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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11996329 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-685195553.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Former Olympian Accused of Orchestrating Drug Ring Partially Operated in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ryan Wedding, who represented Canada in snowboarding at the Salt Lake City Olympics in 2002, is now a fugitive from the U.S. justice system, accused of leading a violent international drug trafficking ring. Wedding allegedly orchestrated the shipment of tons of cocaine from Colombia to Mexico, the U.S. and Canada — and he’s accused of ordering multiple killings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/wanted/cei/ryan-james-wedding\">FBI says Wedding\u003c/a>, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. A federal arrest warrant was issued for him one month ago in the U.S. Central District Court in Los Angeles. He’s been working with the notorious Sinaloa Cartel, the U.S. Attorney’s Office tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grand jury indictment was first filed in June, charging Wedding with numerous felonies. He is the lead defendant in a superseding indictment that was unsealed this week, naming 16 people in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have triggered an avalanche of violent crimes, including brutal murders,” Matthew Allen, special agent in charge of the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Los Angeles division, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/16-defendants-charged-superseding-indictment-alleging-bulk-shipments-cocaine-canada\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. “Wedding, the Olympian snowboarder, went from navigating slopes to contouring a life of incessant crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/1630x1082+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fe7%2Fd5%2F71c8f3374c038c933a2127ba90be%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-18-50-am.png\" alt=\"Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico.\">\u003cfigcaption>Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. \u003ccite> (FBI)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Authorities allege that the drug conspiracy operated on a large scale, listing locations from Colombia and Mexico to three California counties — Los Angeles, Riverside and San Bernardino — and Miami-Dade County, Fla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents were able to monitor the group’s actions earlier this year thanks to a mole who relayed coded messages about alleged drug shipments sent on the encrypted messaging application Threema, according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment describes an elaborate system in which transportation dispatchers based in Canada allegedly used dollar-bill serial numbers as “tokens” to verify co-conspirators’ identities as they arranged for semi-trucks to carry tons of cocaine from Southern California into Canada. The alleged leaders of the enterprise’s transportation arm agreed to a flat fee of $220,000 Canadian for each load, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the federal investigation — dubbed Operation Giant Slalom, echoing an Olympic event Wedding once competed in — law enforcement agents caught defendants with a total of some 1,800 kilograms (1.8 metric tons) of cocaine, according to the Justice Department. They also seized guns, $255,400 in cash, and more than $3.2 million in cryptocurrency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Operation Giant Slalom’s reach extended to an elite enclave in Aventura, Florida. The FBI raided \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/homedetails/3914-Island-Estates-Dr-Aventura-FL-33160/44060368_zpid/\">a mansion\u003c/a> worth millions of dollars that a defendant, Miami Beach music executive and restaurateur Nahim Jorge Bonilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/miami-dade/aventura/article294122259.html\">had reportedly bought\u003c/a> from music star DJ Khaled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wedding had sent Bonilla 12 kilograms of cocaine, according to the indictment — 7 that were paid for and 5 on consignment. In June, Wedding threatened to kill Bonilla’s mother if the remaining debt wasn’t settled within three days, court papers say. Within a week, Bonilla allegedly paid Wedding for 2 kilograms of cocaine and sent 20 kilograms of methamphetamine to Montreal, Canada, to settle the rest of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/2028x1178+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F04%2Ffa%2F5ca0d8634c44a77aa45a4a683aef%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-40-42-am.png\" alt=\"Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, Calif., as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring.\">\u003cfigcaption>Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, California, as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring. \u003ccite> (U.S. Attorney’s Office, Central District of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In other cases, murders were allegedly carried out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wedding and Clark allegedly directed the Nov. 20, 2023, murders of two members of a family in Ontario, Canada, in retaliation for a stolen drug shipment,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office says. The agency says another person was killed in May over an unpaid debt, allegedly on Wedding and Clark’s orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve of the 16 defendants have been arrested. They include four Canadians arrested in Ontario this week and three Canadians arrested in the U.S., according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/en/news/2024/significant-transnational-organized-crime-group-disrupted-rcmp-fbi-and-police-canada-and\">Royal Canadian Mounted Police.\u003c/a> But Wedding and several others remain at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Wedding and several co-defendants “would face a mandatory minimum penalty of life in federal prison on the murder and attempted murder charges,” according to the Justice Department. Other charges in the case also carry similarly stiff penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time U.S. authorities have leveled serious drug charges against Wedding: In 2009, he was convicted of conspiracy to distribute cocaine and served more than a year in prison. Canadian authorities had also previously investigated him as part of drug inquests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Salt Lake City Games in 2002, Wedding placed 24th in the parallel giant slalom, according to his \u003ca href=\"https://olympics.com/en/athletes/ryan-wedding\">Olympic bio page\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ryan Wedding, who represented Canada in snowboarding at the Salt Lake City Olympics in 2002, is now a fugitive from the U.S. justice system, accused of leading a violent international drug trafficking ring. Wedding allegedly orchestrated the shipment of tons of cocaine from Colombia to Mexico, the U.S. and Canada — and he’s accused of ordering multiple killings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/wanted/cei/ryan-james-wedding\">FBI says Wedding\u003c/a>, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. A federal arrest warrant was issued for him one month ago in the U.S. Central District Court in Los Angeles. He’s been working with the notorious Sinaloa Cartel, the U.S. Attorney’s Office tells NPR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A grand jury indictment was first filed in June, charging Wedding with numerous felonies. He is the lead defendant in a superseding indictment that was unsealed this week, naming 16 people in all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have triggered an avalanche of violent crimes, including brutal murders,” Matthew Allen, special agent in charge of the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Los Angeles division, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-cdca/pr/16-defendants-charged-superseding-indictment-alleging-bulk-shipments-cocaine-canada\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. “Wedding, the Olympian snowboarder, went from navigating slopes to contouring a life of incessant crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/1630x1082+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fe7%2Fd5%2F71c8f3374c038c933a2127ba90be%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-18-50-am.png\" alt=\"Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico.\">\u003cfigcaption>Ryan Wedding appears on an FBI wanted poster. The U.S. says Wedding, 43, is a fugitive and may be in Mexico. \u003ccite> (FBI)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Authorities allege that the drug conspiracy operated on a large scale, listing locations from Colombia and Mexico to three California counties — Los Angeles, Riverside and San Bernardino — and Miami-Dade County, Fla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents were able to monitor the group’s actions earlier this year thanks to a mole who relayed coded messages about alleged drug shipments sent on the encrypted messaging application Threema, according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The indictment describes an elaborate system in which transportation dispatchers based in Canada allegedly used dollar-bill serial numbers as “tokens” to verify co-conspirators’ identities as they arranged for semi-trucks to carry tons of cocaine from Southern California into Canada. The alleged leaders of the enterprise’s transportation arm agreed to a flat fee of $220,000 Canadian for each load, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the federal investigation — dubbed Operation Giant Slalom, echoing an Olympic event Wedding once competed in — law enforcement agents caught defendants with a total of some 1,800 kilograms (1.8 metric tons) of cocaine, according to the Justice Department. They also seized guns, $255,400 in cash, and more than $3.2 million in cryptocurrency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Operation Giant Slalom’s reach extended to an elite enclave in Aventura, Florida. The FBI raided \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/homedetails/3914-Island-Estates-Dr-Aventura-FL-33160/44060368_zpid/\">a mansion\u003c/a> worth millions of dollars that a defendant, Miami Beach music executive and restaurateur Nahim Jorge Bonilla, \u003ca href=\"https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/community/miami-dade/aventura/article294122259.html\">had reportedly bought\u003c/a> from music star DJ Khaled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wedding had sent Bonilla 12 kilograms of cocaine, according to the indictment — 7 that were paid for and 5 on consignment. In June, Wedding threatened to kill Bonilla’s mother if the remaining debt wasn’t settled within three days, court papers say. Within a week, Bonilla allegedly paid Wedding for 2 kilograms of cocaine and sent 20 kilograms of methamphetamine to Montreal, Canada, to settle the rest of the debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/2028x1178+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F04%2Ffa%2F5ca0d8634c44a77aa45a4a683aef%2Fscreenshot-2024-10-18-at-9-40-42-am.png\" alt=\"Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, Calif., as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring.\">\u003cfigcaption>Stacks of cocaine are seen in a Justice Department image from Aug. 1, when some 201 kgs of cocaine were seized in Riverside County, California, as part of an investigation into an international trafficking ring. \u003ccite> (U.S. Attorney’s Office, Central District of California)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In other cases, murders were allegedly carried out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wedding and Clark allegedly directed the Nov. 20, 2023, murders of two members of a family in Ontario, Canada, in retaliation for a stolen drug shipment,” the U.S. Attorney’s Office says. The agency says another person was killed in May over an unpaid debt, allegedly on Wedding and Clark’s orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve of the 16 defendants have been arrested. They include four Canadians arrested in Ontario this week and three Canadians arrested in the U.S., according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/en/news/2024/significant-transnational-organized-crime-group-disrupted-rcmp-fbi-and-police-canada-and\">Royal Canadian Mounted Police.\u003c/a> But Wedding and several others remain at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Wedding and several co-defendants “would face a mandatory minimum penalty of life in federal prison on the murder and attempted murder charges,” according to the Justice Department. Other charges in the case also carry similarly stiff penalties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second time U.S. authorities have leveled serious drug charges against Wedding: In 2009, he was convicted of conspiracy to distribute cocaine and served more than a year in prison. Canadian authorities had also previously investigated him as part of drug inquests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Salt Lake City Games in 2002, Wedding placed 24th in the parallel giant slalom, according to his \u003ca href=\"https://olympics.com/en/athletes/ryan-wedding\">Olympic bio page\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Oakland Nonprofit Urges No Vote on Proposition 36 to Protect Rehabilitation Funding",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oakland’s first trauma recovery center is urging the public to vote no on Proposition 36, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop36-110524.pdf\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would slash millions in funding for rehabilitation centers and other treatment programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would also toughen penalties and lengthen prison sentences for some low-level theft and drug possession crimes — reclassifying these misdemeanors as felonies if the measure is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), a nonprofit funded by Proposition 47 grants, provides vital community services such as clinical psychology treatment and connections to employment and housing opportunities. That funding would be largely wiped out if voters approved Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Prop. 36 passes, it will impact all of the Prop. 47 funded programs that are in place to help individuals get their lives back,” said Donald Frazier, the founder and CEO of BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 allowed for the reclassification of felonies like theft and drug possession to misdemeanors and required that state funds be allocated to public agencies specializing in mental health, substance abuse, and other treatment programs – virtually reversive to the tenets of Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frazier said that stripping programs like BOSS of its funding and instead reallocating those funds to incarceration centers would only perpetuate cycles of violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009715\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009715\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At BOSS’s ribbon-cutting ceremony on Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers that focus on rehabilitation and healing. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He stressed that rehabilitation services benefit more than just victims — many of the nonprofit’s patients are also formerly incarcerated individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taxpayers have to make a decision,” he said. “Do we want to continue funding incarceration and not funding services for people with the understanding that people will be released and be back in the community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through grants from the California Victims Compensation Board and Proposition 47, BOSS provides a range of services, including licensed clinicians and psychiatrists, housing and employment opportunities and other support to help victims recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its ribbon-cutting ceremony, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers like BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latosha Spruell, a coordinator for Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice, spoke at the BOSS ceremony on Wednesday. She lost several family members and friends to violence and drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 undermines the core principles of restorative justice. It perpetuates a system that focuses solely on punishment rather than rehabilitation and healing for both victims and offenders,” Spruell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in a justice system that does more than punish — it should heal entire communities. Accountability must be paired with restoration and support,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philippe Kelly, a formerly incarcerated organizer for human rights, said that centers like BOSS are more effective in addressing the effects of violent crime than the criminal justice system is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the solutions that keep our people safe. Prop. 36 will not do that. Having recovery centers like this is what’s going to help our people,” Kelly said. “These are the folks who know what it means to overcome, but they also know what it means to keep us safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 36 would direct millions of taxpayer dollars into prison costs over the next decade — a cycle BOSS staffers described as “the revolving door of locking people up and releasing them without rehabilitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, said that the measure would create “the worst outcomes” yet for East Oakland and other communities deeply impacted by violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have issues in our community that require a different response. You cannot use a screwdriver when you need a hammer,” Hollins said. “So while we have a bunch of hammers driving around our communities, there are some screws that need to be put in place\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Oakland nonprofit BOSS warns that Proposition 36, backed by law enforcement and major retailers like Home Depot and Target, could divert $26 billion in taxpayer funds to prisons, harming rehab services.