is raised in, you might expect more hostility between the federal court and whichever administration is in power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bhagwat shares the view that the outcome of a regulatory challenge will depend largely on the ideology of a given judge or court. That has led him to offer a less dramatic forecast of the law after this year’s spate of anti-regulatory rulings. “They were ignoring Chevron anyway,” he said. But it has led him to a much more dramatic and darker view of the law in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing the judiciary starting to reflect the polarization generally in American society,” he said. “There’s this sort of brutal reality on the ground, which is that the law doesn’t matter that much anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Rachel Becker and Jeanne Kuang contributed reporting to this story. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
"airtime": "SAT 1pm-2pm, 9pm-10pm",
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},
"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
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