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Oakland’s first trauma recovery center is urging the public to vote no on Proposition 36, a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop36-110524.pdf\">ballot measure\u003c/a> that would slash millions in funding for rehabilitation centers and other treatment programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would also toughen penalties and lengthen prison sentences for some low-level theft and drug possession crimes — reclassifying these misdemeanors as felonies if the measure is passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency (BOSS), a nonprofit funded by Proposition 47 grants, provides vital community services such as clinical psychology treatment and connections to employment and housing opportunities. That funding would be largely wiped out if voters approved Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Prop. 36 passes, it will impact all of the Prop. 47 funded programs that are in place to help individuals get their lives back,” said Donald Frazier, the founder and CEO of BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 allowed for the reclassification of felonies like theft and drug possession to misdemeanors and required that state funds be allocated to public agencies specializing in mental health, substance abuse, and other treatment programs – virtually reversive to the tenets of Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frazier said that stripping programs like BOSS of its funding and instead reallocating those funds to incarceration centers would only perpetuate cycles of violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009715\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009715\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/BOSS1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At BOSS’s ribbon-cutting ceremony on Wednesday, Oct. 16, 2024, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers that focus on rehabilitation and healing. \u003ccite>(Gilare Zada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He stressed that rehabilitation services benefit more than just victims — many of the nonprofit’s patients are also formerly incarcerated individuals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The taxpayers have to make a decision,” he said. “Do we want to continue funding incarceration and not funding services for people with the understanding that people will be released and be back in the community?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through grants from the California Victims Compensation Board and Proposition 47, BOSS provides a range of services, including licensed clinicians and psychiatrists, housing and employment opportunities and other support to help victims recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At its ribbon-cutting ceremony, several staffers, ACLU representatives and victim advocates stressed the importance of funding for centers like BOSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latosha Spruell, a coordinator for Crime Survivors for Safety and Justice, spoke at the BOSS ceremony on Wednesday. She lost several family members and friends to violence and drug-related crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 undermines the core principles of restorative justice. It perpetuates a system that focuses solely on punishment rather than rehabilitation and healing for both victims and offenders,” Spruell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in a justice system that does more than punish — it should heal entire communities. Accountability must be paired with restoration and support,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Philippe Kelly, a formerly incarcerated organizer for human rights, said that centers like BOSS are more effective in addressing the effects of violent crime than the criminal justice system is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know the solutions that keep our people safe. Prop. 36 will not do that. Having recovery centers like this is what’s going to help our people,” Kelly said. “These are the folks who know what it means to overcome, but they also know what it means to keep us safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, Proposition 36 would direct millions of taxpayer dollars into prison costs over the next decade — a cycle BOSS staffers described as “the revolving door of locking people up and releasing them without rehabilitation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, said that the measure would create “the worst outcomes” yet for East Oakland and other communities deeply impacted by violent crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have issues in our community that require a different response. You cannot use a screwdriver when you need a hammer,” Hollins said. “So while we have a bunch of hammers driving around our communities, there are some screws that need to be put in place\u003cem>.\u003c/em>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San José Mayor and Council Call on Councilmember Omar Torres to Resign Amid Sexual Misconduct Allegations",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan and the rest of the City Council are calling on fellow Councilmember Omar Torres to resign in light of details from an ongoing police investigation into allegations that he committed sex acts with a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan and the nine other council members issued their call in a joint statement Wednesday afternoon, about a week after a police affidavit was made public that showed Torres was being investigated on suspicion of “oral copulation of a minor” and “having an abnormal interest in children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all live in a nation in which we are innocent until proven guilty — that applies to every single person in our city, including those in elected office. We are in the midst of an active and ongoing investigation, and as our police department uncovers the truth, that truth will be shared with the community,” the Council statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the appalling nature of Omar Torres’ own words and the allegations against him, we believe that he has lost the trust of the community and is no longer able to effectively serve the residents of District 3,” the statement continued. “As his own words call into question his ability to lead and make decisions on the behalf of the community, we are calling on him to resign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term councilmember who previously served as a council staffer and a community college district board member, has largely withdrawn from public view since the allegations against him were first revealed earlier this month, and further details were made public in the affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, police officials said, and no criminal charges have been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no intention of resigning, he intends to continue fully serving his constituency,” his attorney, Nelson McElmurry, said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He absolutely wants to address the public concern surrounding the bits and pieces of information that have been released throughout the course of the investigation,” he added, emphasizing that much of what has been reported thus far has been “speculation” and doesn’t include full context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would rather wait until the investigation is completed and then address the issue, as well as responding to everyone’s questions regarding the details,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Wednesday, Mahan told KQED there is a higher bar for elected officials. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe he is fit to lead and represent our community. I was sick to my stomach as I read some of the text messages in the affidavit,” Mahan said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said the case is a big distraction for Torres and for a city trying to address major civic issues of homelessness, housing and crime. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s distracted by this. I’ve gone to community meetings over the last week in his district where he’s been unable to attend. There’s no way to get around the fact that this is going to take a lot of his time and attention and he needs to focus on the rest of that process,” Mahan said. “But in the meantime, the residents of District Three deserve strong representation, a leader who they trust and progress on the issues that affect their daily lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more on San José\" tag=\"san-jose-city-council\"]The investigation apparently started when \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/03/san-jose-police-warrant-city-councilmember-omar-torres/\">Torres contacted San José police\u003c/a> on Aug. 29 to report that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man in Chicago named Terry Beeks, with whom, investigators later said, Torres had an “online sexual relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres told police that during their relationship over the course of the past two years, he sent Beeks “nude photos and videos of himself, some of which include his face,” investigators said, after which Beeks demanded money, threatening to release nude photos or videos if he didn’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Torres admitted that this extortion had been going on for a long time,” the affidavit said, stating that he had paid Beeks a total of roughly $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres showed police investigators his messages with Beeks, as well as screenshots of receipts with payments he made to him. He also told investigators that Beeks had a history of harassing his partner and his Council staff members when his demands were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators then interviewed Beeks and seized his electronics, determining from messages on those devices that it appeared “Torres was paying Beeks for masturbation videos and nude photos” and “paying to Facetime with Beeks while he masturbated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/15/condemns-councilmember-sex-crime-investigation-minors/\">During their ongoing text correspondence, \u003c/a>Torres, in February 2022, sent Beeks a photo of a boy who he referred to as his “autistic son,” saying he was 11 years old and that he was “like daddy lol he already has a big penis haha,” according to text exchanges listed in the affidavit. He also talked about the boy’s pubic hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, however, does not have any children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text exchange with Beeks the following month, Torres described performing oral sex on a 17-year-old while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another 2022 text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous statements to the media, McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not refute the authenticity of the text messages but downplayed their significance, calling them “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These communications do not reflect any real-world actions or intentions and were entirely fictitious,” McElmurry said. He described Beeks as a “friend-turned-stalker” of Torres’,” who steered conversations into topics that would be damaging to Torres, as part of his extortion plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry said that Torres “felt trapped in a cycle of manipulation” and chose to take “the difficult yet honorable path, reporting the situation to law enforcement despite the significant personal risks involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he made it clear that Torres “maintains his innocence.” “He has no interest in minors. He’s never had a relationship with minors in terms of that manner,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his election to the District 3 seat in 2022, Torres became the first openly gay Latino to hold a council seat in the county, according to his council website profile. Torres, 42, said he has dedicated much of his life to advocating for youth and families in San José and in the Guadalupe-Washington community where he was raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose Police Officers’ Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/04/01/san-joses-district-3-race-candidates-aim-for-a-downtown-core-where-everyone-feels-safe/\">who supported Torres’ opponent\u003c/a> in his council race, has publicly called on him to resign and had previously expressed disappointment that Torres’ colleagues on the Council were not asking for the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Councilmember Omar Torres criminal investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a minor will run its course, but through his criminal defense attorney, he has admitted he sent multiple text messages about an 11-year-old autistic boy’s genitals and asked for help in procuring underage minors for sex,” Sgt. Steve Slack, the president of the police union, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s repugnant, and his own words meet the SJPOA’s threshold for resignation,” Slack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, after the Council released its joint statement, the police union questioned why it took so long for city leaders to call on Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we commend this action, we are left wondering: what took them so long?” the union statement said. “After reading Torres’s self-admitted text messages seeking sex with underage minors and participating in an extortion scheme to keep his “fantasies” and “role-playing” about minors quiet, when are other leaders and organizations going to demand Torres resign?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan and the rest of the City Council are calling on fellow Councilmember Omar Torres to resign in light of details from an ongoing police investigation into allegations that he committed sex acts with a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan and the nine other council members issued their call in a joint statement Wednesday afternoon, about a week after a police affidavit was made public that showed Torres was being investigated on suspicion of “oral copulation of a minor” and “having an abnormal interest in children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all live in a nation in which we are innocent until proven guilty — that applies to every single person in our city, including those in elected office. We are in the midst of an active and ongoing investigation, and as our police department uncovers the truth, that truth will be shared with the community,” the Council statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the appalling nature of Omar Torres’ own words and the allegations against him, we believe that he has lost the trust of the community and is no longer able to effectively serve the residents of District 3,” the statement continued. “As his own words call into question his ability to lead and make decisions on the behalf of the community, we are calling on him to resign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term councilmember who previously served as a council staffer and a community college district board member, has largely withdrawn from public view since the allegations against him were first revealed earlier this month, and further details were made public in the affidavit supporting a search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is ongoing, police officials said, and no criminal charges have been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has repeatedly denied any wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has no intention of resigning, he intends to continue fully serving his constituency,” his attorney, Nelson McElmurry, said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He absolutely wants to address the public concern surrounding the bits and pieces of information that have been released throughout the course of the investigation,” he added, emphasizing that much of what has been reported thus far has been “speculation” and doesn’t include full context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He would rather wait until the investigation is completed and then address the issue, as well as responding to everyone’s questions regarding the details,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Wednesday, Mahan told KQED there is a higher bar for elected officials. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe he is fit to lead and represent our community. I was sick to my stomach as I read some of the text messages in the affidavit,” Mahan said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan said the case is a big distraction for Torres and for a city trying to address major civic issues of homelessness, housing and crime. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s distracted by this. I’ve gone to community meetings over the last week in his district where he’s been unable to attend. There’s no way to get around the fact that this is going to take a lot of his time and attention and he needs to focus on the rest of that process,” Mahan said. “But in the meantime, the residents of District Three deserve strong representation, a leader who they trust and progress on the issues that affect their daily lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The investigation apparently started when \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/03/san-jose-police-warrant-city-councilmember-omar-torres/\">Torres contacted San José police\u003c/a> on Aug. 29 to report that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man in Chicago named Terry Beeks, with whom, investigators later said, Torres had an “online sexual relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres told police that during their relationship over the course of the past two years, he sent Beeks “nude photos and videos of himself, some of which include his face,” investigators said, after which Beeks demanded money, threatening to release nude photos or videos if he didn’t pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Torres admitted that this extortion had been going on for a long time,” the affidavit said, stating that he had paid Beeks a total of roughly $22,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres showed police investigators his messages with Beeks, as well as screenshots of receipts with payments he made to him. He also told investigators that Beeks had a history of harassing his partner and his Council staff members when his demands were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators then interviewed Beeks and seized his electronics, determining from messages on those devices that it appeared “Torres was paying Beeks for masturbation videos and nude photos” and “paying to Facetime with Beeks while he masturbated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/15/condemns-councilmember-sex-crime-investigation-minors/\">During their ongoing text correspondence, \u003c/a>Torres, in February 2022, sent Beeks a photo of a boy who he referred to as his “autistic son,” saying he was 11 years old and that he was “like daddy lol he already has a big penis haha,” according to text exchanges listed in the affidavit. He also talked about the boy’s pubic hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, however, does not have any children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a text exchange with Beeks the following month, Torres described performing oral sex on a 17-year-old while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another 2022 text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In previous statements to the media, McElmurry, Torres’ attorney, did not refute the authenticity of the text messages but downplayed their significance, calling them “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These communications do not reflect any real-world actions or intentions and were entirely fictitious,” McElmurry said. He described Beeks as a “friend-turned-stalker” of Torres’,” who steered conversations into topics that would be damaging to Torres, as part of his extortion plot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry said that Torres “felt trapped in a cycle of manipulation” and chose to take “the difficult yet honorable path, reporting the situation to law enforcement despite the significant personal risks involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he made it clear that Torres “maintains his innocence.” “He has no interest in minors. He’s never had a relationship with minors in terms of that manner,” McElmurry said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With his election to the District 3 seat in 2022, Torres became the first openly gay Latino to hold a council seat in the county, according to his council website profile. Torres, 42, said he has dedicated much of his life to advocating for youth and families in San José and in the Guadalupe-Washington community where he was raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Jose Police Officers’ Association, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/04/01/san-joses-district-3-race-candidates-aim-for-a-downtown-core-where-everyone-feels-safe/\">who supported Torres’ opponent\u003c/a> in his council race, has publicly called on him to resign and had previously expressed disappointment that Torres’ colleagues on the Council were not asking for the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Councilmember Omar Torres criminal investigation into alleged sexual misconduct with a minor will run its course, but through his criminal defense attorney, he has admitted he sent multiple text messages about an 11-year-old autistic boy’s genitals and asked for help in procuring underage minors for sex,” Sgt. Steve Slack, the president of the police union, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s repugnant, and his own words meet the SJPOA’s threshold for resignation,” Slack said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, after the Council released its joint statement, the police union questioned why it took so long for city leaders to call on Torres to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we commend this action, we are left wondering: what took them so long?” the union statement said. “After reading Torres’s self-admitted text messages seeking sex with underage minors and participating in an extortion scheme to keep his “fantasies” and “role-playing” about minors quiet, when are other leaders and organizations going to demand Torres resign?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Guy Marzorati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state",
"title": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State",
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"headTitle": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling ‘Silenced Again’ by State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more reparations stories\" postID=\"news_12008246,news_11965926\"]The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Stories' postID='news_11981271,news_11975584,news_11961026']Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco mayoral candidates promising to end drug dealing and use on San Francisco’s sidewalks are increasingly calling for greater law enforcement, putting many health experts on edge as overdose rates persist at epidemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increased politicization around the city’s drug response comes as 462 people died from an overdose in San Francisco in 2024 so far — on track for a slight decrease from 2023, when 810 people died of an overdose, the city’s worst year on record. This comes amid an increasingly tense election in San Francisco, where intersecting issues of public drug use, homelessness and safety are top of mind for most voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think [overdoses] would be as important of an item for politicians if it was just the deaths that are happening, but this is interlinked with homelessness and public drug use, and that’s driving most San Franciscans’ worries,” said Alex Kral, an epidemiologist at the nonpartisan research institute RTI International. “The conversation right now in San Francisco is almost solely reliant on the idea that if we just add more police, we’re going to solve overdoses. And I wish it were that simple, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While all leading candidates are Democrats, former interim Mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell represents the most conservative position in the race. During his campaign, he has repeatedly claimed that harm reduction — evidence-based public health strategies aimed at reducing negative impacts of drug use — has “gone too far.” At a recent debate, he said that “neighborhoods are held hostage by open-air drug markets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell’s plan specifically targets fentanyl, an opioid about 50 times stronger than heroin and is currently involved in most overdose deaths in the city. He wants to increase arrests for people dealing drugs and call in the National Guard to close down outdoor drug dealing hotspots, like the Tenderloin and South of Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His plan includes increasing police staffing to deter public drug use and opening up more abstinence-based recovery beds. Farrell would also try to mandate “treatment-focused detention” for individuals who are revived with Narcan, a medication that can reverse an opioid overdose. His proposal has drug addiction experts deeply concerned. They say that detaining people — whether that’s an arrest or mandated treatment — immediately after reviving them with Narcan could disincentivize people from calling for help or seeking out the life-saving drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no public health rationale for detaining people after they have been revived with Narcan,” Kral said. “You do not want to in any way disincentivize the use of Narcan, and you would potentially be doing that if you are putting somebody at risk of detention, jail, or forced treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city directly funds the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/substance-use-services\">distribution of hundreds of thousands of naloxone doses each year\u003c/a> and encourages residents to carry Narcan in case of an accidental overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from the Department of Public Health said in a statement, “Research shows that community-distributed naloxone is the most effective way to get the medication into the hands of people most likely to respond to an overdose and save a life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside hero=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/09/240903-OverdoseResponse-57-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg\" postID=science_1994288]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Guzman, director of the National Harm Reduction Coalition, which works with the city to distribute Narcan and other harm reduction efforts, said that many of the candidates’ platforms simply expand the city’s existing recent approach to overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This punishment approach that seeks to correct or make people believe that this will address people with substance use needs is absolutely false, and the fact that we don’t have the kind of treatment that is needed in jail, people could get more sick or even die,” Guzman said. “The same candidates with these platforms are the same candidates whose platforms criminalize unhoused people and poor people in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, San Francisco still lacks enough treatment options for people who want to change their drug use. First responders issue thousands of Narcan doses a year, according to city data, and respond to \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/overdose-related-911-calls\">dozens of overdose-related calls per week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s maddening,” Kral said. “We don’t have anywhere close to enough treatment in San Francisco for all the people who actually want it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incumbent Mayor London Breed said the issue is personal for her. Her sister died of a drug overdose, and she’s had to lead the city through the fentanyl crisis, which other major cities across the country have also struggled to contain. As mayor, Breed has opened 394 residential care and treatment beds since 2020, pushed for increased methadone and buprenorphine medication treatments, and city data shows admissions to residential treatment were up 9% during the first six months of 2024 compared to the same time period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899726/sf-mayor-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-tenderloin\">Breed declared an emergency order\u003c/a> to address drugs and overdoses in the Tenderloin neighborhood, which involved creating the city’s first publicly-run overdose prevention center. However, it closed after seven months following criticism from the local business community and ongoing legal challenges at the state and federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she has echoed some of her opponents’ sentiments that harm reduction has gone too far — even as the city’s jails are growing overwhelmed with people struggling with substance use disorder. In March, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978707/san-francisco-moderates-win-big\">voters approved a controversial ballot measure\u003c/a>, sponsored by Breed, that requires welfare recipients to undergo drug screening and participate in free treatment if they are using drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent mayoral debate, Breed said, “We’re making arrests of dealers. We’re making arrests of users. We’re getting them into treatment, and we’re making more investments in recovery.” In a statement to KQED, she later added: “While I have been a proponent of safe consumption sites, we need to take a different approach now that reflects the lethal introduction of fentanyl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug addiction counselors and therapists working on the frontlines of the overdose crisis say that their work has become increasingly politicized during the current election cycle, making it harder to secure funding and continue their practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Byrd, a therapist and director of training and business operations at the Harm Reduction Center, said, “Breed started off with a position that was really harm reduction focused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She did seem to implement some things that were really radical, and that helped lower overdose rates,” Byrd said. “Then she got some blowback. I think that’s why this became very political.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safaí — who recently formed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007701/san-francisco-mayors-race-gets-an-unlikely-alliance-in-mark-farrell-and-ahsha-safai\">unlikely ranked-choice voting alliance with Farrell\u003c/a> — is the only candidate openly calling for overdose prevention centers. At the same time, Safaí is calling for greater law enforcement to arrest drug dealers and wants to expand the city’s abstinence-based recovery options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have overdose prevention sites, and we have to expand the number of beds people can get into to fully recover,” Safai told KQED.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='san-francisco-mayor-election']Philanthropist and nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie wants to set up a “co-responder” model where behavioral health professionals and law enforcement would respond to an overdose to try to connect people with services in a time of crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, also supports increasing police presence downtown to mandate treatment or arrest people who use drugs in public, and he argues the city overall should be coming down harder on drug dealers. Jennifer Johnson, who helped design San Francisco’s existing Behavioral Health Court, has given Lurie her stamp of approval on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, I don’t think we’re going far enough,” Lurie said. “Breed’s administration has failed to hold organizations accountable and produce meaningful results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who is in recovery from alcohol, parallels some of Lurie’s approach, including wanting to shut down open-air drug markets with continued police presence downtown and expanding residential drug treatment and mental health care. He supports arresting drug dealers — but argues arresting users “takes away valuable police resources and fills up our already overcrowded jails while doing nothing to address the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Practitioners comparing the candidates’ plans point to research showing that people tend to have the best outcomes in drug treatment when they enter voluntarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding what they would like to see, experts advocate for more policies addressing issues that contribute to mental health and drug use patterns — like access to housing, jobs and health care — rather than pitting public health against law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is supposed to be a leader. And it feels like the exact opposite is happening in terms of really embracing the overdose crisis as such,” said Anna Berg, a social worker and director of programs at the Harm Reduction Therapy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You look back to the HIV epidemic and San Francisco was an innovative leader, and we can do that again,” she said. “I would like to see more leadership centering people’s health and wellness and really offering some actual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article has been updated to more accurately reflect Farrell’s position on the consequences of drug use.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As San Francisco mayoral candidates focus on public safety, public health advocates say overdose prevention is falling through the cracks. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco mayoral candidates promising to end drug dealing and use on San Francisco’s sidewalks are increasingly calling for greater law enforcement, putting many health experts on edge as overdose rates persist at epidemic levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The increased politicization around the city’s drug response comes as 462 people died from an overdose in San Francisco in 2024 so far — on track for a slight decrease from 2023, when 810 people died of an overdose, the city’s worst year on record. This comes amid an increasingly tense election in San Francisco, where intersecting issues of public drug use, homelessness and safety are top of mind for most voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think [overdoses] would be as important of an item for politicians if it was just the deaths that are happening, but this is interlinked with homelessness and public drug use, and that’s driving most San Franciscans’ worries,” said Alex Kral, an epidemiologist at the nonpartisan research institute RTI International. “The conversation right now in San Francisco is almost solely reliant on the idea that if we just add more police, we’re going to solve overdoses. And I wish it were that simple, but it’s not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While all leading candidates are Democrats, former interim Mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell represents the most conservative position in the race. During his campaign, he has repeatedly claimed that harm reduction — evidence-based public health strategies aimed at reducing negative impacts of drug use — has “gone too far.” At a recent debate, he said that “neighborhoods are held hostage by open-air drug markets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell’s plan specifically targets fentanyl, an opioid about 50 times stronger than heroin and is currently involved in most overdose deaths in the city. He wants to increase arrests for people dealing drugs and call in the National Guard to close down outdoor drug dealing hotspots, like the Tenderloin and South of Market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His plan includes increasing police staffing to deter public drug use and opening up more abstinence-based recovery beds. Farrell would also try to mandate “treatment-focused detention” for individuals who are revived with Narcan, a medication that can reverse an opioid overdose. His proposal has drug addiction experts deeply concerned. They say that detaining people — whether that’s an arrest or mandated treatment — immediately after reviving them with Narcan could disincentivize people from calling for help or seeking out the life-saving drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no public health rationale for detaining people after they have been revived with Narcan,” Kral said. “You do not want to in any way disincentivize the use of Narcan, and you would potentially be doing that if you are putting somebody at risk of detention, jail, or forced treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city directly funds the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data/substance-use-services\">distribution of hundreds of thousands of naloxone doses each year\u003c/a> and encourages residents to carry Narcan in case of an accidental overdose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from the Department of Public Health said in a statement, “Research shows that community-distributed naloxone is the most effective way to get the medication into the hands of people most likely to respond to an overdose and save a life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Guzman, director of the National Harm Reduction Coalition, which works with the city to distribute Narcan and other harm reduction efforts, said that many of the candidates’ platforms simply expand the city’s existing recent approach to overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This punishment approach that seeks to correct or make people believe that this will address people with substance use needs is absolutely false, and the fact that we don’t have the kind of treatment that is needed in jail, people could get more sick or even die,” Guzman said. “The same candidates with these platforms are the same candidates whose platforms criminalize unhoused people and poor people in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, San Francisco still lacks enough treatment options for people who want to change their drug use. First responders issue thousands of Narcan doses a year, according to city data, and respond to \u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/data/overdose-related-911-calls\">dozens of overdose-related calls per week\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s maddening,” Kral said. “We don’t have anywhere close to enough treatment in San Francisco for all the people who actually want it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incumbent Mayor London Breed said the issue is personal for her. Her sister died of a drug overdose, and she’s had to lead the city through the fentanyl crisis, which other major cities across the country have also struggled to contain. As mayor, Breed has opened 394 residential care and treatment beds since 2020, pushed for increased methadone and buprenorphine medication treatments, and city data shows admissions to residential treatment were up 9% during the first six months of 2024 compared to the same time period last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11899726/sf-mayor-breed-declares-state-of-emergency-in-tenderloin\">Breed declared an emergency order\u003c/a> to address drugs and overdoses in the Tenderloin neighborhood, which involved creating the city’s first publicly-run overdose prevention center. However, it closed after seven months following criticism from the local business community and ongoing legal challenges at the state and federal level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, she has echoed some of her opponents’ sentiments that harm reduction has gone too far — even as the city’s jails are growing overwhelmed with people struggling with substance use disorder. In March, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978707/san-francisco-moderates-win-big\">voters approved a controversial ballot measure\u003c/a>, sponsored by Breed, that requires welfare recipients to undergo drug screening and participate in free treatment if they are using drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a recent mayoral debate, Breed said, “We’re making arrests of dealers. We’re making arrests of users. We’re getting them into treatment, and we’re making more investments in recovery.” In a statement to KQED, she later added: “While I have been a proponent of safe consumption sites, we need to take a different approach now that reflects the lethal introduction of fentanyl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug addiction counselors and therapists working on the frontlines of the overdose crisis say that their work has become increasingly politicized during the current election cycle, making it harder to secure funding and continue their practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Byrd, a therapist and director of training and business operations at the Harm Reduction Center, said, “Breed started off with a position that was really harm reduction focused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She did seem to implement some things that were really radical, and that helped lower overdose rates,” Byrd said. “Then she got some blowback. I think that’s why this became very political.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safaí — who recently formed an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007701/san-francisco-mayors-race-gets-an-unlikely-alliance-in-mark-farrell-and-ahsha-safai\">unlikely ranked-choice voting alliance with Farrell\u003c/a> — is the only candidate openly calling for overdose prevention centers. At the same time, Safaí is calling for greater law enforcement to arrest drug dealers and wants to expand the city’s abstinence-based recovery options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have overdose prevention sites, and we have to expand the number of beds people can get into to fully recover,” Safai told KQED.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Philanthropist and nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie wants to set up a “co-responder” model where behavioral health professionals and law enforcement would respond to an overdose to try to connect people with services in a time of crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, also supports increasing police presence downtown to mandate treatment or arrest people who use drugs in public, and he argues the city overall should be coming down harder on drug dealers. Jennifer Johnson, who helped design San Francisco’s existing Behavioral Health Court, has given Lurie her stamp of approval on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, I don’t think we’re going far enough,” Lurie said. “Breed’s administration has failed to hold organizations accountable and produce meaningful results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who is in recovery from alcohol, parallels some of Lurie’s approach, including wanting to shut down open-air drug markets with continued police presence downtown and expanding residential drug treatment and mental health care. He supports arresting drug dealers — but argues arresting users “takes away valuable police resources and fills up our already overcrowded jails while doing nothing to address the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Practitioners comparing the candidates’ plans point to research showing that people tend to have the best outcomes in drug treatment when they enter voluntarily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding what they would like to see, experts advocate for more policies addressing issues that contribute to mental health and drug use patterns — like access to housing, jobs and health care — rather than pitting public health against law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is supposed to be a leader. And it feels like the exact opposite is happening in terms of really embracing the overdose crisis as such,” said Anna Berg, a social worker and director of programs at the Harm Reduction Therapy Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You look back to the HIV epidemic and San Francisco was an innovative leader, and we can do that again,” she said. “I would like to see more leadership centering people’s health and wellness and really offering some actual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article has been updated to more accurately reflect Farrell’s position on the consequences of drug use.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "2-of-3-alameda-officers-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-have-their-case-dismissed",
"title": "2 of 3 Alameda Officers Charged in Mario Gonzalez Death Have Their Case Dismissed",
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"headTitle": "2 of 3 Alameda Officers Charged in Mario Gonzalez Death Have Their Case Dismissed | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#anchor\">\u003cem>This report contains a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> judge dismissed charges against two of the three officers who faced criminal prosecution for their role in the 2021 death of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-gonzalez\">Mario Gonzalez\u003c/a>, a 26-year-old man who stopped breathing after being pinned to the ground during an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Scott Patton ruled that Alameda County prosecutors failed to file the necessary paperwork to bring charges against Alameda officers James Fisher and Cameron Leahy within the three-year statute of limitations for involuntary manslaughter. Defense attorneys had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005470/attorneys-for-alameda-cops-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-try-to-dismiss-case-over-filing-deadlines\">sought to dismiss the charges\u003c/a>, citing a lack of arrest warrants that would have officially started the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against the third officer, Eric McKinley, can proceed because his clock was paused by a trip abroad, the judge ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 13-page order published Monday, Patton — who worked in the Alameda County district attorney’s office for two decades — called the statute of limitations the “bedrock” of civil and criminal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A defendant bringing a challenge because of a violation of the statute of limitations is asserting a substantive due process right, not a technical or procedural violation,” Patton said in his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the encounter between the officers and Gonzalez took place on April 19, 2021, the judge determined that the statute of limitations expired on that date this year. Although Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price announced the charges on April 18, prosecutors would have had to file an arrest warrant or take several other steps for a felony prosecution to “commence,” Patton said. That never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends, family and supporters of Mario Gonzalez gather outside of the Alameda Police Department on April 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, Patton rejected the motion to dismiss charges against McKinley, who claimed that Price “fraudulently induced him to appear” at an arraignment, which marked the start of his prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge refuted any “outrageous fraudulent conduct” on Price’s part. According to the decision, the district attorney’s office decided to forgo a bench warrant in favor of a “notice to appear” as a “courtesy to officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Patton still slammed prosecutors for a “mischaracterization that a summons had been issued,” which he cited as “further evidence of the rushed and careless work by the District Attorney’s office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statute of limitations ruling did not apply to McKinley, who left last December on a five-month mission trip to South Africa. Prosecutors had more time to file charges against McKinley, the judge said, because his time out of the country paused the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley’s attorney, James Shore, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s family was “heartbroken” after hearing the judge’s decision, said advocate Barni Qaasim, who organizes with the Justice for Mario Gonzalez community group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so disappointing that charges were dropped not because of a lack of evidence but because the judge prioritizes procedural technicality over the pursuit of justice,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office said it is “unfortunate that all three defendants will not be held accountable” in an email to KQED on Tuesday, noting that the court’s decision was not based on any lack of merit in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005470 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/033_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our prosecutors will proceed to file an amended complaint against Officer McKinley,” the office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s decision is another twist in a high-profile case that has drawn comparisons to the death of George Floyd, whose murder by a Minneapolis police officer in 2020 became a flashpoint in the national conversation over racial justice. It’s another blow to Price, the embattled district attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">facing a recall election\u003c/a> this November over criticism of her progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price, who was elected in 2023 on a platform of police reform, reopened Gonzalez’s case through her administration’s new Public Accountability Unit. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983439/alameda-county-da-files-manslaughter-charges-against-police-officers-in-mario-gonzalezs-death\">announced charges against the officers\u003c/a> three days after the recall campaign against her qualified for the ballot, drawing criticism from an attorney for one of the officers that the case might have been rushed in “a political effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges reversed a decision by Price’s predecessor, Nancy O’Malley, who in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910601/no-criminal-charges-against-alameda-officers-in-death-of-mario-gonzalez\">declined to charge the officers\u003c/a> after concluding there was no evidence of wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez was unarmed when 911 dispatchers received a call of a man behaving strangely in an Alameda park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He seems like he’s tweaking. But he’s not doing anything wrong. He’s just scaring my wife,” a 911 caller said in dispatch audio recordings. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871345/city-of-alameda-releases-police-body-cam-footage-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">Body cam footage\u003c/a> showed a dazed and confused Gonzalez, who appeared to not understand he was being arrested. About \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/news/2021-04-29/breaking-down-the-police-video-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">eight minutes\u003c/a> after officers began arresting Gonzalez, he stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial autopsy by the Alameda County coroner noted contributing factors to his cardiac arrest, including the “toxic effects of methamphetamine,” stress related to altercation, obesity and alcoholism. A second independent autopsy requested by attorneys representing Gonzalez’s family found that his death was “a result of restraint asphyxiation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to Mario could happen to anyone,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocate also added that Gonzalez’s family would “continue to escalate” and hoped that prosecutors would appeal the judge’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next hearing is scheduled for Friday at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Oct. 10: The original version of this report said Alameda County prosecutors failed to file necessary paperwork within the three-year statue of limitations for voluntary manslaughter. The three Alameda officers were charged with involuntary manslaughter.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "An Alameda County judge ruled that the high-profile police brutality prosecution failed to meet the statute of limitations for voluntary manslaughter. ",
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"title": "2 of 3 Alameda Officers Charged in Mario Gonzalez Death Have Their Case Dismissed | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#anchor\">\u003cem>This report contains a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a> judge dismissed charges against two of the three officers who faced criminal prosecution for their role in the 2021 death of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-gonzalez\">Mario Gonzalez\u003c/a>, a 26-year-old man who stopped breathing after being pinned to the ground during an arrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Scott Patton ruled that Alameda County prosecutors failed to file the necessary paperwork to bring charges against Alameda officers James Fisher and Cameron Leahy within the three-year statute of limitations for involuntary manslaughter. Defense attorneys had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005470/attorneys-for-alameda-cops-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-try-to-dismiss-case-over-filing-deadlines\">sought to dismiss the charges\u003c/a>, citing a lack of arrest warrants that would have officially started the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against the third officer, Eric McKinley, can proceed because his clock was paused by a trip abroad, the judge ruled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 13-page order published Monday, Patton — who worked in the Alameda County district attorney’s office for two decades — called the statute of limitations the “bedrock” of civil and criminal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A defendant bringing a challenge because of a violation of the statute of limitations is asserting a substantive due process right, not a technical or procedural violation,” Patton said in his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the encounter between the officers and Gonzalez took place on April 19, 2021, the judge determined that the statute of limitations expired on that date this year. Although Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price announced the charges on April 18, prosecutors would have had to file an arrest warrant or take several other steps for a felony prosecution to “commence,” Patton said. That never happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends, family and supporters of Mario Gonzalez gather outside of the Alameda Police Department on April 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, Patton rejected the motion to dismiss charges against McKinley, who claimed that Price “fraudulently induced him to appear” at an arraignment, which marked the start of his prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge refuted any “outrageous fraudulent conduct” on Price’s part. According to the decision, the district attorney’s office decided to forgo a bench warrant in favor of a “notice to appear” as a “courtesy to officers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his decision, Patton still slammed prosecutors for a “mischaracterization that a summons had been issued,” which he cited as “further evidence of the rushed and careless work by the District Attorney’s office.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statute of limitations ruling did not apply to McKinley, who left last December on a five-month mission trip to South Africa. Prosecutors had more time to file charges against McKinley, the judge said, because his time out of the country paused the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley’s attorney, James Shore, did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s family was “heartbroken” after hearing the judge’s decision, said advocate Barni Qaasim, who organizes with the Justice for Mario Gonzalez community group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so disappointing that charges were dropped not because of a lack of evidence but because the judge prioritizes procedural technicality over the pursuit of justice,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office said it is “unfortunate that all three defendants will not be held accountable” in an email to KQED on Tuesday, noting that the court’s decision was not based on any lack of merit in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our prosecutors will proceed to file an amended complaint against Officer McKinley,” the office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge’s decision is another twist in a high-profile case that has drawn comparisons to the death of George Floyd, whose murder by a Minneapolis police officer in 2020 became a flashpoint in the national conversation over racial justice. It’s another blow to Price, the embattled district attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">facing a recall election\u003c/a> this November over criticism of her progressive policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price, who was elected in 2023 on a platform of police reform, reopened Gonzalez’s case through her administration’s new Public Accountability Unit. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983439/alameda-county-da-files-manslaughter-charges-against-police-officers-in-mario-gonzalezs-death\">announced charges against the officers\u003c/a> three days after the recall campaign against her qualified for the ballot, drawing criticism from an attorney for one of the officers that the case might have been rushed in “a political effort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges reversed a decision by Price’s predecessor, Nancy O’Malley, who in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910601/no-criminal-charges-against-alameda-officers-in-death-of-mario-gonzalez\">declined to charge the officers\u003c/a> after concluding there was no evidence of wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez was unarmed when 911 dispatchers received a call of a man behaving strangely in an Alameda park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He seems like he’s tweaking. But he’s not doing anything wrong. He’s just scaring my wife,” a 911 caller said in dispatch audio recordings. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871345/city-of-alameda-releases-police-body-cam-footage-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">Body cam footage\u003c/a> showed a dazed and confused Gonzalez, who appeared to not understand he was being arrested. About \u003ca href=\"https://www.kalw.org/news/2021-04-29/breaking-down-the-police-video-of-mario-gonzalez-death\">eight minutes\u003c/a> after officers began arresting Gonzalez, he stopped breathing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial autopsy by the Alameda County coroner noted contributing factors to his cardiac arrest, including the “toxic effects of methamphetamine,” stress related to altercation, obesity and alcoholism. A second independent autopsy requested by attorneys representing Gonzalez’s family found that his death was “a result of restraint asphyxiation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened to Mario could happen to anyone,” Qaasim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocate also added that Gonzalez’s family would “continue to escalate” and hoped that prosecutors would appeal the judge’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next hearing is scheduled for Friday at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"anchor\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Oct. 10: The original version of this report said Alameda County prosecutors failed to file necessary paperwork within the three-year statue of limitations for voluntary manslaughter. The three Alameda officers were charged with involuntary manslaughter.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "former-san-jose-police-union-director-pleads-guilty-to-smuggling-opioids",
"title": "Former San José Police Union Director Pleads Guilty to Smuggling Opioids",
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"headTitle": "Former San José Police Union Director Pleads Guilty to Smuggling Opioids | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of the San Jose Police Officers’ Association pleaded guilty on Tuesday to illegally importing opioids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joanne Segovia entered her plea in San José federal court as part of a deal with federal authorities about a year and a half after she was first charged in connection with an international drug ring that Homeland Security investigators were monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Segovia had previously maintained her innocence, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000464/former-san-jose-police-union-director-expected-to-plead-guilty-to-smuggling-opioids-in-deal-with-feds\">she agreed in August\u003c/a> to accept responsibility for her actions as part of a deal with U.S. prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Segovia is relieved to be able to admit responsibility and culpability for what she did,” Adam Gasner, her attorney, said Monday. “As a sober person who has had time to reflect on the wrongfulness of her conduct, it’s time for her to take the next step towards closure of this case and her personal healing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working as the lead civilian administrator for the San José police union, Segovia allegedly had thousands of illicit pills shipped to her home over several years that she ordered on both her personal and office computers and redistributed some of those pills elsewhere in the U.S., authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current plea deal, Segovia is being charged with one count of illegally importing tapentadol, a potent painkiller listed as a Schedule II controlled substance by the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on this case\" postID=\"news_12000464,news_11988510,news_11945256\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia was originally charged, in March 2023, with one count of attempting to import a form of fentanyl that authorities found on patches and stickers in a package addressed to her from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, U.S. prosecutors in August removed that charge, saying there was an “error” in the testing of the substance, with subsequent testing showing no evidence of fentanyl in the package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Eumi K. Lee spent much of the hearing Tuesday advising Segovia of her legal rights. Lee then asked Segovia how she chose to plead to the count against her, to which Segovia responded with one word: “Guilty.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner has attempted to portray Segovia as someone struggling with a substance use disorder, not a kingpin or drug distributor, who became involved in a drug shipping network as a result of her vulnerability and addiction, saying she was taken advantage of by other bad actors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under both the original and current charge, Segovia could face a maximum of 20 years in prison. Her sentencing hearing is scheduled for Jan. 21, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Tuesday’s hearing, Gasner suggested that probation, rather than incarceration, would be a suitable punishment for Segovia, who he said is recovering from addiction and deserves compassion. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe additional incarceration will reduce the chance that Ms. Segovia would be a recidivist or increase the chance she’d be a recidivist,” he said outside the courthouse. “I believe that her being convicted of this very serious crime and making these admissions and having to be supervised is certainly a punishment for what she has done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From October 2015 to January 2023, Segovia had at least 61 drug shipments mailed to her home from various overseas origins, according to last year’s original criminal complaint against her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the shipping information for the packages claimed they contained innocuous items like “wedding party favors,” “gift makeup,” and “chocolate and sweets,” investigators alleged they contained drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between July 2019 and January 2023, officials intercepted five shipments intended for Segovia, finding thousands of pills, including the synthetic opioids tramadol and tapentadol, the U.S. Attorney’s Office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1858px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged women with dyed blond hair exits a courthouse.\" width=\"1858\" height=\"1238\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008475\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg 1858w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1858px) 100vw, 1858px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanne Segovia, the former executive director of the San José Police Officers’ Association, leaves federal court in San José on Oct. 8, 2024, after pleading guilty to smuggling opioids into the U.S. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In court on Tuesday, Assistant U.S. Attorney Joseph Tartakovsky, the lead prosecutor in the case, revealed as of yet unreported details of the investigation, including that Segovia ordered more than 17,000 tapentadol pills between April 2021 and September 2023 for what he said was her personal use. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators previously said they seized drugs both at her house and her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations against Segovia, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MattMahanSJ/status/1641311111306940418\">which San José Mayor Matt Mahan at the time called “disturbing,\u003c/a>” sent shockwaves through the South Bay last year, sparking protests outside City Hall amid demands that city leaders stop taking donations from the powerful police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But police union representatives have long denied that any officers or other civilian staffers knew about Segovia’s actions. The union fired her shortly after the allegations surfaced and said the organization was fully cooperating with federal investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also launched an internal investigation looking into possible changes within the organization to beef up oversight and accountability and root out issues like this sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union doesn’t plan to release the findings of that investigation until Segovia’s case is concluded, Tom Saggau, a union spokesperson, told KQED. Shortly after the allegations surfaced last year, the police union insisted it was working to transparently address the concerns around the allegations aimed at Segovia, with Sean Pritchard, its president, even \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/04/13/opinion-san-jose-poa-is-transparently-taking-action/\">penning an opinion piece\u003c/a> in The Mercury News about the organization’s efforts to ensure public trust in the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that same week, the union \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-police-officers-association-union-sjpoa-hides-website-pages-after-scandal/\">walled off access to major portions of its website\u003c/a>, including pages that list its board members and staff, which now require a member login to view — a change that Pritchard said was aimed at protecting its members and staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Allen, a retired Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Department sergeant and board member of Lodge 65 of the California Fraternal Order of Police, said he still questions how Segovia’s criminal actions went undetected in an organization full of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How this got under their nose, I just don’t believe that’s possible,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police departments, police personnel, law enforcement personnel at all levels tend to try to keep their issues internal,” he added. “And many times, they go without resolution. They simply don’t want the public to know what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Saggau called Allen’s comments “silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a silly thing for an individual to say that everybody that’s interacted with Ms. Segovia for over 20 years should have known that she was doing whatever it was she was doing,” he said. “By his implication, then if any of his coworkers have crossed the line, he should have known about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Segovia was officially the executive director of the police union, Saggau and some former police union officials described her as more of an “office manager” with a limited scope of responsibilities. Following the allegations, Saggau even referred to her as the “grandma” of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner, meanwhile, underscored that Segovia’s actions were “separate from her employment” at the police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her private actions should not look negatively upon her employer or the police in any way. They did not participate or engage or assist her in this endeavor,” he said. “And so, therefore, I hope that the trust that the public has in the police in Santa Clara County remains high.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As part of a deal with federal prosecutors, Joanne Segovia, the former executive director of the San José Police Officers’ Association, pleaded guilty Tuesday to illegally importing opioids. She could receive a sentence of as much as 20 years in prison.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of the San Jose Police Officers’ Association pleaded guilty on Tuesday to illegally importing opioids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joanne Segovia entered her plea in San José federal court as part of a deal with federal authorities about a year and a half after she was first charged in connection with an international drug ring that Homeland Security investigators were monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Segovia had previously maintained her innocence, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000464/former-san-jose-police-union-director-expected-to-plead-guilty-to-smuggling-opioids-in-deal-with-feds\">she agreed in August\u003c/a> to accept responsibility for her actions as part of a deal with U.S. prosecutors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Segovia is relieved to be able to admit responsibility and culpability for what she did,” Adam Gasner, her attorney, said Monday. “As a sober person who has had time to reflect on the wrongfulness of her conduct, it’s time for her to take the next step towards closure of this case and her personal healing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While working as the lead civilian administrator for the San José police union, Segovia allegedly had thousands of illicit pills shipped to her home over several years that she ordered on both her personal and office computers and redistributed some of those pills elsewhere in the U.S., authorities said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current plea deal, Segovia is being charged with one count of illegally importing tapentadol, a potent painkiller listed as a Schedule II controlled substance by the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Segovia was originally charged, in March 2023, with one count of attempting to import a form of fentanyl that authorities found on patches and stickers in a package addressed to her from China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, U.S. prosecutors in August removed that charge, saying there was an “error” in the testing of the substance, with subsequent testing showing no evidence of fentanyl in the package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Eumi K. Lee spent much of the hearing Tuesday advising Segovia of her legal rights. Lee then asked Segovia how she chose to plead to the count against her, to which Segovia responded with one word: “Guilty.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner has attempted to portray Segovia as someone struggling with a substance use disorder, not a kingpin or drug distributor, who became involved in a drug shipping network as a result of her vulnerability and addiction, saying she was taken advantage of by other bad actors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under both the original and current charge, Segovia could face a maximum of 20 years in prison. Her sentencing hearing is scheduled for Jan. 21, 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Tuesday’s hearing, Gasner suggested that probation, rather than incarceration, would be a suitable punishment for Segovia, who he said is recovering from addiction and deserves compassion. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t believe additional incarceration will reduce the chance that Ms. Segovia would be a recidivist or increase the chance she’d be a recidivist,” he said outside the courthouse. “I believe that her being convicted of this very serious crime and making these admissions and having to be supervised is certainly a punishment for what she has done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From October 2015 to January 2023, Segovia had at least 61 drug shipments mailed to her home from various overseas origins, according to last year’s original criminal complaint against her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the shipping information for the packages claimed they contained innocuous items like “wedding party favors,” “gift makeup,” and “chocolate and sweets,” investigators alleged they contained drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between July 2019 and January 2023, officials intercepted five shipments intended for Segovia, finding thousands of pills, including the synthetic opioids tramadol and tapentadol, the U.S. Attorney’s Office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008475\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1858px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged women with dyed blond hair exits a courthouse.\" width=\"1858\" height=\"1238\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008475\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED.jpg 1858w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-SEGOVIA-JG-1-KQED-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1858px) 100vw, 1858px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanne Segovia, the former executive director of the San José Police Officers’ Association, leaves federal court in San José on Oct. 8, 2024, after pleading guilty to smuggling opioids into the U.S. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In court on Tuesday, Assistant U.S. Attorney Joseph Tartakovsky, the lead prosecutor in the case, revealed as of yet unreported details of the investigation, including that Segovia ordered more than 17,000 tapentadol pills between April 2021 and September 2023 for what he said was her personal use. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigators previously said they seized drugs both at her house and her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations against Segovia, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MattMahanSJ/status/1641311111306940418\">which San José Mayor Matt Mahan at the time called “disturbing,\u003c/a>” sent shockwaves through the South Bay last year, sparking protests outside City Hall amid demands that city leaders stop taking donations from the powerful police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But police union representatives have long denied that any officers or other civilian staffers knew about Segovia’s actions. The union fired her shortly after the allegations surfaced and said the organization was fully cooperating with federal investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also launched an internal investigation looking into possible changes within the organization to beef up oversight and accountability and root out issues like this sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union doesn’t plan to release the findings of that investigation until Segovia’s case is concluded, Tom Saggau, a union spokesperson, told KQED. Shortly after the allegations surfaced last year, the police union insisted it was working to transparently address the concerns around the allegations aimed at Segovia, with Sean Pritchard, its president, even \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/04/13/opinion-san-jose-poa-is-transparently-taking-action/\">penning an opinion piece\u003c/a> in The Mercury News about the organization’s efforts to ensure public trust in the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that same week, the union \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/san-jose-police-officers-association-union-sjpoa-hides-website-pages-after-scandal/\">walled off access to major portions of its website\u003c/a>, including pages that list its board members and staff, which now require a member login to view — a change that Pritchard said was aimed at protecting its members and staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Allen, a retired Santa Clara County Sheriff’s Department sergeant and board member of Lodge 65 of the California Fraternal Order of Police, said he still questions how Segovia’s criminal actions went undetected in an organization full of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How this got under their nose, I just don’t believe that’s possible,” Allen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Police departments, police personnel, law enforcement personnel at all levels tend to try to keep their issues internal,” he added. “And many times, they go without resolution. They simply don’t want the public to know what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Saggau called Allen’s comments “silly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a silly thing for an individual to say that everybody that’s interacted with Ms. Segovia for over 20 years should have known that she was doing whatever it was she was doing,” he said. “By his implication, then if any of his coworkers have crossed the line, he should have known about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Segovia was officially the executive director of the police union, Saggau and some former police union officials described her as more of an “office manager” with a limited scope of responsibilities. Following the allegations, Saggau even referred to her as the “grandma” of the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gasner, meanwhile, underscored that Segovia’s actions were “separate from her employment” at the police union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her private actions should not look negatively upon her employer or the police in any way. They did not participate or engage or assist her in this endeavor,” he said. “And so, therefore, I hope that the trust that the public has in the police in Santa Clara County remains high.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californians-crime-concerns-put-pressure-on-criminal-justice-reform-and-progressive-das",
"title": "Californians' Crime Concerns Put Pressure on Criminal Justice Reform and Progressive DAs",
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"headTitle": "Californians’ Crime Concerns Put Pressure on Criminal Justice Reform and Progressive DAs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ten years ago, Alley Bean joined 3.7 million Californians in voting for a measure that downgraded many nonviolent felony crimes to misdemeanors, such as petty shoplifting and drug use, hoping it would lead to a more equitable criminal justice system and help end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then she has seen an increase in crime in her beloved Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, with some homes robbed in broad daylight. Meanwhile the sidewalks are occupied by tents of homeless people and dotted with people passed out from drugs. The opioid crisis touched her personally when she lost her 25-year-old granddaughter Zelly Rose to a fentanyl poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there was going to be rehabilitation” with criminal justice reform, said Bean, a lifelong Democrat. “I didn’t think there was going to be no consequences.”[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']A decade after Proposition 47 passed, Bean’s grievances are increasingly shared by Californians, with smash-and-grab store thefts captured on videos that go viral feeding a sense that the state has become lawless. And more and more, voters are pinning the blame for that on efforts to advance criminal justice reform, Proposition 47 and progressive district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has resulted in some tight races this year up and down the solidly blue state for Democratic and progressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/retail-theft-california-politics-house-congress-eeb499ed4e18443e5d252645b7c373f7\">members of Congress\u003c/a>, mayors and district attorneys who are up for reelection. And a new statewide measure on the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, would partly roll back the 2014 law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The criminal justice reform, critics say, has been a failed social experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after San Francisco voters ousted one of the first reform-minded prosecutors elected to office, voters across the bay in Oakland will decide in November whether to recall another progressive district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the south in Los Angeles, District Attorney George Gascón, who co-authored Proposition 47 and won in election 2020 after protests and racial reckoning following the police killing of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/george-floyd\">George Floyd\u003c/a>, faces stiff competition from a former federal prosecutor who calls himself a “hard middle” candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Gascón has been one of the greatest gifts for gangs,” Nathan Hochman said at their recent debate, lambasting him for not pursuing a gang sentencing enhancement in the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/johnny-wactor-general-hospital-shooting-death-arrests-ecf5119619a1031ed1e860c371704abd\">high-profile killing\u003c/a> of “General Hospital” actor Johnny Wactor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón defends his record, saying the use of gang enhancements is historically \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dd5643e358c3456dbe14c16ade03711d\">tinged with racial bias\u003c/a> and a special committee makes decisions on them on a case-by-case basis. His office says it prosecuted over 100,000 “serious crimes” in the last four years, a rate comparable to the previous decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón also has come under scrutiny for his office’s policy of not trying juveniles as adults, with critics pointing to cases of recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include a man who at age 16 took part in a 2018 gas station robbery and was later released from a youth detention facility, only to be arrested and charged this April in connection with a homicide. Another, a 17-year-old gang member in 2019 who admitted to a double homicide and could have faced life in prison, was released last February and arrested months later in connection with a new killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hochman, a former Republican running as an independent, has raised nearly $4 million for his campaign, compared with $678,000 for Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008115\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1536x1019.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-2048x1359.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1920x1274.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former federal prosecutor Republican candidate Nathan Hochman (left) and incumbent Democratic Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón speak during the 2024 Los Angeles County district attorney candidate forum in Los Angeles, Sunday, Sept. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frustration over retail theft has pushed Gov. Gavin Newsom to champion \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-smash-grab-laws-6142f191e5229cf0682827a864a42c61\">a slate of bills\u003c/a> cracking down on serial offenders and auto thieves, but stopping short of making retail crimes felonies again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> goes further: It would make theft of any amount a felony if a person already has two theft convictions, lengthen some theft and drug felony sentences, make fentanyl possession a felony and require people with multiple drug charges to complete treatment or else serve time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters rejected a similar initiative in 2020, but this time around there is a bipartisan coalition backing Proposition 36. Over 180 Democratic elected officials, including 64 mayors, signed onto a campaign supporting the initiative last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also is endorsed by the California Chamber of Commerce and major retailers such as Walmart, Target and Home Depot. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found 71% of likely voters said they would vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for businesses and communities who are really on the front line of it,” said Jennifer Barrera, president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “I think that it will likely increase incarceration … but I do also hope and expect that it certainly will have an impact on reducing crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Prop 36, who include Newsom and Democratic legislative leaders, say it would take the state back to the policies of prosecuting a failed war on drugs and locking up tens of thousands of people, mostly Black and Hispanic, in overcrowded prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure could increase California’s 90,000-strong prison population by a few thousand and would cost tens of millions of dollars annually at both the state and county level, according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would reduce drug and mental health funding that comes from savings from incarcerating fewer people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-two counties with no treatment beds would shoulder the financial burden under the measure, Newsom said. California is already thousands of beds short of being able to meet current demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know people are frustrated. I know people are angry. I am too,” the governor said at a recent news conference. “But this is not the way of solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is insufficient data quantifying retail crime in California, but many point to major store closures and everyday products like toothpaste being locked behind plexiglass as evidence of a crisis.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007880,news_12005230,news_12004659\"]A recent report from the Public Policy Institute of California found a 16% increase in commercial burglaries between 2019 and 2022. However, the research showed reduced enforcement for property and drug offenses during the COVID-19 pandemic had a much greater impact on crime than Proposition 47, and it also found no evidence that changes in drug arrests led to any increase in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salil Dudani, a senior attorney with the legal nonprofit Civil Rights Corp, said making misdemeanors felonies again will lead to more pre-trial jailing and in turn increase crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so destabilizing to a person’s life to pluck them out of their community … that they become more likely to commit crime,” Dudani said. “It undermines public safety to lock people up on low-level offenses, exactly like Prop 36 provides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is borne out by a 2017 Stanford Law Review study focusing on misdemeanors in Texas’ Harris County, which found that people jailed for even just a week were 32% more likely to commit a felony within 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many business owners say the current situation is unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Cardoza, who owns Mobil Fits, used to run an affordable clothing shop in a historically Black neighborhood of Del Paso Heights in Sacramento. He closed it down and switched to online sales out of a van after the store was broken into six times in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a lot, a lot of merchandise,” Cardoza said, while the thieves got only a “slap on the wrist” and were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardoza said he supports Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Critics call Proposition 47 a failed social experiment as they back Proposition 36 on November's ballot, which would roll back some measures of the previous law, as a solution.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ten years ago, Alley Bean joined 3.7 million Californians in voting for a measure that downgraded many nonviolent felony crimes to misdemeanors, such as petty shoplifting and drug use, hoping it would lead to a more equitable criminal justice system and help end mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then she has seen an increase in crime in her beloved Venice neighborhood of Los Angeles, with some homes robbed in broad daylight. Meanwhile the sidewalks are occupied by tents of homeless people and dotted with people passed out from drugs. The opioid crisis touched her personally when she lost her 25-year-old granddaughter Zelly Rose to a fentanyl poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought there was going to be rehabilitation” with criminal justice reform, said Bean, a lifelong Democrat. “I didn’t think there was going to be no consequences.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A decade after Proposition 47 passed, Bean’s grievances are increasingly shared by Californians, with smash-and-grab store thefts captured on videos that go viral feeding a sense that the state has become lawless. And more and more, voters are pinning the blame for that on efforts to advance criminal justice reform, Proposition 47 and progressive district attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue has resulted in some tight races this year up and down the solidly blue state for Democratic and progressive \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/retail-theft-california-politics-house-congress-eeb499ed4e18443e5d252645b7c373f7\">members of Congress\u003c/a>, mayors and district attorneys who are up for reelection. And a new statewide measure on the ballot, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, would partly roll back the 2014 law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The criminal justice reform, critics say, has been a failed social experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years after San Francisco voters ousted one of the first reform-minded prosecutors elected to office, voters across the bay in Oakland will decide in November whether to recall another progressive district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To the south in Los Angeles, District Attorney George Gascón, who co-authored Proposition 47 and won in election 2020 after protests and racial reckoning following the police killing of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/george-floyd\">George Floyd\u003c/a>, faces stiff competition from a former federal prosecutor who calls himself a “hard middle” candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Gascón has been one of the greatest gifts for gangs,” Nathan Hochman said at their recent debate, lambasting him for not pursuing a gang sentencing enhancement in the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/johnny-wactor-general-hospital-shooting-death-arrests-ecf5119619a1031ed1e860c371704abd\">high-profile killing\u003c/a> of “General Hospital” actor Johnny Wactor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón defends his record, saying the use of gang enhancements is historically \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/dd5643e358c3456dbe14c16ade03711d\">tinged with racial bias\u003c/a> and a special committee makes decisions on them on a case-by-case basis. His office says it prosecuted over 100,000 “serious crimes” in the last four years, a rate comparable to the previous decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gascón also has come under scrutiny for his office’s policy of not trying juveniles as adults, with critics pointing to cases of recidivism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include a man who at age 16 took part in a 2018 gas station robbery and was later released from a youth detention facility, only to be arrested and charged this April in connection with a homicide. Another, a 17-year-old gang member in 2019 who admitted to a double homicide and could have faced life in prison, was released last February and arrested months later in connection with a new killing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hochman, a former Republican running as an independent, has raised nearly $4 million for his campaign, compared with $678,000 for Gascón.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008115\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-800x531.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1020x677.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1536x1019.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-2048x1359.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AP24274101197208-1-1920x1274.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former federal prosecutor Republican candidate Nathan Hochman (left) and incumbent Democratic Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón speak during the 2024 Los Angeles County district attorney candidate forum in Los Angeles, Sunday, Sept. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Frustration over retail theft has pushed Gov. Gavin Newsom to champion \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-smash-grab-laws-6142f191e5229cf0682827a864a42c61\">a slate of bills\u003c/a> cracking down on serial offenders and auto thieves, but stopping short of making retail crimes felonies again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-36\">Proposition 36\u003c/a> goes further: It would make theft of any amount a felony if a person already has two theft convictions, lengthen some theft and drug felony sentences, make fentanyl possession a felony and require people with multiple drug charges to complete treatment or else serve time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters rejected a similar initiative in 2020, but this time around there is a bipartisan coalition backing Proposition 36. Over 180 Democratic elected officials, including 64 mayors, signed onto a campaign supporting the initiative last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also is endorsed by the California Chamber of Commerce and major retailers such as Walmart, Target and Home Depot. A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California found 71% of likely voters said they would vote yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for businesses and communities who are really on the front line of it,” said Jennifer Barrera, president of the California Chamber of Commerce. “I think that it will likely increase incarceration … but I do also hope and expect that it certainly will have an impact on reducing crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Prop 36, who include Newsom and Democratic legislative leaders, say it would take the state back to the policies of prosecuting a failed war on drugs and locking up tens of thousands of people, mostly Black and Hispanic, in overcrowded prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure could increase California’s 90,000-strong prison population by a few thousand and would cost tens of millions of dollars annually at both the state and county level, according to a Legislative Analyst’s Office report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would reduce drug and mental health funding that comes from savings from incarcerating fewer people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-two counties with no treatment beds would shoulder the financial burden under the measure, Newsom said. California is already thousands of beds short of being able to meet current demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know people are frustrated. I know people are angry. I am too,” the governor said at a recent news conference. “But this is not the way of solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is insufficient data quantifying retail crime in California, but many point to major store closures and everyday products like toothpaste being locked behind plexiglass as evidence of a crisis.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A recent report from the Public Policy Institute of California found a 16% increase in commercial burglaries between 2019 and 2022. However, the research showed reduced enforcement for property and drug offenses during the COVID-19 pandemic had a much greater impact on crime than Proposition 47, and it also found no evidence that changes in drug arrests led to any increase in crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salil Dudani, a senior attorney with the legal nonprofit Civil Rights Corp, said making misdemeanors felonies again will lead to more pre-trial jailing and in turn increase crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so destabilizing to a person’s life to pluck them out of their community … that they become more likely to commit crime,” Dudani said. “It undermines public safety to lock people up on low-level offenses, exactly like Prop 36 provides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That assertion is borne out by a 2017 Stanford Law Review study focusing on misdemeanors in Texas’ Harris County, which found that people jailed for even just a week were 32% more likely to commit a felony within 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many business owners say the current situation is unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aaron Cardoza, who owns Mobil Fits, used to run an affordable clothing shop in a historically Black neighborhood of Del Paso Heights in Sacramento. He closed it down and switched to online sales out of a van after the store was broken into six times in two months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I lost a lot, a lot of merchandise,” Cardoza said, while the thieves got only a “slap on the wrist” and were released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cardoza said he supports Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-joses-landmark-gun-control-law-moves-forward",
"title": "San José's Landmark Gun Control Law Free to Move Forward",
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"headTitle": "San José’s Landmark Gun Control Law Free to Move Forward | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">landmark gun control law in San José\u003c/a> is free from legal challenges for the first time since its inception, following an appeals court ruling earlier this month, though it’s likely the issue will receive more scrutiny in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law say the latest legal victory could push other cities toward adopting similar regulations, envisioned as a partial salve in addressing gun violence locally while national action has long stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other municipalities that have tried to model ordinances after ours or are contemplating it and have been watching this really carefully,” said Tamarah Prevost, an attorney representing San José in the gun ordinance case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think overall what it shows is that municipalities can come up with creative solutions to what’s obviously a very complex problem. So San Jose’s hope is that it sends a signal and sort of a green light to other municipalities that they should hopefully do the same,” Prevost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjpd.org/records/documents-policies/gun-harm-reduction-ordinance\">Gun Harm Reduction Ordinance\u003c/a> – which requires gun owners in the city to carry a liability insurance policy and to pay a fee toward gun violence prevention – was the first of its kind and was mired in litigation beginning minutes after its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">approval by the City Council in January 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More San José Coverage' tag='san-jose']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">landmark gun control law in San José\u003c/a> is free from legal challenges for the first time since its inception, following an appeals court ruling earlier this month, though it’s likely the issue will receive more scrutiny in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the law say the latest legal victory could push other cities toward adopting similar regulations, envisioned as a partial salve in addressing gun violence locally while national action has long stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other municipalities that have tried to model ordinances after ours or are contemplating it and have been watching this really carefully,” said Tamarah Prevost, an attorney representing San José in the gun ordinance case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think overall what it shows is that municipalities can come up with creative solutions to what’s obviously a very complex problem. So San Jose’s hope is that it sends a signal and sort of a green light to other municipalities that they should hopefully do the same,” Prevost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sjpd.org/records/documents-policies/gun-harm-reduction-ordinance\">Gun Harm Reduction Ordinance\u003c/a> – which requires gun owners in the city to carry a liability insurance policy and to pay a fee toward gun violence prevention – was the first of its kind and was mired in litigation beginning minutes after its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902602/san-jose-could-become-first-u-s-city-to-require-gun-liability-insurance\">approval by the City Council in January 2022\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance requirement has been in effect in the city since the start of 2023, though the city is still hammering out plans to enact the fee portion, which has been slowed in part as litigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, the city plans to designate a nonprofit organization to collect the fee from gun owners, which could be around $25 annually, and manage the spending of those funds to help “\u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=10508335&GUID=F4AC493E-905E-42E8-A69E-8ADE914F4BD2&_cldee=qPwZOesMnS9T4-irKaivTyUialCRez4pqnPIbzdhSyKYxyl6j2CwuXM-oTqDxZwd5kYxPAzkEHEzDujp-grjIw&recipientid=contact-108cc7900465e81189f4000c2917ee57-2c1b26add39b47e497764e35d6d26c02&utm_source=ClickDimensions&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=SD%2014%20-%20Johnson&esid=f912e4e5-c1b5-ec11-a979-005056a52bcd\">reduce the risk\u003c/a> or likelihood of harm from the use of firearms in the city of San Jose,” among other purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July 2023, a federal court in San José dismissed the National Gun Rights Association’s arguments against the insurance mandate portion of the law, saying the new regulations are in line with the country’s “historical traditions” and constitutional guarantees for gun ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also dismissed the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association’s challenge to the fee portion of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Howard Jarvis group then appealed its concerns with the fee, which it called an “illegal tax” on gun owners, to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco. A panel of appeals court judges on Sept. 10 agreed the case should be dismissed, saying it is too soon to challenge the fee portion of the law because it hasn’t been implemented yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No real threat of injury currently exists because the city has not set a precise collection date for the fee,” the panel of judges wrote in their decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who championed the ordinance while in office, said the ruling is vindicating, and he hopes it will help strengthen the resolve of other local leaders looking to push back on the “epidemic” of gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got called or approached by more than a couple dozen mayors who all told me at one time or another, ‘We really want to do this, and my city attorney won’t let me until we find out that you get through the litigation first,’” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we hope that this will spur the grassroots activity in communities throughout the country, particularly in states like California, where we have communities that are more eager to see sensible gun regulation in place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Bittle, chief counsel for the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, said the appeals court ruling was “no surprise,” but he still maintains the fee portion of the law is wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It bothers me that it’s on the books, that it’s still enacted, but I guess…it’s like hibernating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if his group plans to revive litigation against the city once the fee portion of the law is put into place, Bittle said “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just going to monitor what the city does in the future,” he said. “We’re still very interested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Prevost and Liccardo acknowledge that more legal challenges could lie ahead as enforcement of the ordinance progresses but feel confident those efforts would fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pioneering efforts are hard, particularly when there are powerful groups on the other side,” Liccardo said. “And certainly, many state legislatures have introduced measures like this only to see them die on the vine under the pressure of the gun lobby. So, of course, it’s going to take time to do this successfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, who is running to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo in the 16th District, said if he is elected to Congress, he doesn’t think the kinds of changes being made by the San José law would be possible at the federal level, though he does hope to push for other lower hanging fruit if elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be going into a body where being able to do what we’ve done in San José is not on the table today. It’s really an opportunity for other city halls and other state legislatures,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going",
"title": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here's How It's Going",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” [aside postID=\"news_11955211,news_11952228,news_11924117\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The California program is marking one year since it first rolled out in seven counties. It was billed as a way to get people with untreated schizophrenia and associated disorders — particularly those experiencing street homelessness — into services and housing.",
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"title": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here's How It's Going | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "more-trans-teens-attempted-suicide-after-states-passed-anti-trans-laws-study-shows",
"title": "More Trans Teens Attempted Suicide After States Passed Anti-Trans Laws, Study Shows",
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"headTitle": "More Trans Teens Attempted Suicide After States Passed Anti-Trans Laws, Study Shows | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>States that passed anti-transgender laws aimed at minors saw suicide attempts by transgender and gender nonconforming teenagers increase by as much as 72% in the following years, a new study by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/\">The Trevor Project\u003c/a> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peer-reviewed study, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-024-01979-5\">published Thursday\u003c/a> in the journal \u003cem>Nature Human Behavior\u003c/em>, looked at survey data from young people in 19 states, comparing rates of suicide attempts before and after bans passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past few years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">d\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">ozens of states\u003c/a> have passed laws affecting how transgender young people do things like play sports, go to the bathroom at school, and access gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s findings are not theoretical for some families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know my child is dead,” Kentucky Senator Karen Berg \u003ca href=\"https://ket.org/legislature/archives/2023/regular/senate-chambers-200833\">says at the statehouse\u003c/a> during the debate over that state’s anti-trans bill in February 2023. Her transgender son had died by suicide two months earlier at age 24. “Your vote yes on this bill means one of two things: either you believe that trans children do not exist, or you believe that trans children do not deserve to exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-trans bill in Kentucky passed, at least 26 other states now have \u003ca href=\"https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps\">similar laws on the books\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these laws were being enacted, there was already a lot of research showing a strong association between anti-transgender policies and negative mental health outcomes, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/research/\">Ronita Nath\u003c/a>. She runs research at The Trevor Project, which offers 24–7 crisis services to LGBTQ+ youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and supporters of these laws argued that the evidence of negative mental health effects was weak, she says. “So we clearly knew we needed to very firmly establish causality, and that’s why we really prioritized this research,” she explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, they gathered data from transgender and nonbinary young people aged 13–24 from all over the country. “We do social media ads,” Nath says. “Once we reach our sample size in California or New York, we shut those ads down, and we amplify the ads in these harder-to-reach states, let’s say Wyoming or Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Nath and her colleagues used a sample of 61,240 young people surveyed from 2018–2022, a period during which 19 states passed a variety of anti-trans laws. They looked to see how the rate of attempted suicides in the previous year changed for residents of those states after the laws were passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a very sharp and statistically significant rise in suicide attempt rates after enactment of the laws,” she says. A small rise was seen in a state soon after laws were enacted, followed by a sharper rise two or three years later. Among 13–17-year-olds, two years after a law took effect, the likelihood of a past-year suicide attempt was 72% higher than it was before passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath notes a randomized control trial would not be possible for this kind of research since you can’t randomly assign someone to live in one state or another. Instead, they analyzed the survey data for each state over time, comparing rates before and after laws were passed. The analysis took months, she says, and controlled for a variety of potentially confounding factors in order to isolate the impact of these laws on past-year suicide attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"arts_13958699,arts_13926077,news_11995853\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see these numbers after everything was taken into account and the model still held — it’s terrifying,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This study is the first of its kind, Nath adds. “These findings demonstrate that — regardless of a person’s political beliefs — if you live in a state that has passed an anti-transgender law, transgender, nonbinary young people in your home state are significantly more likely to attempt to take their own life,” she says. “This is the reality for these young people, and it’s not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/profile/brittany-charlton/\">Brittany Charlton\u003c/a> of Harvard Medical School, who wasn’t involved with the study, finds it impressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This study is just so important,” she says. “It’s contributing to the growing body of evidence that demonstrates that these discriminatory anti-LGBTQ policies have harmful effects on health.” It does so convincingly, she says, with a large sample size and strong research methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath adds that none of this is inevitable. “Trans and nonbinary young people are not inherently prone to increased suicide risk because of their gender identity,” she says. “They are placed at higher risk because of how they’re mistreated and stigmatized by others, including by the implementation of discriminatory policies like the ones examined in the study.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"ad-header \">\n\u003cp>She says future research will explore data from 2023, which saw the largest number of anti-trans state bills to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text 9-8-8 to reach the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem>Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>States that passed anti-transgender laws aimed at minors saw suicide attempts by transgender and gender nonconforming teenagers increase by as much as 72% in the following years, a new study by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/\">The Trevor Project\u003c/a> says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The peer-reviewed study, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-024-01979-5\">published Thursday\u003c/a> in the journal \u003cem>Nature Human Behavior\u003c/em>, looked at survey data from young people in 19 states, comparing rates of suicide attempts before and after bans passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past few years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">d\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2024/07/03/nx-s1-4986385/trans-kids-health-bans-gender-affirming-care\">ozens of states\u003c/a> have passed laws affecting how transgender young people do things like play sports, go to the bathroom at school, and access gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s findings are not theoretical for some families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know my child is dead,” Kentucky Senator Karen Berg \u003ca href=\"https://ket.org/legislature/archives/2023/regular/senate-chambers-200833\">says at the statehouse\u003c/a> during the debate over that state’s anti-trans bill in February 2023. Her transgender son had died by suicide two months earlier at age 24. “Your vote yes on this bill means one of two things: either you believe that trans children do not exist, or you believe that trans children do not deserve to exist.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The anti-trans bill in Kentucky passed, at least 26 other states now have \u003ca href=\"https://www.lgbtmap.org/equality-maps\">similar laws on the books\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As these laws were being enacted, there was already a lot of research showing a strong association between anti-transgender policies and negative mental health outcomes, explains \u003ca href=\"https://www.thetrevorproject.org/research/\">Ronita Nath\u003c/a>. She runs research at The Trevor Project, which offers 24–7 crisis services to LGBTQ+ youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers and supporters of these laws argued that the evidence of negative mental health effects was weak, she says. “So we clearly knew we needed to very firmly establish causality, and that’s why we really prioritized this research,” she explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do that, they gathered data from transgender and nonbinary young people aged 13–24 from all over the country. “We do social media ads,” Nath says. “Once we reach our sample size in California or New York, we shut those ads down, and we amplify the ads in these harder-to-reach states, let’s say Wyoming or Idaho.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, Nath and her colleagues used a sample of 61,240 young people surveyed from 2018–2022, a period during which 19 states passed a variety of anti-trans laws. They looked to see how the rate of attempted suicides in the previous year changed for residents of those states after the laws were passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found a very sharp and statistically significant rise in suicide attempt rates after enactment of the laws,” she says. A small rise was seen in a state soon after laws were enacted, followed by a sharper rise two or three years later. Among 13–17-year-olds, two years after a law took effect, the likelihood of a past-year suicide attempt was 72% higher than it was before passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath notes a randomized control trial would not be possible for this kind of research since you can’t randomly assign someone to live in one state or another. Instead, they analyzed the survey data for each state over time, comparing rates before and after laws were passed. The analysis took months, she says, and controlled for a variety of potentially confounding factors in order to isolate the impact of these laws on past-year suicide attempts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To see these numbers after everything was taken into account and the model still held — it’s terrifying,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This study is the first of its kind, Nath adds. “These findings demonstrate that — regardless of a person’s political beliefs — if you live in a state that has passed an anti-transgender law, transgender, nonbinary young people in your home state are significantly more likely to attempt to take their own life,” she says. “This is the reality for these young people, and it’s not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Associate Professor \u003ca href=\"https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/profile/brittany-charlton/\">Brittany Charlton\u003c/a> of Harvard Medical School, who wasn’t involved with the study, finds it impressive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This study is just so important,” she says. “It’s contributing to the growing body of evidence that demonstrates that these discriminatory anti-LGBTQ policies have harmful effects on health.” It does so convincingly, she says, with a large sample size and strong research methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nath adds that none of this is inevitable. “Trans and nonbinary young people are not inherently prone to increased suicide risk because of their gender identity,” she says. “They are placed at higher risk because of how they’re mistreated and stigmatized by others, including by the implementation of discriminatory policies like the ones examined in the study.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"ad-header \">\n\u003cp>She says future research will explore data from 2023, which saw the largest number of anti-trans state bills to date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text 9-8-8 to reach the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://988lifeline.org/\">\u003cem>Suicide & Crisis Lifeline\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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